Camden's Britannia newly translated into English, with large additions and improvements ; publish'd by Edmund Gibson ...

BRITAIN.

BRitain, called also Albion, and by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most famous Island of the whole world, is divided from the Continent of Europe by the Ocean. It lies over against Germany and France in a* 1.1 Trian∣gular form, having its three Promontories shooting out three several ways, viz. Belerium [the Lands end] towards the West; Cantium [the Kentish Foreland] towards the East; Tar∣visium or Orcas [Cathness] towards the North. On the West, between it and Ireland, the Vergivian or Irish Sea breaks in; on the North it is beaten upon by the vast and wide Northern Ocean; on the East, where it faceth Germany, it is washed by the German Ocean; on the South over against France, by the British Chanel. Thus divided by a conveni∣ent distance from these neighbouring Nations, and made fit by its open harbors for the traffick of the whole world, it seems to have advanc'd it self on all sides into the sea,* 1.2 as it were, for the general benefit of mankind. For between Kent and Calais in France, it runs so far out into the sea, and the Chanel is so contracted, thata 1.3 some are of opinion that a breach was there made to receive the sea, which till that time had been excluded: and to confirm it, they bring Virgil's Authority in that Verse,

Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. And Britain quite from all the world disjoyn'd.

Because, says Servius Honoratus, Britain was anci∣ently joyn'd to the Continent. And that of Claudian they urge, in imitation of Virgil,

—Nostro diducta Britannia mundo. And Britain sever'd from our World.

And it is not unlikely, that the outward face and fa∣shion of the earth may by the Deluge and other causes have been alter'd; that some mountains may have been rais'd and heightn'd, and many high places may have sunk into plains and valleys; lakes and meers may have been dried up, and dry places may have become lakes and meers; and some Islands may have been torn and broken off from the Continent. But whether it be true indeed, and whether there were any Islands before the Flood, I shall not here argue, nor give too rash a judgment upon God's Works. All know that the Divine Providence hath dispos'd different things to the same end. And in∣deed it hath always been allow'd, as well by Divines as Philosophers, that Isles, scatter'd in the sea, do no less contribute to the beauty of the whole World in general, than lakes dispers'd in the Continent, and mountains rais'd above plains.

Livy and Fabius Rusticus have made the Form of this Island to resemble an* 1.4 oblong Platter, orb 1.5 † 1.6 two edg'd Ax; and such certainly is its shape towards the South (as Tacitus observes,) which yet hath been ill apply'd to the whole Island. For Northward the vast tract of land shooting forward in the utmost shore, groweth narrow and sharp like a wedge. The Ancients thought it so great and so very large in cir∣cumference,* 1.7 that Caesar, who was the first of the Ro∣mans that discover'd it, wrote, that he had found out another world, supposing it to be so great, that it seem'd not to be surrounded with the sea, but even to encompass the Ocean. And Julius Solinus Polybistor asserts, that for its largeness, it almost deserv'd to be call'd ano∣ther World. Nevertheless, our age, by the many surveys made by several persons, hath now well nigh found the true Dimensions of the whole Isle. For from Tarvisium to Belerium, reckoning the windings and turnings of the shores along the West side, are computed about 912 miles. From thence along the Southern coasts to Cantium 320 miles. Hence coast∣ing the German Ocean, with crooked bays and in∣lets for 704 miles, it reacheth Tarvisium. So that by this computation, the whole Island is in circuit 1836 miles; which measure, as it falls much short of Pliny's, so is it also somewhat less than Caesar's.* 1.8 † 1.9 Schitinius Chius is not worth my mentioning, who in Apollonius de Mirabilibus (having told us strange sto∣ries of fruits growing in Britain without kernels, and grapes without stones) makes its circuit 400† 1.10 fur∣longs and no more. But Dionysius Afer in his De∣scription of the World, hath given a much better ac∣count of the British Islands, that is, Bri••ain and Ireland.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vast is the compass of the British coasts; A like extent no rival Island boasts.

And with him Aristides and other Greek Writers agree, who by way of excellency have truly call'd Britain 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the great Island.

Now they that have more accurately compar'd the spaces of the Heavens with the tracts of Earth, have plac'd Britain under the 8th Climate, and include it within thec 1.11 18th and 26th Parallels, computing the longest Day at 18 Equinoctial Hours and an half. The Lands end, according to the Spherical figure of the Earth, they placed 1.12 16 degrees and 50 scruples from the farthest point westward; and the Kentish Foreland in 21 degrees of Longitude. As for the Latitude, they measure in the Southern parts 50 degrees 10 scruples; at Cathness 59 degrees 40 scruples. So that Britain, by this situation, must needs enjoy both a fertile soyl, and a most temperate air. The Summers here are not so scorching, by reason of the constant breezes which fan the air, and moderate the heats. These, as they invigorate every thing that grows, so they give both to man and beast at the same time their health and their refreshment. The Winters also here are mild and gentle. This proceeds not only from the thickness and closeness of the air, but also from the frequency of those still showers, which do with us much soften, and break the violence of the cold. Be∣sides that, the seas which encompass it, do so cherish the land with their gentle warmth, that the cold is here much less severe than in some parts of France and Italy. Upon this consideration, Minutius Felix, when he would prove that the Divine Providence consults not only the interest of the world in general, but also of each part, makes use of our island as an in∣stance.* 1.13 Though Britain (saith he) enjoys not so much the aspect and influence of the sun, yet instead thereof, it is refreshed and comforted by the warmth of the sea which surrounds it. Neither need we think that reflexion strange, which he makes upon the warmth of the sea; since Cicero makes the same observation. The seas, saith he, tossed to and fro with the winds, grow so

warm, that from thence it may readily be inferred, that there is a certain heat that lyes concealed in that vast fluid body. To the temperate state also of this Island Cescenius Getulicus, a very antient Poet, seems to have respect, in these his verses concerning Britain.

* 1.14Non illic Aries verno ferit aera cornu, Gnossia nec Gemini praecedunt cornua Tauri, Sicca Lycaonius resupinat plaustra Bootes.

Not there the spring the Ram's unkindness mourns, Nor Taurus sees the Twins before his horns, His Northern wain where dry Bootes turns.

Caesar also takes notice, That this country is more tem∣perate than Gaule, and the cold less piercing. And Cor∣nelius Tacitus observeth, That in this Island there is no extremity of cold: And farther adds, That except the vine, the olive, and some other fruits peculiar to the hotter climates, it produceth all things else in great plenty: That the fruits of the earth, as to their coming up, are forward in Britain, but are very slow in ripening. Of both which there is one and the same cause, the excessive moisture of the earth and air. For indeed our air (as Strabo hath observed) is more obnoxious to rain, than snow. How∣ever, so happy is Britain in a most plentiful product of all sorts of grain, thate 1.15 Orpheus hath called it The very seat of Ceres. For to this Islandf 1.16 we are to ap∣ply that expression,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉— —See here the stately Court Of Royal Ceres!—

And in antient times, this was as it were the gra∣nary and magazine of the Western Empire. For from hence the Romans were wont every year, in 800 vessels larger than* 1.17 barks, to transport vast quan∣tities of corn,* 1.18 for the supply of their armies in garison upon the frontiers of Germany. But perchance I may seem too fond and lavish in the praises of my own Country; and therefore you shall now hear an old Orator deliver its Encomium.* 1.19 O, fortunate Britain, the most happy country in the world, in that thou didst first behold Constantine our Emperour. Thee hath Na∣ture deservedly enrich'd with all the choicest blessings both of heaven and earth. Thou feelest neither the excessive colds of winter, nor the scorching heats of Summer. Thy harvests reward thy labours with so vast an encrease, as to supply thy Tables with bread, and thy Cellars with liquor. Thy woods have no savage beasts; no serpents harbour here, to hurt the traveller. Innumerable are thy herds of cattle, and the flocks of sheep, which feed thee plentifully, and cloath thee richly. And as to the comforts of life, the days are long, and no night passes without some glimps of light. For whilst those utmost plains of the sea-shore are so flat and low, as not to cast a shadow to create night; they ne∣ver lose the sight of the heavens and stars; but the sun, which to us appears to set, seems there only just to pass by. I shall here also introduce another Orator, using these expressions to Constantius,* 1.20 the father of Con∣stantine the Great. And I assure you, no small damage was it, not only to lose the name of Britain, but the great advantages thence accruing to our Commonwealth; to part with a land so stored with corn, so flourishing in pasturage, rich in such store and variety of metals, so profitable in its tributes, on all its coasts so furnished with convenient harbours, and so immense in its extent and circuit. Also Natures particular indulgence to this our Island, a Poet of considerable antiquity hath thus express'd, addressing himself to Britain in this Epigram, in some mens opinion not unworthy to be published.

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu nec sydere fervens, Clementi coelo temperie{que} places. Cum pareret natura parens, vario{que} favore Divideret dotes omnibus una locis, Seposuit potiora tibi, matrem{que} professa, Insula sis foelix plena{que} pacis, ait. Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat usus, Ex te proveniet, vel aliunde tibi. Nor cold nor heat's extreams thy people fear, But gentle seasons turn the peaceful year. When teeming natures careful hand bestow'd Her various favours on her numerous brood, For thee th'indulgent mother kept the best, Smil'd in thy face, and thus her daughter blest. In thee, my darling Isle, shall never cease The constant joys of happiness and peace. What e're can furnish luxury or use Thy sea shall bring thee, or thy land produce.

This happy fertility, and pleasantness of Britain,* 1.21 gave occasion to some persons to imagine that these were the Fortunate Islands, and those Seats of the Bles∣sed, where the Poets tell us, that the whole face of Na∣ture always smiled with one perpetual spring. This is affirmed by Isacius Tzetzes,* 1.22 among the Greeks a man of considerable reputation. And our own An∣cestors, it seems, admitted the same notion, as lite∣rally true. For when Pope Clement VI. (as we read in Robert of Avesbury) had declared Lewis of Spain King of the Fortunate Islands, and to effect his project, had begun to levy forces in France and Italy; [ 1344] our Countrymen were presently possessed with an opinion that the Pope's intent was to make him King of our Island, and that all these preparations were designed for Britain, as one of those Fortunate Islands. Nay, so prevalent was this conceit, that even our grave Embassadors, then resident at Rome, hereupon withdrew in a disgust, and hastned home to acquaint their country with its approaching danger. Nor in∣deed would any man in our age be of another mind, supposing him barely to consider the Fortunate state and the happy circumstances of this our British Island. It is certainly the master-piece of Nature, perform'd when she was in her best and gayest humour; which she placed as a little world by it self, upon the side of the greater, for the diversion of mankind. The most accurate model which she proposed to her self, to beautifie the other parts of the Universe. For here, which way soever we turn our eyes, we are entertain'd with a charming variety, and prospects extreamly pleasant. I need not enlarge upon its In∣habitants, nor extol the vigour and firmness of their constitution, the inoffensiveness of their humour, their civility to all men, and their courage and bra∣very, so often tryed both at home and abroad; and not unknown to the remotest corner of the earth.

But concerning the most antient and the very first Inhabitants of this Island,* 1.23 as also the original of the name of Britain, divers opinions have been started; and a great many (as a certain writer has express'd it) who knew little of the matter, have yet espou∣sed it very warmly. Nor ought we Britains to ex∣pect more certain evidences in this case, than other nations. For, excepting those in particular, whose originals the holy Scriptures have plainly delivered, all the rest, as well as we, remain under a dark cloud of error and ignorance, concerning their first rise. Nor indeed could it otherwise be, considering under how much rubbish the revolutions of so many past ages have buried Truth. The first Inhabitants of countries had other cares and thoughts to trouble their heads withal, than that of transmitting their originals to posterity. Nay, supposing they had ne∣ver so much desired it, yet could they never have ef∣fectually done it. For their life was altogether un∣civilized, perfectly rude, and wholly taken up in wars, so that they were long without any Learning, which as it is the effect of a civiliz'd life, of peace and leisure, so is it the only sure and certain means of preserving and transmitting to posterity the me∣mory of things past. Moreover the Druids, who were the Priests among the Britains and Gauls, and to whose care was committed the preservation of all their antient traditions: and likewise the Bards, who made it their business to celebrate all gallant and remarkable adventures; both the one and the other, thought it unlawful to commit any thing to books or

writing. But, supposing they had left any matters upon record, yet, without doubt, at so vast a di∣stance and after so many and so great alterations [in this Island] they must needs have been lost long since. For we see, that Stones, Pyramids, Obelisques, and other Monuments, that were esteem'd more du∣rable than brass it self, for preserving the memory of things, have long since ye••••ded to, and perished by the injuries of time. But in the subsequent ages, there arose in many nations a sort of men, who were ve∣ry studious to supply these defects out of their own invention. For when they could not tell what to de∣liver for certain truth, yet, that they might at least delight and please some mens wanton fancy, they in∣vented divers stories (every one according to the strength of his own imagination) about the original and names of People. These fancies some men quick∣ly embrac'd, without a more curious search into the truth; and most were so taken with the pleasure of the fables, that they swallow'd them without more adoe.

* 1.24But to omit all other writers, there is one of our own nation, Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, (whom I am loth to represent amiss in this point) publish'd in the Reign of Henry II. an History of Britain, tran∣slated, as he pretends, out of the British Tongue: wherein he tells us, That one Brutus, a Trojan by descent, the Son of Silvius, Grandchild to Ascanius, and Great-grandchild to the famous Aeneas, (whose mother was Venus, and consequently himself descen∣ded from Jove.) That this man at his birth cost his mother her life; and by chance having killed his Fa∣ther in hunting, (which thing the Magicians had foretold) was forc'd to fly into Greece; That there he rescued from slavery the progeny of Helenus, son of Priam, overcame King Pandrasus, marry'd his daughter, put to sea with the small remainder of the Trojans, and falling upon the Island of Leogetia, was there advised by the Oracle of Diana, to steer his course towards this our western Island. Accordingly, that he sail'd through the† 1.25 Streights of Gibraltar, (where he escap'd the Syrens) and afterwards, pas∣sing through the Thuscan Sea, arrived in Aquitain. That in a pitcht battle, he routed Golfarius Pictus, King of Aquitain, together with twelve Princes of Gaule, that assisted him. And then after he had built the city of Tours, (as he says Homer tells us) and overran Gaule, he crossed over into this Island, then inhabited by Giants. That having conquered them, together with Gogmagog, who was the greatest of them all, from his own name he gave this Island the name of Britain,* 1.26 in the year of the world 2855. and 334 years before the first Olympiad, and before the nati∣vity of Christ, 1108. Thus far Geoffry. But there are others, who bring other grounds and reasons for this name of Britain. Sir Thomas Eliot Kt. a very learned man, derives it from a Greek Word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which term among the Athenians signified their pub∣lick revenues. Humphrey Lloyd, who hath the reputa∣tion to be one of the best Antiquaries of this King∣dom, with much assurance refers its original to the British word Pridcain, that is to say, a white form. Pomponius Laetus tells us,g 1.27 that the Britains of Armo∣rica in France gave it that name. Goropius Becanus will have it, that the Danes settled themselves here, and so called it Bridania, i.e. Free Dania. Others de∣rive it from Prutenia [Prussia,] a part of Germany. Bodin supposeth it took its name from Bretta, a Spa∣nish word, which signifies Earth. Forcatulus, from Brithin, which, as it appears in Athenaeus, was the name of a sort of drink among the Grecians. Others deduce it from the Brutii in Italy, whom the Greeks called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But those Pedants are by no means to be endured, who would have it to be called Bri∣tain, from the brutish manners of the Inhabitants.h 1.28

These are all the opinions (so far as I know) that were ever thought worthy regard, touching the name of Britain. But as we cannot choose, but think the fictions of foreigners in this matter extreamly ridicu∣lous, so we must needs own, that divers of our own Countrymen give us no very latisfactory account. And indeed, in these and other such like cases, it is much easier to detect a falsity, than to establish a truth. For, besides that it is in it self an absurdity to seek the reason of this name in a foreign language, the general consent of the more noted Historians con∣fute Laetus; all informing us, that those Britains of France went from hence, and carried the name along with them thither. Also Britain flourished under this name several hundred years before the names of Da∣nia and Prutenia were ever known in the world. And what hath our Britain to do with the Spanish Bretta? (which indeed I question much, whether it be a Spanish word,) and why should this Island be so call'd, rather than any other country? It can hardly be made out, that the drink Brithin was ever used in our country; and to deduce the name of our na∣tion from a liquor of the Grecians, is ridiculous. The Italian Brutii were indeed, as Strabo noteth, by the Lucani called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which implies as much as Fu∣gitives or Rovers: But that the Brutii ever rov'd so far as Britain, can never be prov'd. To come now to the conjectures of our own Countrymen: Eliot's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems very improbable, since that word was peculiar to the Athenians; and the Greeks were wont to call this Island 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lloid's Pridcain, from whence he derives Britain, seems so far fetch'd, and so overstraind an Etymolo∣gy, that I need not alledge, how the word Cain comes originally from the Latin Candidus; which had crept into the provincial language of the Britains.

But now could we be but once well satisfied, that thisi 1.29 History of Brutus were true and certain, there would be no farther occasion for any laborious search after the Original of the British nation; that business were all at an end, and lovers of Antiquity would be excus'd from a troublesome and tedious enquiry. For my part, I am so far from labouring to discredit that History, that I assure you, I have often strained my Invention to the uttermost to support it. Abso∣lutely to reject it, would be to make war against time, and to fight against a receiv'd opinion. For shall one of my mean capacity presume to give sentence in a point of so much consequence? I refer the controversie intirely to the whole body of learned Antiquaries; and leaving every man freely to the li∣berty of his own judgment, shall not be much con∣cern'd at any ones opinion.

And yet here I find my self oblig'd to take notice (and I hope, since I search after nothing but truth, with the Reader's pardon) that there are learned and judicious men, who endeavour divers ways to invalidate this relation, and are wont to attack me, when I offer to defend it, with these or the like ar∣guments. Their first objection they draw from the age wherein these things are said to have been done, and peremptorily assert, that all is purely fabulous, (the sacred Histories excepted) whatsoever is deli∣vered by Historians, as done before the first Olym∣piad, i.e. the year 770 before the birth of our Sa∣viour. Now these things which are told us concer∣ning Brutus, precede that period by above 300 years.* 1.30 This exception they ground upon the authority of Varro, the most learned among the Roman writers,* 1.31 with whom the first period of time, which was from the creation to the deluge, bears the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. obscure and uncertain, so called from our igno∣rance of the transactions of those times. The second, which was from the deluge to the first Olympiad, he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. fabulous, because most of those Hi∣stories are fabulous, even of the Greek and Roman Authors, the learned part of the world, much more among a barbarous and unlearned people, such as were doubtless, in those times, all the inhabitants of these Northern parts. In the next place they alledge,

that this relation is not confirmed by the authority of any proper writer, which in all History must be al∣lowed to be the thing most material. Now they call those proper writers, who have antiquity and learn∣ing agreeable; and in proportion to those, they give more or less credit. But to all this sort of Authors, as well as to the antient Britains themselves, they confidently aver, that the very name of Brutus was perfectly unknown. Farther they say, that Caesar himself hath assured us, that above 1600 years ago, upon the strictest enquiry, he could only discover thus much, that the inland-parts of Britain were inhabited by such as were the true and ancient natives; but that the Sea-coasts were peopled with foreigners, who had passed over thither out of Belgium. Tacitus also (above 1400 years ago) who had made diligent search into these matters, says, What sort of men did at first in∣habit Britain, whether bred and born in that Island, or whether they came thither from foreign parts, among such a barbarous people, cannot now be discovered. Also Gildas Sapiens, who himself was a Britain, and lived above 1000 years since, says not one word concern∣ing this Brutus; nay, even declares himself not well satisfied, whether the ancient Britains had any re∣cords or writings at all, wherein they had transmit∣ted their history and original to posterity. And therefore he plainly confesses, That he took all out of foreign writers, and not out of any writings or records l••ft by his own country-men. For if there ever had been any such, they were in his time quite lost, having either been burnt by the enemy at home, or carried away by the exiles into foreign parts, Ninius also, disciple of Elu∣odugus, in the preface to his Chronicle, written 800 years since, complains, That the greatest Scholars a∣mong the Britains, had but little learning, and that they had left no memorials. And confesseth, that whatsoever he had written, was collected out of the Annals and Chro∣nicles of the Holy Fathers. They also argue, That Bede, William of Malmsbury, and all the rest, who wrote before the year 1160, seem not to have ever heard so much as the name of our Brutus; there is as to this particular in all their writings such an uni∣versal silence.

They observe farther, that the very name of this Brutus was a stranger to the world, untill a most barbarous and ignorant age gave an opportunity to one Hunnibald, a trifling writer, to obtrude his Francio, a Trojan, Son to King Priam, as the Founder of the French name and nation. Hence they conclude, that when our country-men had once heard that their neighbours the French, derived their pedigree from the Trojans, they thought it below them, to to come behind a people in descent, whom they e∣qualed in valour. And hereupon, 400 years ago, our Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, first of all grati∣fy'd the Britains with this Brutus, as Founder of the British Nation, and feigned him not only of a Tro∣jan, but also of a divine extraction. Before which time they urge that there never was any the the least mention made of such a man as Brutus.

They add moreover, that much about the same time Scotch writers set up their fictitiousk 1.32 Scota, Daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, as the Foun∣dress of their Nation. That thereabouts too, some persons abusing their parts, and mis-spending their time, without any ground of truth, forged for the Irish, their Hiberus; for the Danes, their Danus; for the Brabanders, their Brabo; for the Goths, their Gothus; for the Saxons, their Saxo, as the Founders of their several nations. But now this our more knowing age hath discovered all these Impostures; and since, the French have rejected their Francio as a meer counterfeit. The French, saith the most learned Turnebus, when they lay claim to a Trojan original, do it purely in emulation of the Romans. For when they saw this people so much build upon that, as the most noble pedigree, they thought it convenient to invest themselves in the same honour. Since also the most sober and thinking part of the Scots have cast off their Scota; and the force of Truth it self hath at last en∣tirely prevailed against that Hiberus, Danus, Brabo, and all the rest of these mock-princes; they much wonder why the Britains should so fondly adhere to their Brutus (as the original of their Island's name) and to their Trojan extraction; as if there had been no Britains here before the destruction of Troy (which happen'd about 1000 years after the deluge) or as if there had not lived many valiant men in the world before Agamemnon.

Farther yet they tell us, that the greatest part of learned Authors, as Boccatius, Vives, Hadrianus Juni∣us, Polydore, Buehanan, Vignier, Genebrardus, Molinae∣us, Bodinus, and other persons of great judgment, do unanimously affirm, that there never was such a man as this Brutus. Nay more, that very many of our Country-men, persons eminent for their learning, reject him as a meer Impostor. Among whom in the first place, they produce John of Wheathamsted,* 1.33 Abbot of St. Albans, a man of excellent judgment, who wrote long ago concerning this matter in his Granarium. According to other histor••s (which in the judgment of some men, deserve much more credit) the wh••le relation concerning Brutus, is rather poetical than historical, and upon several accounts, rather fanciful than real. As first, we find no where in the Roman Histo∣ries, the least mention, either of the killing of the father, or of the begetting or banishment of the son. Secondly, Ascanius, according to several authors, had no son, whose proper name was Silvius. For they give us an account but of one that he ever had, to wit, Julius, from whom afterward the Julian family had its original, &c. And thirdly, Silvius Posthumus, whom possibly Geoffry may mean, was the Son of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia, and he ha∣ving had a son named Aeneas, in the 38th year of his Reign, ended his life, not by any mischance, but by a na∣tural death. By all which circumstances it is apparent, that that Kingdom, which is now called England, was not heretofore named Britain, from Brutus the son of Silvius, as many will have it. But others look upon the whole as no other than a ridiculous piece of foppery and vanity, to lay claim to this nobility of descent, when we cannot ground our pretence upon any probable foundation. 'Tis virtue alone that gives nobility to any nation; and it is a greatness of mind, with exactness of reason, that makes the true Gentleman. Suitable hereunto, Seneca in his Epistles, tells us out of Plato, That there is no King,* 1.34 who was not extracted from slaves; nor any slave that de∣scended not from Kings. Let this therefore be allowed the British nation, as a sufficient evidence of their honourable original, that they are couragious and resolute in war, that they have been superior to all their enemies round, and that they have a natural aversion to servitude. In the second place, they produce William of Newbourgh, a much more ancient writer, who in this rough lan∣guage, fixed the charge of forgery upon Geoffrey, the compiler of the British history, as soon as ever he had published it. A certain writer, started up in our days, hath devised strange and ridiculous tales concerning the Britains, and with a sort of impudent vanity, hath ex∣tolled them far above the gallantry of the Macedonians or Romans. His name is Geoffrey, but he hath the addi∣tional one of Arthur too, because he sent abroad, un∣der the honourable title of an history, the Fables of King Arthur, taken out of the old fictions of the Britains, with some additions of his own, which he hath coloured over with a little Latine. The same man, with yet greater boldness, hath published as authentick prophesies (and pretends to ground them upon certain truth) the fallacious predictions of one Merlin; unto which also, in translating them into Latin, he hath added a good deal of his own invention. And a little after, Besides, in that book of his, which he en∣titles The History of the Britains, how sawcily and bare-facedly he forges every thing, is obvious to any one who reads it, not altogether a stranger to the antient histories. For such men as have not informed themselves of the truth, swallow all Fables that come to hand by the lump. I say nothing of those great adventures of the Britains before Julius Caesar's landing and government, which he either feigned himself, or handed down the fabulous inventions of others, as authentick. Insomuch, that Giraldus

Cambrensis,* 1.35 who lived and wrote in the same age, made no scruple to call it, The Fabulous History of Ge∣offry. Others deride Geoffry's foolish Topography in this narration, and his counterfeited testimony of Homer; and would persuade us, that the whole sto∣ry is a thing patched up of meer incongruities and ab∣surdities. They remark farther, that these his writ∣ings, together with his Merlin, stand condemned, a∣mong other prohibited books, by the Church of Rome. Others observe, that the greatest admirers of this our Brutus, are themselves still wavering and unresolved in the point. That Author (say they) who takes upon him the name and title of Gildas, and briefly glosseth upon Ninius, in the first place imagineth this our Brutus, to have been a Roman Consul; in the next, to have been the son of one Silvius, and then at last of one Hessicion. I have heard also, that there is a certain Count Palatine ve∣ry earnest to have our Brutus called Brotus, because his birth was fatal to his mother, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Greek sig∣nifying mortal. In the judgment of others, these men might have bestowed on the Britains a more probable, and yet a more illustrious original, if they had drawn their descent, either from Brito the Cen∣taure, mentioned by Higinus; or from that Bretanus, upon whose daughter Celtice (according to Parthenius Nicaeus, a very antient author) Hercules begat Celtus, the father of the Celtae, and from which Bretanus, Hesychius deriveth the word Britain.

* 1.36Thus I have laid before you the observations, and opinions of other men upon this subject. If I have any ways impaired the credit of that history con∣cerning Brutus, no man can reasonably quarrel with me; for I hope, in matters of this nature, every man may be allowed the liberty of his own thoughts, and of publishing those of other men. For my part, it shall never trouble me, if Brutus pass current for the father and founder of the British Nation. Let the Britains descent stand good, as they deduce it from the Trojans. I shall never contradict it: nay, I shall shew you hereafter, how with truth it may be maintained. I am not ignorant, that in old time Na∣tions had recourse to Hercules,* 1.37 in later ages to the Tro∣jans, for their originals. And let antiquity herein be pardoned, if she sometimes disguise the truth with the mixture of a fable, and bring in the Gods them∣selves to act a part, when she design'd thereby to render the beginnings, either of a city, or of a na∣tion, more noble and majestical. For Pliny well ob∣serves, That even falsly to pretend to a descent from il∣lustrious persons, argues some respect for vertue. And for my part, I readily agree with Varro, the most learned of the Romans, That these originals, fetch∣ed from the Gods, though in themselves false, yet are at least thus far useful, that men, presuming upon a di∣vine extraction, may thereby be excited to generous enter∣prises, and pursue them with a more than ordinary eager∣ness; which makes them seldom fail of extraordinary suc∣cess.* 1.38 From which words (by the way) St. Austin gathers, that the most learned Varro was inclined to think, that all such opinions were really grounldess; though he did not openly and expresly own it. Since therefore men are not yet agreed, either concerning the notion of the name, or concerning the first In∣habitants of Britain; (and whether as to these points the truth will ever hereafter be more clearly disco∣vered, now it hath lain so long, and so deeply buri∣ed, I must declare my self extreamly doubtful:) I hope the reader will be inclineable to excuse me too, if I modestly interpose my own conjecture, without any prejudice to or against any person: not in a contentious humour, but as becomes a man, that pretends only to discover truth; which I am now doing with such a dis-interested zeal, that even the just apprehensions of censure, could not persuade me to desist. Now, that I may with the more ease and success discover the reason of this name, if possible; I will in the first place endeavour to find out, as well as I can, who were the first Inhabitants of this Island. Though indeed these first Planters lye so close in the most hidden retirements of Antiquity, as in some thick grove; that there is but very small or no hopes of ever retrieving by my diligence, what hath, for so many ages past, lain buried in oblivion.

To run up our enquiries therefore as high as we can (omitting Caesar, Diodorus, and other writers, who will have the Britains to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Aborigines, home-bred, and never transported from any other place; imagining that mankind at first sprung out of the earth like mushromes;) we are informed by Mo∣ses in the sacred History, that after the Flood, the three Sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, after their issue were multiplied to a great number, left the mountains of Armenia, where the Ark had rested, separating themselves into the several quarters of the earth, and that by them the whole world was peo∣pled. It may also farther be proved, as well by rea∣son, as by the authority of Theophilus Antiochenus, that when their families came to be dispersed abroad by little and little, some of their posterity at last arrived in this our Island. Whereas (says he) in old time there were but few men in Arabia and Chaldea, after the di∣vision of tongues they more and more encreased. Hereupon some took their way toward the East, others to other parts of the great and wide Continent; others traveling towards the North, seeking a place where to settle, still marched on, taking possession of all that lay before them, untill they came at last even to Britain, seated in the nor∣thern climates. Moses himself doth also expresly as∣sert the same, when he informs us, that the Islands of the Gentiles were divided in their lands, by the posterity of Japhet. The Islands of the Genttiles, Divines do interpret to be those which lay farthest off: and Wolphgangus Musculus, a Divine of conside∣rable repute, is of opinion, that the nations and fa∣milies which descended from Japhet, were the first possessors of the European Islands; such as are (saith he) England, Sicily, &c. Now that Europe fell to the share of Japhet and his posterity, besides Di∣vines, Josephus and other Authors, have delivered as their opinion. To which purpose, Isidore cites this passage out of an ancient writer. The Nations,* 1.39 which sprang from Japhet, possess from the mountain Taurus to the North, all the middle part of Asia, and all Europe, as far as to the British Ocean, and gave their names both to the places, and to the People; a great many whereof, have been since changed; but the rest re∣main the same. And we see in the Europeans, that [prophetical] benediction of Noah fulfilled,* 1.40 God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant. For it was Europe, as Pliny saith, which produced that people, who were the Conquerors of all other Nations, and have more than once triumphed over the other parts, which were the share of Shem and Cham: and this was peopled by Japhet and his posterity. For from his several Sons, came the several nations; f••om Magog, the Massagetae; from Javan, the Ionians; from Thubal the Spaniards; and from Mesech, the Moscovites. And his eldest son Gomer, in these our most remote parts of Europe, gave both original and name to the Gomerians,l 1.41 who were afterward calledm 1.42 Cimbri and Cimmerii.* 1.43 For that name of the Cimbri or Cimmerii, did, in process of time, almost fill all these parts of the world, and spread it self very far, not only in Germany, but in Gaule also. Josephus and Zonaras both observe, that,n 1.44 Thsse who are now called Gauls, were from Gomer, formerly named Gomari, Gomeraei, and Gomeritae. And from

these Gomari or Gomeri of Gaule, I have always been of opinion that our Britains had both original and name; in which I am confirm'd by the proper and genuine name of the Britains. For the Welch to this day call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri; a Welch woman, Kumeraes; and their language Ku∣meraeg. Neither do they own any other name, al∣though some pretenders to learning have from thence of late, coin'd the new names of Cambri and Cam∣bria. And that very Grammarian, whom Virgil lasheth in hiso 1.45 Catalects and calleth the British Thucy∣dides,* 1.46 Quintilian saith, was a Cimbrian. And from whence now can we imagine these names should be derived, but from that antient Gomer, and from those Gomeri, who were so near to us in Gaule, the seat doubtless of the old Gomerians? The learned are of opinion, that the Germans issued from Aschenaz, the Turks from Togormah, both Sons of Gomer; because the Jews at this day call the latter Togormath, and the former Aschenas. That the Thracians, Ionians, Riphe∣ans, and Moschi, &c. are the Posterity of Thirax, Ja∣v••n, Riphat, and Moschus, no man questions; for the affinity of the names sufficiently proves it. Likewise, that the Ethiopians descended from Chus, and the Egyptians from Misraim, the sons of Cham, there is no man but will readily grant; because the two people are call'd by these very names in their own languages. Why then should not we allow that our Britains, or Cumeri, are the true and genuine poste∣rity of Gomer; and that from him they derive this name? For the name in it self seems very much to favour this deduction: And 'tis confess'd by all, that the posterity of Gomer did plant themselves in the utmost parts of Europe.* 1.47 Which also the very name of Gomer intimates, a name which he ow'd not to mere chance, but to a divine designation. Forp 1.48 Gomer in the Hebrew tongue signifieth bounding,* 1.49 or the utmost border. And here let no man, with inten∣tion to defame our Cumeri or Cimbri, object what Sextus Pompeius writeth,q 1.50 that Thieves in the old Gallick language were called Cimbri. For altho' the Cimbri (of whom it is likely our Cumeri of Britain were a party) in that boisterous Age of the world, wherein the Soldier was the only man of honour, rov'd from these parts of Europe, as Possidonius tells us, plundering all along as they went, as far as to the lake Mae••tis; yet the word Cimber signifies no more a thief, than Egyptian doth a superstitious per∣son; Chaldean, an Astrologer; or Sybarite, a nice de∣licare man. But because those nations had such a ge∣neral propensity to such or such things, the name of the nation was applied to those who agreed with them in that humour.* 1.51 As to this point, that Oracle Joseph Scaliger concurs with me in the same opinion. But as to Berosus, let no man wonder that I here make no use of him, from whom our Authors at this day borrow so much assistance. To declare my mind once for all,* 1.52 I have no opinion of the authority of that history, which passeth under the name of Be∣rosus. For I am of the same mind with several of the most learned men of the present age, as Volater∣ranus, V••ves, Antonius Augustinus, Melchior Canus, and especially Gaspar Varrerius, who all of them esteem it nothing else but a ridiculous invention of some ob∣scure Impostor. This Varrerius, in his censure of Be∣rosus printed at Rome, hath said enough in reason to spoil any man's good opinion of that Author.

This is my judgment concerning the original of the Britains, or rather my conjecture. For in a matter of so great antiquity, it is easier to proceed by conjecture, than to offer at any positive deter∣mination. Now this account of our descent from Gomer and Gaule, seems much more substantial, more antient, and better grounded, than that from Brutus and Troy. Nay, I do not despair to prove, that our Britains are really the offspring of the Gauls, by ar∣guments taken from the name, situation, religion, customs, and language of both nations. For in all these particulars the most antient Britains and the Gauls seem to have agreed, as if they had been but one people. That I may prove this assertion, give me leave to make a small digression.* 1.53 As touching the Name, because I have spoken of it before, thus much only shall be repeated; That as the antient Gauls were called Gomeraei, Gomeritae, and by contra∣ction Cimbri; so likewise were our Britains called Cumeri and Kimbri. Now that the Gauls were called Gomeri, Josephus and Zonaras, as I said before, do both witness. And that they were also called Cimbri, may be gather'd out of Cicero and Appian. Those Barbarians, whom Marius defeated, Cicero plainly terms Gauls.* 1.54 Caius Marius (saith he) put a check upon the Gaulish forces, who were pouring into Italy. And all Historians agree, that these were the Cimbri; and the Coat-armour of Beleus, their King, digged up at Aix in Provence, where Marius routed them, does evince the same. For these words,* 1.55 Beleos Cim∣bros, were engraven upon it in a strange character. Also writers do unanimously agree, that those were Gauls, who under the conduct of Brennus, robb'd the Temple of Delphi in Greece; and yet that the same were called Cimbri, we learn plainly from Appian in his Illyricks. The Celta or Gauls, saith he, who are called Cimbri. And now, I think it needless to have re∣course to Lucan, who calls that Ruffian, hir'd to kill Marius, a Cimbrian; whereas Livy and others affirm him to have been a Gaule: or to Plutarch, by whom the Cimbri are called Galloscythians: or to Reinerus Reineccius, an excellent Historian, who, grounding upon Plutarch's words in his Sertorius, is very posi∣tive that the Gauls and Cimbrians us'd the same lan∣guage. Nor will I insist upon that Cimbrian word, which is the only one now extant, by Pliny produ∣ced out of Philemon, to wit, Morimarusa,* 1.56 i.e. the dead sea, which is purely a British word. For Mor in the British tongue signifieth Sea, and Marw, dead.

Seeing therefore,* 1.57 that these Nations agree in their most antient name, whence can we conceive that name should pass over into this Island, but along with the first Planters that came hither out of Gaul, a country separated from it but by a very narrow chanel? For the world was not peopled all at the same time; but it must be granted as a certain truth, that those countries, which lay nearest to the Moun∣tains of Armenia, (where the ark rested after the flood, and from whence mankind was propagated) were first of all inhabited. As for instance, the Les∣ser Asia and Greece, before Italy; Italy before Gaule; and Gaule before Britain.* 1.58 On this occasion we may with satisfaction consider, how the great Creator, when he fram'd the world, contrived such a con∣nexion between the parts of the main land, and plac'd the Islands at such convenient distances, that no one is so remote, but that it is within a clear view of some other land. To this end probably, that when countries should come to be overburthen'd with people, they might see where to discharge them∣selves; till so, to the glory of it's Creator, the uni∣verse in all its parts should be replenish'd with peo∣ple. We may therefore reasonably imagine, that the antient Gomeri were either pusht on by such as press'd forward for room, or sent abroad, to ease an over-peopled country, or carry'd from home by the natu∣ral itch which mankind hath to see foreign countries. Upon some one or other of these accounts, those an∣tient Gomeri might probably at first cross over the chanel into this our Island, which lay so near them that they could easily discern it from the Con∣tinent. Reason it self also tells us, that every coun∣try must have received its first Inhabitants, rather from neighbouring, than from remote places. Who would not judge, that Cyprus had its first Inhabitantsr 1.59

from Asia, next to it; Crete and Sicily from their neighbour Greece; Corsica from Italy; and to come nearer home, Zealand from Germany, bordering upon it; or Iseland from Norway, rather than from the remote parts of Tartary or Mauritania? In like manner, why should we not think that our Britain was first of all peopled by the Gauls, which were our next Neighbours; rather than that the Trojans, Ita∣lians, Albans, or Brutians, who lye at such a vast distance from it, were its first Inhabitants. Nor in∣deed do writers fetch the first Inhabitants of Britain from any other place, than from Gaul, its next neigh∣bour. The innermost parts of Britain, saith Caesar, are inhabited by those, who, according to tradition, are be∣lieved to be Aborigines; the Sea-Coasts, by such as came out of Belgium in Gaul on purpose to make new conquests; and these people are generally called by the names of those cities from whence they came, now they are settled in their new Plantations. For there were in Britain, as well as in Gaul, people called Belgae, Atrebatii, Parisii, Ceno∣manni, &c. Tacitus also saith, If we consider all cir∣cumstances, 'tis probable that the Gauls first peopled Bri∣tain, which lyes so near them. Bede too, among all our writers a most constant friend to truth, gives this as his opinion. At first, saith he, this Island was in∣habited only by those Britains, (from whom also it took its name) who from Armorica, as 'tis said, crossed over into Britain, and there planted themselves upon the Sou∣thern Coasts. The Armorican Tract he calls the Sea-coasts of Gaul, which lye directly opposite to our Island. It makes also very much to our purpose, that Caesar relates, how in his time Divitiacus, who govern'd a great part of Gaul, had Britain also at the same time under his Dominion. And what is of yet greater moment,* 1.60 Pliny reckons the Britanni or Bri∣tains among the maritim people of Gaul, and pla∣ces them right over against our Island of Britain, near the County of Bullen: as also Dionysius Afer, a more antient writer, hath done in these verses.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Near the great pillars on the farthest land, The old Iberians, haughty souls, command Along the Continent, where Northern Seas Rowl their vast tides, and in cold billows rise: Where British nations in long tracts appear, And fair-skinn'd Germans ever fam'd in war.

For these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, [where Britains] seem to have respect to those other, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And Eustathius, who wrote a Comment upon him, thinks the Britains in Gaul to be here meant; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are his words, [and of these Britains the Isles of Bri∣tain over against them took their denomination.] But Avienus, and Stephanus in his book of Cities, are of another opinion.

* 1.61Moreover there was one and the same Religion in both these Nations. Among the Britains, saith Taci∣tus, you will find in use the Religion of the Gauls, and the people possess'd with the same superstitious persuasions. The Gauls, saith Solinus, after a detestable manner, to the injury rather than the honour of Religion, offer'd hu∣man Sacrifices. That the Britains did the very same, amongst others, Dio Cassius assures us in his Nero. That both Nations had also their Druids,* 1.62 appears plainly by Caesar and Tacitus. Out of the first, I shall here insert an entire place concerning this sub∣ject. The Druids are present at all divine offices, look after all both publick and private sacrifices, and interpret the mysteries of religion. The youth in great numbers apply themselves to these Druids for education; and all people have a great reverence for them. For generally in all controversies, as well publick as private, it is they that make the determination: And whenever there is any out∣rage or murder committed, when any suites arise about estates, or disputes about bounds, all is left to their judg∣ment. They appoint rewards and punishments at their discretion. If any, either private person, or body of peo∣ple, abide not by their decree, they forbid him the Sacri∣fices. This among them is esteem'd the most grievous of all punishments. Those who are thus interdicted are reck∣on'd the most profligate of mankind; all men studiously decline their company and conversation, and shun their approach, as if they feared some real infection. They are excluded from the benefit of the law, can sue no man, and are uncapable of all honours. Amongst all these Druids, there is one chief, who hath the supream authority. Upon his death, his Successor is some one that hath the best repute amongst them, if there be any such; but if there be seve∣ral of equal worth and merit, he succeeds by the election of the Druids. Sometimes the sword decides, which party shall carry it. These Druids, at a set time every year, have a general assembly in the territories of the Carnutes, that lyes about the midst of Gaul, in a certain place con∣secrated to that purpose. Hither resort from all parts such as have any controversies depending, and are wholly deter∣min'd by the Druids.s 1.63 This sort of religious profession is thought to have been first in Britain, and from thence carry'd over into Gaul: And even now, those that desire throughly to be instructed in their mysteries, for the most part travel into Britain. The Druids are exempt from all military duties; nor do they pay tribute, like the rest of the people. And as they are excused from serving in the wars, so are they also from all other troublesome charges whatsoe∣ver. These great privileges are a cause that they have many disciples; some address themselves to be admitted, others are sent to them by their parents or kindred. There they make them (as it is said) learn by heart a great number of verses; and thus they continue under this disci∣pline for several years, not being allow'd by their rules to commit what they are taught to writing; although almost in all other their affairs, both publick and private, they make use of thet 1.64 Greek Character. This rule they have settl'd amongst them, I suppose, for two reasons. First, because they would not have the vulgar made acquainted with their mysterious learning; and next, because they would have their scholars use and exercise their memories, and not trust to what they have in writing; as we see it often happen, that when men rely too much upon that help, both their diligence in learning, and care in retaining, do equally abate. One of the principal points they teach, is, the Immortality and Transmigration of Souls. And this doctrine removing the fear of death, they look upon as most proper to excite their courage. They also make dis∣courses to their Scholars concerning the stars and their mo∣tions, concerning the magnitude of the heaven and the earth, the nature of things, and the power and majesty of the immortal Gods. Whereupon Lucan thus addresses himself to them;

Et vos barbaricos ritus morem{que} sinistrum Sacrorum, Druidae, positis repetistis ab armis, Solis nosse Deos, & coeli sydera vobis, Aut solis nescire datum: Nemora alta remotis Incolitis lucis vobis authoribus umbrae Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditis{que} profundi Pallida regna petunt. Regit idem spiritus artus, Orbe alio longae, canitis si cognita, vitae Mors media est. Certe populi quos despicit Arctos. Foelices errore suo, quos ille timorum Maximus haud urget lethi metus; inde ruendi In ferrum mens prona viris, animae{que} capaces Mortis, & ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae.

And you, O Druids, free from noise and arms Renew'd your barbarous rites and horrid charms. What Gods, what Powers in happy mansions dwell Or only you, or all but you can tell. To secret shades and unfrequented groves, From world and cares your peaceful tribe removes. You teach, that Souls, eas'd of their mortal load, Nor with grim Pluto make their dark abode, Nor wander in pale troops along the silent flood: But on new regions cast resume their reign, Content to govern earthy frames again. Thus death is nothing but the middle line, Betwixt what lives will come, and what have been. Happy the people by your charms possest, Nor fate, nor fears disturb their peaceful breast. On certain dangers unconcern'd they run, And meet with pleasure what they would not shun. Defie Death's slighted power, and bravely scorn To spare a life that will so soon return.

* 1.65By what name soever these their Priests were known to the Celtae, and to the Britains, in their own tongue; this word Druidae seems derived from a Greek original; to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oak: not only be∣cause they esteem'd nothing more sacred than the Misselto of an Oak; whence Ovid writeth thus,

At viscum Druidae, Druidae clamare solebant, Run Druids to the Misselto, they sung.

but also because their usual residence was in groves, amongst Oaks; nor did they perform any of their ceremonies without some of the branches or leaves of that Tree. But this their practice Pliny hath in these words more particularly describ'd.* 1.66 The Druids (so the Gauls call their men of Religion) hold nothing more sacred than the Misselto, and the tree on which it grows, provided it be an Oak. Therefore they choose out solitary groves, wherein are no trees but Oaks, nor perform they any ceremonies without the branches or leaves of that Tree. So that from thence, (if we regard the Greek signification) they may very well be thought to have taken the name of Druidae. Indeed, whatsoever they find growing to, or upon an Oak, they take to be sent from Heaven, and look upon it as a certain sign, That their God hath for him∣self made choice of that particular Tree. But it is a thing very rare to be met withall; and when it is found they re∣sort to it with great Devotion. In these ceremonies they principally observe that the Moon be just six days old: For the Moon is their guide in the computation of their months and years, and of that period or revolution, which with them is called an age, i.e. thirty years compleat. And they choose the sixth day, because they reckon the Moon is then of a considerable strength,* 1.67 when she is not as yet come to her half. This product of the Oak they call by a name answering to All-heale; and when they come to it, they solemnly pre∣pare a sacrifice, and a festival entertainment under the Oak, and bringing thither two white Bulls, whose horns are then, and not till then tied. This done, the Priest habited in a white vestment, climbs the Tree, and with a golden pruning-knife, cuts off the Misselto, which is carefully received in a† 1.68 white woollen cloth by them that attend below. Then they proceed to kill the beasts for sacrifice, and make their prayers to the God, that he would bless this his own gift to those persons to whom they shall dispense it. They have a conceit that a decoction of this Misselto, given to any barren Animal, will certainly make it fruitful: also that it is a most soveraign antidote against all sorts of poys••n. So much religion do people commonly place in fopperies. It is farther observable, That Diodorus Siculus calls these self same Priests of the Gauls, in the same sense, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.69 a word signifying Oaks, as all men know that understand the Greek tongue. And Maximus Tyrius likewise writes, That the Celtae or Gauls wor∣ship Jupiter, of whom they make the highest Oak, saith he, to be the representation. It may also seem to pro∣ceed from these Druids, that our Saxon Ancestors, (as we read in Alfric) call'd a Magician in their language, Dry.* 1.70 If you have a mind to be farther in∣form'd concerning these men, you may consult Mela, Lactantius, Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica, and the Comedy Aulularia of Pseudoplautus.

Among their Religious,* 1.71 the Gauls had also their Bards, whose office it was, to sing to the harp those songs they had made upon the great exploits of famous men; on which account, the before cited Lucan thus speaks to them,

Vos quoque qui fortes animas bello{que} poremptas Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis aevum, Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi. And you, old Bards, who made it all your care To sing of war, and men renown'd in war, When Peace returning rais'd your joyful tongue, Secure continu'd your immortal Song.

The same sort of men have also this denomination among the modern Britains. For they now call such men Bards, who beside this their Poetical function, do also addict themselves particularly to the study of Genealogies. But there is no account left us, whe∣ther the Britains believ'd, as the Gauls did, that they were descended from Dis. For this reason it was that the Gauls always reckon'd by nights, and set the night before the day in their usual account of time. And in this point it is certain, that our Britains agreed with them: for that space of time which the Latins call Septimana, and two Septimanas, they term With∣nos, i.e. eight nights, and Pymthec-nos, i.e. fifteen nightsu 1.72.

Likewise both nations seem to have contriv'd one and the same form of government;* 1.73 for neither of them was under the rule of a single person, but as Gaul, so also Britain, had many kings. And, as the Gauls, upon extraordinary emergencies, us'd to call a publick Council of the whole nation, and choose one to be their general Commander; so the Britains did just the same upon the like occasion, as we may gather from these words of Caesar, The chief command, saith he, and management of the war was by an unani∣mous consent committed to* 1.74 Cassivellaunus.

Nor were these nations unlike in their manners,* 1.75 customs, or ways of living. Both were stout, and much given to war; both delighted in blood, and both of equal boldness and bravery, either in engage∣ments, or exposing themselves to dangers; as we find by Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Herodian, and others. In their manners, saith Strabo, the Britains are some∣thing like the Gauls; and immediately he adds, as to their fighting they are for the most part fierce and cruel, like some of the Gauls. With him Tacitus agrees, The Britains, that part of them which the Romans have not yet conquer'd, still remain, saith he, just such as the Gauls were formerly. And in another place, The Britains are next to the Gauls, and much like them. Mela tell us, That the Britains, when they fought, were armed after the fashion of the Gauls.

The Britains, says Strabo, in their wars, us'd a great number of chariots, as do some of the Gauls.

It was the custom of both nations in the field to draw up their men distinct, according to their Pro∣vinces, that the several people might have an oppor∣tunity to signalize their valour. That this was the practice of the Gauls, appears by that place in Caesar, The Gauls, saith he, drawn up in distinct Bodies, accord∣ing to their several cities, guarded the fords. Tacitus affirms the same of the Britains, in the fight of Ca∣ratacus, The troops of the several Countries stood in the front of their fortifications.

The Gauls, saith Strabo, are of a quick docile wit, and readily take any sort of learning. Nor were the Bri∣tains herein inferiour; nay, Agricola, in Tacitus, prefers their parts and ingenuity before that of the Gauls, so that the same Britains, who formerly rejected even the Roman language, were now grown ambitious of eloquence.

That the Gauls were a well-meaning and a down∣right honest sort of people, we have Strabo's autho∣rity, and the same is implied in Tacitus, concerning the Britains, in that place, where he tells us, that they chearfully and readily bore the levies both of Men and money, and all other burthens imposed up∣on them by the Empire, if they intermix'd not in∣jurious provocations.

Caesar relates, that the Gauls were much inclined to alterations in their Government, out of a natural incon∣stancy and levity. The Britains in like manner, saith Tacitus, were divided into several parties and factions.

By means of this levity of the Gauls, which Caesar calls by the gentle name of an infirmity; they at last became so credulous, that the Credulity of the Gauls grew proverbial, and gave occasion to that of the Poet,

Et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar. And be a Gaul in fond credulity.

Neither in that respect have our Britains degenerat∣ed; for they have an ear still open to every idle sto∣ry, and out of a superstitious fear or hope, give cre∣dit to any of the silliest Predictions.

We read in Strabo, that the Gauls would be high∣ly concern'd, when they saw any abuse offer'd to their relations. That the same Sympathy dwells in our Britains, above what is to be found in any other nation, is a thing so notorious, and so commonly ob∣served, as that it needs no proof.

The Gauls, as we find in Caesar, according to their distinction from the rest, either in birth or riches, had in proportion so many more servants and dependants in their retinue: these they call'd Ambacti;* 1.76 and this was the only piece of State amongst them. Nor do our British Nobility or Gentry,* 1.77 at this day, account any thing so honourable as a great retinue; from whom 'tis thought the English learn'd to carry with them such troops of Attendants. In which humor, not long since, they far outwent all other Europeans.

Caesar and Strabo do both tell us, that the houses of the Britains were seated in the midst of woods, and in all points like to those of the Gauls.

The Gauls, as Strabo writes, wore chains of gold about their necks; and Bunduica the British Queen (saith Xiphilin) wore a golden chain, with a garment of many colours. Nor is that sort of ornament any where more in use in our days, than in this Island amongst us and our modern Britains.

That both the Britains and the Gauls wore a ring upon their middle finger, we learn from Pliny.

The same Strabo observeth, That the Gauls took a pride in having long hair. Caesar tells us, That the Britains wore their hair at full length.

It appears by many Authors, that the Gauls used a certain sort of Garment, which in their language they called Brachae:* 1.78 that these were also common to our Britains, is proved by this Verse of Martial,

Quam veteres Brachae Britonis Pauperis. Then the coarse Brachae the poor Britains wore.

I pass over what Silius Italicus writes of the Gauls,

Quinetiam ingenio fluxi, sed prima feroces Vaniloquum Celtae genus ac mutabile mentis. And talking Celtae, changeable and vain, All fire at first, but soon grown cold again.

because these qualities are common to most nations. I might here give many more particular instances of the greet agreement there was between these two nations; but I forbear, lest what I say should give occasion of scandal to some ill-natur'd men. Besides, I always lik'd that rule, Moderation is good in every thing; and perhaps also this argument from commu∣nity of manners will not appear very cogent to some sort of men.

But now we come to thex 1.79 Language,* 1.80 a particular, upon which lyeth the main stress of this controversie, as being the surest evidence of the original of a nation. For there is no man, I suppose, but will readily al∣low, that those People which speak the same Lan∣guage, must necessarily be derived from one com∣mon original. As for instance, suppose all our Hi∣stories that ever were written had chanced to be lost, or, suppose no Author had ever told us, that we English are descended from the Germans, the natural Scots from the Irish, the Britains of Bretagne in France, from our Britains of this Island; yet the great affinity of language, would alone manifestly prove it: nay, would be of much more weight than the authority of the best Historians. If therefore I can here make it out,y 1.81 that the ancient Gauls and our Britains speak the same language; the conse∣quence is so clear, that all men will be forced to al∣low, that they must have certainly had one and the self same original. Nor is it of any concern in this case, what Caesar hath written, that the Gauls themselves spoke divers languages; since Strabo tells us, that they differed from one another only in Dialect. They did not all of them, saith he, use a language every way the same, but in some small matters vary'd from one a∣nother. But that the language of the ancient Gauls, was the same with that of the Britains (making an allowance for some small variety in the Dialect) we may reasonably infer from that place in Caesar, where he writes, that it was usual for the Gauls, who would be throughly instructed in the Discipline of the Druids, to go over into Britain to our Druids, to learn it. Now seeing the Druids had no Books, of necessity we must conclude, that their instructions were given in the same language which was used by the Gauls. But this Cornelius Tacitus expresly affirms, The Britains and Gauls, saith he, differ not much in their speech. Up∣on these reasons, Beatus Rhenanus, Gesner, Hottoman, Peter Daniel, Picardus, and all others who have search∣ed into the depths of Antiquity, concur with me in this opinion. Except only some few, who are very earnest to have it believed, that the Gauls spoke the German language. But now,* 1.82 lest any man should throw dust in our eyes, that Truth may not be seen, I will here insert a collection I have made out of Au∣thors of ancient Gallick words, as many at least as I could meet with. For the main body of that lan∣guage hath been long since shipwrackt in the sea of oblivion. And here it will soon be seen, that very many of them, without any the least straining, but with much ease, and scarce any alteration, agree ve∣ry well with our British words, both in sound and sense.

That Divona* 1.83 in the Gaulish tongue, signifies the God's Fountain, we have Ausonius's Authority in that Verse of his concerning a Fountain at Bourdeaux.

Divona Celtarum lingua fons addite Divis. Divona fountain of the Gods in Gaul.

Now our Britains call Godz 1.84 Dyw, and a fountain Vonan, of which two words Divonan is a compound, contriv'd according to the Latin idiom for verse-sake into Divona.

We find in several Authors, that Jupiter, whom from Thunder the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latins Tonans, i.e. The Thunderer, was worship'd by the Gauls under the name ofa 1.85 Taranis.* 1.86 Now Taran in British signifies Thunder; and suitable to this

sense, the Germans may be conceived to have given to Jupiter the name of Thonder. For Thursday they call Thonderdach, which is as much as to say, The Thund••rer's day.

The Gauls had another God, called by Lucan,b 1.87 He∣sus,* 1.88 by Lactantius,c 1.89 Heus. the Author of the Quero∣lus termed him the Barking Anubis, because he was pictur'd in the shape of a Dog. Nowd 1.90 Huad with our modern Britains signifies a Dog.

It is very certain, that the Gauls worshiped Mer∣cury, under the name of Teutates,* 1.91 as the Inventer of Arts, and Guide to Travellers. Ande 1.92 Duw-Taith in the British, imports as much, as The God of Journeys. Nor am I ignorant, that Mercury, by Plato in his Phae∣drus and Philebus, is called Theut. Though I know some will have Teutates to be the German Tuisco, men∣tioned in Tacitus, and the same with Mars; and that from him, we, who are descended from the Ger∣mans, do call Mars's day, Tuesday.* 1.93 Concerning these three Gods of the Gauls, take, if you please, these three Verses of Lucan.

* 1.94Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ar•• Dianae. And those vile wretches that with human blood Teutate's and fierce Hesus's altars load, And barbarous Taranis his shrine that vies With curst Diana's Scythian cruelties.

We learn from St. Austin and Isidore, that these fowl Spirits, commonly called Incubi, were termed by the Gauls Dusii,* 1.95 because they daily and continually pra∣ctise their uncleanness. Now that which is Continu∣al and daily, the Britains still do express by the word Dyth.

Pomponius Mela writeth, That a sort of Religi∣ous Women, devoted to the service of a certain Dei∣ty in Gaul, under a Vow of perpetual Virginity, were by them called Senae. I would rather read itf 1.96 Lenae,* 1.97 if I could safely do it. For those Religious Virgins, whom we now adays call Nuns,g 1.98 the Britains, as we find in an ancient Glossary, calledh 1.99 Leanes, from whence came originally that name of Lean-minster, now Lemster, a very ancient Nunnery among the Britains.

The Gauls, saith Polybius, called their mercena∣ry soldiers in their own language, Gaessatae.* 1.100 And the Britains at this day call their hired Servantsi 1.101 Guessin.

Servius tells us, that valiant men were by the Gauls called Gessi;* 1.102 andk 1.103 Guassdewr among the Bri∣tains signifieth a stout and valiant man.

Hither also may be referred Gesum,* 1.104 which was a weapon proper to the Gauls, as Pilum was to the Ro∣mans, and Framea to the Germans. But of this by and by.

As Phalanx was the proper Name of a Legion a∣mong the Macedonians, so was Caterva* 1.105 among the Gauls, as you may see in Vegetius. Nor is this word yet out of date among our Britains, who term a Troopl 1.106 Caturfa, and war, they call Kad, and that warlike strength that lies in a Legion, Kaderne. It is read too Caterna in some Copies of Vegetius.

To this Kad may not improperly be referr'd Cateia* 1.107 also, which was a sort of warlike weapon among the Gauls, as you have it in Isidore.

m 1.108Gessa,* 1.109 a Gaulish weapon, Servius interprets a Spear or Pike, to which the Britishn 1.110 Cethilou seems to be a∣kin; and that (according to Ninnius's exposition) sig∣nifies stakes burnt at the ends, as also, a warlike seed or generation.

Pausanias tells us, that the Gauls whom Brennus led into Greece, call'd that sort of horse-fight, which consists of three Horses [a breast] in their own coun∣try language, Trimarcia.* 1.111 For an horse, saith he, was among the Gauls called Marca. Now this is absolutely a British word. For Tri with them, signifies three, and March, a horse.

In the same Book Pausanias writeth, that the Gauls cal'd their own Country Shields, Thireos,* 1.112 which to this day the Britains call Tarian.

Caesar tells us in his Ephemerides or Journal, as we have it from Servius, that once being in Gaule ta∣ken by the enemy, and carry'd away on horseback in his armor, they were met by a Gaul that knew him, who insultingly cry'd out Cetos* 1.113 Caesar, which in the Gaulish language was as much as to say, Let go Caesar. Nowo 1.114 Geduch among the Britains is a word of the same importance.

Rheda* 1.115 among the Gauls, saith Quintilian, is a word of the same signification as Carnea (i.e. a Cha∣riot) among the Latins. This word is not now to be found in the British Tongue; but it is apparent, that it hath been a British word, by these words at this day us'd; Rhediad (a course)p 1.116 Rhedec (to run) and Redecfa (a race.) Now that all these words came originally from Rheda is beyond dispute Nor should I think it an absurdity to deduce Eporedia,* 1.117 the name of a City among the Salassi, from the same o∣riginal, since Pliny saith it took its name from Horse∣tamers.

There was also another sort of Chariot, that was much us'd in both nations, both call'd by one name, Covinus,* 1.118 and the driver of it Covinarius. And tho' both this word is lost, and that sort of Chariot too, yet the Primitive thereof, if I may so say, remains still amongst our Britains; in whose language, the word Kowain signifiesq 1.119 to carry in a Wagon.

Essedum* 1.120 was also a Gaulish Wagon, or rather as Chariot fitted for the wars, which Propertius as well a Caesar attributes to the Britains;

Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis. And stop the British Chariots with engraven yokes.

Circius* 1.121 is a wind, by that name very well known, to which Augustus Caesar not only vow'd, but actu∣ally built a Temple in Gaul. Now Phavorinus, a Gaul by birth, declareth in Agellius that word to be of a Gallic original. Our Gauls, saith he, call by the name of Circius, that wind, which blows upon their own coast, and which is the fiercest in all those parts; so named I suppose, from its blustering and whirling. It is certain, that this particular wind is more raging and violent, than any other. Now that Cyrch a∣mongst our modern Britains signifies force and vio∣lence,r 1.122 plainly appears by the Welch Litany.

From Livy we learn also, that the Pennine Alps,* 1.123 by Caesar call'd Summae Alpes, as overtopping the rest, took that name not from Annibal Paenus [i.e. the Car∣thaginian] but from the very highest Mountains there∣abouts, the top whereof was consecrated, and had the name of Penninus given to it by the Mountaineers of Gaul. Now thes 1.124 tops of Mountains are called Pen by our Britains at this day; as for instance,t 1.125 Pen∣mon-maur, Pen, Pendle, Pencoh-cloud,* 1.126 andu 1.127 Penni∣gent, the highest mountains amongst us, have all bor∣row'd their names from this word: and so hath also the Appennine in Italy.

The Cities of Gaul, which bordered upon the sea, Caesar tells us, were by the Gauls nam'd Aremoricae;* 1.128 with whom our modern Britains agree, in applying

the same word exactly to the same sense. For Ar∣mor with them signifies By the sea, or Upon the Sea. And in the very same notion Strabo calls them in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

In the Reign of the Emperor Dioclesian, the Pea∣sants in Gaul raised a rebellion,* 1.129 and imposed upon their party the name ofw 1.130 Baucadae. Now Swine-herds and Rusticks are calledx 1.131 Beichiad by the Bri∣tains.

The Thieves of their own Country, the Gauls, saith Sidonius,* 1.132 called by the name of Vargae. Now I have observed in the Glossary of the Church of Llandaffe, that Thieves were formerly calledy 1.133 Veriad in the British

* 1.134The Allobrogae, saith that antient and excellent Scholiast upon Juvenal, were therefore so called, be∣cause Brogae among the Gauls signifies a Country, andz 1.135 Al∣la, another; as being translated thither from some other country. Now Bro in Welch signifies a Coun∣try, anda 1.136 Allan, without or extraneous; so that the Etymology is just the same in both languages.

There is, saith Pliny, an herb like Plantain, called by the Gauls Glastum,* 1.137 with which many writers say the Britains us'd to paint themselves. This is that herb, which we now call Woad.* 1.138 It maketh a blew or sky colour, which colour is called Glas by the Welch to this day. This herb, according to Pliny, was by the Greeks called Isatis;* 1.139 and the Dyers termed it Vitrum, as we learn from Oribasius. Out of whom Pompo∣nius Mela may easily be corrected, by inserting vitro instead of ultro, in that place, where he saith, Britan∣ni, &c. ultro corpora infecti, that is, it is uncertain whe∣ther it were for ornament, or some other end, that the Britains dyed their bodies with Vitrum or Woad.

* 1.140The Gallathae, [or Galatians in Asia Minor] who spake the same language with our antient Gauls, had, as we learn from St. Jerome, a little shrub, which they call'd Coccus, with which they made a deep red or scarlet colour; and that very colour is at this day called Coch in the British language.

That the Brachae* 1.141 was a sort of habit common to the Gauls and Britains, we have shewn before. Diodo∣rus Siculus describes these Brachae as a sort of a coarse party-coloured garment. Now foul tatter'd cloaths are by the present Britains calledb 1.142 Brati.

If Laina* 1.143 was an old Gaulish word, as is hinted in that place of Strabo, where he says, The Gauls weave themselves thick coats of coarse wooll, which they call Lai∣nae; the Britains have not gone very far from that word, who now call wooll by the name ofc 1.144 Glawn.

Festus Pompeius tells us, thatd 1.145 Bardus,* 1.146 in the lan∣guage of the Gauls, signifieth a Singer. Now that word is absolutely British.

We learn out of Martial and others, that Bar∣docucullus* 1.147 was a sort of garment worn by the Gaulish Bards: now ase 1.148 Bard, so the other part of that word remains entire among the modern Britains, who call a cloakf 1.149 Cucul.

Gaul, saith Pliny, yeildeth a peculiar sort of corn, which the natives call Brance,* 1.150 we Sandalum, a very fine sort of grain. Among the Britains likewise, a sort of grain, which yeilds a pure white flower, is calledg 1.151 Guineth Vranc, and with us in Norfolk Branke.

The Herb, which the Greeks from its five leaves call Pentaphyllon, was by the Gauls called Pempedula,* 1.152 as we find in Apuleius. Nowh 1.153 Pymp in the British sig∣nifies five, and Deilen, a Leaf.

As Pymp for five, so Peter was the word among the Gauls for four, as we learn out of Festus, who will therefore have Petoritum,* 1.154 a Gaulish chariot or waggon, to be so nam'd from its four wheels. Now the word Pedwar signifies four among the Britains.i 1.155

Amongst the wooden instruments, the Canterium of the Latins, (the same which we in English call a Leaver,) the Gauls, saith Isidore, call'd Guuia;* 1.156 and it is now call'dk 1.157 Guif in Welch.

Betulla,* 1.158 Pliny saith, was a Gaulish tree; we call it Birch. He would say it were a British tree too, if he were now alive: for it grows very plentifully in Britain; and is called in Welchl 1.159 Bedw.

Wine diluted with water, Athenaeus saith, the Gauls called Dercoma;* 1.160 and Dwr signifies water among our Britains.

In like manner, (not to trouble you with too ma∣ny instances) Fearne, according to Dioscorides, was called Ratis* 1.161 by the antient Gauls; and is now by the Britains calledm 1.162 Redin. The Elder-tree was called Sco∣vies* 1.163 by the Gauls; and now by the Britains,n 1.164 Iscaw. Serratula in Latin, in Gaulish Vetonica,* 1.165 is nowo 1.166 by the Britains, and by us also, called Betony. That which in Pliny the Latins call'd Terrae adeps, i.e. the fatness of the earth, and the Gauls Marga,* 1.167 is by our Britains call'd Marle. That which the Latins call can∣dida Marga, white Marle, and the Gauls Gliscomarga,* 1.168 might probably be call'd Gluysmarle by the Britains: for Gluys in Welch is as much as bright or shining. Tripetia,* 1.169 a word in Sulpitius Severus, said to be used by the Gauls for a three-footed stool, is by the Bri∣tains termedp 1.170 Tribet. The measure of 100 foot, the Gauls, according to Columella, call'd Candetum;* 1.171 in British it isq 1.172 Cantroed. We read in Suetonius, that the bill or beak of a bird was by the Gauls called Becco;* 1.173 the same is calledr 1.174 Pic by the Britains.

Neither should I be so wild in my fancy, nor so extravagant as Goropius, if I should derive Sueto∣nius's Galba,* 1.175 which signifies one over-fat, from the British words 1.176 Galluus, denoting One of a very big size. Or Verrius Flaccus's Bulga* 1.177 for a leathern Budget, from the British wordt 1.178 Butsiet; or Soldurii* 1.179 in Caesar (which in him, were such as had vow'd to live and dye to∣gether) fromu 1.180 Sowdiwr; or Pliny's Planarat,* 1.181 for a Plow, fromx 1.182 Arat, which in British signifies the same thing; or Isidore's Taxea,* 1.183 for Lard, from the Britishy 1.184 Tew; or Diodorus Siculus's Zithum,* 1.185 from theirz 1.186 Ci∣der; or Cervisia, [beer] from Keirch, i.e. Oats, whereof the Welch in many places make beer; or rather fromz 1.187 Cwrwf, which we in English call Ale.

That all these words properly belong'd to the an∣tient Gauls, appears by the Authors we have cited; and you see, that as they agree in sound with our British words, so they do as fully also in their signifi∣cation.

Another thing let me here add,* 1.188 that since the an∣tient names of places in both kingdoms had the same terminations, to wit, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, &c. it may be inferr'd that those Nations could not be altogether different. For this may be used as a convincing evidence that we English are de∣scended from the Germans, because the modern names of our Towns do end in Burrow, Berry, Ham, Sted, Ford, Thorp, and Wich; all which do plainly answer and exactly correspond with the German ter∣minations of Burg, Berg, Heim, Stadt, Furdt, Dorpe, Wit.

Moreover, so rational an account may be given of some Gaulish words, out of our British language, answering exactly to the nature and property of the things so nam'd, that of necessity we must conclude, either those to have been names impos'd by the Bri∣tains, or else that the Britains spake the Gaulish lan∣guage. An instance or two to this purpose may be sufficient.

A third part of Gaul, saith Caesar, is inhabited by those who in their own tongue are called Celtae,* 1.189 in ours Galli;

by the Greeks Gallathae. But whence these people were called Celtae, and Gallathae, the most learned among the French could never tell us. I wish they would consider, whether this may not be deduc'd from the British wordb 1.190 Gualt,* 1.191 which to this day signifies the hair of the head in the Welch tongue, as Gualtoc doth Comata, i.e. long-haired: from whence the names of Celtica, and Gallathae, and Galli, may all ve∣ry well seem to have been derived, only a little mol∣lified by some difference in the pronunciation. Now that the Celtae were called Comati, from their large heads of hair, which they wore always at its full length, is universally acknowleged by the Learned: and as for the Letters C,* 1.192 K, Q, and G, whether in power or sound, there is but little difference among them.

* 1.193That the noble River of Garonne in France runs with a mighty forcible, and as it were with a rough current, is a thing very well known: From whence the Poets have given it the epithets of the strong, the sea-like, the rapid Garonne. All which the British wordc 1.194 Garrw doth fully import.

The river Arar,* 1.195 or Saonne,* 1.196 moves so incredibly slow, that you cannot tell by the eye, which way it has its course. Hence by the Poets it is called the slow, and the still Arar. Now Ara with the Britains signi∣fies slow and still.

Rhodanus,* 1.197 the Rhosne,* 1.198 which receives the Arar, runs with a very swift and violent current; and is therefore term'd hasty, swift, and precipitant. The word sounds not much unlike Rhedc, which signifies celerity in running.

Strabo and others tell us, that the Mountains Ge∣bennae [now called the Cevennes] run along in one continued ridge through a great part of Gaul.* 1.199 But thatd 1.200 Kevin signifies the ridge of an hill amongst our Britains, appears by the British Lexicon. There is also near Otteley in Yorkshire, a long ridge of hills which I have seen, at this day called the Kevin by the people of those parts.

Whereas stones were in old time erected in Gaul by the Road-side, at the just distance of every fifteen hundred paces; and since the French Leuca* 1.201 or League containeth, as Jornandes observes, just the same num∣ber, ande 1.202 Leach in the British signifies a Stone; I would desire the learned among the French to consi∣der whether their word Leuca be not derived from thence.

* 1.203Near the Sea-side, in that part of France which was heretofore called Narbonensis, where Hercules and Al∣bion fought (if we believe the old Fable,) on all sides for many miles together, the stones lye so thick, that one would almost think it had rain'd stones there. From whence it is by writers called the Sto∣ny Shore, and the Stony Field. The French at this day call it le Craux; and yet they know not the rea∣son of that name. Now in British stones are calledf 1.204 Craig.

That people which in old time inhabited the Sea-coast of Gaul, lying nearest to Britain, were in their own language called Morini.* 1.205 Now Mor is in British the Sea, from whence that word seems to have been derived. For the Britains call Morinwyr, such as live upon the Sea-coast; as Aremorica of old, in the Gaul∣ish tongue, and now in the British, signifies by the Sea-side.

* 1.206So Arelate, a famous city of Gaul, which is seated in a marshy and watry soile, may seem to have ta∣ken that name purely from its situation: For Ar in British signifies, upon, and Laith, moisture.

Uxellodunum,* 1.207 [now Cadenac] saith Caesar, is a Town having on all sides a rocky access, and situate on the top of a high hill. Nowg 1.208 Uchel in British is as much as lofty, and Dunum* 1.209 among the antient Gauls signified an high ground, or an hill, as Plutarch in his book of Rivers tells us out of Clitiphon; and the same word was also used in that sense by the antient Britains.

Pliny placeth the Promontory Cytharistes* 1.210 in Gaul, near Marseilles, where the town of Tolon now stands. And if you ask our present Britains what they call Cythara, i.e. an harp, in their language, they will tell you,h 1.211 Telen.

Again, (to put this matter past all farther dispute) it is very evident, that though the modern French language is come from, and made up for the most part of the Latin and the German, yet nevertheless there still remain in it a great many old Gaulish words. And I have had it from some who are skilful in both languages, that very many of those French words, which can be reduced neither to the Latin, nor to the German original (and therefore may be presumed to be remains of the old Gaulish language) do come as near to the British as 'tis possible. For example. The French at this day use the word Gue∣rir, the Britains Guerif, to heal. The French use Guaine, the Britains Guain, for a Sheath. The French De∣rechef, the Britains Derchefu, for Moreover. The French Camur, the Britains Cam, for Crooked. The French Bateau, the Britains Bad, for a Boat. The French Gourmond for a Glutton, the Britains Germod, for too much, or beyond measure. The French Ba∣ston, the Britains Pastwn, for a Staff. The French Accabler, the Britains Cablu, for to oppress. The French Havre, the Britains Aber, for an Haven. And Comb is yet in use with both nations for a Valley.

Many more words there are of this sort, by the re∣cital whereof I might perhaps tire and disgust my Reader; tho' they are of very great use in this point.

Now, whereas Tacitus tells us, that the Aestii, a people of Germany, used the habits and customs of the Suevians, but a language that came nearer to the British; it makes nothing against my assertion. For those languages, that are most of all remote, do yet agree in some particulars. Thus Augerius Busbequius,* 1.212 late Embassador from the Emperor to the Grand-Signior, has observed many German and English words in the Taurica Chersonessus.

From all these instances, this conclusion may be justly drawn; That the antient Gauls and Britains did certainly speak the same language. And from thence also we may infer this other necessary conse∣quence, That the original of the Britains is to be re∣ferred to the Gauls. For it is not to be denied, what we have before observed, that Gaul, as being nearer to Armenia, must needs in course have been peopled before Britain. Besides, (as Strabo tells us) as Gaul abounded in corn, so did it much more in men. It is therefore altogether reasonable to imagine, that since the Gauls sent Colonies into Italy, Spain, Ger∣many, Thrace, and Asia; they did the same much rather into Britain, a country that lay so much nearer them, and as plentiful as any of them all. Now it must needs redound much to the glory of the British nation, that they drew their original from those an∣tient Gauls, who were so famous for their military at∣chievements; and with whom the Romans for many years maintain'd a war, not for honour and Empire, but purely for self-preservation. And these Gauls they were, who, to use the Poet's words rather than my own,

— per omnem Invecti Europam, quasi grando Aquilone vel Austro Importata, gravi passim sonuere tumultu: Scit Romanus adhuc, & quam Tarpeia videtis Arx attollentem caput illo in monte superbum, Pannones Aemathii norunt, scit Delphica rupes.

On Europe's spacious tracts, like winter's hail Urg'd by the North, or furious South, they fell With furious noise; as yet the Roman state Feels the sad blow, and mourns her turn of fate. Too well Tarpeian towers their force have known, And Delphick Rocks, and Plains of Macedon.

And a little after,

Intravere Asiae fines: prope littora Ponti In gentem crevere novam, quae tenditur us{que} Ad juga Pamphilûm, Garamantica sydera contra Inter Cappadoces posita, & Bythinica regna.

O're running Asia's bounds, their barbarous power Fix'd a new kingdom near the Pontick shore, Between Bythinia and Cappadocian lands Far as Pamphilian cliffs and Garamantick strands.

Nor ought we here to omit the arguments brought by others to prove, that the Britains are descended from the Gauls. George Buc, a man eminent both for his extraction and learning, observes out of Mekercus, that the Germans call a French-man, Wallon. And that when the German Saxons first came over hither, and heard the Britains speak the Gaulish tongue, they call'd them Walli, i.e. Gauls.i 1.213 Buchanan saith more∣over, that Walch doth not among the Germans bare∣ly signifie a Stranger, but most properly a Gaul. And withal he observes, that the French at this day call that country Galles which we call Wales: and that the antient Scots divided all the British Nations into Gaol and Galle, that is (after his interpretation) into the Gallaeci and the Galli.

But when all is done, if our Britains are still re∣solved to make out their claim to a Trojan original, I will not here make it my business to oppose them: but yetk 1.214 if they will follow my advice, they had best ground their pretence to the Trojans, upon their descent from the Gauls. For it is said by some, (these are the words of Ammianus) that after the destruction of Troy, a few that fled thence, possess'd themselves of Gaul, at that time unpeopl'd. And here now, while we have these languages under our consideration,* 1.215 we cannot but much admire and celebrate the divine goodness towards our Britains, the posterity of Go∣mer; who, though they have been conquer'd and triumph'd over successively by the Romans, Saxons, and Normans; yet hitherto they enjoy the true name of their Ancestors, and have preserv'd entire their pri∣mitive language, although the Normans set themselves to abolish it, making express laws to that purpose. The reply of that old Gentleman of Wales was not impertinent, who being ask'd by Henry the second,* 1.216 King of England, what he thought of the strength of the Welch, and of his royal expedition against them, made his answer in these words: This nation may suffer much, and may be in a great measure ruin'd, or at least very much weakened, Great Sir, by your present and other future attempts, as well as formerly it hath often been: but we assure our selves, that it will never be wholly ruined* 1.217 by the anger or power of any mortal man, unless the anger of Heaven concur to its destruction. Nor (whatever changes may happen as to the other parts of the world) can I believe that any other nation or lan∣guage besides the Welch, shall answer at the last day for the greater part of this corner of the world.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Figura Trique∣tra.
• * 1.2

  See in Kent.
• a 1.3

  That Britain was ever by an Isthmus joyn'd Eastward to the Continent of France, seems an improbable opinion; However, see (besides Authors cited by Mr. Camden) White's Hist. Brit. L. 11. Not. 11. Burton's Comment. on Antonin. p. 18. 19. Twin. de Rebus Albion. & Britan. Sammes Britan. l. 1. c. 4. Verstegan, l. 1. c. 4. Some Foreigners also, Dominicus Marius Niger, Antonius Volscus, Vivianus, and Du Bartas have favour'd this groundless fancy.
• * 1.4

  Se••tulae Oblongae.
• b 1.5

  See Sir Henry Savil upon this place in Tacitus.
• † 1.6

  Bip••nni.
• * 1.7

  The Pa∣negyrick spoken to Constanti∣us, falsly entitled to Maximi∣an.
• * 1.8

  Com. l. 5.
• † 1.9

  Schymnus.
• † 1.10

  Stadiis.
• c 1.11

  Later Discoveries have better defined the site of Britain, the Longitude of the Lands End being but 11 Degrees from Teneriff, and Cantium or the Fore land but 58 and an half. The Latitude of the Lizard 50 Degrees, and of Cathness scarce 18 and an half. Whence the longest Tropical Day is from 16 Hours 10 Min. to 18 Hours 2 Min. that is, from the 18th to the 25th Parallel.
• d 1.12

  For 16, read 13.
• * 1.13

  De Nat. Deor. l. 2.
• * 1.14

  Probus in Virg. Geo.
• e 1.15

  But more truly Onomacritus, says a late Author.
• f 1.16

  If this expression is to be applied to Britain, it may be worth our while to consider. whether it does not prove the Island to have been more early known to the Antients, than our Author will afterwards allow it.
• * 1.17

  Lembis.
• * 1.18

  Zosimus. Eunapius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.19

  Panegyric to Con∣stantine.
• * 1.20

  Panegyric to Con∣stantius.
• * 1.21

  Insula For∣tunatae, or the For∣tunate Islands.
• * 1.22

  In his Comment upon Ly∣cophron.
• * 1.23

  The first Inhabi∣tants, and reason of the name.
• * 1.24

  Geoffry of Monmouth
• † 1.25

  P••r Her∣culis Co∣lumnas.
• * 1.26

  Brutus in the year of the world 2855. be∣fore the birth of Christ, 1108.
• g 1.27

  See this confuted in the beginning of Cornwal. And Humfrey Lloyd, in opp sition to it, affirms that we meet with no mention of that Bri∣tannia Minor, or Little Bretagne, b••fore Siconius Apollinaris.
• h 1.28

  According to he most antient Irish Antiquities, Britain was so called from Brittan, Son of Fergus fitz Nemech: formerly call'd I••is Mor, agreeable to Aristide••'s Insula magna; whereof Selden in Mare clausum. See Ogyg. p. 11, 12, 66, 170.
• i 1.29

  Some attempts are made upon a defence of this story by Selden, Annot. ad Polyolb. p. 17.
• * 1.30

  Censori∣nus.
• * 1.31

  The fabu∣lous time, or age.
• k 1.32

  The Irish and Scotch in the business of Pharaoh's daughter, should not be made two different nations. See Ogyg, p. 69. 344. c. 12. & pag. 463. Usher. Primord. Cap. 16.
• * 1.33

  He lived about the year 1440.
• * 1.34

  Epist. 44.
• * 1.35

  D••script. Cambr. c. 7.
• * 1.36

  Bretanus.
• * 1.37

  L••vy.
• * 1.38

  Augustin at Civi∣tat. Dei. li. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.39

  Origen. l. 9. cap. 2.
• * 1.40

  Genesis 9.
• l 1.41

  How far the stories concerning Hercules's travels are to be listen'd to, and what acc unt is to be given of the several names of places that seem to have been derived from some relation to him, Mr. Camden has more fully expressed himself in Cornwall, under the title Herculi•• Promontorium.
• m 1.42

  The name of Cimbri seems to be the later, and only a contraction from Cimmerii; which owes its original to the Greek name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby they expressed the nature of the climate wherein they lived, for that being under the extreamest part of the mountain Taurus, the air was cloudy and misty; and as to the season, there was a perpetual kind of winter.
• * 1.43

  Gomeri, Cimerii, Cumeri, &c.
• n 1.44

  A later writer is of opini∣on, our Author has not reached the sense of Jos••phus. For though (says he) Josephus does say, that Gomer was the father of the Galatae; yet it must be understood of those Galatae, who invaded the Phrygians and possessed themselves of their Seats. For by Gomer is meant Phrygia (as Bo∣chartus proves) and by Ezekiel is placed north of Judaea, nigh to Togarmah. From these Gauls Gallog••aecia and Galatia is derived; all which is far enough from being any part of Gallia, properly so called. Vide Sam. Brit. p. 11.
• o 1.45

  See Scaliger's Annotations upon the Catalects, p. 222.
• * 1.46

  Lib. 8. c. 3.
• * 1.47

  Phil, Me∣lanct.
• p 1.48

  Gomer (says Sammes) signifies the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, and in all likelihood was Phrygia, which implies the same thing.
• * 1.49

  F••nicus.
• q 1.50

  Soe Plutarch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. the Germans call Robbers, Cimbri And in the German tongue, Kempher, Kemper, Kimber, and Kamper, according to different dialects, signifie a warriour; which was for∣merly only another name for a Robber.
• * 1.51

  Upon S••x∣t••s Pom∣p••••us. B••ros••s.
• * 1.52

  C••nsure of Berosus.
• * 1.53

  The name
• * 1.54

  De Procon∣sul.
• * 1.55

  Forcatul••s out of the French Annal••, 1235.
• * 1.56

  Morima∣rusa.
• * 1.57

  The S t••••∣tion.
• * 1.58

  Erasmus Michael ••f Naviga∣tion.
• r 1.59

  This opinion of peopling Britain from Gaule is opposed by some, who are inclin'd rather to think they came from Germany; not only because Caesar, telling us the Inland Britains were Aborigines, seems to imply that he could not discover any thing of the Gaulish tongue among them; but also Tacitus's inferring from the make of their limbs, and other circumstances, that the Germans planted the most northern parts of it.
• * 1.60

  Britains in Gaul. Some Co∣pies of Pli∣ny have B••••anni, n••t Bri∣tanni.
• * 1.61

  Re••ig••on.
• * 1.62

  Dr••ids.
• s 1.63

  The Britains and Gauls having the same Religion does plainly argue an Alliance (as Mr. Camden urges;) but if the discipline of the Druids so considerable both for religion and Government, were, as Caesar observes, first found in Britain, and thence convey'd into Gaul, does it not seem to intimate that Britain must have been peopled before Gaul; as having by longer experience arrived at a more compleat scheme of religion and government? Besides, if our Island had been peopled from Gaul, would it not look probable to say they must bring along with them the religion and discipline of the place?
• t 1.64

  But from hence we must not conclude that they had any knowledge of the Greek tongue. Nay, Caesar himself, when he writ to Quintus Cicero, (besieg'd at that time somewhere among the Nervians) penn'd his Letter in Greek, lest it should be intercepted, and so give intelligence to the Enemy. Which had been but a poor proj••ct, if the Druids (who were the great Ministers of State) had been masters of the language. The learned Selden is of opinion that the word Graecis has crept into the copies, and is no part of the original. And it was natural enough for Caesar, in his observations of the difference between the management of their discipline, and their other affairs; to say in general, that in one they made use of letters, and not in the other, without specifying any particulars.
• * 1.65

  An Oak in Welch is Derw.
• * 1.66

  Lib. 16. c. 44.
• * 1.67

  Sui dimi∣dia.
• † 1.68

  Candido Sago.
• * 1.69

  Saronidae.
• * 1.70

  Dry.
• * 1.71

  Bardi.
• u 1.72

  So the S••xons express'd 20, 30, 40 years, by so many Winters. And we at this day retain that old way of reckoning by nights in our sennight and fortnight, which are plainly contracted out of sevennight and fourteennight. And whereas Strabo observes, that the Britains worshipt Ceres and Proserpina, the infernal Goddesses, above any other; Sir Henry Spelman concludes from thence, that this gave occasion to reckoning by nights and winters; and that the winter particularly was consecrated to the infernal Goddesses, because they had a fancy, that in this season the seeds of every thing did owe their preservation to their care. Spelman. MS. Iceni, in the B••dleian Library at Oxford.
• * 1.73

  Their Common wealth.
• * 1.74

  Cassibel∣linus.
• * 1.75

  Their Manners.
• * 1.76

  Ambacti.
• * 1.77

  Welch.
• * 1.78

  B••achae.
• x 1.79

  A later Author, who fetches the Original of the Britains from the Phaenicians, though he cannot deny the affinity of the Gaulish and British, proved in so many instances by Mr. Camden; yet he endeavours to reconcile that to his own conjecture, by saying, 1. That the commerce of these two nations (intimated by Caesar and other writers) and that of the Phaenicians with them both, might easily cause such a promiscuous use of words. And to inforce this, he proves, 2. That those very words brought by Mr. Camden to justifie our relation with Gaul, are all, or most of them found in the Phaenician Language. See Samms's Brit. pag. 61. &c. What he concludes upon the whole, will, I believe, upon a fair compa∣rison, appear not improbable to any impartial Reader: So that it clearly appears, that those words in which the ancient Britains and Gauls did agree, proceeded not from their being one and the same people, but were introduced by foreigners, who traded to both Countries.
• * 1.80

  Language
• y 1.81

  See Is cius Pon∣tanus's opinion of this matter in Camden's Epistles, p. 90.
• * 1.82

  In these words I made use of the Bri∣tish Lexi∣con of William Salisbury, and ano∣ther old MS.
• * 1.83

  Divona.
• z 1.84

  Fynnon Dhuw, in Brittish signifies Fons Dei; but it would be improper to say Duw∣fynnon in the same sence; for that would signifie Deus fontis, as I learned from the ingenious Mr. Llwyd, by whose information, several slips in this kind a••e rectified.
• a 1.85

  Mr. Camden is charg'd by a modern writer, as putting Taranis instead of Taramis, on purpose to reconcile it better to his Taran, i.e. Thunderer. The charge is too heavy, unless he had proved his Taramis to be the true reading, which I do not find attempted; and why may it not as well be said that be espoused that reading, to make it agree better with the Phoenician Tarem? The Chester-Altar (the inscripti∣on whereof see in Cheshire) which gives Jupi••er the title of Tanarus, seems to favour our Author's conjecture. For Taran being the British, Tanarus instead of Taranus, is a slip easie enough, especially to strangers, whom we may imagine not so well acquainted with the language.
• * 1.86

  Taranis.
• b 1.87

  Hizzus and Hazis in the Syrian language is strong and powerful in war. Samms's Brit. p. 61.
• * 1.88

  Hesus.
• c 1.89

  Heus, Mr. Samms thinks ought not to be put the same with H••sus, but rather, that he is conf••unded by Lactantius with the known name of Bacchus and Hues, worshiped in these parts. See p. 62.
• d 1.90

  Huad in British is now obsoleet; but Bathuad (which is a Compound of it, is their common word for a hound; viz. from Baedh••, to bait; and huad, a dog. The English use (t) where the Germans have (s) as, foot, fus; white, weis; water, wasser, &c. and the same difference might possibly be between the Gaulish and B••itish.
• * 1.91

  Teutates.
• e 1.92

  Duw-Faith, is the true writing.
• * 1.93

  Tuesday.
• * 1.94

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.95

  Dusii.
• f 1.96

  It is dydh; but the relation between that and Dusii, seems to be too much forc'd.
• * 1.97

  Lenae.
• g 1.98

  This reading cannot be allowed; for besides that, Mela expresly says Senae: He also tells us they were called by the Gauls Cenae; now the pronunciation of (s) and (c) is so near, that it makes no difference.
• h 1.99

  Lheian in British is a Nun. But (s) and (th) are sibilating Letters; so that Sene and Lheian may possibly have had the same original, though their initials be diffe∣rent.
• * 1.100

  Gaessatae.
• i 1.101

  Gwâs, a Servant; Gwesin a petty Servant.
• * 1.102

  Gessi.
• k 1.103

  Guâsdewr signifies a stout Servant.
• * 1.104

  Gesum.
• * 1.105

  Caterva.
• l 1.106

  Catyrva or Katerva, at this day denotes in British an infinite number: but formerly 'tis probable it signified a vast army, for Kâd does not imply war in general, but a set bat∣tle; and Kadarn is strong.
• * 1.107

  Cateia.
• m 1.108

  Concerning G••ssa, Rheda, Covinus, Essedum, Cateia, Brachae, Petoritum, words alledg'd by Mr. Camden to con∣firm his opinion, see more in Vossius de Vitiis Serm. lib. 1. c. 2. and 3.
• * 1.109

  Gessa.
• n 1.110

  This is long since obsolete. But if it ever was the same with the Gau∣lish Ges, we must suppose it a compound from Kerh, a word that might signifie a Dart or Spear, and Ulw, hot embers.
• * 1.111

  Trimar∣cia.
• * 1.112

  Thireos.
• * 1.113

  Cetos.
• o 1.114

  Gadwch Gaisar, sig∣nifies in British, Caesarem dimittite: as Kedwch [or Cedwch] Gaisar, custodite Caesarem.
• * 1.115

  Rheda.
• p 1.116

  Rhedeg in British.
• * 1.117

  Eporidia.
• * 1.118

  Covinus.
• q 1.119

  To carry corn from the fields to the barn.
• * 1.120

  Essedum.
• * 1.121

  Circius.
• r 1.122

  And so Kyrch-wynt would signifie a violent wind; but why circ alone should signifie that particular piece of violence, there is no reason.
• * 1.123

  Penninum.
• s 1.124

  And also Promontories.
• t 1.125

  The true writing is Pen maen maur.
• * 1.126

  Appen∣ninus.
• u 1.127

  Which is possibly a corruption from Pen y¦gwynt, which signifies a windy Promontory.
• * 1.128

  Armoricae.
• * 1.129

  Bachauda.
• w 1.130

  They are called by different Authors Bagaudae, Vacaudae, Bacaudae; nor (as Salvianus witnesseth) did they consist wholly of Country people or Swine-heards, but of many of the be••ter sort too, who being intolerably oppress'd by the Romans, were forced to take Arms. See Sammes Brit. p. 64.
• x 1.131

  It signifies no more than the bellowing of Oxen; nor does it app••ar that it ever expressed a Neatherd.
• * 1.132

  Vargae, Li. 4. Ep. 6.
• y 1.133

  There is no word in British beginning with V consonant, but instead of that they make use of Gw. However, were there any such as Gweriad or Veriad, it seems too remote from Varga.
• * 1.134

  Allobroges.
• z 1.135

  Alia (says Sammes) does not signifie another in French, but only in Greek; and the British bro comes from the Phaenician baro, in the same sense.
• a 1.136

  A••h in composition signifies another, as alhtudh extraneus. Alhtvroich in old British might also signifie the Inhabitants of the mountains.
• * 1.137

  Glastum.
• * 1.138

  Woad.
• * 1.139

  Isatis. The Herb Vitrum. Luteum in Caesar. Pomp. Me∣la correct∣ed.
• * 1.140

  C••ctus.
• * 1.141

  Brachae.
• b 1.142

  Brat∣tian; and from thence by our North country-men Brats.
• * 1.143

  Laina.
• c 1.144

  Gwlan in British is wool.
• d 1.145

  Concerning the manner of their singing, quantities of their verses, &c. see Draiton's Polyolb. p. 67. as Selden there quotes it from Dr. Powel, as also p. 97.
• * 1.146

  Bardus.
• * 1.147

  Bardocu∣cullus.
• e 1.148

  Bardh in British, Vates.
• f 1.149

  Cochol, cu∣cullus.
• * 1.150

  Brance.
• g 1.151

  Gwenith Ffrank in British; but 'tis a modern word, and signifies French-wheat, so that we must not fancie it to have any relation to the Gaulish Brance.
• * 1.152

  Pempedu∣la.
• h 1.153

  Pump-dail in British is quinque folia.
• * 1.154

  Petori∣tum.
• i 1.155

  And (which makes the relation greater) Rhod is rota.
• * 1.156

  Guuia.
• k 1.157

  Gwyn is the truer name, though the modern Author, usually writing f for v, spell it gwif.
• * 1.158

  Betulla.
• l 1.159

  In the Plural Badwen; but this looks something forc'd.
• * 1.160

  Dercoma.
• * 1.161

  Ratis.
• m 1.162

  Rhedyn.
• * 1.163

  Scovies.
• n 1.164

  Yscaw.
• * 1.165

  Vetonica.
• o 1.166

  Betony is no British word, but express'd by Cribeu St. Frêd.
• * 1.167

  Marga.
• * 1.168

  Glisco∣marga.
• * 1.169

  Tripetia.
• p 1.170

  Trybedh.
• * 1.171

  Cande∣tum.
• q 1.172

  Kant-troed.
• * 1.173

  Becco.
• r 1.174

  Pîg.
• * 1.175

  Galba.
• s 1.176

  The present British know nothing of any such word.
• * 1.177

  Bulga.
• t 1.178

  Bedget has nothing •• British: Bol indeed in that language is a belly, which may suit that fancy well enough.
• * 1.179

  Soldurii.
• u 1.180

  Sowaer is pro••ably pure English; for the British always use Milwr in that sense.
• * 1.181

  Planarat.
• x 1.182

  Aradr in British is a plough.
• * 1.183

  Taxea.
• y 1.184

  Tew, is fat.
• * 1.185

  Zithum, Cyder. Ce••visia, Ale.
• z 1.186

  Sider is not British.
• z 1.187

  Cerevisia and the Welch Kwr••v, are no doubt of the same original.
• * 1.188

  The ends of the names of places.
• * 1.189

  Celta••.
• b 1.190

  Gwalht.
• * 1.191

  Gu••lt.
• * 1.192

  Lipsius de prenuncia∣tione, p 66.
• * 1.193

  Garumna, Gar••n••e.
• c 1.194

  Garw or Garwv, is rough, and Arar, gentle.
• * 1.195

  Arar,
• * 1.196

  Saonne.
• * 1.197

  R••••danus,
• * 1.198

  Rhosne.
• * 1.199

  G l••nnae. Mountains of Au∣••e••••ne. Cevennes.
• d 1.200

  The British call mountains Kevn, and in the Plural Number Kevneu, that is, backs.
• * 1.201

  Leuca.
• e 1.202

  Lhech.
• * 1.203

  Sto••y ••••••ds. Camp•• L••p. ••ci.
• f 1.204

  Stones are called Kerig; but Kraig is a rock; from whence in our Northern parts we still call them Grags.
• * 1.205

  Morini.
• * 1.206

  Arelate, Araes.
• * 1.207

  U••••llo••u∣num.
• g 1.208

  This is very often us'd in compound names of places.
• * 1.209

  Dunum.
• * 1.210

  Cythari∣stes.
• h 1.211

  Telyn is a harp.
• * 1.212

  Epist. 4.
• i 1.213

  How true soever that may be, yet 'tis certain that the opinion he advances of Wales having its name from Gaul, is altogether false, as is prov'd in Cornwall. And besides, why might not the Welsh and the Gauls both of them have their name upon the s••me occasion, the latter as being stran∣gers to the Germans, and the former to the Saxons?
• k 1.214

  Our Author, where he discourses of the continuance of the Romans in Britain, deli∣vers it as his opinion, that the Britains may best claim a relation to the Trojans, by their intercourse for so many hundreds of years with the Romans, who were certainly descended from them.
• * 1.215

  The Bri∣t sh lan∣guag••.
• * 1.216

  Giraldus in his To∣pography of Wales
• * 1.217

  Prop••••r homi••as iram.