IT is not any Ambition to be in Print, when so few spare Paper and the Presse, nor any instigations of private revenge or malice (though sew that dare be ho∣nest now want their causes) that have prevailed with me to make my sel• the Authour of a Pamplet, and to disturbe that Quiet which at present I enjoy, by his Highnes great favour and injustice. Nor am I ignorant to how little purpose I shall imploy that time and paines, which I shal bestow upon this Paper. For to thinck that any reasons or perswasions of mine, or convictions of their own, shall draw men from any thing wherein they see profit or security, or to any thing wherein they fear losse, or see dan∣ger, is to have a better opinion both of my self and them, then either of us both deserve.

Besides, the subject it self is of that nature, that I am not onely to expect danger from ill men, but censure and disallowance from many that are good; for these opinions only lookt upon, not lookt into (which all have not eyes for) will appear bloody and cruel; & these compellations I must expect from those that have a zeal, but not according to knowledge: If therefore I had considered my self, I had spared what ever this is of paines, and not dista∣sted so many, to please so few, as are in mankinde, (the honest and the wise.) But at such a time as this, when God is not onely exercising vs with a usuall and common calamitie, of letting us fall into slavery, that used our liberty so ill; but is pleased so farr to blinde our un∣derstandings, and to debase our spirits, as to suffer us to court our bondage, and to place it amongst the requests we put up to him; Indignation makes a man break that silence that prudence would perswade him to use; if not to work upon other mens mindes, yet to ease his own.

A late Pamphlet tels us of a great designe discovered against the person of his Highnes & of the Parlements comming (for so does that junto prosane that name) to congratulate with his Highnes, his happy deliverance from that wicked and bloody attempt. Besides this that they have Ordered that God Almighty shalbe mockt with a day of thanksgiving (as I thinck the world is with the plot) & that the people shal give publique thanks for the publique cala∣mitie, that God is yet pleased to continue his judgements upon them, and to frustrate all meanes that are used for their deliverance: Certainly none will now deny that the English are a very thankfull people. But I thinck if we had read in Scripture that the Israelites had cryed unto the Lord, not for their own deliverance, but the preservation of their Task ma∣sters, and that they had thanked God with Solemnity that Pharaoh was yet living, and that there was still great hopes of the daily encrease of the number of their Bricks: Though that people did so many things not onely impiously and profanely, but ridiculously and absurdly, yet certainly they did nothing we should more have wondered at, then to have found them Ceremoniously thankfull to God for plagues, that were commonly so brutishly unthankfull for mercies; And we should have thought that Moyses had done them a great deal of wrong, if he had not suffered them to enjoy their slavery and left them to their Tasks & Garlick.

I can with justice say my principal intention in this Paper is not to declaim against my L. Protectour or his Accompl•es, for were it not more to justifie others then to accuse them, I should think their own actions ••d that work sufficiently, and I should not take pains to tell the world what they know before. My designe is to examine whether if there hath been such a plott as we heare of; and that it was contrived by Mr. Sindercombe against my L. Protectour, and not by my L Protectour against Mr. Sindercombe (which is doubtfull) whether it deserves those Epithites Mr. Speaker is pleased to give it, of bloody wicked, and proceeding from the Prince of darknesse. I know very well how uncapable the vulger are of considering what is extraordinary & singular in every case, and that they judge of things, and name them by their exteriour appearances, without penetrating at all into their causes or natures. And without doubt when they heare the Protectour was to be kil'd, they streight conclude a man was to be murdered, not a malefactour punished: for they think the formalities do alwayes make the thing themselves, and that tis the Judge and the Cryer that makes the justice, and the Goal the Criminall: And therfore when they read in the Pamplet Mr. Speakers speech, they certainly think he gives these Plotters their right titles; and, as readily as a High-court of Justice, they condemn them, without ever examining whether they would have killed a Magistrate, or destroyed a Tyrant, over whom every man is naturally a Judge and an Exe∣••tioner; and whom the laws of God, of nature, and of nations expose, like Beasts of prey, 〈◊〉 be destroyed •s they are met.

That I may be as plain as I can, I shall first make it a question (which indeed is none) whe∣ther my Lord Protectour be a Tyrant or not? Secondly, if he be. Whether it is lawfull to do •ustice upon him without Solemnitie, that is, to Kill him? Thirdly, if it be lawfull, Whether 〈◊〉 is like to prove profitable or noxious to the Common-wealth?

The 〈…〉 makes Tyrants of two sorts. Tirannus sine Titulo and Tirannus Exercitio. The one is called a Tyrant because he hath no right to govern,* the other because he governs Tyrannically. We will very briefly discourse of them both, and see whether the Protectour may not with great Justice put in his claim to both Titles.

We shal fussiciently demonstrate who they are that have not a right to govern, if we shew who they are that have; and what it is that makes the power just, which those that rule, have over the naturall libertie of other men. To Fathers within their private Families nature hath given a Supreme power. Every man, sayes Aristotle,(a) of Right governs his wife & chil∣dren, and this power was necessarily exercised(b) every where, whilst families lived di∣sperst,(c) before the constitutions of Common-wealths; and in many places it continued after, as appeares by the laws of Solon, and the most Auncient of those of Rome. And in∣deed as by the laws of God(d) and nature, the care, defence, and support of the family lies upon every man whose it is; so by the same law there is due unto every man from his Fa∣milie a subjection and obedience, in compensation of that support. But severall Families uniting themselves together to make up one body of a Common-wealth, & being Indepen∣dent one of another, without any naturall Superioritie or obligation, nothing can introduce amongst them a disparitie of Rule and subjection, but some power that is over them; which power none can pretend to have but God and themselves. Wherefore al power which is law∣fully exercised over such a societie of men (which from the end of its institution we call a Common wealth) must necessarily be derived either from the appointment of God Almi∣ghty,* who is supreme Lord of all & every part; or from the consent of the Society it self, who have the next power to his, of disposing of their own libertie, as they shal think fit for their own good. This power God hath given to societies of men, as well as he gave it to particu∣lar(e) persons, and when he interposes not his own authority and appoints not himself who shalbe his Vice-gerents and rule under him; he leaves it to none but the people themselves to make the election, whose benefit is the end of all government. Nay when he himself hath been pleased to appoint rulers for that people, which he was pleased peculiarly to own, He many times made the choice, but left the Confirmation & Ratification of that choice to the people themselves. So Saul(f) was chosen by God, and anointed King by his Prophet, but made King by all the people at Gilgal.(a) David was anointed King(b) by the same Prophet but was afterwards, after Sauls death, confirmed by the people of Juda,(c) and 7. years af∣ter by the Elders of(d) Israel, the peoples deputies, at Chebron. And it is observable, that though they knew that David was appointed King by God & anointed by his prophet, yet they likewise knew that God allowed to themselves not only his confirmation, but likewise the limitation of his power, for before his Inauguration they made a league(e) with him; that is, obliged him by compact to the performance of such conditions as they thought ne∣cessarie for the securing their Libertie. Nor is it lesse remarkable, that when God gives di∣rections to his people concerning their government, he plainly leaves the Forme to them∣selves: for he saies not, when thou shalt have come into the land which the Lord thy God gives thee, Statues super to Regem, But, Si[f] Dixeris statuam. God saies not, thou shalt ap∣point a King over thee, But if thou shalt say, I will appoint; leaving it to their choice whe∣ther they would say so or no. And it is plaine in that place that God gives the people the choice of their King, for he there instructs them whom they shal choose, Emedio fratrum tuo∣rum, one out of the midst of thy brethren; much more might we say, if it were a lesse mani∣fest Truth, that all just power of goverment is founded upon these two bases, of Gods imme∣diate command, or the Peoples consent. And therefore whosoever arrogates to himself that power, or any part of it, that cannot produce one of those two titles, is not a Ruler, but an Invader, and those that are subject to that power, are not governed, but opp•est.

This being considered have not the people of England much reason to ask the Protector this Question; Quis constunit te virum Principem & judicem super nos? Who made thee a Prince and a Judge over us? If God made thee, make it manifest to us. If the people, where did we meet to doe it? Who took our Subscriptions? To whom deputed we our authority? And when and where did those Deputies make the choice? Sure these interrogations are very naturall, and I beleeve would much trouble his Highnes his Councill, & his Junto to an∣swer. In a word, that I may not tyre my reader (who will not want proofs for what I say, if he wants not memory;) If to change the goverment without the peoples consent: If to dis∣solve their Representatives by sorce, and disanull their Acts: If to give the name of the Peoples Representatives to consederates of his own, that he may establish iniquitie by a law: If to take away mens lives out of all course of law, by certain Murtherers of his own ap∣pointment, whom he names, A High Court of Iustice. If to decimate mens estates, and by Page  [unnumbered]his owne power to impose upon the people what Taxes he pleases: And to maintaine all this by force of Armes: If I say all this does make a Tyrant, his owne impudence cannot denie but he is as compleate a one as ever hath been since there have been Societies of Men. He that hath done, & does all this, is the person for whose preservation the people of England must pray; but certainly if they doe, tis for the same Reason that the old woman of Syracuse prayd for the long life of the Tyrant Dyonisius, least the Divel should come next.

Now if instead of Gods command or the peoples consent his Highnes hath no other Title but force & fraud, which is to want all Title: And if to violate all lawes & propose none to Rule by, but those of his owne will, Be to exercise that Tyranie he hath usurp't, and to ma∣ke his Administration conformable to his clayme: Then the first Question we proposed is a Question no Longer.

But before wee come to the second, being thnigs are more Easily perceived & found by the description of theire Exteriour Accidents, & Qualities, then the defining theire Essences: It will not be Amisse to see, whether his Highnes hath not as well the outward Markes & Characters by which Tyrants are Known as he hath theire Nature & Essentiall properties: Whether he hath not the Skynne of the Lyon & Tayle of the Fox, as well as he hath the Violence of the one & Deceipt of the other. Now in this Delineation which I intend to make of a Tyrant, all the Lineaments, all the Colours, will be found so Naturally to correspond with the life, that it cannot but be doubted, whether his Highnes be the Originall or the Coppy. Whether I have in drawing the Tyrant Represented him: or in Representing him Exprest a Tyrant. And therefore least I should be suspected to deale un-sinceerly with his Highnes and not to have Applyed These follownig Characters, but made them, I shall not give you any of my owne Stamping but such as I finde in Plato, Aristotle, Tacitus, & his Highnes own Euangelist, Machiavell.

1. Almost all Tyrants have beene first Captaines & Generalls for the people:* under pre∣tences of vindicating, or defending theire Liberties. Vt Imperium evertant Libertatem prae∣serunt; cum perverterunt, ipsam aggrediuntur; sayes Tacitus(a) to subvert the present Gover∣ment, they pretend Liberty for the people, when the Goverment is downe, they then Invade that libertie them selves, this nedes no Application.

2. Tyrants accomplshs their ends much more by fraud then force. Neither vertue nor force (sayes Machiavell)(b) are so necessary, to that purpose as una Astutia fortunata, a Luckie craft: which sayes he(c) without force hath been often found sufficient, but never force without that. And in another place(d) he tels us their way is Aggirare I cervelli de gli huo. mini con Astutia &c. With cunning plausible pretences to impose upon mens understandings & in the end they master those that had so little wit as to rely upon their faith & integritie.

Tis but unnecessary to say, that had not his Highnes had a faculty to be fluent in his teares, and eloquent in his execrations: Had he not had spungie eyes, and a supple conscience; and besides to doe with a people of great faith, but little wit: his courage and the rest of his Mo∣rall uertues, with the help of his Janizaties, had never been able so sarr to advance him out of the reach of justice, that we should have need to call for any other hand to remove him, but that of the Hangman.

3. They abase all excellent persons and rid out of the way all that have noble mindes Et Terrae filios extollunt; and advance Sons of the Earth.

To put A ristotle into other words, they purge both Parliament and army til they leave few or none there, that have ether honour or conscience, ether witt, Interest, or Courage to op∣pose theire designes. And in these Purgations (Sayth Plato) (e) Tyrants doe quite contrary to Physitians; for they purge us of our humours, but Tyrants of our Spirits.

4. They dare suffer noe Assemblies. Not somuch as Horse-races.

5. In all places they have theyre Spies & Dilators, that is, they have theire Fleetwoods, their Broughalls, their St. John's (besides innumerable sinalle spyes) to appeare discon∣tented & not to side with them; that under that disguise they may get trust, and make dis∣cover•ers. They likewise have their Emissaties to send with forged letters.* If any doubt this let him send to Major general Browne, and he will Satisfie Him.

6. They Stirre not without a guarde, nor his Highnes without his life guarde.

7. They impoverish the people, that they may want the power, if they have the will to attempt any thing against them. His Highnes way is by taxes, Excise, Decimations &c.

8. They make warre to divert and busie the people:* And besides to have a pretence to rayse •oneys and to make new Leavies, if they either distrust their old forces or thinke them not •fficient. The warre with Spain serveth his Highnes to this purpose, and upon noe other 〈◊〉 was it began at first, or is still continued. Page  6lawfull, and furnish him with Title: his Highnes will likewise be then content to understand Scripture in their favour & furnish them with Tithes.

10.* Things that are odious and distastfull they make others executioners of, and when the people are discontented, they appease them with Sacrifi•ing those Ministers they imploy: I leave it to his Highnes his Major generalls to ruminate a little upon this point.

11. In all things they pretend to be wonderfull carefull of the Publique: to give generall accompts of the money they receive, which they pretend to be leavied for the maintenance of the State, and the prosecuting of the warr. His Highnes made an excellent Comment upon this place of Aristotle in his speech to this Parlement.

12. All things set aside for Religious uses they set to sale; that while those things last, they may exact the lesse of the people. The Cavaliers would interpret this of the Dean and Chapters Lands.

13. They pretend inspirations from Gods, and responces from Oracles to Authorise what they doe, his Highnes hath been ever an Enthusiast. And as Hugh Capet, in taking the Crown, pretended to be admonish't to it in a dreame by St. Valery, and St. Richard: so I beleeve will his Highnes doe the same, at the instigation of St. Henry and St. Richard his two Sonnes.

14. Lastly, Above all things they pretend a love to God and Religion. This Aristotle cals Artuae Tyrannic•rae potissimam; the surest and best of all the Artes of Tyrants, and we al know his Highnes hath found it so by experience.* He hath found indeed that in godlinesse there is great gain; and that preaching and praying, well managed; will obtain other kingdomes as well as that of Heaven. His indeed have been pious Armes, for he hath conquered most by those of the Church, by prayers and(a) teares. But the truth is, were it nor for our honour to be governed by one that can manage both the spirituall and temporall sword, and Roman like, to have our Emperour our High Priest: We might have had preaching at a much cheaper rate, and it would have cost us but our Tithes, which now costs us all.

Other markes and rules there are mentioned by Aristotle to know Tyrants by: but they being unsuitable to his Hig•nes Actions, and impracticable by his temper, I insist not on them. As among other things(b) Aristotle would not have a Tyrant insolent in his beha∣viour, nor strike people But his Highnes is naturally chollerique, & most call men Rogues, and goe to Cuffes. At last he concludes he should so fashion his manners, as neither to be really good, nor absolutely bad, but half one, half tother. Now this half good is too great a proportion for his Highnes, and much more then his temper will beare.

But to speak truths more seriously, and to conclude this first question. Certainly what e∣ver these characters make any man, it cannot be denied but his Highnes is, and then if he be not a Tyrant, we must confesse we have no definition nor description of a Tyrant left us; & may well imagine there is no such thing in nature, and that tis onely a notion and a name. But if there be such a Beast, and we do at all believe what we see and feel; let us now en∣quire, according to the method we proposed, whether this be a Beast of game that we are to give law to, or a Beast of Prey to destroy with all meanes are allowable and fair?

In deciding this question authours very much differ,* as farr as at concerns supteame Ma∣gistrates, who degenerate into Tyrants. Some think they are to be born with as bad(c) Pa∣rents; and place them in the number of those misc. iess(d) that have no other cure but our patience. Others think they may be questioned by that supreame law of the peoples safety; and that they are answerable to the peoples Representatives for the bre cho their trust. But none, of sober sense, makes private persons judges of their actions; which were indeed to subvert all government. But on the other side, I find none, that have not been frighted or corrupted out of their reason, that have been so great enemies to common justice, and the Liberty of mankinde; as to give any kind of indemnity to a Usurper, who can pretend no title, but that of being stronger; nor challenge the peoples obedience upon any other obli∣gation but that of their necessity, & fear. Such a person, as one out of all bounds of humane protection, all men make the Ishmael,(e) against whom is every mans hand, as his is against every man. To him they give no more security then Cain, his fellow-murtherer and oppres∣sour, promised to himself, to be destroyed by him that found him first.

The reason why a Tyrants case is particular, & why in that every man hath that vengance given him, which in other cases is res•rved to God and the Magistrate, cannot be obscure, if we rightly consider what a Tyrant is, what his crimes are, and in what state he stands with the Common wealth, and with every member of it. And certainly if we find him an enemy to al humane society, and a subverter of all laws, and one that by the greatnes of his villanies, 〈…〉 of justice: we shall not at all think it strongs if Page  [unnumbered]then he have no benefit from humane society, no protection from the law, and if, in his case, justice dispenses with her formes. We are therefore to consider that the end, for which men enter into societie, is not barely to live, which they may doe disperst, as other Animals: but to live happily; and a Life answerable to the dignity and excellency of their kind. Out of Socie∣tie, this happinesse is not to be had, for singly we are impotent, and desective, unable to pro∣cure those things that are either of necessity, or ornament for our lives; and as unable to de∣send and keep them when they are acquired. To Remedy these defects, we Associate together that what we can neither enjoy nor keep, singly, by mutuall benesits and assistances, one of another, We may be able to doe both. We cannot possibly accomplish these ends, if we sub∣mit not our passions and appetites to the lawes of reason and justice. For the depravitie of mans will makes him as unfit to live in Societie, as his necessity makes him unable to live out of it. And if that perversnesse be not regulated by lawes, mens appetites to the same things; their avarice, their lust, their ambition would quickly make Society as unsafe, or more, then Soli∣tude it self, and we should associate only to be nearer our miserie and our ruine. That there∣fore by which we accomplish the ends of a Sociable life, is our subjection, and submission to lawes, these are the Nerves and Sinews of every Society or Common-Wealth; Without which they must necessarily dissolve and fall asunder.* And indeed (as Augustine sayes) those Socie∣ties where law and justice is not, are not Common-Wealths or Kingdomes, but Magna Latro∣cinia, Great Confederacies of Thieves and Robbers. Those therefore that submit to no lavv are not to be reputed in the Society of mankind, which cannot consist without a law. There∣fore Aristotle(a) saith, Tyrannie is against the law of nature, that is, the law of humane So∣ciety, in which humane nature is preserved. For this reason they deny a Tyrant to be Par∣tem Civitatis; for every part is subject to the whole: and a Citizen (saies the same authour,(b) is he who is as well obliged to the duty of obeying, as he is capable of the power of com∣manding. And indeed he does obey whilit he does command, that is, be obeys the lawes, which (saies Tully) Macistratibus praesunt, ut Magistratus praesunt Populo, are above the Ma∣gistrates, as the Magistrates are above the people. And therefore a Tyrant that submits to no law; but his will and lust are the law, by which he governs himself and others, is no Magistrate, no Citizen or member of any Society, but an Ulcer and a disease that detroyes it, and if it be rightly considered, a Common-wealth by falling into a Tyrannie al solutely looses that name, and is actually an other thing: Non est civitas quae unius est viri (saies Sophocles) that which is one mans, is no city. For there is no longer King and People, or Parlement and peo∣ple, but those names are changed (at least their natures) into Masters and Servants, Lord and Slaves: And Servorum non Civitas erit sed magna Familia (saies Grotius)(c) where all are Slaves, tis not a Citty but a great Family. And the truth is, we are all members of Whithall, and when our master pleaseth, he May send for us thither, and there bore through our Eares at the door posts. But to conclude, a Tyrant, as we have said, being no part of a Common-wealth, nor submitting to the laws of it, but making himself above al law: There is no reason he should have the protection that is due to a member of a Common-wealth, nor any defence from laws, that does acknowledge none. He is therefore in all reason to be reckoned in the number of those Savage Beasts, that full not with others into any heard: that have no other defence but their own strength; making a prey of all thats weaker, and, by the same justice, being a prey to all thats stronger then themselves.

In the next place, let it be considered, that a Tyrant making himself above all law, & de∣fending his injustice by a strength which no power of Magistrates is able to appose: he becoms above all punishment, above all other justice, then that he receives from the stroak of some generous hand. And certainly the safety of mankinde were but ill provided for, if there were no kind of justice to reach great villanies, but Tyrants should be Immanitate Scelerum tuti, se∣cured by the greatnesse of their crimes. Our lawes would be then but Cobwebs indeed, made only to catch Flies; but not to hold Wasps or Hornets: And it might be then said of all com∣mon-wealths, what was said of Athens, That there onely small Theeves were hanged, but the great ones were free, and condemned the rest. But he that will secure himself of all hands, must know he secures himself from none: He that flies justice in the Court, must expect to finde it in the street: & he that goes armed against every man; armes every man against him∣self. Bellum est in eos, Qui judiciis Coerceri non possunt (saies Cicero) We have warr with those against whom we can have no law. The same Authour, Cum duo sint decertandi genera, &c. There being two wayes of deciding differences, the one by judgement and Arbitration, the other by Force: the one proper to men, the other to beasts. We must have recourse to the latter, when the former cannot be obtained. And cerrainly by the law of nature,* ubi cessat Iu∣dici•m, when no justice can be had, every man may be his own Magistrate, and doe justice for Page  [unnumbered] 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  [unnumbered] 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  [unnumbered] 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  [unnumbered] 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  [unnumbered]himself.* For the law (saies Grotius) that forbids me to pursue my right but by a course of law: Certainly supposes, Vbi copia est Iudicii, where law and justice is to be had: otherwise that law were a defence for injuries, not one against them: and quite contrary to the nature of all lawes; would become the protection of the guilty against the innocent, not of the inno∣cent against the guilty.* Now as it is contrary to the laws of God and nature, that men, who are partial to themselves, and therefore unjust to others, should be their own judges, where others are to be had: so is it as contrary to the law of nature, and the common safety of man∣kinde, that when the law can have no place, men should be forbidden to repell force by force, and so be left without all defence & remedie against injuries. God himself left not the slave without remedie against the cruell Master: And what Analogie can it hold with reason, that the slave that is but his Masters mony; and but part of his Houshold-stuff, should find re∣dresse against the Injuries, and insolencies of an imperious Master, and a free people, who have no superiour but their God, should have none at all against the injustice and oppression of a Barbarous Tyrant? And were not the incongruity fully as great, that the law of God per∣mitting every man to kil a thief, if he took him breaking open his house in the night: because then it might be supposed he could not bring him to justice; But a Tyrant, that is the common Robber of mankinde, and whom no law can take hold on, his person should be, Sacrosanct, cui nihil Sacrum aut Sanctum, to whom nothing is Sacred, nothing Inviolable? But the vulger judge ridiculously like themselves. The glister of things dazles their eyes, and they judge of them by their appearances; and the colours that are put on them. For what can be more ab∣surd in nature, and contrary to all common sence, then to call him thief and Kill him, that comes alone, or with a few to Robb me: And to call him Lord Protectour and obey him, that robbes me with Regiments and Troops?* As if to rove with two or three Ships were to be a Pirate, but with fifty an Admirall? But if it be the number of adherents only, not the cause, that makes the difference between a Robber and a Protectour: I wish that number were de∣fined, that we might know where the Thief ends, and the Prince beginns. And be able to di∣stinguish between a Robbery and a Tax. But sure no English man can be ignorant, that it is his Birth-right to be master of his own Estate; and that none can command any part of it but by his own grant and consent, either made expresly by himself, or Virtually by a Parliament. All other waies are meere Robberies in other names: Auferre, Trucidare, Rapere, falsis nomi∣nibus imperium,* atque ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem apellant: To Robbe, to extort, to murder Tyrants falsly cald to Govern, and to make desolation, they call to settle peace: in every as∣seasement we are Rob'd, the Excise is Robbery, the Custoumes Robbery, & without doubt, when ever us prudent, tis alwayes lawfull, to kill the thieves, whom we can bring to no other justice.* And not onely lawfull, and to doe our selves right, but Glorious, and to deserve of mankind, to free the World of that common robber, that universall Pirat, under whom, and for whom, the lesser beasts prey. This Firebrand I would have any way extinguisht: This Ul∣cer I would have any hand to lance. And I cannot doubt but God wil suddenly sanctifie some hand to doe it, and bring down that bloody and deceitfull man, who lives not onely to the misery, but the infamie of our nation.

I should have reason to be much lesse confident of the justice of this opinion, if it were new, and only grounded upon Collections and Interpretations of my own. But herein if I am de∣ceived, I shall however have the excuse to have been drawn into that errour, by the examples that are lest us by the greatest and most vertuous, and the opinions of the wisest and gravest men, that have lest their memories to posterity. Out of the great plenty of confirmations I could bring for this opinion, from examples and authorities; I shall select a very few; for ma∣nifest truths have not need of those supports; and I have as little minde to tire my self as my Reader.*

First therefore a Usurper that by only force posseseth himself of government, and by force onely keeps it, is yet in the State of warr with every man, saies the learned Grotius: and there∣fore every thing is lawfull against him, that is lawfull against an open enemy, whom every private man hath a right to kill.* Hostis hostem occidere volui saies Scaevola to Porsena; when he was taken, after he had failed in his attempt to kill him; I am an enemy and an enemy I would have kil'd; which every man hath a right to doe.

Contra publicos hostes, & Majestatis Reos, omnis homo miles est (sayes Tertullian,) Against common enemies, and those that are Traitors to the common wealth, every man is a Sol∣dier. This opinion the most Celebrated nations have approved both by their laws & practises. The Grecians (as Zeaophon tells us) who suffered not Murderers to come into their Templs, in those very Temples they erected Statutes to those that kil'd Tyrants, thinking it fit to place their deliverers amongst their Gods. Cicero was an eye witnesse of the honours that were Page  9done such men, Graeci hominet &c.* The Greekes (saieth he) attribute the honours of the Gods to those that kild Tyrants: What have I seen in Athens and Other Cities of Greece! What Religion Paid to such men! What songs! What Elogies!* By which they are Consecra∣ted to Immortallity, and almost Deified! In Athens, by Solons Law, Death was not only decree'd for the Tyrant that opprest the State, but for all those that tooke any Charge,(a) or did beate any office while the Tyranny remained. And Plato tells us the ordinary Course they tooke with Tyrants in Greece. If (sayes he) the Tyrant can not be expuls't by Accusing him to the Cittizens; then by secret practises they dispatch him.

Amongst the Romans the Valerean law was, si quis injussu populi &c. Who soever took Magistracy upon him, without the command of the people it was lawfull for any man to kill him. Plutarch makes this law more Severe, ut Injudicatum occidere eum liceret. Qui Do∣minatum concupisceret. That it was lawfull by that law, before any judgment past, to kill him that but Aspired to Tyranny. Likewise the Consular law which was made after the sup∣pression of the Tyranny of the Decemvirate, made it lawfull to kill any man that went about to Create Magistrates, sine Provocatione &c. Without reference and Appeal to the people. By these lawes and Innumerable testimonies of Authours, it appeares; that the Romans, with the rest of theyre Philosophy, had learned from the Grecians what was the naturall Remedie against a lyrant: nor did they honour these lesse that durst apply it. Who as Polybius Sayes (Speaking of Conspiracies against Tyrants) were not,* Deterrimi Civium, sed Generosisiimi Quique, & Maximi Auimi; not the worst and meanest of the Cittizens, but the most Generous, and these of Greatest vertue. Soe were most of these that conspired against Julius Caesar. He himself thought Brutus worthy to succeed him in the Empire of the world: And Cicero, who had the title of Pater Patriae; if he were not conscious of the designe, Yet he at least affected the honour of being thought soe. Quae enim Res unquam &c. What Act (sayes he) o Jupiter more glorious!* more worthy of Eternall memorie, hath beene done not only in this Citty, but in the whole world! In this designe, as the Troyan Horse, I willingly suffer my self to be Included with the Princes. In the same place he tells us what all vertuous Romans thought of the fact aswell as he. Omnes Boni, Quantum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt: aliis consilium: aliis animus: aliis occa∣sio defuit, Voluntas nemini, All Good men (Saith he) as much as lay in them killed Caesat: Some wanted Capacity: some Courage: Others opportunity: But none the will to doe it. But yet we have not declared the extent of theire severity against a Tyrant. They ex∣posed him to fraud, as well as force, and left him no security in Oathes, and compacts: that neither law nor Religion might defend him, that violated Both. Cum Tyranno Romanis nulla fides, nulla jurisjurandi Religio, Saith Brutus in Appian:* with a Tyrant the Romans thinke no faith to be kept, observe no Religion of an Oath. Seneca gives the Reason; Quia quicquid erat, quo mihi cohaereret &c. For what ever there was of mutuall obligation betwixt us; his destroying the lawes of humane society, hath dissolud:* soe these that thought, that there was in hostem nefas, that a villany might be committed against an ene∣mie: these that profes't, non minus juste quam fortiter arma gerere,* to manage theire armes with justice as well as Courage: these that thought faith was to be kept even with the per∣fidious,* (b) yet they thought a Tyrant Could receiue no injustice, but to be let live; and that the most lawfull way to destroy him was the Readiest. No matter wether by force or fraud; for against Beasts of Prey, men use the toyle and the net as well as the speare and the lance. But soe great was theire detestation of a Tyrant that it made some take theire opinions from theire passions; and vent things which they could but ill justifie to theire morality they thought a Tyrant had soe absolutety forfeited all title to humanity, and all kind of Protection they could give him or his: that they left his wife without any other Guard for her chastity but age and deformity; and thought it not adultery what was com∣mitted with her. Many mote testimonies might I bring; for 'tis harder to make choice then to find plenty. But I shall conclude with Authorities that are much more Authentique; and examples we may much more sately Imitate.

The law of God it self decree'd Certaine(c) death to that man that would doe presumptuously, and submit to no Decision of Justice. Who can Read this and thin∣ke a Tyrant ought to live? But Certainly neither that, nor any other law were to any effect, if there were no way to put it in execution. But in a Tyrants Case Processe and Citation have no place, and if we will only have Formall Reme∣dies against him, we ave sure to have none. Theres' small hopes of Justice where the Malefactour hath a power to condemn the Judge. Page  [unnumbered]All remedie therfore against a Tyrant is Ehuds dagger, without which all our lawes were fruit∣lesse, and we helplesse. This is that high Court of justice where Moses brought the Egyptian: whether Ehud brought Eglon: Samson the Phililtins: Samuel Agag: and Jehoiada the she Tyrant Athaliah.

Let us a little consider in particular these severall examples, and see whether they may be proportioned to our purpose.

First as to the case of Moses and the Egiptian:* certainly every Englishman hath as much call as Moses, and more cause then he, to slay this Egiptian that is alwayes laying on burdens and alwayes smiting both our brethren and our selves. For as to his call, he had no other that we read of, but the necessity his brother stood in of his help. He look't on his brethrens bur∣dens, and seeing an Egiptian smiting an Hebrew, knowing he was out of the reach of all other kind of justice, he slew him. Certainly this was and is as lawfull for any man to doe, as it was for Moses, who was then but a private man, and had no authority for what he did, but what the law of nature gives every man; to oppose force to force, and to make justice where he findes none. As to the cause of that action, we have much more to say then Moses had: He saw one Hebrew smitten, we many Englishmen murderd; He saw his brethrens burdens, and their blowes, we our brethrens burdens, imprisonments and deaths. Now sure if it were lawfull for Moses to kill that Egiptian that opprest one man, being there was no way to procure an ordi∣nary course of justice agains him: It cannot be but absurd to think it unlawfull to kill him(a) that oppresses a whole nation, and one that justice as little reaches as it defends.

The example of Ehud shews us the naturall and almost the only remedie against a Tyrant, and the way to free an opprest people from the slavery of an insulting Moabite, tis done by prayers and teares, with the help of a Dagger, by (b) crying to the Lord, and the left hand of an Ehud. Devotion and action goe wel together; for beleeve it, a Tyrant is not of that kinde of Devill that is to be cast out by only fasting and prayer: And here the Scripture shews us what the Lord thought a fit message to send a Tyrant from himself:* A Dagger of a cubit in his Bel∣ly, and every worthy man that desires to be an Ehud, a deliverer of his Countrie, will strive to be the messenger.

We may here likewise observe in this and many places of judges, that when the Israelites fel to Idolatry,* which of all Siunes certainly is one of the greatest: God Allrighty to proportion the punishment and the offence, still delivered them into the hands of Tyrants; which sure is one of the greatest of all plagues.

In the story of Samson tis manifest,* that the denying him his wife, and after the burning her and her father, which though they were great, yet were but private injuries, he took for sufficient grounds to make warre upon the Philistians, being himself but a private man, and not onely not assisted, but opposed (a) by his servile countrey men. He knew what the law of nature allowed him; where other lawes have no place, and thought it a sufficient justification for smiting the Philistins hip and thigh to answer for himself,* that as they did unto him, so had be done unto them.

Now that which was lawfull for Samson to doe against many oppressours, why is it unlaw∣full for us to doe against one? are our injuries lesse? out Friends and Relations are daily mur∣dered before our faces. Have we otherwayes for reparation? let them be named and I am si∣lenc'd. But if we have none, the fire-brands, or the jawbone, the first weapons our just fury can lay hold on, may certainly be lawfully employed against that uncircumcised Philistin. that oppresses us.* We have too the opposition and discouragements that Samson had, & there∣fore have the more need of his courage & resolution. As he had the men of Judah, so we have the men of Levi, crying to us out of the Pulpit, as from the top of the Rock Etam, know you not that the Philistin is a Ruler over you? The truth is, they would fain make him so, & bind us with Samson in new cordes, but we hope they will become as Flax, and that they will ei∣ther loose from our hands, or we shall have the courage to cut them.

Upon the same grounds of Retatiation did Samuel doe justice with his own hand upon the Tyrant Agag.* As thy sword (saies the Prophet) hath made Women childlesse, so shall thy mo∣ther be childlesse amongst Women, nor is there any law more naturall and more just.

How many mothers has our Agag, for his own ambition, made childlesse? how many chil∣dren Fatherlesse? how many have this reason to hew this Amalakite in pieces before the Lord? And let his own relations, and all theirs that are confederates with him, beware, least men come at last to revenge their own relations in them.* They make many a woman husban∣lesse, many a father childlesse. Their wives may come at last to know what tis to want a hus∣band, and themselves to loose their children. Let them remember what their great Apostle Machiavell tells them; that in contestations for the preserving their liberty, people many Page  [unnumbered]times use moderation; but when they come to vindicate it, their rigour exceeds all meane, like beasts that have been kept up, & are afterwards let loose, they alwayes are more fierce & cruell.

To conclude with the example Jehoiada hath left us.* Six yeares he hid the right Heir of the Crown in the house of the Lord, and without all doubt, amongst the rest of Gods services there he was all that time contriving the destruction of the Tyrant, that had aspired to the Crown by the destruction of those that had the right to it. Jehoiada had no pretence to authorice this action; but the equity & Justice of the act it self. He pretended no immediate command from God for what he did, nor any authority from the Sanedrym, & therefore any man might have done what Jehoiada did as lawfully, that could have done it as effectually as he. Now what ci∣tation was given to Athaliah, what appearance was she cal'd to before any court of justice:* her fact was her triall, she was without any expostulation taken forth of the Ranges and onley let live till she got out of the Temple, that that Holy place might not be defiled by the blood of a Tyrant, which was fitter to be shed on a dung-hill, and so they slew her at the Hors-gate. And by the Kings house, the very White-hall, where she had caused the Blood-Royall to be spilt, & which her self had so long anjustly possest, there by Providence did she receive her punishment where she had acted so great a part of her crimes. How the people approved of this Glorious action of de••roying a Tyrant, this Chapter tels us at the last verse. And all the people of the land rejoyced, and the City was quiet, after that they had slain Athalian with the sword.* And that it may appeare they no lesse honoured the Authours of such actions, then other Nations did; as in his lifetime they obeyed Jehoiada as a King, so after his death, for the good he had done in Israel (saith the Scripture) they likewise buried him amongst the Kings.

I 〈◊〉 conclude this story without observing that Jehoiada commanded,* that whosoe∣ver followed Athaliah should be put to death Letting us see what they deserve that are Confe∣derates with Tyrants and will side with them, and but appear to defend them, or allow them, his Highnes his Counsell, his Junto, and the Agaes of his Janizaries, may, if they, lease, take notice of this and repent, least they likewise perish. And likewise his Highnes his Chaplains, and Tryers who are to admit none into the ministry that will preach liberty with the Gospell; may if they think fit, observe, that with the Tyrant sell Mattan the Priest of Baal. And indeed none but Baals prie••s will preach for Tyrants. And certainly those priests that Sacrifice to out Baal, our Idol of a Magistrate, deserves as wel to be hang'd before their Pulpits,* as ever Matian did to fall before his Altars.

I should think now I had said much more then enough to the second question, & should com to the third and last I proposed in my method: but I meet with two objections lying in my way. [Object. 1] The first is, That these examples out of Scripture are of men that were Inspired of God, and that therefore they had that call and authority for their actions, which we cannot pretend to, so that it would be unsafe for us to draw their actions into examples, except we had like∣wise their justifications to alledg.

[Object. 2] The other objection is, that there being now no opposition made to the goverment of his Highnes, that the people following their callings & traffique at home and abroad, making use of the laws, & appealing to his Highnes courts of justice: That all this argues the peoples tacit consent to the Goverment; and that therefore now tis to be reputed lawfull, and the peoples obedience voluntary.*

To the first I answer with learned Milton, that if God commanded these things, tis a signe they were lawfull and are commendable. But secondly, as I observed in the relations of the examples themselves; Neither Samson nor Samuel alledged any other cause or reason for what they did, but retaliation, and the apparent justice of the actions themselves. Nor had God appeared to Moses in the Bush when he slew the Egyptian; nor did Jehoiada alleadg any Propheticall authority or other call to doe what he did, but that common call which all men have, to doe all actions of justice that are within their power, when the ordinary course of justice ceases.

[Sol. 2] To the second my answer is, that if commerce and pleadings were enough to Argue the peoples consent, & give Tyrannie the name of Goverment, there was never yet any Tyran∣nie of many weeks standing in this world. Certainly, we then extreemly wrong Caligula & Nero in calling them Tyrants, and they were rebells that conspired against them; except wee will beleeve, that all the while they reign'd, that in Rome they kept their shops shut, & ope∣ned not their Temples, or their Courts. We are likewise with no lesse absurdity, to imagine that the whole eighteen yeares time which Israel served Eglon, & six yeares that Athaliah reigned, that the Israelits quite desisted from traffique, pleadings & all publique acts: other∣wise Ehud and Jehoiada were both Traitors, the one for killing his king, the other his queen.*

Having shewed what a Tyrant is, his marks and practises: I can scarce perswade my self to Page  [unnumbered]〈…〉 proove of Advantage to the Common wealth or not? for methinkes tis to enquire whether tis better the man die or the Impostume be lanc't, or the Gangragen'd limbe be cut off? But yet there be some whose Cowardice & Avarice furnish them with some Arguments to the contrary; and they would fayne make the world beleeve, that to be base & degenerate, is to be Cautious & prudent: and what is in truth a servile feare, they falsely call a Christian pa∣tience. It will not be therfore a misse to make appear that there is indeed that necessity, which we think there is, of saving the vineyard of the Common wealth if possible, by de∣stroying the wilde boar that is broke into it. We have already shewed that it is lawful, & now we shal see whether it is expedient. First I hae already tould you that, to be under a Tyrant is not to be a common wealth; but a great Family, consisting of master & Slaves. Vir bone servo∣rum nulla est usquam civitas sayes an old Poet a nember of Slaves makes not a Citty. So that whilst this Monster lives wee are not members of a common wealth, but only his living tooles & Instruments, which he may employ to what use he pleases. Servi tua est fortuna Ra∣tio ad te nihil sayes an other; thy condition is a slaves; thou art not to enquire a Reason, not must wee think we can continue long in the condition of slaves, and not degenerate into the habits & temper that is naturall to that condition: our mindes will grow low with our for∣tune, & by benig accoustumed to live like slaves, we shall become unfitt to be any thing Else Etiam fera animalia si clausa teneas virtutis obliviscuntur sayes Tacitus(a) the fiercest creatures by long constraint, loose theire courage. And sayes Sr. Francis Bacon, the blessing of Issa∣char & that of Judah falls not upon one people, to be Asses crouching under Burdens, & to have the Spirit of Lyons. And with theyre courage tis no wonder 〈◊〉 they loose theire for∣tune as the Effect with the cause, and Act as Ignominiously abroad, as they suffer at home. Tis Machiavells(b) observation that the Romane Armies that were all wayes victorious under confulls, All the while they were under the slavery of the Decemviri never prospe∣red. And certainely people have Reason to fight but faintly where they are to gaine the vi∣ctory against themselves; when every successe shall be a confirmation of theire slavery, and a new link to their chaine.

But we shall not only loose out Courage which is a uselesse & an unsafe vertu under a Tyrant, but by degrees we shall, after the example of our Master, All turne perfidious, De∣ceitfull Irreligious, flatterers, and what ever else is villanous and Infamous in Mankind. See but to what a degree we are come to already: can there any Oath be founde so fortifyed by all Religious Tyes; which we easily sinde not a Distinction to breake, when eyther pro∣fitt or Danger perswades us to it? Doe we Remember any Engagements; or if we doe, have we any shame to breake them? Can any Man think with patience upon what we have pro∣fes't, when he sees what wee vildly doe, and Tamely Suffer? what have we of nobillity among'st us but the name; the luxurie & the vices of It? poore wretches these that now carry that title, are so farre from having any of the vertues, that should grace and indeed give them theire titles,* that they have not so much as the generous vices that attend great∣nesse, they have lost all Ambition & Indignation. As for our Ministers; what have they, or indeed desire they, of theire Calling, but the Tythes? How doe these horrid prevaricators search for distinctions to peece contrary Oathes? How doe they Rake Scriptures for flatte∣ries? And Impudently Apply them to his monstrous Highnes? what is the Citty but a Great Tame Beast, that eates & Carries & cares not who Rides it? whats the thing cal'd a Parlement but a Mock? Composed of a people that are only suffered to sitt there because they are knowne to have no verute, After the Exclution of all others that were but suspected to have Any? What are they but pimpes of Tyranny, who are only Imployed to draw In the people to prostitut theyre Liberty? What will not the army fight for? what will they not fight against! What are they but Janizaries, slaves themselves; and making all others so? what are the people in Generall but Knaues, Fooles, & Cowards; principled for Ease, vice & Slavery? This is our temper, this Tyranny hath brought us to already; and if it continus, the little vertue that is yet left to stocke the Nation,* must totally extinguish, and then his High∣nes hath compleated his worke of Reformation. And the trueth is till then his Highnes can not be secure. He must not endure vertue, for that will not endure him. He that will maintay∣ne Tyranny must kill Brutus sayes Machiavell. A Tyrant sayes Plato (c) must dispatch all vertuous persons or he can not be safe(s) so that he is brought to that un happy necessity, eyther to live amongst Base & wicked persons, or not to live at all.

Nor must we expect any Cure from our patience Inganno si gli huomini,* sayes Machiavell (a) credendo con la humilit à vincere la superbia. Men deceive themselves that think t0 Page  [unnumbered]〈…〉 weak, tis in the winter of his fortune when this Serpent bites not: we must not therefore suffer our selves to be couzened with hopes of his amendment: for Nemo unquam(d) Imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit; never did any man manage the Goverment with justice that got it by villany. The longer the Tyrant lives the more the Tirannicall humour encreases in him, saies Plato,(e) like those beasts that grow more curst as they grow old. New occa∣sions daily happen, that necessitate them to new mischiefs, and he must defend one villanie with another.

But suppose the contrarie of all this, and that his Highnes were vi Domina∣tionis convulsus, & mutatus, changed to the better by great fortune (of which he yet gives no symptomes) what notwithstanding could be more miserable then to have no other security for our libertie, no other law for our saftie, then the will of a man, though the most just living?* we have all our beast within us, and whosoever (sayes Aristotle)(f) is Governed by a man without a law, is governed by a man and by a beast. Etiam si non sit molestus (a) Dominus; tamen est miserrimum posse si velit, saies Tully, Though a master does not Tyrannize yet tis a most miserable thing that tis in his power to do so if he will. If he be good, so was Nero for five yeares, and how shall we be secure that he will not change? Besides the power that is allowed to a good man, we may be sure will be claimed and taken by an ill. And therefore it hath been the coustume of good princes(b) to abridge their own power, it may be distrusting themselves, but certainly fearing their Successors, to the chance of whose being vertuous; they would not hazard the welfare of their people. An unlimited power ther∣fore is to be trusted to none, which if it does not find a Tyrant, commonly makes one: or if one uses it modestly tis no argument that others will, & ther∣fore Augustus Caesar must have no greater power given him, then you would have Tiberius take. And (c) Ciceroes moderation is to be trusted with a consideration, that there are others to be consuls as well as he.*

But before I presse this businesse farther, if it needs be any farther prest, that we should indeavour to rescue the honour, the vertue and liberty of our nation I shall answer to some few objections that have occurred to me. This I shall doe very briefly.

Some I find of a strange opinion, that it were a generous and a noble action to kill his Highnes in the field; but to doe it privately they think it unlawfull, but know not why. As if it were not generous to apprehend a thief till his sword were drawn and he in a posture to defend himself and kill me. But these people do not consider that whosoever is poslest of power any time, wilbe sure to ingage so many either in guilt or profit, or both, that to goe about to throw him out by open force, will very much hazard the totall ruine of the Common-Wealth. A Tyrant is a Devill that teares the body in the exorcising,* & they are all of Caligulas temper, that if they could, they would have the whole frame of Nature fall with them. Tis an opinion that deserves no other refutation then the manifest absurdity of it self; that it should be lawfull for me to destroy a Ti∣•ant with hazard, blood, and confusion, but not without.

An other objection and more common is the feare of what may succeed if his Highnesse were removed, one would think the World were bewitched. Page  [unnumbered]I am fallen into a ditch where I shall certainly perish if I lie, but I refuse to be helpt out for fear of falling into another, I suffer a certain miserie for feare of a contingent one, & let the disease kill me because there is hazard in the cure. Is not this that ridiculous policie, Ne moriare, mori. To die for feare of dying. Sure tis frenzie not to desire a change when we are sure we cannot be worse. Et non incurrere in pericula, ubi quies centi paria metnuntur,* and not then to ha∣zard, when the danger and the mischiefs are the same in lying still.

Hitherto I have spoken in generall to all Englishmen, now I adresse my dis∣course particularly to those that certainly best deserve that name, our selves, that have fought, however unfortunately, for our Liberties under this Tyrant; and in the end couzened by his oathes, and teares, have purchased nothing but our slavery with the price of our blood. To us particularly it belongs to bring this Monster to justice, whom he hath made the instruments of his Vil∣lany, and sharers in the Curse and Detestation that is due to himself from all good men. Others only have their Liberty to vindicate, we our Liberty and our honour: We engaged to the people with him, and to the people for him, and from our hands they may justly expect a satisfaction of punishment, being they cannot have that of performance. What the people at present indure, and posterity shall suffer, will be all laid at our doores: for onely we under God have the power to pull down this Dagon which we have set up. And if we doe it not, all mankinde will repute us Approovers of all the Villanyes he hath done: and authours of all to come. Shall we that would not endure a king attempting Tyranme, shall we suffer a profest Tyrant? We that resisted the Lyon assailing us,* shall we submit to the Woolf tearing us? If there be no re∣medy to be found, we have great reason to exclaime, Ʋtinam te potius (Carole) retinuissemus quam hunc habuissemus, non quod ulla sit optanda servitus, sed quod exdignitate Domini minus turpis est conditio servi. We wish we had rather en∣dured thee (o Charles) then have been condemned to this meane Tyrant, not that we desire any kinde of slavery, but that the quality of the Master som∣thing graces the condition of the slave.

But if we consider it rightly what our duty, our engagements, and our ho∣nour exact from us, both our safety and our interest oblige us to, And tis as unanswerable, in us, to discretion as tis to vertue, to let this viper live. For first he knowes very well tis onely we that have the power to hurt him, and there∣fore of us he will take any course to secure himself: he is conscious to him∣self how falsly and perfidiously he hath dealt with us, and therefore he will alwaies feare that from our revenge, which he knowes he hath so well deser∣ved.

Lastly he knowes our principles, how directlie contrarie they are to that Ar∣bitrarie povver he must govern by, and therefore he may reasonablie suspect, that we that have alreadie ventured our lives against Tirannie, will alwaies have the Will, when we have the opportunitie, to doe the same again.

These considerations will easily perswade him to secure himself of us, if we prevent him not, and secure our selves of him. He reades in his Pra∣ctise of Pietie (a) the Diviene Padron,* &c. He that makes himself master of a citty, that hath been accoustumed to Libertie, if he destroies it not, he must expect to be destroied by it. And we may reade too in the same Authour, Page  [unnumbered]and beleeve him, that(b) those that are the occasion that one becomes povver∣full; alvvaies ruine, that is, if they want the witt and courage to secure them∣selves.

Novv as to our interest, we must never expect that he vvill ever trust those, that he hath provoked and feares: He vvill be sure to keep us down least we should pluck dovvn him. Tis the rule that Tirants observe, vvhen they are in power never to make much use of those that heipt them to it, and indeed tis their interest and security not to doe it: for those that have been the authours of their greatnesse being conscious of their ovvn merit, they are bold vvith the Tirant and lesse industrious to please him. They think all he can doe for them is their due, and still they expect more: and vvhen they fail in their expectations, (as tis impossible to satisfie them) their disappointments make them discontented, and their discontents dangerous. Therefore all Tirants follovv the example of Dionysius, vvho vvas said to use his friends, as he did his Bottles, vvhen he had use for them •e kept them by him, vvhen he had none, that they should not trouble him and lie in his vvay, he hung them up.

But to conclude, This alreadie overlong Paper, let every man to vvhom God hath given the Spirit of Wisdome and Courage, be persvvaded by his Honour, his Safetie, his ovvn good and his Countries, and indeed the dutie he ovves to his Generation, and to Mankind, to endeavour by all Rational means to free the World of this Pest. Let not other nations have the occasion to think so meanelie of us, as if vve resolved to sit still and have our Eares bored: or that any discouragement or disappointments can ever make us desist from attempting our Libertie till we nave purchased it, either by this Monsters death or by our own. Our nation is not yet so barren of vertue, that we want noble examples to follow amongst our selves. The brave Sindercombe hath shewed as great a minde, as anie old Rome could boast of, and had he lived there, his name had been registred with Brutus, and Cato; and he had had his Statues as well as they.

But I will not have so sinister an opinion of our selves (as little generositie as Slaverie hath left us) as to think so great a vertue can want its Monuments e∣ven amongst us. Certainlie in every vertuous mind he e•re Statues rear'd to Sindercombe. When ever we reade the Elogies of those that have died for their Countrie: when we admire those great examples of magnanimitie, that have tired Tirants cruelties: VVhen we extoll their constancie, whom nei∣ther bribes nor terrours could make betray their Friends: Tis then we erect Sindercombe Statues, and grave him Monuments; VVhere all that can be said of a great and noble minde, we justlie make an Epitaph for him. And though the Tirant caused him to be Smothered, least the people should hin∣der an open murder; yet he will never be able either to smother his memorie, or his own Villanie. His poison was but a poore and common device to impose onely on those that understood not Tirants practises, and are unacquainted (if any be) with his cruelties and falshoods. He may therefore if he please take away the Stake from Sindercombs Grave; and if he have a minde it should be known how he died, let him send thither the Pillowes and Feather-bedds with which Barkstead and his Hangman smothered him. But to conclude, •et not this Monster think himself the more secure that he hath supprest one Page  [unnumbered]great Spirit,(a) he may be confident that, Longus post illum sequitur or do idem petentium decus.

Ther's a great Rowle behinde, even of those that are in his own muster-Rowles, that are ambitious of the name of the Deliverers of their Countrey: and they know what the action is that will purchase it. His bed, his table is not secure, and he stands in need of other Guards to defend him against his own. Death and destruction pursues him where ever he goes: they follow him eve∣ry where,* like his fellow-travellers, and at last they will come upon him like armed men. Darkenesse is hid in his secret places, a Fire not blown shall con∣sume him;* it shall goe ill with him that is left in his Tabernacle. He shall flee from the Iron weapon, and a bow of Steel shall strike him through. Because he hath oppressed, and forsaken the poore; because he hath violently taken a∣way a House (a) which he builded not: We may be confident, and so may be, that ere long,* all this will be accomplish't: For the Triumphing of the wicked is but short, and the joy of the Hypocrite but for a moment. Though his Excellencie(b) mount up to the Heavens, and his Head reacheth unto the Clouds, yet he shall perish for ever like his own dung. They that have seen Him shall say, where is He.