The hands of God: or King Davids choice,: vvherein are proved: 1. That the least of evills is to be chosen. 2. That war is the worst of evills. 3. That the relation betwixt the king and subject, is the nearest of all relations. 4. That rebells are the worst of men. / As is was delivered in a sermon, By T.S. D.D.

The Hands of God.

2. SAM. 24.14.

Let us now fall into the Hands of God (For with the Lord is mercy, or, The Mercies of God are great,) but not in∣to the Hands of Men.

IT is a Theme of humiliation, This is; so the verse begins, supra modum angor, I am in a great strayte: Had it pleased some men of this Kingdome to have followed King Davids course, and considered with themselves six or seaven yeares agoe, Whether had beene better, by Petition to redresse our presumed grievances, or, by the Sword to remove some pretended evill Counsellors, wee had not beene put to this After-game with God; that innocence would have kept us on our legs; now our repentance must restore us to our legs; and so it will, I doubt not, if wee will observe and doe the Parts and Resolves of this Text, of this humble Text: The Parts two, The Resolves foure.

1. We have here a supplication, Incidamus in manus Domini, Let us now fall into the hands of God; This gives up the first Resolve, and tells us, E malis minimum, * 1.1 that of Evils, the least is to be chosen.

2. Wee have here a Deprecation, In manus hominum ne incidamus, Let us not fall into the Hands of men, This gives up the second Resolve, and tells us, Emalis maxi∣mum, that of all evills, Warre is the greatest.

Each of these parts hath his reason; I shall account them for parts in my discourse, and so I pray doe yee; so shall you have an equality of Parts and Resolves, foure, and foure.

3. The reason of the former is expressed; Let us now fall into the hands of God; Miserationes enim cum eo, or, Misericordiae Dei multae; For there are mercies with God, or, the mercies of God are great: This gives up the third Resolve, and shewes us Relatorum proximum, That of all relations, that betwixt the King and subject is the nearest.

4. The reason of the latter is implyed; Let us not fall in∣to the hands of men, Crudeles enim sunt, Sacrilegae enim sunt; For their hands are cruell hands; For their hands are Sacrilegious hands: This gives up the fourth Resolve, and points out V••rorum pessimum, the worst sort of Men,

When I have unfolded these particulers by way of ex∣plication, I finde my selfe bound by my Text to give you a double Application.

1. Ʋt in manus hominum incidimus, How and by what meanes we are fallen into the hands of men? into their cruell hands, into their Sacrilegious hands; and this will be Inquisitive.

2. Ʋt in manus Dei incidamus, How wee may againe fall into Gods hands, into his mercifull hands? and this will be Exhortative. * 1.2

I begin with the first, the Supplication; Incidamus in manus Domini, Let us Now fall into the hands of God: Now, so our translation reades it, and so the purer Co∣pie will beate it, ••ncidamus, Let us fall, i. e. Let us Now fall; for it is the present tense: And it was then, and I would to God it were Now presently to be done.

But though so, why Now? why not rather, Let us ever fall into Gods hands? yes, let us ever fall into Gods hands, so King David intended; but Now especially, so King David desired.

Now, that my young Subjects have forgot the cursed counsell of Achitophel, and the bloody sword, and the unnaturall conspiracy of Absolon: Now, that my old Subjects are afraid of an enemy from abroad, and of a scarcity at home: Now, that my young Cavalry presume upon their owne strength and gallantry, and dare meete the insulting enemy in the field: Now, that my old Se∣nators despaire under their owne weakenesse and infir∣mity, and dare not looke the Rebell-enemy in the face: Now, that there is but a step betwixt us and death, and God will punish us all; you for your past Rebellion, and my selfe for my present presumption: Now, rather then into the Hands of men, let us fall into the hands of God.

This article of Time, in respect of King Davids op∣tion, reflects onely upon his present election, of Famine, Plague, or Warre; yet because his thirst after his Sub∣jects good was eminent in the whole course of his Reigne, as well in the serene and calme dayes of peace, as in the boystrous and stormy nights of Warre, I beleeve I shall not erre, if I take leave to beleeve, that he intended this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as a perpetuall rule of Divinity for the young∣est and eldest in his Kingdome; and tells them,

That though they were 130000. strong, of men fit for Warre, besides children, and youth, and aged; yet for all that they should not presume; for God could as he plea∣sed, tame them and cut them off: And though they were diminished, of that numerous Army, even to one Cypher, why yet neither should they dispaire, for God could, if he pleased, * 1.3 helpe and save them as well by few as by ma∣ny. So Saint Augustine, Nè desperando augeamus peccata, propositus est paenitentiae portus; Let us not make up the measure of our sinnes, and fit our selves for destruction

by cowardize and desperation: Nor is this any way to en∣courage presumption, but only to allay the other extream; so the same Father againe; Rursus nè sperando augeamus peccata, positus est dies mortis incertus; neither let us make up the measure of our sins, and fit our selves for destructi∣on by precipitancy and presumption; but Now, while we have time, and Now, though wee have but this time, let you and I, both yong men and Maidens, old men and chil∣dren, take out the first letter from each scene of our age, from Puer, P. from Iuvenis, I. from Vir, V. from Senex, S. and that will make us what wee should be, Pius, and fit for the best of choyces, To fall into the hands of God.

This yet, though the best of choyces, must be warily read, and as warily understood, else wee shall fall into er∣rour, if not into Heresie; for so were the Anthropomor∣phites branded, and to this day for Hereticks they goe, be∣cause from such places of Scripture as this, The hands of God, they presently concluded, God had a body, and all the organs and instruments of a body.

From which Errour, or Heresie rather have the Papists, as I imagine, drawen their idolatrous imagerie of pain∣ting God the Father in the Image of an old man, and his Son Christ like a little childe in his hands.

But if. God hath not hands of flesh and blood as wee have, what hands hath he then? And how is it heere saied, let us fall into the hands of God?

Why you must understand this, and all such passages in St Bernards Catholique answer, Omnia haec habet Deus, & nulla horum habet Deus, God hath a body, and all the or∣gans of a body; God hath not a body, nor any instru∣ment of a body, Effectu habet, Essentiâ non habet; Essenti∣ally he hath none of these things, Effectually he hath them all.

To let passe all other, as not to our present purpose; what is the effect of the hand? Why in relation to man, the ef∣fect of the hand is safety and protection; so wee say, and wee say true in so saying, a Bird in the hand is worth two

in the bush, and one soule in the hands of God is better then 20 or 20000 soules out of his hands; so long as my childe is in mine owne hands, or my wives, or my servants, he is safe enough from falling; but if once wee put him out of our hands, and trust him to the strength of his own weake legges, poore foole, by and by he gets a fall, and breakes his face; so long as our soules are in Gods hands, they are for all the world as he made them, pure and up∣right; but if once he put them out of his hands, as God forbid he should, or if once wee pull them out of his hands, as God forgive us for it, wee too too often doe, why then by and by wee finde out many inventions, as the wise man speakes, and breake the face of our soules. * 1.4

More particularly and properly in relation to God; his hands signifie sometimes: 1. His eternall Counsell, so there; To doe whatsoever thy hand had determined: * 1.5 His hand and Counsell all one there: Sometimes, 2. His actu∣all power; so there againe; * 1.6 Stretch out thine hand to heale and to doe wonders; his hand and power all one there: * 1.7 Sometimes, 3. Benediction, so there; Thou openest thy hand and fillest all things living with plenty; * 1.8 hand and plenty all one there: Sometimes. 4. Affliction, so there; Thy hand was heavy upon me day and night; hand and heavinesse all one there; and so here; Let us now fall into the hands of God; i. e. our sinnes call for affliction, and let God afflict us: our Church prayer in reference to this text excellent∣ly, when thou wilt correct us for our sinnes O Lord, in judgement remember mercy, and let us fall into thy hands and not into the hands of men.

I might give you more significations, and tell you of a manus dextra, and a manus sinistra, of a manus sanans, and a manus saeviens, of a right and left hand, of a saving and destroying hand, and many more; but this is the fairest and shortest construction of Gods hands, as they referre to this Text.

And heere I admire at King Davids wisdome, and at Davids piety. I. His wisdome in making a virtue of ne∣cessity:

2. His Piety, in submitting himselfe equally with his Subjects to an impartiall misery: 1. His wisedome ap∣peares, in that he made choyce of what he could not shun; He knew he must into Gods hands, what choice soever he made; and so must wee: Naturally we must, and Le∣gally wee must: First, by the course of Nature all things tend unto their owne Centre, and therefore sayes Saint Austin, A te Domine sumus, & irrequietum est cor nostrum donec in te revertamur, we are from thee O Lord, and wee are restlesse untill wee are with thee againe: Secondly, by the course of Law too, every thing must to his proper owner, * 1.9 and sayes King David, Thy hands have made me and fashioned me,

Our soules are from Gods hands, and into Gods hands they must againe, first or last; from him wee had them cleane and holy, and they must not be the worse for our wearing; from his hands as white as silver and pure as gold, we may not dawbe them with Mercury, till they be as blacke as a coale, and ugly as a Toad: from his hands as chaste as Susanna, * 1.10 when shee refused the Elders, we may not make them foule and impudent as Potiphars Wife when shee enticed Joseph; * 1.11 from his hands as sober as Noah before he discovered his owne nakednesse, * 1.12 wee may not make them drunken as Lot, when he uncovered his daughters nakednesse: * 1.13 from his hands as constant as Joshua when he stood to his first Covenant with the men of Gibeon, * 1.14 wee may not make them perjured as those Jewes, * 1.15 who made a Covenant in sweareing falsly, we have no King, for what good can a King doe us?

No, God forbid, In such a pickle, they will never into Gods hands; * 1.16 never to his right hand amongst the sheep to goe into everlasting life; but to the left hand amongst the Goats, to depart into everlasting fire: From which that you may be preserved, be you perswaded to intreat God, that you may fall into his hands, his hands of san∣ctification, to keepe you from sinne, his hands of protecti∣on, to keepe you from, or deliver you out of Warre, and

all other dangers while you are here, and from hence, in∣to his hands of glorification and Salvation, to keepe you at his right hand for ever and ever hereafter: And till then, If it must be into his hands of affliction, into his hands onely, for that is but affliction; at no hand, into the hands of men, for that is destruction also.

2. Thus King David expresses his wisedome, and thus secondly, he expresses his piety: For herein he pitties his Subjects equally with himselfe; yea, he preferres his sub∣jects to himselfe, marke else what he sayes, Behold I have sinned, I have done wickedly, but these Sheepe alasse! * 1.17 what have they done? let thy hand O lord I pray thee, be against me and my Fathers house.

And if hee would have sacrificed himselfe for their weale, in taking the fault solely upon himselfe: Lord! what would he not have done, in redressing all grievan∣ces, for their wellfare, and his owne to boot? Is it pos∣sible for any Grand or Close Committee of twenty five, or thirty, like that of Athens to have such bowels of com∣passion upon their fellow-subjects?

And that they might know it was no fraudulent polli∣cy, and to secure them of all such feares and jealousies, he testifies his unfeigned piety in my text: When God sent him the choyce of his three sharpest arrowes, Fa∣mine, Warre, or Plague: Behold, like a Father pitying his children, as every good King doth, hee declines the Famine, because that would have pintcht but the poorest sort, he had storehouses of provision for himselfe, hee declines the Warre also, because then onely the weakest should have gone to the wall; he had Garrisons and tow∣ers of strength for his owne security, and makes choyce of the Plague, which is Epidemicall, and Impartiall, Et aequo pulsat pede pauperum tabernas, Regumque turres, and knowes no difference betwixt a poore mans Cottage, and a Princes Pallace: And yet it is the least of these Evils, because it is Impartiall, as Famine is not, because it is not malicious as Warre is.

And this brings mee to my 2a. 1ae. * 1.18 or my first Resolve, which sayes, E malis minimum, of evills the least is to be chosen.

But soft, at first sight here I meete with a double stop, and it seemes that King David did not chuse the least of evills: For sayes Saint Paul, It is a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of God; * 1.19 nor doth this seeme to be the least of evils, * 1.20 for sayes Susanna, It is better for me to fall into your hands.

Yet now I thinke upon it, These rubs are easily remo∣ved; For Saint Paul there speakes of contumacious sin∣ners, and considers God as a severe Judge, punishing pre∣sently and eternally; King David here speakes of him∣selfe, a true Penitent, and considers God as a mercifull Father, punishing here for a time, to prevent a punish∣ment hereafter, and for ever: Fearefull for them to fall into the hands of God, but for us, if wee bee like King David, Hopefull; so Estius, David considerat Deum ut Patrem, * 1.21 in hoc saeculo punientem; Apostolus ut Judicem, in hoc & futuro.

Againe, King David here compares one evil of punish∣ment with another evill of punishment, and so better to fall into the hands of God, and to chuse the least and easi∣est, that we may avoyde a greater and heavier evill, Su∣sanna there compares the evill of sinne with the evill of punishment, and prefers Maximum paenae minimo c••lpae, the greatest evill of smart to the least evill of fault; and so better to fall into the hands of man and suffer evill, then into the hands of God, * 1.22 and doe evill; for wee may not doe evill though good may come of it, sayes the Apostle, much lesse may we doe sinne to avovde paine, In malis pae∣nae datur, * 1.23 in malis culpae non datur electio; so Lyra, and Pae∣ter Martyr.

Ʋ. G.

A potent faction will bring downe Lords as low as Commons, and the King as low as a Lord; to effect this, they do by a cunning head frame an oath without supreme

authority to maintaine an Army against that Army raysed by supreme authority, or to introduce and preserve a strange Religion, not above 120. yeares old at most, thereby to extirpate a Church-government, which hath continued 1600. yeares without interruption, and foun∣ded by the Apostles, at least, so confest by the very adver∣saries; to preserve the Priviledges of Parliament, and li∣berty of the Subject without limitation, but the Kings per∣son and authority with limitations; all which is Treason by the Lawes of this Kingdome, and sinne by the Law of God: (for none hath power to impose an oath but hee that hath power to draw the sword, and that power is onely in the King:) And then doe with a violent hand force their fellow-subjects to take this Oath, or rather force it upon them under the penalty of plundering, im∣prisonment, and penury.

In such cases as this, we must be ready, with the Prince of Coandy, when Charles the ninth of France offered him his choice, either to come to Masse, or be perpetually ex∣iled or imprisoned; to Masse, quoth he, I will not come, for that is sinne; imprisonment, or banishment, inflict, Sir which you please, I am ready to suffer it.

The noble Army of Martyrs speake this aloud in the silent rethorique of their holy blood, That Maximum pae∣nae malum potiùs eligendum, quàm minimum culpa; It is better going to Heaven in a fiery chariot, then to lye at ease in a sinfull couch.

And nature it selfe teaches us equally with the Scrip∣ture, in the Serpents wisedome, to chuse the least of evils; he will expose his whole body to save his head; and when we are condemned, and may as we please make choyce of our punishment; the least of evils is to be preferred, if we beleeve the wisedome or piety of King David; so it stands uncontrouled. Let us now fall into the hands of God, and not into the hands of men; that was his suppli∣cation, and my first part; this is his deprecation, and my second part.

Let us not fall into the hands of men, * 1.24 so true hee is to his owne principles; Deliver me from the cruell man, O God, deliver me from the wicked man, O God: i. e. from all men: for howsoever man was created Homo homini Deus, a God to preserve and helpe his neighbour; yet now he is degenerated in Homo homini lupus, and worse, into Homo homini Daemon, and worse yet, into Homo homi∣ni homo, because one man is worse to another, then either Wolfe or Devill could or can be: It past the Devils arti∣fice to contrive the Powder-plot; if the Jesuit had not put it in his finger, it had never have been dreempt of, and it passed both the Devils, and Jesuits cunning, when Juno raysed a Typhon to rob Jupiter of his Nerves and Sinews; if the Puritan had not put in his head, it had never been voted, much lesse executed.

And therefore I wonder not, that King David is so fre∣quent in this kinde of Deprecation, Erue animam meam de manu canis, * 1.25 Deliver mee from the hand, i. e. from the power of the Dogg; By this Dogg, Cressolius tells us is meant the Devill, whom the Gentiles faigned to be Cer∣berum tricipitem, the three headed Porter of Holl: Cer∣tainely were they now amongst us, they would say in their babling devotion, From factions Lords, and Rebel∣lious Commons, and an Assembly of schismaticall Divines, deliver us O Lord.

I doe not say, From the Parliament, No, God forbid I should, it is the greatest and venerablest Court under hea∣ven; and too blame they were whosoever they were, that called one Parliamentum indoctum, the unlearned Parlia∣ment, another Parliamentum insanum, or Phreneticum, the madd Parliament, and a third, Factiosum, or Phanati∣cum, The schismaticall Parliament: For wee doe not al∣wayes give denominations à majore, but sometimes also, à meliore; and the loyalty and wisedome of some Lords and Gentlemen, after they have suffered so much blood to be shed, * 1.26 may make this at last to bee called, The good Parliament; God grant it the best that ever was since

Henry the first founded that honourably Assembly; [unspec 1116] and if it were well remembred by them, that a King was the Founder of that great Court, certainely they would bee very carefull of giving a King occasion to bee the Con∣founder of it.

There were unlearned men in That, and Phrenetique men in the other, and Phanatick men the third; and there are, God increase the number of them, learned and loyall, good and great men in this.

And next to the hands of God, let me fall into the hands of a Parliament, so long as it remaines intire, and each party preserve their owne priviledges, without entrench∣ing one upon another, and not suffering a prevailing fa∣ction to encroach upon the Prerogatives of Royalty, up∣on the liberties of Loyalty, upon the essence of Episco∣pacy; for then the people must expect no Religion in the Church, but what the prevayling Lords and Commons shall prescribe them, no liberty in the State, no property in their Estates, but what the mercy of their Fellow-sub∣jects will allow them.

Hee is no true English man, that honours not, that feares not a true Parliament; for the happinesse of peace is the perpetuall fruit of it, but such a Parliament that crumbles it selfe into Conventicles, where a small Com∣mittee shall have power to make rich men Delinquents, and loyall men Malignants, and learned men both; for my part I neither feare nor honour, for the plague of per∣petuall Warre is commonly the reward of it; and my prayer is, A perpetuo bello, & perpetuo Parliamento li∣bera regem Carolum, & subditos ejus Domine; Let us fall into the hands of God, and not into the hands of men, for E malis maximum, Warre is the greatest of evils.

It is my 2a, 2ae, aad my second Resolve, * 1.27 and thus I un∣dertake it: Peace is the greatest of blessings, and therfore War is the greatest of evils, peace is the greatest of bles∣sings positively, and comparatively.

First, Positively it is the greatest of blessings; for it was the last legacy Christ bequeathed his Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Saint Basil calls it, his farewell gift, a gift including all he had given before, or promised after his departure; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a gift dropt from an high∣er world then this we breath in, * 1.28 sayes Saint Chrysostome. Peace I leave With you, my Peace I give unto you: Peace hee gave, knowledge he promised his Church, Peace hee gave before, knowledge he promised after his Ascension, The holy Ghost whom the father will send in my name, * 1.29 he shall teach you all things.

Our blessed Master therein telling us, peace must have the precedence and first place in our hearts: The best or∣der certainely on earth, because the onely order observed in Heaven: The first place there is given to the Angels of Peace, or Love; which are called Cherubim, the next to the Angels of Light or Knowledge, which are called Seraphim.

But oh, the Enthusiasts of our age, as if they never meant to come thither, they doe most confusedly invert the order, for they will first have light or knowledge, and that of Revelation; then Peace or love, and this to none but them of their faction neither: so crosse are they to Christ, that though he doe, yet they doe not account peace the greatest blessing positively.

Secondly, the greatest yet it is, and that secondly com∣paratively too; I will but run it over, my Wife is a bles∣sing, but without peace in danger of a Rape; my Childe is a blessing, but without peace in danger of a Pyke; my Wealth is a blessing, but without peace in danger of a Plunder; my Liberty is a blessing, but without peace in danger of a Reformation; my King the best of blessings, without peace is in danger of a Rebellion, and to be mi∣staken for an evill Counsellor.

That we may enjoy our Wives, our Children, our wealth, our Liberty, our Religion, our King; my prayer is, Give peace in our time O Lord, and let us fall into thy hands.

And because peace is the greatest of blessings, there∣fore Warre is the greatest of evills; the greatest essenti∣ally, and the greatest effectually; the Devill is the Author of it, and destruction is the end of it: God feldome suf∣fers it but for the greatest sinnes, Sacriledge and Rebel∣lion: The Israelites never knew the misery of Warre, untill they had provoked God by their inventions, * 1.30 and Achans Sacriledge, and Absolons Rebellion were not the least of those Inventions, nor the lowest of those pro∣vocations, onely Jeroboams altering Religion, * 1.31 and extir∣pating the high Priesthood (which was the Jewes Epis∣copacy) and in their roome instituting the basest and lowest of the people for a Presbytery, was higher.

The best way therefore, as I conceive, for the Lords and Gentlemen of this Kingdome, to remove this Warre is to give God and Caesar their owne, the Church her Pa∣trimony, that is Gods due; and execution of Justice upon the Rebells, that is the Kings due.

And as Warre is the greatest evill, in respect of the Author; so also in respect of the End, for it seldome ends but in ruine and desolation: The Philistims warre put an end to Sauls life and Kingdome; * 1.32 Jehues Warre swept a∣way Achab and his posterity: The Syrians Warre set a period upon Samaria; The Romans Warre gave a date to Jerusalem: It was Warre that writ the sad character, Jam seges est ubi Troja fuit; and as he reckoned up all evill men in Ingratum, so it may truely be said of Warre, Si bellum dixeris & omnia dixeris, for it is attended by spoyle and robbery, which never leaves pilfering untill it hath squez'd out that abundance, which the spunge of peace hath suck't up.

Would yon see a short and small Map of Warres mi∣sery; in a word take it thus, Imagine you see your Wives and Daughters ravished, your Infants tossed upon Pykes or dashed against the stones, your dead Parents dragged out of their quiet graves, your goodliest Cityes on a fla∣ming fire, your houses plundered, your bodies dismem∣bred,

your Lawes subverted, your Religion prophaned, your Churches defiled, and nothing to be heard or seene, but weeping and wayling with mournfull lamentation, one crying out Nulla salus bello, another, Heu miseri qui bella gerunt; and tell mee then, yea tell me now, if it bee not high time to say and pray, Let us not fall into the hands of men, but let us fall into thy hands O God.

The reason follows, * 1.33 which is my third part, For with the Lord is mercy; or The mercies of the Lord are great, reade which you please,

With the Lord is mercy: First, sometimes Promethean mercies, * 1.34 to prevent a threatned danger, so in the case of Niniveh; their danger was threatned, and themselves summoned to destruction within forty dayes: but who can tell whether God will have mercy, if wee repent, and wee perish not? They did repent, and God was mercifull, and they did not perish: And here were Mi∣serationes, bowells of mercy, yearning as a Father doth for his childes past miscarriages, and keeping him from misery.

Secondly, sometimes Epimethean mercies, to deliver out of an emminent and present danger; so in the case of Jerusalem, * 1.35 the Assyrians besieged them, and intended to storme them the next morning; and behold, the same night the Besiegers themselves were all dead corpses, and the Beseiged were delivered: And here were Mise∣ricordiae, hands of mercy, pittying as a Father doth his childes present miseries, and snatching him as a Brand out of the fire that he consumes not.

But bee they Miserationes, preventing mercyes, or bee they Misericordiae, subventing mercies; They are Magnae in both respects, and each way very great.

Great certainely to David, when the men of Keilah in∣tended to betray him into the hands of Saul, and he was miraculously preserved. * 1.36

Great certainely againe to David, when Absolon by

a great Conspiracy had surrounded him and his handfull of men, and he was miraculously delivered, and the con∣spirators great Army as wonderfully destroyed, * 1.37 not fewer then 20000. Rebells fell in that day.

So great are Gods mercies to his Anoynted ones, espe∣cially when they are men after his owne heart, as King David was; He then either infatuates the Rebells heads in discovering their plots, or else hee intimidates their hearts in cowardising their executions, and catching them in the same net which they layde for others.

And are not his mercies as great to all the loyall sub∣jects of his Anoynted ones? Abiathar, Zadoc, Ahimaaz, * 1.38 Ittai, * 1.39 and the rest were all safe in their constancy to King David; whereas Joab the Lord Generall himselfe, with all his followers were all destroyed when they re∣volted to Adonijah. * 1.40

And may not wee upon these promises make use of King Davids Amabaeum, and also make it our Refugium? O praise the God of Heaven, for his mercy endureth for ever; which delivered King Charles from the madnesse of the people upon Jan. 10. 1641. for his mercy endu∣reth for ever; which delivered King Charles and his loy∣all Gentry from the treason of _____ _____ and the roaring of the Canon at Edgehill, October 23. 1642. for his mercy endureth for ever; which delivered Queene Mary from the waves of the Sea, and the thundering of the Ordnance at Burlington, February 13. 1642. for his mer∣cy endureth for ever; which delivered King Charles from the King-catchers at Oxford, when they were so wrathfully displeased at him, and as they thought had surrounded the City so securely _____ _____ : for his mercy endureth for ever; which delivered King Charles from the assassination of Master Hugh Peters and his fellow-levellers at Hampton Court, November 11. 1647. for his mercy endureth for ever. And many more, for his mercies have beene very great ever since, in maintaining us though our maintenance was taken from us, and had

beene greater from the beginning, and since, had not the Supinesse of some (the worst sort of loyall Subjects) and the complyance of others (the worst fort of Rebels) hindered.

Notwitstanding that, wee may yet turne King Davids benedicite, into confidite, and say, O trust in the God of Heaven, * 1.41 for his mercys are great: For as Manoahs wife sayd, If the Lord were pleased to kill us, hee would not have received a burnt offering at our hands, neither would he have shewed us all these things, nor would hee at this time have told us such things as these.

Nor is the remembrance unseasonable at this time, or from this Text; though the Text and time bee both for Humiliation; for the end of humiliation is as well to fortifie our Faith, as to mortifie our flesh; and to the strengthening of our Faith bee it spoken; had God an intent to deliver up the King and our selves for a prey, he would not have given him and us so many deliveran∣ces, nor have made of our enemies intentions so many discoveries.

Certainely his past favours are but pledges of his fu∣ture; * 1.42 so King David grounded an assured victory over Goliah the Philistim Gyant, upon his former experience of overcomming the Lyon and the Beare; and now at this time his hope breathes after a good successe in the hands of God, because his mercies are great.

And because in this choyce, upon this ground, he had an equall respect to his subjects with himselfe; it there∣fore followes, As the King studies his subjects safety with the hazard of his health, so should subjects endeavour the Kings safety with the hazard of their lives.

Which brings me to my 2a. 3ae. or my third Resolve, which shewes Relatorum proximum, * 1.43 and sayes, That of all Relations that betwixt the King and Subjects is the nearest, and thus I undertake it.

God hath disposed severall Relations amongst man∣kinde, one betwixt the Husband and Wife, a second be∣tweene

the Father and the Sonne; a third betweene the Master and the Servant; and a fourth betweene the King and the Subject.

But which of these relations is the nearest, is not uni∣versally, though it may very easily be determined: First, that betwixt Husband and Wife is sacramentall; for it is per pactum & faedus, by vow and covenant: Secondly, that betwixt the Father and the Sonne is naturall; for it is per semen & sanguinem, the Fathers nature gives Bee∣ing to the Sonne, and his veynes are filled with his Fa∣thers blood: Thirdly, that betwixt the Master and the Ser∣vant is politicall; for it is per autoramentum, by Indenture, the Masters head directs the Servants hand, and the Ser∣vants hand feeds the Masters head.

But this betwixt the King and Subject is all; Sacra∣mentall, Naturall, and Politicall: First, Sacramentall, for it is per dejurium, by the great Oath, we have sworne to be loyall to him, and he hath sworne to bee loving to us (and who but a faithlesse Rebell will breake such Oath?) Secondly, Naturall, for it is per haereditatem, by succession; and he is, quâ King, Pater patriae, and we his Sonnes; The best blood wee have, and the best life wee lead, is, That we are subjects to so gracious a King; (and who but a gracelesse Rebell will violate such faith?) Thirdly, Politicall, for it is propter salutem, for preserva∣tion; Et quia servati per Regem, ergo servi Regis; and wee are therefore the Kings Servants because the King is our preserver, and next to God for our peace and plenty, thankes to the King: and at every Court-Leet, not an English man living but hee enters into this service, and bindes himselfe Apprentice, not for yeares, but for life: As the Comick hath it, Serva & serviam, so long as the King denies us not protection, wee must yeeld him sub∣jection: None but anunthankefull Rebell will dispute it, and therefore this betwixt the King and Subject, is the nearest and strongest of all Relations.

Nor is it so onely Formaliter, but also Firvaliter, and

the nearest of all Relations it is, as well in the Effect, as the Efficient, God is the Author of it, and mutuall weale or woe is the End of it: The Wife may offend, and the Husband incurre no danger, the Sonne may transgresse and the Father never smart; the Servant may be bad and the Master never the worse: but if the Subjects sinne, the King perishes: * 1.44 If yee doe wickedly, both yee and your King shall perish; there the King smarts for the subjects fault, and if the King sinnes the subjects shall not goe scotfree; for here the King sinnes and the subjects dye: King David numbers the people, and the people are di∣minished: the transgression his, the destruction theirs.

Yet whether the cumbring of the people were meer∣ly King Davids sinne, or mixtly his and theirs, (for they might have intreated him to have forborne this muster) or if his sinne onely, yet whether it was not so his sinne, as that it was also the subjects punishment for former sinnes, is a question amongst Expositors: and in my weake judgement, If the people had not a hand in this par∣ticular sinne, yet their former sinnes were the cause why God permitted his Annoynted to fall into this errour.

So the Chapter begins; * 1.45 And the wrath of the Lord was kindled against Israel; against Israel, not against David; and because it was kindled against Israel, therefore God moved David against them; or as the Margent expounds it, God permitted Satan; and so it is said in the Register, Satan stood up against Israel, * 1.46 and provoked David to num∣ber Israel.

Be it which it will, his or theirs; Saint Gregory is in the right; * 1.47 secundum merita subditorum, disponuntur acta Regentium, the hearts of Soveraignes are disposed by God according to the merits of their subjects.

And what was the merit, or rather demerit, of the sub∣ject at this time? Absolons conspiracy it could not be; for there dyed 20000 in that and for that; nor could it be King Davids adultery with Bathsheba: for that was pri∣vate

and unknowne; it was then, certainely it was She∣bas Rebellion, none suffered for that but Sheba himselfe; many more were in that combination; and fit they should smart for such a sinne, for God seldome suffers Rebellion to be unpunished and goe to the grave in peace.

Yea, Master Calvin himselfe tells us, Si piè regnent, sum∣ma est Dei benedictio; si in Apostasiam aut Tyrannidem de∣generent, flagella sunt Domini ad punienda populi delicta, good Kings are nursing Fathers and Gods blessings, badd Kings are Church-destroyers and Gods scourges.

I adde, good Kings may accidentally for a while seeme to be the peoples scourges, a good King may rayse a taxe of Ship-money; King Solomon did so, * 1.48 and seeke to esta∣blish an uniformity of Religion in all his Dominions; King Jehosaphat did so; * 1.49 and neither of these are in themselves sinnes, not Shipmoney, else aske the learned Judges, and let them aske their honest Forefathers: not uniformity in Religion, for the Church was never so happy as when all the Churchmen were of one accord; * 1.50 nor the State neither, as when all the Statesmen were like a City at u∣nity in it selfe; * 1.51 when the Pavement desired not to be the Roofe, nor the Weathercock the Foundation, nor the lower Hall the upper Parlor; but every stone was con∣tent with his owne condition, in that place, where the Master-mason had placed him.

Yet even from hence may bad subjects take occasion to rebell; and so that which was no sinne in the King is by wicked subjects made an occasion of the highest sinne in them.

And when people are come to the height of sinne, Re∣bellion, which admits no supreame, Sacriledge excepted: yet if we beleeve Optatus, and weigh Gods punishments, by the weight of punishment judging the height of sin, we would not except that; for hee tells us, Rebellion is summum malorum, the sinne Paramount, * 1.52 that hath no Peer: Caine for his Fratricide is but mark't, and so dismist Niniveh that Sacrilegious City in stead of ruine, * 1.53 hath a

warning; * 1.54 but Corah and his complices for their Rebelli∣on have a sudden and ma••chlesse destruction; the earth coffins and buries them alive: Saint Austen goes fur∣ther, and charges the Dona••ists Faction (and Faction is evermore the usher to Rebellion) with the sinne against the holy Ghost.

No wonder then if the wrath of the Lord be kindled; and a wonder it is to me, if when Gods wrath is kindled, and the King will hazzard himselfe to preserve his sub∣jects, the subjects be not againe reciprocally bound to preserve the King with their owne hazzard.

Sure I am, Nature resolves it so, Scripture resolves it so, and not a Casuist, not one, if my memory be right, is against it.

1. For Nature, looke upon the Bees; they have a King if you beleeve Pliny; * 1.55 and a guard is ever about his per∣son, to preserve him from a forraigne Invader, and a Do∣mestick Traytor; If the Hornet will make his way, yet he must dull his sting upon the subject, that he may not hurt the King: Capitis est habenda ratio; quodlibet enim membrum naturae impulsu pro Capite vult perlclitari, sayes Peter Martyr, * 1.56 we must secure the King, as nature hath taught every member to endanger it selfe to pre∣serve the head.

2. And that is one Scripture resolves this case, David the King having rebellious subjects risen up in armes a∣gainst him, resolves to goe in person against them: No Sir, it is not safe for you; for you nor for us neither, to goe into the battell; for if we flie away, they will not regard us, neither will they passe for us, though halfe of us be slaine; but now thou art better then ten thousand of us.

Marke the Church-margent there (and it is the best Commentator upon the Text,) signifying hereby, that a good Governour ought to bee so deare unto his people, that they will rather loose their lives then that ought should come unto him.

And the most glorious Epitaph that ever Abishai had is That which the holy Ghost gives him, when hee rescued King David from the hands of Ishi••benoh when he thought to have slaine David; * 1.57 But Abishai the son of Zerviah suc∣coured him and smote the Philistim, and killed him.

Nor are his Courtiers without their monument of praise, for saying, Thou shalt not goe out with us to bat∣tell, lest thou quench the light of Israel; (Their glory it was that they had such a revend esteeme of the King, as to account him their light) For the glory and wealth of the country standeth in the preservation of the godly Magistrate, Lyes our Margent there.

Non quod libet, sed quod licet, laus est facere; so it ought to be, though there were no other reason, but this very piety of the King; that hee supplicates the hands of God, as well for his subjects safety as his owne, because the mercies of the Lord are great; and deprecates the hands of men, because their hands are cruell hands, be∣cause their hands are sacrilegious hands.

It is my fourth part, the reason of this Deprecation; * 1.58 But I have very little reason to speake much of this; the very speech of it being little lesse then cruelty and sacri∣ledge.

First, a cruelty to your eares to heare, how Master Charles Nucomin, Parson of Trinity Church in Colche∣ster, had his clothes torne off his back, and his Body beaten with Cudgells and Halberts.

To tell you how Sir John Lucas (now Lord Lucas) was imprisoned, his doores and walls battered, his win∣dowes beaten downe, his gardens defaced, his Cattell driven away, his Evidences torne; the very Vault, wherein his Ancestors were buryed, broken up, and the Coffins of the dead transfixt with Pistolls and Hal∣berts.

To tell you how Sir William Boteler of Kent was used and abused; his Stewards hands burnt, with Match and Candle, because hee could not for his ig∣norance,

or would not for his honesty, betray his Masters Treasure.

To repeate these and many more, and many worse then these, is a cruelty to your eares: Nor can it doe lesse then fetch teares from your eyes to remember how Ma∣ster Yeomans and Master Bourchier of Bristow, Master Tompkins and Master Challoner of London, and that ne∣ver to be forgotten William late Archbishop of Canter∣bury, were murthered for Traytors, but cannot other∣wise bee remembred then, the Most glorious Mar∣tyrs of this Inglorious Age: Qualia in tempora reser∣vasti nos Domine?

And having such speaking Presidents, both of Clergy and Laytie, neither is that Priest nor that People worthy to live, who are afraid to dye in and for this cause: This cause, wherein God, the King, and the Church are equally involved.

Howsoever let it not bee told in after Ages, That ever the English hands were so cruell, as to outdoe the outrages of the Wilde-Irish, and all the Barbarismes of the Gothes and Vandalls. I dare not commit further cru∣elty upon your cares.

Secondly, Nor dare offer so much Sacriledge, upon your Devotion, as to tell you how Sacrilegious the hands of men have been upon holy Persons, Times and Places.

1. The holy places of Canterbury, Rochester, Chi∣chester, Winchester, Westminster, and Exceter Cathe∣dralls; how have they turned those houses of God into Stables, for the Bodies of them, into Slaughter-houses for the Chancells of them, into Butcher-rowes, for the Pulpits in them, into Chopping-boards for the Commu∣nion tables; and the very Vaults, where lay the bones and ashes of holy and royall men, into Draff-houses; Ah! If these things goe on, where, where will God have a place of publique worship in England?

2. For Holy Persons, If Episcopacy bee extirpated, Root and Branch; what Priesthood, or Ministry, call it

which you please, shall England have to justifie her selfe against Rome, and that other Thiefe of Geneva?

Wee have vindicated our selves against Rome, and tell the world, yes, and will justifie it, that imposition of E∣piscopall hands is essentiall to the Ordination of the Cler∣gy, and where it is wilfully wanting, there is no Aposto∣licall Church.

3. For holy Times, if Annunciation-day, if Christmasse-day, if Good Friday be forgotten, as they are already voted downe; how will our poore Posterity ever minde the Incarnation, the Nativity, and Passion of our blessed Lord and Saviour? Or, * 1.59 that ever Iesus Christ came into the World to save them?

Add but to this, the voting down of our English Liturgy, & without that how shal our successors be ever catechised into the beliefe of a Trinity in Ʋnity, and Ʋnity in Trinity? Where, where is it to be plainely learnt, but in the Col∣lect for that day, and in the Creed of holy Athanasins? And without believing that, how shall our poore children be saved? Truely me thinkes the Lords and Gentlemen should have some care of their salvation.

I dare not commit further cruelty or sacriledge upon your eares or hearts: Only, if such men there be, whose hands have beene so cruell and sacrilegious; you will, I am confident, you will give up the verdict of a Billa vera, upon my 2a. 4a, and my last resolve, which sayes,

That such men are virorum pessimi, * 1.60 the very worst sort of men; Quoderat demonstrandum; but need no other proofe then your consent.

So I passe from the explication to the Application of my Text: The first is inquisitive, and asketh, * 1.61 ut in manns ho∣minum incidimus; how and by what meanes wee are fal∣len into such cruell hands, into such sacrilegious hands? Our sinnes you will not deny, are the provoking cause; yes, our sinnes are, and every one of us must say with that Prophet, Propter me hac tempestas, I am the cause of this storme; and I pray God give us all, and every one of us

grace, every one of us Personally, and all of us National∣ly to repent of our sinnes, that this sad sentence may be revoked: (If you expect the politique cause, I dare not be too inquisitive, lest my selfe be brought under an inqui∣sition.)

For all war is a plague; but Civill War is the greatest of all plagues; yet as great as it is, some ease it would be if wee knew where to lay the blame of it; And it is my misery, that I dare not determine, whether Yorke or London did be get it, whether the King or some body else must father it; no, I dare not; but you my brave Christi∣an Lords, Gentlemen and others, who have not lost your Religion and reason, your courage and conscience, may: And I may without feare of an inquisition propose a Rid∣dle, aske a question, answer it, and unriddle it who pleases.

Where then was the first guard? Where the first Com∣mittees? Where the first Commissioners for raising men, Ammunition, and money? Where the first denyall of a legall and just proceeding upon Delinquents? Upon reall Delinquents, not imaginary; who the first intruder upon the others Rights by force and armes? Who the first Sea∣zor upon the others strength by Sea and Land? Who first raised that Devill, the Militia, and would never lay him againe? Who first raised an Army to fetch up evill Coun∣cellours? Who first did, and still doe avert all honoura∣ble motions of peace?

Hee that can undoe this knot, may easily say, who was the Father of this war: None else will so carefully nurse the childe; and upon his, or their skoare must all the Rapines and robberies, all the murthers and bloodshed of this present Civill War be layed, when God shall make inquisition for this blood; and there let it rest for me.

Unlesse to these you will joyne those fearelesse sonnes of their Grandsires imprecations; one whereof was this.

Disspate thou, O God, the Counsells of such as de∣ceitfully travell to stirre the hearts of the Inhabitants of ei∣ther Realme against the other; let their malitious practises be their owne confusion.

If this fright them not into Loyallty and obedience, let them not be offended, if I believe, they are therefore cal∣led Scoti, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they sit in darkenesse, and in the shaddow of death: Non veniet anima mea in consilium corum, and my prayer is, and hope I you will joyne with me in it.

Let us no longer fall into, nor under the hands of men, of such cruell men, of such sacrilegious men; but into thy hands O God, for his sake, whose hands were stret∣ched upon the crosse for us, Jesus Christ, Amen. * 1.62

And ut incidamus in manus Domini, how wee may fall in∣to the hands of God, my next Application is to tell you, and to obtaine this favour, to fall into Gods hands, wee must make use of our owne hands. * 1.63

In the words of St. Paul, levantes puras manus, lifting up pure hands: And these in the exposition either of S••. Ambrose, who reades, sanctas manus, holy hands, and ho∣ly hands they be, quando cor mundum est, * 1.64 when the heart is cleane, & sanctas attollimus manus, * 1.65 and holy hands wee lift up, when they are cleane from slaughter, blood, and cruelty; when they are free from Rapines, Robberies, and bribes, & in omnibus bonis exercitatas, ad Elcemosynas inprimis effusas, when they are exercised in all good works, especially in Almes.

Or of Cornelius a Lapide, puras levantes manus tum corpo∣raliter eas abluendo, ut Judaei, tum spiritualiter ab irâ, &c. Pure hands wee lift up when wee keepe them cleare from wrath and revenge, from Militia and Malitia, and all other filthinesse; Ac per Elcemosynas servando plenas, and keeping them full of charity.

Or of Jansenius, would you fall into Gods hands, * 1.66 as David did? Why then you must be as David was; and what was David? Why David was validus manu, (the very signification of his name it is) strong of hand, & va∣lidus manu est, qui validè ad dandum extendit manum, he is strong of hand, who freely gives to the poore, and is full fraught with charity.

And how many objects of charity there are, the poore Gentry, the poorer Clergy, and the poorest Sculdiery speake aloud; the poore Gentry and Clergy, that are a∣shamed to make their wants knowne, and dare not doe worse; men that heeretofore have beene more blessed in giving (for they know it a more blessed thing to give) and would not now be altogether unblest for want of recei∣ving, * 1.67 and the surest way for your selves to be blest is, to consider the poore and needy, as the Psalmist speakes, and not put them to the impudence to beg; consider them therefore, and at once blesse them, and bee blest your selves.

The poore Souldiers, whose dismembred bodies, whose stormed backs, whose starved bellies are Rethorique e∣nough to perswade any Christians, who have Philemons bowells of compassion, to refresh such Saints.

And when you have done this, * 1.68 hearke what St. Austen saieth; Adversarios si volumus vincere, manus nostra, i.e. actus nostri sint in Coelo, non in terris; would you overthrow your enemies? then let your hands, i.e. your conversati∣on be in heaven, * 1.69 untill you are like your heavenly Father; nor are you ever so like him, as when you are mercifull, as when you are charitable: Be yee mercifull as your Father which is in Heaven is mercifull.

Hearke againe what holy Ephraem saieth, Expausione ma∣nus in oratio nostra quasi arcu armetur; let your prayer bee armed with a Bow by the lifting up of your hands; but let the arrow of charity be shot out of that Bow, if you intend to hit your enemies.

Or would you have peace with your enemies, and not victory over them? It is every good mans desire; why, charity I must tell you, is the best way for this too; nor will this time of humiliation ever be compleate and per∣fected to an Accommodation, untill your repentance, like a glorious Bride is led to Church by the hands of faith and charity to her Groome; in this dresse, as Ester in her roy∣all apparrell found favour with Ahasnerus, shall your re∣pentance

finde favour, and obtaine helpe of God in time of neede.

Thus, thus shall the peace of God dwell in your hearts; and when the peace of God is within, you may be confi∣dent the other peace will not be long without.

This, this is the best way that I know, how wee may fall into Gods hands; even by lifting up pure hands to God, and charitable hands to Gods servants: So shall we have peace with, or victory over them that are risen up a∣gainst us.

And my prayer is, Almighty God, take us out of the hands of men, out of their cruell hands, out of their sacrilegious hands, and take us into thine owne hands, into thine owne mercifull hands, and as a pledge thereof, give us what thou requirest of us, ho∣ly hands to appease thee, and charitable hands to appease the poore, that so wee may have peace with, or victory o∣ver thine and our enemies, for his sake, who hath already given us victory over our spirituall enemies, and will here∣after over our eternall enemies, Jesus Christ our Lord: To whom with the Holy Ghost, three Persons, one immortall only wise God, be ascribed all Honour, Praise, and Power now, and for ever: Amen.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Division.
• * 1.2

  Pars 1.
• * 1.3

  de vit. pat.
• * 1.4

  Eccles. 7.29.
• * 1.5

  Act. 4.28.
• * 1.6

  Act. 4.30.
• * 1.7

  Ps. 104.28.
• * 1.8

  Psa 32.4.
• * 1.9

  Ps.
• * 1.10

  S••san. 1.2 3.
• * 1.11

  Gen 39 9.
• * 1.12

  Gen. 9.
• * 1.13

  Gen. 19 33.
• * 1.14

  Josh, 9.19.
• * 1.15

  Hosea. 10.
• * 1.16

  Mat 25.30.41
• * 1.17

  2. Sam. 24.17.
• * 1.18

  2a. 1ae. E malis mini∣mum.
• * 1.19

  Heb. 10.31.
• * 1.20

  Susan 1.23.
• * 1.21

  In locum.
• * 1.22

  Rom. 3 8.
• * 1.23

  Juler.
• * 1.24

  Pars 2.
• * 1.25

  Authol.
• * 1.26

  Cub.
• * 1.27

  2a. 2ae. E malis maxi∣mum.
• * 1.28

  Joh. 14.26
• * 1.29

  Joh. 14.27.
• * 1.30

  Josh. 7.11, 12. 2 Sam. 15.21.
• * 1.31

  1 Reg. 12 31.
• * 1.32

  1 Sam. 31.5. 2. Reg. 10.7. 2. Reg. 17.23.
• * 1.33

  Pars 3.
• * 1.34

  Jona 3.4.
• * 1.35

  2. Reg. 19.35.
• * 1.36

  1. Sam. 23.10.
• * 1.37

  2. Sam. 18.7.
• * 1.38

  1. Sam. 22.23.
• * 1.39

  2. Sam. 15 16.
• * 1.40

  1. Reg 3.25.34.
• * 1.41

  Jud. 13.23.
• * 1.42

  ••. Sam. 17.36.
• * 1.43

  2a. 3ae. Re∣latorum pro∣ximum.
• * 1.44

  1 Sam. 12.25.
• * 1.45

  2 Sam. 24.1.
• * 1.46

  1 Cron. 21.7.
• * 1.47

  Mor. ••. 25. cap. 20. and 23.
• * 1.48

  1 Reg. 10.22.
• * 1.49

  2 Cron. 17.7.
• * 1.50

  Act 2.1.
• * 1.51

  Psa. 12 2.
• * 1.52

  Gen. 4.115.
• * 1.53

  Jona. 3.4.
• * 1.54

  Numb. 16.32.
• * 1.55

  L••b. 11. c. 17.
• * 1.56

  2 Sam 18.3.
• * 1.57

  2 Sam. 21.17.
• * 1.58

  Pars 4.
• * 1.59

  1 Tim. 1.15.
• * 1.60

  2ae. 4ae. Viro∣rum pessimi.
• * 1.61

  Appli. 1.
• * 1.62

  Appli. 2
• * 1.63

  1 Tim. 2.8.
• * 1.64

  Esay. 1.15.
• * 1.65

  Esay. 59.3.
• * 1.66

  Eccles. 39.
• * 1.67

  Psal. 41.11.
• * 1.68

  Serm. 93. de Temp.
• * 1.69

  Math. 5.45.