Vindiciæ evangelicæ or The mystery of the Gospell vindicated, and Socinianisme examined, in the consideration, and confutation of a catechisme, called A Scripture catechisme, written by J. Biddle M.A. and the catechisme of Valentinus Smalcius, commonly called the Racovian catechisme. With the vindication of the testimonies of Scripture, concerning the deity and satisfaction of Jesus Christ, from the perverse expositions, and interpretations of them, by Hugo Grotius in his Annotations on the Bible. Also an appendix, in vindication of some things formerly written about the death of Christ, & the fruits thereof, from the animadversions of Mr R.B. / By John Owen D.D. a servant of Jesus Christ in the work of the Gospell.

To those that Labour in the VVord and Doctrine, in these Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with all that call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord: JOHN OWEN wisheth Grace and Peace from God our Father, and from the Lord Iesus Christ.

THat so meane a person, as I am, should presume in this publick manner, to make Address to all those comprised in the Title of this Epistle; I desire it may be ascribed to the business I come about, and the message that I bring. It is about your great Interest and Concernment, your whol portion, & inheritance, your all, that I am to deal with you. If he who passes by his neighbour's house, seeing a Thief breaking up it's foundations, or setting fire to it's chief ma∣terials, will be farre from being censured as importune and impudent, if he awake and call upon the Inhabitants, though every way his betters (especially if all his own estate lye therin also) although he be not able to carry one vessel of water to the quenching of it; I hope, that finding Persons endeavouring to put fire to the house of God, which house ye are, and labouring to steal away the whole Treasure thereof, wherein also my own portion doth lye, I shall not be condemned of boldness, or presumption, If I at once cry out to all persons however concern'd, to take heed that we be not ut∣terly despoyled of our Treasure; though when I have so done, I be not able to give the least Assistance, to the defence of the house, or

quenching of the fire kindled about it. That of no less importance is this address unto you, a brief discovery of it's occasion will evince.

The Holy Ghost tels us, that we are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himselfe being the chief corner stone, in whome the whole building fitly framed together groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord, in whom we are built together for an ha∣bitation of God through the spirit, Ephes. 2. 20, 21, 22. And thus, doe all they become the house of Christ, who hold fast the confidence, and the hope of rejoycing to the end, Heb. 3. 6. In this House of God there are dayly Builders, according as new living stones are to be fitted to their place therin; and continual Opposi∣tions have there been made thereto; and will be, till we are come, in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ, Eph. 4. 13. In this work of building are some imployed by Jesus Christ, and will be so to the end of the world (Mat. 28. 20. Ephes. 4. 12.) and some imploy themselves, at least in a pretence thereof, but are indeed to a man every one like the foolish woman, that puls down her house with both her hands. Of the first sort, other foundation can no man lay, nor doth goe about to lay, save that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ, 1 Cor. 3. 11. But some of them build on the foundation Gold, silver, and precious stones, kee∣ping fast in the work to the forme of wholsome words, and conten∣ding for the faith that was once delivered to the Saints.

Others againe lay on wood, hay, and stubble, either contending about foolish Questions: or vaine and profitable janglings, or ad∣ding to what God hath commanded, or corrupting, and perver∣ting what he hath revealed and instituted, contrary to the pro∣portion of faith, which should be the rule of all their prophesy, where by they discharge their duty of building in this House. Those with whom I am at present to deale, and concerning whom I desire to tender you the ensuing Accounts, are of the latter sort, such, as not content with others to attempt sundry parts of the building, to weaken it's Contexture, or deface it's Comeliness, doe with all their might set themselves against the work it's selfe; the great founda∣tion and corner stone of the Church, the Lord Jesus, who is God bles∣sed for ever. They are those I say whom I would warne you of,

in whom of old, and of late, the spirit of Errour hath set up it's selfe with such an Efficacy of Pride, and delusion, as by all wayes, meanes, devices imaginable, to despoyle our dear and blessed Re∣deemer, our holy one, of his Eternal power and Godhead; or to re∣ject the Eternal Son of God, and to substitute in his Room, a Christ of their own; one like themselves, and no more; to adulterate the Church and turne aside the Saints to a thing of nought. If I may enjoy your patience, whilest I give a brief account of them, their wayes and indeavours for the compassing of their cursed Ends, of our present concernment in their actings, and seducti∣ons, of the fire kindled by them at our doores, of the sad dif∣fusion of their poyson throughout the world, beyond what enters into the hearts of the most of men to imagine, I shall subjoyne thereunto those cautions, and directions, which withall humbleness, I have to tender to you, to guide some, and strengthen others, and stirre up all, to be watchful against this great, and I hope the last considerable Attempt of Sathan (by way of Seduction and Temptation) against the foundation of the Gospel.

Those then who of old opposed the doctrine of the Trinity, espe∣cially of the Deity of Christ, his Person and Natures, may be refer∣red to three heads, and of them, and their wayes this is the summe.

The first sort of them may be reckoned to be those, who are com∣monly esteemed to be followers of Simon Magus, known chief∣ly by the names of Gnosticks and Valentinians: These, with their abominable figments of Aeones, and their Combinations, Conju∣gations, Genealogies, and unintelligible imaginations, wholy over∣throwing the whole Revelation of God concerning himselfe and his Will, the Lord Jesus, and the Gospel, who chiefly with their leaders, Marcus, Basilides, Ptolomaeus, Valentinus secundus, (all following or imitating Simon Magus and Menander) of all others most perplexed and infected the Primitive Church. As Ire∣naeus, lib. 1. Tertullian, praescrip. ad Haeret. cap. 49. Phila∣strius in his ca••alogue of Heretickes, Epiphanius in Panario lib. 1. Tom. 2. And Augustin in his book of (a 1.1) Heresies, ad Quod vult Deus manifeste. To these may be added Tatianus, Cerdon, Marcion, and their companions (of whom see Tertullian at large,

and Eusebius in their respective places.) I shall not separate from them Montanus, with his Enthusiastical, formal Associates; in whose Abominations it was hoped that these latter dayes might have been inconcerned, until the present madnes of some, common∣ly called Quakers, renewed their follies: but these may pass (with the Manichees) and those of the like fond imaginations, that ever and anon troubled the Church with their madness and folly.

Of the second Ranke, Cerinthus is the head, with (b 1.2) judai∣zing Ebion; both denying expresly the Diety of Christ, and asserting him to be but a meere man, even in the entrance of the Gospel; being confounded by John, as is affirmed by Ephipha∣nius, Haeres. 51. Hieronymus de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis de Johanne. The same Abomination was againe revived by Theodo∣tus called Coriarius (who having once denyed Christ, was resol∣ved to doe so alwaies) excommunicated on that account by Victor, as Eusebius relates. Hist. Eccles. l. 5. c. ult. Where he gives also an account of his Associates in judgment; Artemon, As∣clepiodotus, Natalius &c. and the books written against him are there also mentioned. But the most notorious Head and Patron of this madnes was Paulus Samosatenus, Bishop of Antioch, An. 272: of whose pride and passion, folly, followers, Assistants, Opposition, & excommunication, the history is extant at large in Eusebius. This man's pomp, and folly, his compliance with the Jewes and Zenobia the Queen of the Palmyrians, who then invaded the Easterne parts of the Roman Empire, made him so infamous to all Christians, that the Socinians do scarce plead for him, or own him as the Authour of their opinion. Of him who succeeded him in his Opposi∣tion to Jesus Christ, some 50 or 60 yeares after, namely Photi∣nus Bishop of Sirmium, they constantly boast: of Samosatenus and his heresy, see Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 7. cap 29. 30. and Hilary de Synodis: of Photinus, Socrat: Eccles. Hist. l. 2. cap. 24. 25. and with these doe our present Socinians (c 1.3) expresly agree in the matter of the person of Christ.

To the third head I referre that deluge of Arianisme, whose Rise, Conception, Author, and Promoters, Advantages, success, and propagation, the Persecutions, Cruelty, and tyranny of the Rulers, Emperours, Kings, and Governours infected with it, it's Extent and Continuance, are known to all, who have taken care in the least, to inquire what was the state of the Church of God in for∣mer dayes: that heresy being as it were the floud of waters, that pursued the Church for some Ages. Of Macedonius, Nestorius, and Eutyches; the first denying the Deity of the Holy, Ghost, the second the hypostatical Union of the two natures of Christ, and the last confounding them in his person, I shall not need to speak. These by the Socinians of our dayes are disclaimed. (d 1.4)

In the second sort chiefly we are at present concerned. Now to give an Account, from what is come down unto us, by Testimo∣nies of good report and esteem, concerning those named, Theodo∣tus, Paulus, Photinus, and the rest of men, who were the Pre∣decessours of them, with whom we have to doe, and undertook the same Work in the infancy of the Church, which these are now ingaged in, when it is drawing with the world to it's period, with what were their wayes, lives, Temptations, Ends, Agreements, dif∣ferences among them, and in reference to the Persons of our pre∣sent contests, (of whom a full account shall be given) is not my ayme nor business. It hath been done by others: and to doe it with any Exactnesse, beyond what is commonly known, would take up more Roome then to this Preface is allotted. Some things pe∣culiarly seem of concernment for our Observation, from the time wherin some of them acted their parts, in the service of their Ma∣ster. What could possibly be more desired for the safeguarding of any Truth, from the Attempts of succeeding Generations, and for giving it a security above all controul, then that upon publick and owned Opposition, it should receive a Confirmation, by men acted by the Holy Ghost, and giving out their sentence by inspirati∣on from God. That among other important Heads of the Gospel (as that of justification by faith, and not by works, of Christian Liberty, of the Resurrection of the dead,) this most Glorious Truth of the Eternal Deity of the Son of God, underwent an open Opposition from some of them above written, during the life of some of the Apostles, before the writing of the Gospel by John,

and was expresly vindicated by him in the beginning thereof, is acknowledged by all, who have in any measure inquired into, and impartially weighed the Reports of those dayes. What could the heart of the most resolved Ʋnbeliever desire more for his satisfa∣ction, Then that God should speak from heaven. For the Convi∣ction of his folly and ignorance? or what can our Adversaries ex∣pect more from us, when we tell them, that God himselfe, imme∣diately determined in the Controversy wherin they are engaged. Perhaps they think, that if he should now speak from heaven, they would believe him. So said the Jewes to Christ, if he would come down from the Cross when they had nayled him to it: In the sight, & under the contempt of many miracles greater then the delivery of himselfe could any way appear to be. The rich man in torments thought his brethren would repent if one came from the dead, and preached to them. Abraham tels him, if they will not believe Moses nor the Prophets, they would not believe though one should come from they dead. Doubtless if what is already writ∣ten, be not sufficient to convince our Adversaries, though God should speak from heaven, they would not believe, nor indeed can, if they will abide by the fundamental Principles of their Religion. Under this great disadvantage, did the perswasion of the Socinians, that Christ is only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by nature no more but a man, set out in the world; so that Persons not deeply acquainted with the methods of Sathan, and the darknes of the minds of men, could not but be ready to conclude it certainly bound up in silence for e∣ver. But how speedily it revived, with what pride and passion it was once and againe endeavoured to be propagated in the world, those who have read the stories of Paulus Samosatenus, are fully acquainted, who 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 blasphemed the Son of God, as one no more then a man. In some space of time these men being decry∣ed by the general Consent of the residue of man-kind professing the name of Jesus Christ, and their Abomination destroyed by the sword of faith managed in the hands of the Saints of those days, Satan perceiving himselfe at a loss, and under an impossibility of prevalency, whilst the grosnesse of the errour he strove to diffuse, terrified all sorts from having any thing to doe therewith; He puts on it by the help of Arius and his followers another gloss and ap∣pearance, with a pretence of allowing Christ a Deity, though a

subordinate, Created, made divine nature, which in the fulnesse of time assured flesh of the Virgin. This opinion being indeed no less really destructive to the true and eternal Deity of the Son of God, then that of theirs before mentioned, who expresly affirmed him to be a mere man, and to have had no existence before his nativity at Bethlehem, yet having got a new pretence and colour of ascribing something more excellent and sublime unto him, then that whereof we are all in common partakers, it is incredible with what speedy progress, like the breaking out of a mighty flood, it overspread the face of the earth. It is true, it had in it's very entrance, all the Advantages of Craft, Fraud, and Subtilty; and in it's carrying on, of violence, force and cruelty; and from the beginning to it's end, of ignorance, blindnesse, superstition, and profanenesse, among the generality of them, with whom it had to deale, that ever any corrupt folly of the mind of man met withal: The Rise, Pro∣gresse, Cruelty, and Continuance of this Sect, with the times and seasons that passed with it over the nations, it's entertainment by the many barbarous nations, which wasted, spoyled, and divided a∣mong themselves the Roman Empire, with their parting with it upon almost as evill an Account as at first they embraced it, is not (as I said) my business now to discover. God purposing to re∣venge the Pride, Ingratitude, Ignorance, profanenesse, and Ido∣latry of the World, which was then in a great measure got in amongst the Professours of Christianity, by another, more spiri∣tual, cruel, subtile, and lasting mystery of iniquity, caused this Abomination of Arianisme to give place to the power of the then growing Roman Antichristian state; which about the sixt, or sea∣venth Century of yeares, since the Incarnation of the Son of God, having lost all Church Order and Communion of the institution of Jesus Christ, fell into an earthly, political, carnal Combinati∣on, authorised, and animated by the spirit of Sathan for the Ends of superstition, Idolatry, persecution, pride, Atheisme, which thereby ever since vigorously pursued.

With these c 1.5 Arians (as was said) doe our Socinians re∣fuse

Communion, and will not be called af∣ter their name; not that their profession is bet∣ter then theirs, or that they have much to blame, in what they divulge, though they a∣gree not with them in allowing a preexisting nature to Christ before his Incarnation, but that, that Generation of men, having made themselves infamous to posterity, by their wickednesse, perjuries, crafts, and bloody cruel∣ties, & having been pursued by eminent and ex∣traordinary judgments from God, they are not willing to partake of the Prejudices which they justly lye under.

From the year 600 for divers Ages, we have little noyse of these mens Abominations, as to the person of Christ, in the world. Sathan had something else to busy himselfe about.

A designe he had in hand, that was like to doe him more service then any of his former attempts. Having therefore tryed his ut∣most in open opposition to the person of Christ, (The dreggs of the poyson thus shed abroad infecting in some measure a great part of the East to this day) by a way never before heard of, and which Christians were not exercised with, nor in any measure a∣ware of, he subtilly ruines and overthrowes all his Offices, and the whole benefit of his mediation, and introduceth secretly a new Worship, from that which he appointed, by the Meanes and endea∣vours of men, pretending to Act, and doe all that they did, for the Advancement of his Kingdome and Glory. And therefore, whilest the fatal Apostacy of the westerne World, under the Roman Antichrist, was contriving, carrying on, and heightning, till it came to it's discovery and ruine, he stirs not at all with his old En∣gines, which had brought in a revenue of obedience to his kingdome, in no measure proportionable to this, which by this new device he found accrewing to him. But when the appointed Time of mercy was come, that God would visit his people with light from above, and begin to unravel the mystery of Iniquity, whose Abominati∣ons had destroyed the Soules of them that embraced it, and whose cruelty had cut off the lives of thousands who had opposed it, by the reformation eminently and successively begun and carryed on,

from the year 1517; Sathan perceiving that even this his great master-piece of deceit and subtilty was like to faile him, and not to doe him that service, which formerly it had done, he againe sets on foot his first designe of oppugning the Eternal Deity of the Son of God; still remembring that the Ruine of his King∣dome arose from the God-head of his person, and the Efficacy of his Meditation. So that as for the first 300 yeares of the pro∣fession of the name of Christ in the world, he had variously oppo∣sed the God-head of our blessed Saviour, by Simon Magus, Ebion, Cerinthus, Paulus Samosatenus, Marcus, Basilides, Valentinus, Co∣lobarsus, Marcion, Photinus, Theodorus, and others, and from their dissipation and scattering, having gathered them all to an head in Arius and his Abomination; which sometimes with a mighty prevalency of force and violence, sometimes more subtil∣ly (putting out by the way the several branches of Macedonia∣nisme, Nestorianisme, Eutichianisme, all looking the same way in their tendency therewith) he managed almost for the space of the next 300 years ensuing, and loosing at length that hold, he had spent more then double that space of time, in carrying on his designe of the great Antichristian Papal Apostacy, being about the times before mentioned most cleerly and eminently discove∣red in his wicked designe, and being in danger to loose his kingdome, which he had been so long in possession of; intending if it were pos∣sible to retrive his Advantage againe; He sets on those men, who had been instrumental to reduce the Christian Religion into it's primitive state and Condition, with those very Errours and A∣bominations, wherewith he opposed and assailed the Primitive Professours thereof. If they will have the Apostles doctrine, they shall have the opposition that was made unto it in the Apostles times: His hopes being possibly the same, that formerly they were; but assuredly Christ will prevent him. For as whilest the Professors of the Religion of Jesus Christ were spiritual & full of the power of that Religion they did profess, they defended the Truth thereof, either by suffering, as under Constantius, Valens, and the Gothes & Vandals; or by spiritual meanes and weapons; so when they were carnal, and lost the life of the Gospel, yet endeavouring to retaine the truth of the letter thereof, falling on carnal politick wayes for the supportment of it, and the suppressing of what opposed it, Sa∣tan

quickly closed in with them, and accomplished all his ends by them, causing them to walk in all those wayes of law, policy, blood, cruelty and violence, for the Destruction of the Truth, which they first ingaged in, for the rooting out of Errours and Heresies; haud ignota loquor. Those who have considered the Occasions and Advantages of the Bishop of Romes rise and progress, know these things to be so. Perhaps (I say) he might have thoughts to manage the same or the like designe, at the beginning of the Re∣formation, when with great craft and subtilty, he set on foot againe his opposition to the person of Christ; which being the businesse cheifely under Consideration, I shall give some brief account there∣of.

Those who have formerly communicated their thoughts and Ob∣servations to us, on this subject, have commonly given rise to their discourses from Servetus, with the transactions about him in Helvetia, and the ending of his Tragedy at Geneva. The things of him being commonly known, & my designe being to deale with them, in their chief seat and residence, where, after they had a while hovered about most nations of Europe, they setled them∣selves, I shall forbear to pursue them up and downe in their flight, and meet with them only at their nest in Poland, and the Regions adjoyning. The Leaders of them had most of them separated themselves from the Papacy, on pretence of embracing the refor∣med Religion; and under that Covert were a long time sheltred from violence, and got many Advantages of insinuating the A∣bominations (which they were throughly drenched withall, be∣fore they left the Papacy) into the minds of many who professed the Gospel.

The first open breach they made in Poland, was in the year, 1562, (something having been attempted before) being most of the Leaders, (f 1.6) Italians, men of subtile and serpentine wits. The chief Leaders of them were Georgius Blandrata, Petrus Stato∣rius,

Franciscus Lismaninus, all which had been eminent in pro∣moting the Reformation.

Upon their first Tumultuating, Statorius, to whom afterwards Socinus wrote sundry Epistles, and lived with him in great inti∣macy, was summoned to a meeting of ministers, upon an Accusa∣tion, that he denyed that the Holy spirit was to be invocated. Things being not yet ripe, the man knowing, that if he were cast out by them, he should not know where to obtaine shelter, he se∣cured himselfe by dissimulation, and subcribed this Confession: (g 1.7) I receive and reverence the Prophetical, and Apostolical doctrine, containing the true knowledge of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and freely professe, that God the Father Son and Holy Ghost ought to be worshiped with the same religion or worship, distinctly, or respective∣ly, and to be invocated according to the truth of the Holy Scripture And lastly I doe plainely Detest every Heretical blasphemy, concer∣ning God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whether it be Arian, Ser∣vetian, Eunomian, or Starcarian. And this Confession is to be seen in the Acts of that Convention, under his own hand to this day; which notwithstanding, he was a fierce Opposer of the do∣ctrine here professed all his dayes afterward.

And I the rather mention this, because I am not without too much ground of perswasion, that thousands of the same judgment with this man, doe at this day, by the like dissimulation, live and enjoy many Advantages both in the Papacy, and among the re∣formed Churches, spreading the poyson of their Abominations as they can. This Statorius I find by the frequent mention made of him by Socinus, to have lived many yeares in Poland, with what End and issue of his life I know not; nor more of him, but what is contained in Beza's two Epistles to him, whose Scholar he had been, when he seemed to have had other opinions about the Essence of God, then those he afterwards setled in, by the instru∣ction of Socinus.

And this man was one of the first heads of that multitude of of men, commonly known by the name of Anabaptists, among the Papists (who took notice of little but their outward worship) who having entertained strange, wild, and blasphemous thoughts concerning the Essence of God, were afterwards brought to a kind of setlement by Socinus, in that Religion he had prepared to

serve them all, and into his word at last consented the whole droves of Essentiators, Trithetis, Arians, and Sibellians that swar∣med in those dayes, in Silesia, Moravia, and some other parts of Germany.

For Blandrata, his story is so well known, from the Epistles of Calvin and Beza, and others, that I shall not insist much upon it. The summe of what is commonly known of him is Collected by Hornbecke.

The Records of the Synods in Poland of the Reformed Churches, give us somewhat farther of him, as doth Socinus also against Wiek. Being an excellent Physitian, he was entertained at his first coming into Poland, by Prince Radzivil, the then great Patron of the re∣formed Religion in those parts of the world: one of the same fa∣mily with this, Captaine general of the Polonian forces, for the great Dukedome of Lithuania, a man of great successe in many fights and battels against the Muscovites, continuing the same Office to this day. To him (h 1.8) Calvin instantly wrote, that he should take care of Blandrata, as a man not only inclinable to, but wholy infected with Servetianisme: In that, as in many other things, he admonished men of by his Epistles, that wise and diligent per∣son had the fate to tell the Truth, and not be believed. See Cal∣vins Epistles about the year 1561: but the man on this occasion, being sent to the meeting at Pinkzove, (as Statorius,) he sub∣scribes this Confession.

(i 1.9) I professe my selfe to believe in one God the Father, and in one Lord Jesus Christ his Son, and in one Holy Ghost, whereof each is essentially God. I detest the plurality of Gods, seeing to us there is one onely God, indivisible in essence; I confesse three distinct persons, the eternal Deity and generation of Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost true and eternal God proceeding from them both.

This did the wretched man think meet to doe, that he might pre∣serve the good esteem of his Patron, and reserve himselfe for a fitter opportunity of doing mischief: which also he did, obtaining a Testimonial from the whole meeting of his soundnesse in the faith, with letters to Prince Radzivil, and to Calvin signifying the same.

Not long after this by the great repute of his skill in Physick he became known, and Physitian to Stephen King of Poland; by whose favour having no small Liberty indulged him, he became the Pa∣tron of all the Antitrinitarians of all sorts throughout Poland and Transilvania: What Books he wrote, and what paines he took in propagating their cause, hath been declared by others. The last Epistle of Socinus in order as they are printed, (it being with∣out date; yet evidently written many yeares before most of them that went before it) is to this Blandrata; whose inscription is, Amplissimo Clarissimoq Viro Georgio Blandratae Stephani invictis∣simi Regis Poloniae, &c. Archiatro & conciliario intimo, Domi∣no, ac patrono suo perpetuâ observantiâ colendo: & subscribitur, Tibi in Domino Jesu deditissimus Cliens Tuus F. S. To that esteem was he grown amongst them, because of his Advantages to insinu∣ate them into the knowledge of great men, which they mostly ay∣med at. So that afterwards, when Socinus wrote his Answer about Magistrates, to Palaeologus in defence of the Racovians, (k 1.10) Marcellus Squaricalupus his countrey-man a man, of the same perswasion with him, fals fouly on him, that he would venture to doe it, without the knowledge and consent of this great Patron of theirs.

But though this man by his dissimulation and falsehood, thus escaped Censure, and by his Art and cunning insinuation, obtai∣ned high promotions, and heaped up great riches in the world, yet even in this life he escaped not the revenging hand of God. He was found at length with his Neck broke in his bed, by what hand none knoweth. Wherefore (l 1.11) Socinus observing that this Judgment of

God upon him, as that of Francisous David, (of which mention shall be made afterwards) would be fixed on, in the thoughts of men, to the prejudice of the Cause which he favoured, considering more what was for his interest, then what was decent, or convenient; decryes him for an Apostate to the Jesuites, before he was so destroyed; and intimates that he was strangled in his bed, by a kinsman whom he had made his heire, for hast to take possession of his great wealth.

The story I have adjoyned at large, that the man's ingenuity and thankfulness to his friend and Patron may be seen. He tels us that before the death of Stephen King of Poland he was turned from their profession by the Jesuites. Stephen King of Poland died in the year 1588. according to Helvicus. That very year did Socinus write his answer to Volanus; the second part whereof he inscribed with all the magnifical Titles before mentioned, to Blan∣drata; professing himselfe his Devoted Client; and him the great Patron of their Religion: so that though I can easily believe what he reports of his Covetousnes and Treachery, and the manner of his death, yet as to his Apostacy (though possibly he might fall more and more under the power of his Atheisme,) I suppose the great Reason of imputing that to him, was to avoid the scandal of the fearful judgment of God on him in his death.

For Lismaninus the third person mentioned; he was accused of Arianisme at a Convention at (m) Morden: Anno 1553. And * 1.12 there acquitted with a Testimonial. But in the year 1561, at another meeting at Whodrislave, he was convicted of double dea∣ling, and after that wholy fell off to the Antitrinitarians, and in the issue, (n) drowned himselfe in a well. * 1.13

And these were the chief setled Troublers at the first, of the Po∣lonian reformed Churches; the stories of Paulus Alciatus, Valenti∣nus Gentilis, Bernardus Ochinus, & some others, are so well known out of the Epistles of Calvin, Beza, Bullinger, Zanchius, with what hath of late from them been collected by Cloppenburgius, Hornbeck, Maresius, Becmanuus, &c. that it cannot but be needlesse labour for me to goe over them againe. That which I aime at is, from their own writings, and what remaines on record

concerning them, to give a brief accompt of the first breaking in of Antitrinitarianisme into the reformed Churches of Poland, and their confused Condition, before headed by Socinus, into whose name they have since been all baptized.

This then was the State of the Churches in those days. The reformed Religion spreading in great abundance, and Churches being multiplied every day in Poland, Lithuania, and the parts adjoyning, some tumults having been raised, and stirs made by O∣siander and Stancarus, about the essential Righteousnesse, and media∣tion of Christ, (concerning which the Reader may consult Cal∣vin at large) Many wild and foolish Opinions being scattered up and down, about the Nature of God the Trinity and Anabap∣tisme, by many Forreigners, sundry being thereby defiled. The opinions of Servetus having wholy infected sundry Italians. The Persons before spoken of then living at Geneva, and about the townes of the Switzers, that embraced the Gospel, being forced to flee for fear of being dealt withal as Servetus was, (the judg∣ment of most Christian Rulers in whose days leading them to such a proceedure, how rightly, I doe not now determine,) scarce any one of escaping without imprisonment and abjuration, (an ill Foundation of their after Profession) They went most of them in∣to Poland, looked on them, as a Place of Liberty, and joyned themselves to the Reformed Churches in those places: And conti∣nuing many years in their Communion, took the opportnnity to en∣ti••e and seduce many Ministers with others, and to strengthen them who were fallen into the (Abominations mentioned, before their coming to them.

After many Tergiversations, many examinations of them, many false subscriptions, in the year (o) 1562 they fell into open divi∣sion and separation from the Reformed Churches. The Ministers * 1.14 that felloff with them besides Lismannus, and his companion (of whom before) were Gregorius Pauli, Stanislaus, Lutonius Mar∣tinus Crovicius, Stanislaus Paclesius, Georgius Schomanus and o∣thers, Most of whom before had taken good paines in preaching the Gospel: the chief Patrons & Promoters were Johannes Miemol∣jevius,

Hieronymus Philopouius, Joannes Cazaccovius, the one a * 1.15 Judge, the other a Captaine, the third a Gentleman, all men of great esteem.

The (n) yeare that this Breach was made Laelius Socinus then of the age of 37 yeares, who layd the foundations that his Ne∣phew after built upon, died in Switzerland; As the Authour of the Life of Faustus Socinus informes us. The man's Life is known: he was full of Servetianisme, and had attempted to draw sundry men of note to his Abominations: A Man of great subtil••y and Cun∣ning, as (o 1.16) Beza says of him, incredibly furnished for contradi∣ction and Sophismes: Which the Authour of the Life of Soci∣nus phrases, He was suggerendae veritatis mirus artifex. He made (as I said) many private attempts on sundry Persons to en∣tice them to Photinianisme; on some with successe, on others with∣out. Of his dealing with him, and the Advantage he had so to doe, (p 1.17) Zanchius gives an account in his preface to his book de tribus Elohim.

He was, as the Authour of the Life of Faustus Socinus relates in a readinesse to have published his Notions and Conceptions, when God by his merciful providence, to prevent a little the pou∣ring out of the poyson, by so skilful an hand, took him off by sud∣den Death; and Faustus himselfe gives the same account of the season of his death in an Epistle to (q 1.18) Dudithius.

At this death, Faustus Socinus being then about the age of 23 yeares, seizing upon all his Ʋncles books, after a while returned into Italy; and there spent in Courtship and Idlenesse in Florence 12 yeares, which he afterwards greivously lamented, as shall be decla∣red: Leaving him a while to his pleasure in the Court of the great Duke, we may make back againe into Poland, and consider the progres of the persons, who made way for his coming amongst them. Having made their separation, and drawn many after them, they at length brought their businesse to that height, that they came

to a disputation (r 1.19) with the reformed Ministers at Petricove, (where the Parliament of the Kingdome the•• was,) by the per∣mission of Sigismund the King, in the year 1565 whereof the en∣suing account is given by Antonius Passevine the Jesuite, in A∣theis: sui saeculi cap. 13. fol. 15.

The Assembly of States, was called against the Muscovians; the Nobility desiring a Conference between the Ministers of the Re∣formed Churches and the Antitrinitarians, it was allowed by Si∣gismund then King. On the part of the Reformed Churches there were four Ministers: as many of the other side came also prepared for the Encounter: Being met, after some discourse, the chief Martial of the Kingdome then a Protestant, used these words. (s 1.20) Seeing the Proposition to be debated is agreed on, begin in the Name of the one God, and the Trinity.

Whereupon one of the opposite party instantly cryed out;

(t 1.21) We cannot here say Amen: nor doe we know that God, the Trinity.

Whereunto the Ministers (u 1.22) subjoyned, we have no need of any other proposition, seeing this hath offer'd it selfe; for God assi∣sting we will, and are ready to demonstrate that the Holy Ghost doth not teach us any Other God in the Scripture, but him only, who is Fa∣ther, Sonne, and Holy Ghost; that is, one God in Trinity.

This colloquy continued three dayes: in the first the Mini∣sters who were the Opponents (the other alwaies choosing to an∣swer) by expresse Texts of Scripture in abundance, confirmed the truth. In the beginning of their Testimonies, they appealed to the (w 1.23) beginning of the old, and new Testament, and upon both places confounded their Adversaries.

The Second Day the Testimonies of the Ancient Writers of the Church were produced, with no less success.

And on the Third; The Stories of Arius, and some other He∣reticks of old. The Issue of the disputation was to the great Ad∣vantage of the Truth, which Possevine himselfe cannot deny: though he affirme a little after, that the Calvinists could not con∣fure the Trinitarians (as he cals them) though they used the same Arguments that the Catholicks did, cap. 14. pag. 366.

(x 1.24) Possevine confesses, that the Ministers (as they called themselves of Salmatia and Transylvania) in their book of the true and false knowledge of God, took advantage at the Images of the Catholicks; for whose satisfaction (it seemes) he subjoynes the Theses of Thyreus, whrein he labours to prove the use of those abominable Idols to be Lawful, of which in the close of this address.

And this was the first great obstacle, that was layed in the way of the progresse of the reformed Religion in Poland: which by Satan's taking the Advantage of this horrible scandal, is at this day in those parts of the world, weak and oppressed. With what pow∣er the Gospel did come upon the Inhabitants of those Nations at the first, and what number of Persons it prevailed upon to forsake their dumb Idols; which in Aegyptian darkness they had long wor∣shipped; is evident from the Complaint of (y 1.25) Cichovius the Priest, who tels us, that about those times in the whole Parliament of the Dukedome of Lithuania, there were not above one or two Ca∣tholicks (as he cals them) besides the Bishops.

Yea among the Bishops themselves, some were come off to the reformed Churches: amongst whom Georgius Petrovicius, Bishop of Sarmogitia is reckoned by Diatericus Chron. pag. 49.

Yea and so far had the Gospel influenced those Nations, that in the year 1542, upon the death of King Sigismund the second, during the Interregnum, a decree was made in Parliament with ge∣neral Consent, that no prejudice should arise to any for the Prote∣stant Religion; but that a firme Ʋnion should be between the Per∣sons of both Religions, Popish and Protestant. And that whosoe∣ver was chosen King, should takean oath to preserve this Union, and the Liberty of the Protestant Religion. (Sarricius. Annal. Pol. lib. 8. pag. 403.)

And when (a 1.26) Henry Duke of Anjow, Brother to Charles the ninth, King of France, was elected King of Poland, (being then a man of great esteem in the world, for the Wars which in France he had managed for the Papists against the Prince of Conde, and the never enough magnified * 1.27 Gasper Coligni, being also con∣senting at least, to the barbarous massacre of the Protestants in that Nation,) and coming to the Church where he was to be crow∣ned, by the advice of the Clergy, would have avoided the Oath of Preserving the Protestants, and keeping peace between the dissen∣tours in Religion, John Shirli, Palatine of Cracovia, took up the Crowne, and making ready to goe away with it out of the Conven∣tion, cryed out, si non jurabis non Regnabis. If you will not sweare you shall not reigne, and thereby compelled him to take the Oath agreed upon.

This Progresse (I say) had the Doctrine of the Gospel made in those Nations, so considerable a portion of the body of the people were wonne over to the belief of it, when through the Craft and Subtilty of the old enemy of the propagation thereof, this Apostacy of some to Treithisme, as Georgius Pauli, of some to Arianisme, as Erasmus Johannes, of some to Photinianisme, as Statorius, Blan∣drata, some to Judaisme, as Sidelius (of whom afterwards) the foundation of the whole building was loosned, and instead of a Progesse, the Religion has gone backwards almost constantly to this Day. When this difference first fell out, the (b 1.28) Papists not once moved a mouth, or pen for a long time, against the Broa∣chers of all the Blasphemies mentioned, hoping that by the brea∣ches made by them on the reformed Churches, they should at length be able to triumph over both. For which End in their dis∣putes since with Protestants, they have striven to make Advantage of the Apostacy of many of those who had pretended to plead a∣gainst the Papacy, in behalfe of the reformed Churches, and after∣wards turned Antitrinitarians: as I remember it is particularly insisted on in an English Treatise, which I saw many yeares agoe, cal∣led

Micheas the Converted Jew: and indeed it is supposed, that both Paulus (c 1.29) Alciatus, and Ochinus turned Mahumetans.

Having thus then disturbed the Carrying on of the Reformation, many Ministers and Churches falling off to Treithisme and Samo∣satenianisme, they layd the Foundation of their meeting at Racovia, from which place they have been most known since, & taken notice of in the world. The first foundation of what they call the Church in that place, was made by a confluence of Strangers out of (d 1.30) Bohemia and Moravia, with some Polonians, known only by the name of Anabaptists, but professing a Community of goods, and a setting up of the Kingdome of Christ: calling Racovia, where they met, the new Jerusalem, or at least professing, that there they intended to build and establish the new Jerusalem, with other Pha∣natical Follies, which Satan hath revived in persons not unlike them, and caused to be acted over againe in the Dayes wherein we live: though for the most part with lesse appearanoe of holinesse and integrity of Conversation, then in them, who went before.

The Leaders of these men who called themselves their Ministers, were gregorius Pauli, and Daniel Bielenscius, of whom Bielonscius afterwards recanted, and (e 1.31) Gregorius Pauli being utterly wea∣ried, ran away from them, as from a hard service.

And as Faustus Socinus tels us in his Preface to his answer to Palaeologus, in his old age left off all study, and betook himselfe to other imployments: such were the Persons by whom this stir began.

This Gregorius Pauli, (f 1.32) Schlusselburgius very ignorantly affirmes to have been the head of the Antitrinitarians, and their Captaine, when he was a mere Common Trooper amongst them, and followed after others, running away betimes: an enthusiasti∣cal, Antimagistratical heretick, pleading for community of goods. But this Gregory had said, that Luther did but the least part of the work, for the destruction of Antichrist: & thence is the Anger of Doctour Cunradus, who every where shews himselfe as Zealous of the honour of Luther, as of Jesus Christ. So was the man, who had some divinity, but scarce any latine at all.

Be pleased now to take a briefe view of the State of these men, before the coming of Faustus Socinus into Poland and Transilva∣nica: Both those Nations after the death of Sigismund the second, be∣ing in the Power of the same family of the Bathori. Of those who professed the reformed Religion, and were falne from the Papa∣cy, there were three sorts; Lutherans, and Calvinists, and the Ʋni∣ted Brethren; which last were originally Bohemian exiles, but pro∣fessing and practising a more strict way of Church order and fellow∣ship then the other, had very many of the nobility of Poland, and the people joyned to their communion. The two latter agreed in all points of Doctrine, and at length came in sundry meetings and Synods to a faire Agreement and correspondency, forbearing one an∣other, wherein they could not concurre in Judgment: Now as these grew up to Ʋnion amongst themselves, the mixed multi∣tude of several Nations that had joyned themselves with them in their departure out of Aegypt, fell a lusting after the Abomina∣tions mentioned: and either withdrew themselves, or were thrown out from their Communion.

At first there were almost as many minds as men amongst them: the tessera of their Agreement among themselves, being purely Op∣position to the Trinity, upon what principles soever; Had a man learned to Blaspheme the Holy Trinity, were it on Photinian, Ari∣an, Sabellian, yea Mahumetan, or Judaical principles, he was a companion and brother amongst them. To this, the most of them added Anabaptisme, with the necessity of it, and among the Pa∣pists were known by no other name. That they opposed the Tri∣nity, that they Consented not to the Reformed Churches, was their Religion: For Pelagianisme, afterwards introduced by Socinus, there was little or no mention among them. In this Estate divi∣ded amongst themselves, notwithstanding some attempts in their Synods (For Synods they had) to keep a kind of Peace in all their diversities of opinions, spending their time in disputes and Quar∣rellings, were they, when Faustus Socinus came into Poland, who at length brought them into the Condition wherein they are, by the meanes, and wayes that shall be farther insisted on.

And this State of things, considering how not unlike the con∣dition of multitudes of men is thereunto in these Nations where∣in we live, hath often times made me fear, that if Satan should put it into the heart of any Person of learning and ability, to serve his

lust and Ambition with craft, wisdome, and diligence, it were not impossible for him to gather the dispersed, and divided opinionatists of our dayes to a Consent in some such body of Religion, as that which Socinus framed for the Polonians: But of him, his Person, and abours, by what ways and meanes he attained his End, it may not be unacceptable from his own, and friends writings to give some farther account.

That Faustius Socinus of Sene, was borne of a good and ancient family, famous for their skill in the Law, in the moneth of Decem∣ber, in the year 1539, that he lived in his own country, until he was about the age of 20 yeares; That then leaving his Country after his Ʋncle Laelius, he went to Leyden and lived there three yeares, That then leaving his Country after his Ʋncle Laelius, he went to Leyden and lived there three yeares, That then upon the death of his Ʋncle having got his books, he re∣turned into Italy, and lived in the Court of the great Duke of Tus∣cany 12 yeares, about the close of which time he wrote his book in Italian de Authoritate Sacrae Scripturae; That leaving his Country he came to Basil in Switzerland, and abode there three yeares, and somewhat more, are things commonly known, and so little to our purpose, that I shall not insist upon them.

All the while he was at Basil, and about Germany, he kept his opinions much to himselfe, being (g 1.33) intent upon the Study of his Ʋncle Laelius his notes, as the Polonian Gentleman who wrote his life confesseth: whereunto he added the Dialogues of Ber∣nardus Ochinus, as himselfe acknowledgeth, which about that time were turned into Latine by (h 1.34) Castellio, as he professed, to get mo∣ney by his labour to live upon: (though (i 1.35) he leads that he read Ochinus his Dialogues in Poland, and as it seemes not before) and from thence he was esteemed to have taken his Doctrine of the mediation of Christ.

The Papers of his Ʋncle Laelius, of which himselfe often makes mention, were principally his Comment upon the first chapter of Saint John: and some notes upon sundry Texts of Scripture, giving

Testimony to the Deity of Christ; among which Faustus extol's that abominable corruption of John the 8 and the 58. Of which afterwards I shall speake at large. (Socin. Respons. ad Eras. Johan.) His Comment on the first of John (k 1.36) Beza tels us, is the most depraved and corrupt that ever was put forth; it's Authour having out gone all that went before him in depraving that portion of Scripture.

The Comment it's selfe is published by Junius (in defexsione sanctae Trinitatis) and confuted by him, and Zanchius, at large (de tribus Elohim. lib. 6. cap. 2. & deinceps) Faustus varying something from his Ʋncle in the carrying on of the same designe.

His book de Jesus Christo Servatore, he wrote as the Authour of his Life assures us, whilest he was in, and about Basil, as also many passages in his Epistles and other writings manifest.

(l 1.37) About the year 1575, he began it, which he fi∣nished about the yeare 1578, although the book was not prin∣ted till the year 1594. For upon the divulging of it, (he then living at Cracovia) a tumult was raised gainst him by the unruly and disorderly Students, wherein he was dragged up and down, and beaten, and hardly escaped with his Life; which inhumane proce∣dence he expostulates at large in an Epistle to Martin Vaidovita a Professour of the Ʋniversity, by whose meanes he was delivered from being murder'd: but this fel out in the year 1598 as is evident from the date of that Epistle, 4 yeares after the book was printed.

The Book is written against one Covet, whom I know by nothing else, but what of his disputes with Socinus is by him published; Soci∣nus confesseth that he was (m 1.38) a learned man, and in reupte for Learning, And indeed if we may take an estimate of the man, from the little that is there delivered of him, he was a godly, honest, and very learned man, and spake as much in the Cause as might be expected, or was needful before farther opposition was made to the truth he did defend. Of all books of him concerning whom we speak, this his disputation de Jesu Christo Servatore is written with the greatest strength, Subtiltye, and Plausibility; neither is any

thing sayd afterwards by himselfe, or the rest of his followers, that is not comprized in it: of this book he was wont afterwards to (n 1.39) boast, as Crellius informes us, and to say, that if he might have some excellent Adversary to deale withall upon the point, he then would shew what could farther be spoken of the subject.

This book at it's first comming out, was confuted by Gregorius Zarnovecius, (as Socinus testifies in his Epistle to Vajodita) in the Polonian language, which was afterwards translated into latine by Conradus Huberus, and printed at Franeker, An. 1618. Al∣so by one Otho Casmannus: and thirdly at large by Sibrandus Lub∣bertus Anno 1611: who together with his refutation, printed the whole book it's selfe: I hope to no disadvantage of the truth, though a late Apostate to Rome, whom we called here Hugh Cres∣sey; but is lately commenced B. Serenus Cressey, a Priest of the order of Benedict, and who would have been even a Carthusian, such high honour did the man aime at) tels us, that some of his Schollars procured him to doe it, that so they might get the book it's selfe in their hands: But the book will speak for it's selfe with * 1.40 indifferent Readers, & for it's clearness it is extolled by (p 1.41) Vossi∣us: Generally all that have since written of that subject, in Theses, Commonplaces, Lectures, Comments, professed Controversies, have made that book the ground of their procedure.

One is not to be omitted, which is in the hands of all those who enquire into these things, or think that they are concerned in the knowledge of them: this is Grotius, his Defensio fidei catholicae De satisfactione Christi, adversus Faustum Socinum Senensem: Imme∣diatly upon the coming out of that book, Animadversions were put forth against it, by Harmannus Ravenspergerus, approved (as it seemes) by (q 1.42) our Doctour Prideaux.

The truth is, those Animadversions of Ravenspergerus are many of them slight, and in sundry things he was mistaken, whereby his endeavours were easily eluded by the learned (r 1.43) Vossius, in his Vindication of Grotius against him: not that the dissertation of Grotius is free from being lyable to many, & just exceptions, partly in things wherein he was mistaken, partly wherin he failed in what he undertook; (whereby many young Students are deluded, as ere long may be manifested) but that his Antago∣nist had not well layed his Action, nor did pursue it with any skill.

However the Interpretations of Scripture, given therein by that

learned man, will rise up in judgment against many of the Annota∣tions, which in his after-comments on the scripture hee hath divul∣ged. His booke was at length answered by Crellius, the successor of Valentinus Smalcius in the schoole and society of Racovia; after which Grotius lived above 20 yeares, and never attempted any re∣ply. Hereupon it has beene generally concluded, that the man was wrought over to drinke in that, which hee had before * 1.44 published to be the most destructive poyson of the church; the be∣liefe whereof was exceedingly encreased and cherished by an Epi∣stle of his to Crellius, who had subtilly managed the man, accor∣ding to his desire of honour, and regard, and by his Annotations of which wee shall have cause to speake afterwards. That booke of Crellius has since beene at large confuted by (s 1.45) Essenius, and enervated by a learned and ingenuous Author in his specimen refu∣tationis Crellii de•• Satisfactione Christi; published about the same time, with the well deserving labour of Essenius, in the yeare 1648.

Most of the Arguments and sophismes of Socinus about this businesse are refuted, and dissolved by David Paraeus, in his com∣ment on the Romans, not mentioning the name of him, whose objections they were.

About the yeare 1608 Michael Gitichius gathered together the summe of what is argumentative in that booke of Socinus, a∣gainst the satisfaction of Christ, which was answered by (t 1.46) Ludo∣vicus Lucius professor then at Amburgh, and the reply of Gitichius confuted, and removed out of the way by the same hand. In that briefe rescript of Lucius, there is a cleare attempt to the ener∣vating of the whole booke of Socinus, and that with good successe by way of a Logicall and Scholasticall procedure. Only I cannot but professe my Sorrow, that having in his first answer laid that solid foundation of the necessity of the satisfaction of Christ from the eternall nature, and justice of God, whereby it is absolutely impossible, that upon the consideration and supposi∣tion of sinne committed, it should be pardoned without a due com∣pensation; In his rejoynder to the reply of Gitichius, hee closes with a commonly knowne expression of Augustine. (u 1.47) That God could, if hee would, have delivered us without satisfaction; but he would not. So casting downe the most stable and unmoveable Pil∣lar of that Doctrine, which hee so dextrously built up, in spight of its Adversaries.

I dare boldly acquaint the younger students in these weighty points of the Religion of Jesus Christ, that the Truth of this one particular, concerning the eternall Justice of God, indespensably re∣quiring the punishment of sinne, being well established, (For which end they have not only the consent, but the Arguments of almost all who have handled these controversies with skill and successe,) will securely carry them them through all the sophismes of the Adversaries, and cut all the knotts, which with so much subtilty they endeavour to tye, and cast upon the doctrine of the satisfaction of Christ, as I have in part (w 1.48) else where demon∣strated; From this booke did also Smalcius take the whole of what hee has delivered about the death of Christ in his Racovian Cate∣chisme, not adding any thing at all of his owne; which Cate∣chisme as it was heretofore confuted by Fredericke Bauldwinus, by order of the Ʋniversity of Wittenburgh, and is by severall parcells by many removed out of the way, especially by Altingius, and Maccovius, so of late it is wholy answered by (x 1.49) Nicho∣laus Arnoldus, now Professor at Franeker, which comeing lately to my hands prevented me•• from proceeding to a just orderly Refu∣tation of the whole, as I was intended to do, Although I hope the reader will not find any thing of importance therein omitted.

To close the story of this booke of Socinus, and the progresse it hath made in the world; This I dare assure them, who are lesse exercised in these studies, that though the whole of the Treatise have at first view a very plausible pretence and appearance, yet there is a line of sophistry running through it, which being once discovered, (as indeed it may be easily felt) with the help of some few principles, the whole fabricke of it will fall to the ground, and appeare as weake and contemptible a peice, as any we have to deale withall in that warfare, which is to be undertaken for the Truths of the Gospell. This also I cannot omit, as to the rise of this Abomination of denying the satisfaction of Christ; that as it seemes to have been first invented by the Pelagians, so in after Ages, it was vented by Petrus Abailardus, professor of Philo∣sophy at Paris; of whom Bernard, who wrote against him, saith; Habemus in Francia novum de vetere magistro Theologum, qui ab ine∣unte aetate suâ in arte lusit dialecticâ, & nunc in scripturis sanctis in∣sanit. And in his (y 1.50) Epistle (which is to Pope Innocent,) about him, he strongly confutes his imaginations about this very busi∣nesse,

whereupon he was condemned in a (z 1.51) Councell at Rome, held by the same Innocent.

This part of our faith, being of so great weight and importance, the great basis and foundation of the Church, you will find it at large insisted on, and vindicated, in the ensueing Treatise.

The (a 1.52) Author of the life of Socinus tels us (as hee him∣selfe also gives in the information) that whilest he abode about Switzerland, at Basill, and Tiguri, he had a dispute with Puccius, which also is since published; this was before his going into Po∣land, in the yeare. 1578.

The story of this Puccius, because it may be of some use, as * 1.53 to the present estate of the minds of many in the things of God, I shall briefly give from Socinus himselfe; (Epist. 3. ad Math: Radec:) and that as a tremendous example of the righteous judgment of God, giving up a person of a light unstable spirit to fearfull delusions, with a desperate issue. Originally he was a * 1.54 merchant, of a good and noble family: but leaving his profession, he betooke himselfe to study, and for his advantage therein came hither to (c 1.55) Oxford. After he had stayed here untill he began to vent some paradoxes in Religion, about the yeare. 1565. (be∣ing not able here to prevaile with any to close with him) he went to Basill; where there was a dispute betweene him, and Socinus before mentioned; in the issue whereof, they both profes∣ed, that they could agree in nothing in Religion, but, that there was a God that made the world. At Basill he maintained univer∣sall Redemption, and a naturall faith, as they then termed it: or an innate power of believing without the efficacy of the grace of God; for which he was compeld thence to depart; which doing he returned againe into England; where, upon the same account he was cast into prison for a season; thence being released, he went into Holland; from whence by letters he challenged Socinus to dispute, and went 1000 miles (viz: to Cracovia in Poland) af∣terward, to make it good. After some disputes there, (both par∣ties condescending to them on very ridiculous conditions,) Socinus seeming to prevaile, by having most friends among the judges, as the other professed, he stayed there a while, and wrote a booke, which he stiled the shut bible, and of Elias: wherein he laboured to deny all ordinances, ministry, and preaching, untill Elias should come and restore all things. His reason was taken from the defe∣ction

and Apostacy of the church, wherein (said he) all truth and Order was lost, the state of the church being not againe to be recovered, unlesse some with Apostolicall Authority, and power of working miracles were immediatly sent of God for that pur∣pose. How farre this perswasion hath prevailed with some in our daies, wee all know and lament. Puccius at length begins to fancy, that he shall himselfe be imployed in this great Restauration, that is to be made of the church by immediate mission from God. Whilest he was in Expectation of his call hereunto, there comes two English men into Poland: men pretending discourse with An∣gels and Revelations from God; one of them was the chiefe at Re∣velations (their names I cannot learne) the other gave out what he received, in his daiely converse with Angels, and words he heard from God about the destruction of all the present frame of the worship of God: To these men Puccius joyned himselfe, and followed them to Prague in Bohemia, though his friends dealt with him to the contrary, assuring him, that one of his companions was a Mountebanke, and the other a Magitian; but being full of his former perswasions, of the ceasing of all Ordinances and insti∣tutions, with the necessity of their Restitution by immediate Re∣velation from God, having got companions fit to harden him in his folly and presumption, he scorned all advise and away he went to Prague: no sooner came he thither, but his Prophet had a Revelation by an Angel, that Puccius must become Papist; his cheating companion having never beene otherwise. Accordingly he turnes Papist, beggs pardon publickly for his deserting the Ro∣mane church, is reconciled by a Priest: in whose society after he had a while continued, and laboured to pervert others to the same superstition with himselfe, he dyed a desperate magitian. Have none in our daies beene led in the like maze? hath not Sathan led some in the same circle, setting out from superstition to pro∣fanenesse, passing through some zeale and earnestnesse in Religion, rising to a contempt of ministry and ordinances, with an expecta∣tion of Revelations, and communion with Angels? And how many have againe sunke downe into Popery, Atheisme, and horrible abo∣minations, is knowne to all in this nation, who thinke it their duty to enquire into the things of God. I have given this instance, only to manifest that the old enemy of our salvation is not playing any new game of deceit and Temptation, but such as he hath suc∣cesfully

acted in former generations. Let not us be ignorant of his deceits.

By the way a little further to take in the consideration of men like minded with him, last mention'd. Of those who denyed all Ordinan∣ces, and maintained such an utter losse, and defection of all Church State, and Order, that it was impossible it should be restored with∣out new Apostles, evidencing their ministry by miracles, this was commonly the issue; that being pressed with this, that there was nothing needful to constitute a Church of Christ, but that there were a company of men believing in Jesus Christ, receiving the word of God, and taking it for their Rule; They denyed that indeed now there was, or could be any faith in Jesus Christ, the Ministers that should beget it being utterly ceased: and therefore it was advisable for men to serve God, to live justly, and honestly, according to the dicates of the law of nature, and to omit all thoughts of Christ, beyond an expectation of his sending Persons hereafter, to ac∣quaint the World againe with his worship.

That this was the judgment of (t 1.56) Math: Radecius his honoured friend, Socinus informes us: though he mollifies his expression, (pag. 123.) ascribing it to others: Whether many in our daies are not insensibly fallen into the same Abominations a little time will discover. The maine of the plea of the men of this perswasi∣on in those dayes, was taken from the Example of the Israelites un∣der that Idolatrous Apostacy, wherein they were engaged by Jero∣boam. In the dayes of Elijah there were (said they) 7000 who joyned not with the residue in their false worship and Idola∣try; but yet they never went about to gather, constitute, and set up a new Church, or Churches; but remained in their scattered condi∣tion, keeping themselves as they could from the Abominations of their brethren: not considering that there is not the same Reason of the Judaical, and Christian Churches: in that the carrying on of the worship of God among them, was annex'd to one Tribe, yea to one Family in that Tribe chiefly, tyed to one certain place, no publicke instituted worship, such as was to be the bond of communion for the Church, being acceptable, that was not performed by those Persons, in that place. So that it was utterly impossible for the godly in Is∣rael then, or the ten Tribes to set up a new Church state, seeing they neither had the Persons, nor were possessed of the place, without which no such constitution was acceptable to God: as being

not of his appointment. Under the Gospel it is not so; neither as to the one, or other. All places being now alike, and all Persons who are inabled thereunto, having liberty to preach the Word, in the Order by Christ appointed, the erecting of Churches, and the celebration of ordinances, is recoverable according to the mind of God, out of the greatest defection imaginable, whil'st unto any Per∣sons there is a continuance of the Word and Spirit.

But to proceed with Socinus. Blandrata having got a great interest in the King of Poland, and Prince of Transylvania, as hath been declared, and making it his businesse to promote the An∣titrinitarians, of what sort soever, being in Transilvania, where the men of his own Abomination were exceedingly divided about the Invocation and Adoration of Jesus Christ, Franciscus David carrying all before him, in an opposition thereunto, (of which whole business I shall give a farther account afterwards) he sends for (d 1.57) Socinus, who was known to them, and from his dealing with Puccius began to be famed for a Disputant, to come to him into Transilvania, to dispute with, and confute Franciscus David, in the end of the year 1578. where what successe his dispute had, in the imprisonment and death of David, shall be afterwards re∣lated.

Being now fallen upon this controversy, which fell out before Faustus his going into Poland, before I proceed to his worke and business there, I shall give a brief account of this businesse which I have now mentioned, and on which occasion he was sent for by Blandrata into Poland: referring the most considerable dis∣putes he had about that difference to that place in the ensuing Trea∣tise, where I shall treat of the Invocation and Worship of Christ.

After way was once made in the minds of men, for the further work of Sathan, by denying the Deity of our blessed Lord Jesus: ve∣ry many quickly grew to have more contemptible thoughts of him, then those seemed to be willing they should, from whose princi∣ples they professed (and indeed righteously) that their meane esteeme of him did arise. Hence Franciscus David, Georgi∣us Enjedinus, Christianus Franken, and sundry others, denyed that Christ was to be Worshipped, with Religious worshipo, or that he might be Invocated, and called upon. Against these So∣cinus indeed contended with all his might, professing that he would not account such as Christians, who would not allow that Christ

might be Invocated; and was to be worshipped: which that he was to be, he proved by undenyable Testimonies of Scripture. But yet when himselfe came to answer their Arguments, whereby they endeavoured to prove, that a meere man (such as on both sides they acknowledged Christ to be) might not be worshiped with re∣ligious worship, or divine Adoration, the man with all his craft, and subtilties was intangled, utterly confounded, silenced, slaine with his owne weapons, and triumphed over, as I shall afterwards mani∣fest, in the account which I shall give of the disputation between him and Christianus Franken about this business. God in his righte∣ous judgment so ordering things, that he who would not imbrace the truth, which he ought to have received, should not be able to maintaine and defend that Truth which he did receive: For ha∣ving what in him lay'd, digg'd up the only foundation of the Reli∣gious worship and Adoration of Christ, he was altogether unable to keep the building upright: Nor did this fall out for want of ability in the man, no man under heaven being able on his false Hypothesis, to maintaine the worship of Christ, but (as was said) meerely by the just hand of God, giving him up to be punished by his own errours and darknesse.

Being hardened in the contempt of Christ by the successe they had against Socinus and his followers, with whom they conversed and disputed, some of the men, before mentioned, stayed not with him at the affirming of him to be a meere man, nor yet where they be∣gan, building on that supposition, that he was not to be worshipped, but proceeded yet farther, & affirmed, that he was indeed a good man, and sent of God, but yet he spake not by the spirit of prophesy, but so, as that whatever was spoken by him, and written by his A∣postles, was to be examined by Moses and the Prophets, whereto if it did not agree, it was to be rejected: which was the summe of the (e 1.58) First and second Theses of Franciscus David, in oppo∣sition to which (f 1.59) Socinus gave in his judgment in certaine

Antitheses to Christopher Barthoraeus, Prince of Transylvania; who had then cast David into prison for his blasphemy.

To give a little account by the way, of the end of this man, with his contempt of the Lord Jesus.

In (g 1.60) the yeare 1579 in the beginning of the moneth of June, he was cast into prison by the Prince of Transylvania, and lived until the end of November: That he was cast into prison by the instigation of Socinus himselfe and Blandrata, the Testimo∣nies are beyond exception; for this is not only recorded by Bel∣larmine and others of the Papists, to whose Assertions concerning any Adversary with whom they have to doe, I confess much credit is not to be given, but by others also of unquestionable Au∣thority. (h 1.61) This indeed (i 1.62) Socinus denies, and would willingly impose the Odium of it upon others: but the truth is, considering the keenesse and wrath of the man's spirit, and the (k 1.63) thoughts he had of this miserable wretch, it is more then probable, that he was instrumental towards his death. The like Apologie does (l 1.64) Smalcius make in his answer to Franzius about the car∣riage of the Samosatenians in that business of Franciscus David, where they accused one another of Craft, Treachery, bloody cru∣elty, treason. Being cast into prison the miserable creature fell into a (m 1.65) Phrenetical distemper through the revenging hand of God upon him, as Socinus confesseth himselfe. (n 1.66) In this mise∣rable condition the Divel (saith the Historian) appeared unto him; whereupon he cryed out, behold who expect me their Compa∣nion in my journey: whether really, or in his vexed distempered

imagination, disordered by his despaiting mind, I determine not: but most certaine it is, that in that condition he expired: not (o 1.67) in the year 1580, as Bellarmine, Weike, Raemundus, and some of ours from them, informe us, but one year sooner, as he assures us who best knew. And the consideration of this man's despe∣rate Apostacy and his Companions, might be one cause that about this time, sundry of the Antitrinitarians were converted; amongst whom was (p 1.68) Daniel Bielenscius a man afterwards of good esteem.

But neither yet did Sathan stoppe here; but improved the Ad∣vantage given him by these men, to the utter denying of Jesus Christ: For unto the principle of Christ's being not God, adding another of, the same nature, that the prophesies of the old Testament were all concerning temporal things, some amongst them at length concluded, that there was no promise of any such person as Jesus Christ in the whole Old Testament. That the Messiah or King promised, was only a King promised to the Jewes, that they should have after the captivity, in case they did not offend, but walke with God. (q 1.69) The kingdome (say they) promised in the Old Testament, is a Kingdome of this world only: but the Kingdome which you assert to belong to Jesus of Nazereth, was a kingdome not of this world, an heavenly Kingdome, and so consequently not promi∣sed of God, nor from God: and therefore with him they would not have ought to doe. This was the Argument of Martin Seide∣lius, in his Epistle to Socinus and his companions.

What advantage is given to the like blasphemous imaginations with this, by such Judaizing Annotations on the Old Testament as those of Grotius, time will evidence. Now because this man's Creed is such, as is not to be paraleled; perhaps some may be con∣tented to take it in his own words, which are as followeth.

Caeterum ut scitais cujus sim religionis, quamvis id scripto meo quod habetis, ostenderim, tamen hic breviter repetam. Et primum quidem doctrina de Messia, sou rege illo promisso, ad meam religionem nihil pertinet: nam Rex ille tantum Judaeis promissus erat, sicut & bona illa Canaan. Sic etiam circumcisio sacrificia, & reliquae ceremonia Mosis ad me non pertinent, sed tantum populo Judaico promissa, data, & mandata sunt. Neque ista fuerunt cultus Dei apud Judaeos, sed inserviebant cultui divino, & ad cultum divinum deducebant Judae∣os. Verus autem cultus Dei quem meam religionem appello, est De∣calogus: qui est aeterna, & immutabilis voluntas Dei; qui Deca∣logus ideo ad me pertinet, quia etiam mihi à Deo datus est, non qui∣dem per vocem sonantem de coelo, sicut populo Judaico, at per crea∣tionem infita est menti meae; quia autem insitus Decalogus, per corru∣ptionem naturae humanae, & pravis consuetudinibus, aliquâ ex parte obscuratus est, ideo ad illustrandum eum, adhibeo vocalem decalogum, qui vocalis decalogus, ideo etiam ad me, & ad omnes popules pertinet, quia cum insito nobis decalogo consentit, imò idem ille decalogus est. Haec est mea sententia de Messia, sen rege illo promisso, & haec est mea religio, quam coram vobis ingenué profiteor: Martin. Serdelius Ola∣viensis Silesius.

To this issue did Sathan drive the Socinian principles, in this man and sundry others. Even a full and peremptory denyal of the Lord that bought them: In answering this man, it fell out with Socinus much as it did with him in his disputation with Franken, a∣bout the adoration, and Invocation of Jesus Christ; for granting Franken that Christ was but a mere man, he could no way evade his inference thence, that he was not to be Invocated: So gran∣ting Serdelius, that the promises of the Old Testament were all tem∣poral: He could not maintaine against him, that Jesus Christ whose Kingdome is heavenly, was the King and Messias therein promised: For (r 1.70) Faustus hath nothing to reply, but that God gives more then he promised, of which no man ought to com∣plaine; not observing that the Question being not about the faith∣fulnesse of God in his promises, but about the thing promised, he gave away the whole Cause, and yeelded that Christ was not in∣deed the King and Messiah promised in the Old Testament.

Of an alike opinion to this of Serdelius, was he of whom we spake before, Franciscus David: who as to the Kingdome of Christ, delivered himselfe to this purpose. That he was ap∣pointed

to be a King of the Jewes, and that God sent him into the world to receive his kingdome, which was to be earthly and civil, as the Kingdomes of other Kings: but the Jewes rejected him, and slew him, contrary to the purpose of God, who therefore took him from them, and placed him in a quiet place, where he is not at all concerned in any of the things of the Church, but is there in God's designe a King, and he will one day send him againe to Hi∣erusalem, there to take upon him a Kingdome, and to rule as the Kings of this World doe, or have done (Thes. Francisci David. de adorat. Jes. Christi.)

The reminding of these Abominations, gives occasion by the way to complaine of the carnal Apprehensions of a Kingdome of Christ, which too many amongst our selves have filled their thoughts and Expectations withal. For my part, I am perswaded that before the End of the World, the Lord Jesus by his Word, and Spirit, will multiply the seed of Abraham as the starres of heaven, bringing into one fold the remnant of Israel, and the multitude of the Gentiles, and that his Church shall have peace after he hath judg∣ed & broken the stubborne Adversaries thereof, and laid the King∣domes of the nations in an useful subserviency to his interest in this world: And that himselfe will raigne most gloriously, by a Spirit of Light, Truth, Love, and holinesse in the middest of them. But that he hath a Kingdome of another nature and kind to set up in the World, then that heavenly Kingdome which he hath peculiarly ex∣ercised ever since he was exalted, and made a Ruler and a Saviour, that he should set up a dominion over men, as men, and Rule either himselfe present, or by his Substitutes, as in a Kingdome of this World, which is a Kingdome neither of Grace, nor Glory: I know it cannot be asserted, without either the denyal of his Kingdome for the present, or that he is, or hitherto hath been a King, which was the blasphemy of Franciscus David before mentioned; or the affirming that he hath, or is to have upon the promise of God two Kingdomes of several sorts, of which in the whole Word of God there is not the least Tittle.

To returne; about the end of the year 1579. Faustus Socinus left (s 1.71) Transilvania, and went into Poland, which he chose for the stage whereon to act his designe. In what Estate and con∣dition the Persons in Poland, and Lithuania were, who had fallen off from the Faith of the Holy Trinity, was before declared

True (t 1.72) it is, that before the coming of Socinus, Blandrata by the helpe of Franciscus David had brought over many of them from Sabellianisme and Tritheisme, and Arianisme unto Samo∣satenianisme, and a full plaine denial of the Deity of Christ.

But yet, with that Pelagian Doctrine, that Socinus came furnisht withal unto them, they were utterly unacquainted; and were at no small difference many of them about the Deity. The conditi∣on of the first man to be mortal, and obnoxious to death, that there was no original sinne, that Christ was not an High Priest on the earth, that he made no satisfaction for sinne, that we are not justified by his righteousnesse, but our own, that the wicked shall be utterly consumed & annihilated at the last day, with the rest of his opinions, which afterwards he divulged, they were utterly Stran∣gers unto: as is evident from the contests he had about these things with some of them in their Synods, and by writing, especially with Niemojevius one of the cheif Patrons of their Sect.

1. He joyned himselfe to none of their Societies, because being devided amongst themselves, he knew that by adhering to any one professedly, he should engage all the rest against him. That which he pretended most to favour, and for whose sake he underwent some contests, was the assembly at Racovia, which at first was col∣lected by Gregorius Paulus, as hath been declared.

From these his pretence of abstaining, was, their rigid injuncti∣on of all to be rebaptized, that entered into their fellowship, and communion. But he who made it his designe to gather the scat∣tered Antitrinitarians into a body, and a consistency in a Religion among themselves, saw plainly, that the rigid insisting upon Ana∣baptisme, which was the first principle of some of them, would certainly keep them at an unreconcileable distance. Wherefore he fals upon an opinion much better suited to his designe, and main∣tained, that baptisme was only instituted for the initiation of them, who from any other false Religion were turned to the Religion of Christ; but that it belonged not to Christian Societies, or to them that were borne of Christian parents, and had never been of any other profession or Religion, though they might use it, if they plea∣sed, as an indifferent thing. And therefore he refused to joyne himselfe with the Racovians, unless upon this Principle, that they

would desist for the reme to come, from requiring any to be bap∣tized that should joyne with them; In a short time he devided that meeting by this opinion, and at length utterly dissolved them, as to their old principles they first consented into; and built the remainder of them by the hand of Valentinus Smalcius into his owne mould and frame.

The Author (u 1.73) of his life, sets it forth, as a great tryall of his prudence, prety, and patience that he was repulsed from the so∣ciety at Racovia, and that with ignominy: when the truth is, he ab∣solutely refused to joyne with them, unlesse they would at once renounce their owne principles, and subscribe to his, which is as hard a condition as can be put upon any perfectly conquered enemy. This himselfe delivers at large on sundry occasions, especially in∣sisting on and debating that businesse in his Epistles to Simon Ro∣nembergius, and to Sophia Siemichovia. On this score did he write his disputation de baptismo aquae, with the vindication of it from the animadversions of A: D. whom I suppose to be Andreus Dudithius, and of M: C. endevouring with all his strength to prove that baptisme is not an ordinance appointed for the use of Christians, or their Children, but only such as were converted from Paganisme, or Mahumedisme: and this he did in the yeare 1580, two yeares after his coming into Poland, as he declares by the date of the disputation from Cracovia at the close thereof And in this perswasion he was so fixed, and laid such weight upon it, that after he had once before broken the assembly at Racovia, in his old daies he encourages (w 1.74) Valentinus Smalcius, then their teacher, to breake them againe, because some of them tenaciously held their opinon; and for those, who as Smalcius inform'd him would thereupon fall off to the Reformed Churches, he bids them go, and a good riddance of them. By this meanes (I say) he utter∣ly broke up; and devided, and dissolved the meeting at Racovia, which was collected upon the principles before mentioned, that

there remained none abiding to their first engagement, but a few old women, as (x 1.75 Squarcialupia 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and as himselfe con∣fesses in his answer for them to (y 1.76) Palaeologus. By this course of behaviour, the man had these two Advantages: 1. he kept faire with all parties amongst them, and provoked not any by joyn∣ing with them, with whom they could not agree; so that all par∣ties looked on him as their owne, and were ready to make him the umpire of all their differences, by which he had no small advantage of working them all to his owne principles.

Secondly, he was lesse exposed to the fary of the Papists, which he greatly feared, (loving well the things of this world) then he would have been; had he joyned himselfe to any visible church profession. And indeed his privacy of living, was a great means of his security.

Secondly, His second great Advantage was, that he was a schollar, and was able to defend and countenance them, against their oppo∣sers; the most of them being miserably weake and unlearned; One of their best defensatives, before his joyning with thē, was a clamor against Logicke and learning, as himselfe confesseth, in some of his Epistles; now this is not only evident by experience, but the na∣ture of the thing it selfe makes it manifest, that so it will be; where∣as men of low and weake Abilityes, fall by persuasions into Religion, as they generally at first prevaile by clamours, and all sorts of reproaches cast on learning, and learned men, yet if God in his providence at any time, to heighten the temptation, suffer any person of Learning and Ability to fall in amongst, and with them, he is presently their Head and Ruler without controule; some Te∣stimony hereof our owne daies have afforded: and I wish we may not have more Examples given us. Now how farre he prevailed himselfe of this Advantage, the Consideration of them, with whom he had to do, of the esteeme they had of his Abilityes, and the serivce he did them thereby, will acquaints us.

For the leaders of them, they were for the most part unlearned; and so unable to defend their opinions in any measure against a skilfull adversary. (z 1.77) Blandrata their great patron was not able to expresse himselfe in latine, but by the helpe of Stationius, who had some learning, but no judgment, and therefore upon his dif∣ference with Franciscus David in Transylvania, he was forced to send for Socinus out of Helvetia, to manage the disputation with

him. And what kind of Cattle those were, with whom he had to do at Cracovia, as well as Racovia, is manifest from the Epistle of Simon Ronembergius, one of the leaders, and Elders of that which they called their church, which is printed with Socinus his answer unto it. I do not know that ever in my life I saw, for matter & forme, sense and language, any thing so simple. and foolish, so ridicu∣lously senslesse, and incoherent, unless it were one or two in our owne daies: which, with this, deserve an eminent place inter epistolas ob∣scuronum virorum; And therefore Socinus justly feared, that his party would have the worst in disputes, as he acknowledges it be∣fell (a 1.78) Licinius in his Conference with Smiglecius at Novograde and could not believe (b 1.79) Ostrodus that he had such successe as he boasted in Germany with Fabritius; and tels us himselfe a sto∣ry of (c 1.80) some Pastors of their churches in Lithuania, who were so ignorant and simple; that they knew not that Christ was to be worshipped: What a facile thing it was, for a man of his parts, abi∣lities, and learning, to obtaine a kingdome amongst such as these, is easily guessed. (d 1.81)He complaines indeed of his owne lost time, in his young daies, by the instigation of the Divell, and sayes that it made him weary of his life to thinke of it, when he had once set up his thoughts in seeking honour and glory, by being the head and master of a sect, as Ignatius the father of the Jefuits did, (with whom as to this purpose he is compared all along by the Gentleman that wrote his life,) yet it is evident, that his Lear∣ning and Abilities were such, as easily promoted him to the dicta∣torship among them with whom he had to do.

It may then be easily imagined what kind of esteeme such men as those would have of so great an ornament and glory of their Re∣ligion, who at least was with them in that, wherein they dissented from the rest of Christians.

Not only after his death, when they set him forth as the most incomparable man of his time, but in his owne life, and to him∣selfe, as I know not what excellent person: (e 1.82) that he had a mind suited for the investigation of truth, was a Philosopher, an excellent oratour, an eminent divine, that for the latine tongue especially he might contend with any of the great wits of Europe, they told him to his face; Such thoughts had they generally of him: it is then no wonder they gave themselves up to his guidance. Hence Smalcius wrote unto him, to consult about the propriety of the la∣tine tongue, and in his answer to him he excuses (f 1.83) it, as a great crime, that he had used a reciprocall relative where there was no occasion for it.

And to make it more evident how they depended on him, on this account of his abilitie for instructions, when he had told Ostorodus an Answer to an Objection of the Papists, the man ha∣ving afterwards forgot it, (g 1.84) sends to him againe, to have his lesson over once more, that he might remember it.

And therefore as if he had been to deale with School-boyes, he would tell his chiefe (h 1.85) companions, that he had found out, and discovered such, or such a thing in Religion, but would not tell them untill they had tryed themselves, and therefore was afraid least he should, through unawares, have told it to any of them: upon one of which adventures Ostorodus (i 1.86) making bold to give in his conception, he does little better then tell him he is a block∣head. Being in this repute amongst them, and exercising such a dominion in poynt of Abilities and learning, to prevaile the more upon them, he was perpetually ready to undertake their quarrels, which themselves were not able with any colour to maintaine. Hence most of his bookes were written, and his Disputations en∣gaged in, upon the desire of one Assemby, Synod, or Company of them or other, as I could easily manifest by particular instances; and by this meanes got he no small Advantage to insinuate his own principles. For whereas the men greedily looked after, and

freely entertained the things, which were professedly written in their defence; He alwaies wrought in together therewith something of his owne peculiar heresy, that poyson might be taken downe with that which was most pleasing. Some of the wisest of them indeed as Niemojevius, discover'd the fraud; who upon his answer to Andraeus Volanus, commending what he had written against the Diety of Christ, which they imployed him in (k 1.87) fals foul upon him, for his delivering in the same Treatise, that Christ was not a Preist whilest he was upon the earth; which one abominable fig∣ment lyes at the bottome of his whole Doctrine of the justification of a sinner. The case is the same about his judgment concerning the invocation of Christ, which was, that we might do it, but it was not necessary from any precept or otherwise that so we should do.

And this was nine yeares after his coming into Poland, as appeares from the date of that Epistle; so long was he in getting his opinions to be entertained among his friends. But though this man were a little wary, and held out some opposition with him, yet multitudes of them were taken with this snare, and freely dranke downe the poyson they loathed, being tempered with that which they had a better liking to. But this being discovered he let the rest of them know, that though he was (l 1.88) entreated to write that booke by the Racovians, and did it in their name, yet because he had published some what of his owne private opinions therein, they might if they pleased deny, yea and for sweare that they were not written by their Appoyntment.

And this was with respect to his doctrine about the satisfaction of Christ, which as he saies he heard they were coming over unto. And it is evident from what he writes else where to Belcerovicius that he begged this employment of writing against Volanus; it be∣ing agreed by them, that he should write nothing but by publike consent, because of the novelties which he broached every day. By this readinesse to appeare and write in their defence and so com∣mending his writing to them on that account, it is incredible how he got ground upon them, and wonne them over daily to the resi∣due of his Abominations, which they had not received.

4 To these adde as another Advantage to winne upon that

people, the course he fixed on, in reference to others, which was to owne as his, and of his party, of the Church, all persons what ever, that on any pretence what ever opposed the doctrine of the Trini∣ty, and forsooke the reformed Church: Hence he dealt with men as his brethren, friends, and companions; who scarcely retained any thing of Christians, some nothing at all: as Martine Seidelius, who denyed Christ: which Philip Buccel, who denyed all difference of good and evill in the actions of men; with Erasmus Johannes, an Arian, with Mathias Radecius, who denyed that any could be∣lieve in Christ, without new Apostles; indeed with all, or any sorts of men what ever, that would but joyne with him, or did consent unto the opposition of the Diety of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was the principall worke which he engaged in.

5 Unto these, and the like Advantages, the man added all the Arts and subtilties, all the diligence and industry, that was any way tending to his End; some of his Artifices and insinuations in∣deed were Admirable; though to them who now review them in cold blood, without recalling to mind the then state of things, they may seeme of another complexion. (m 1.89)

By these, and the like meanes, thugh he once despaired of ever getting his opinions received amongst them, as he professeth, yet in the long continuance of 24 yeares (so long he lived in Poland) with the help of Valentinus Smalcius, Volkelius and some few others, who wholly fell in with him, he at length brought them all into subjection to himselfe, and got all his opinions in∣throned, and his practise taken almost for a Rule. So that where∣as in former daies they accused him for a (n 1.90) covetous wretch, one that did nothing but give his mind to scrape up money, and were professedly offended with his putting money to usury; for his full justification, Ostorodus and Voidovius in the close of the com∣pendium of their Religion which they brought into Holland, pro∣fesse that their (o 1.91) churches did not condemne usury, so that it were exercised with moderation, and without oppression.

I thought to have added a further account in particular, of the mans craft and subtilty, of his severall waies for the instilling of his principles and opinions, of his personall Temper, wrath, and Anger, and multiplying of words in disputes, of the Foyles he re∣ceived in sundry disputations with men of his owne Antitrinitari∣an infidelity, of his ayme at Glory and renowne, expressed by the

Polonian gentleman, who wrote his life, his losses and troubles which were not many, with all which and the like concernments of the man, and his businesse in that Generation, by the perusall of all that he hath wrote, and of much that hath been wirrten against him, with what is extant of the conferences, and disputations, Sy∣nods, and Assemblies of those daies, I have some little acquaintance: but being not convinc'd of much usefulnesse in my so doing. I shall willingly spare my labour. Thus much was necessary, that we might know the men and their conversation, who have caused so much trouble to the Christian world; in which worke, having the as∣sistance of that Atheisme & those corrupted principles, which are in the hearts of all by nature, without the infinite rich mercy of God sparing a sinfull world as to this judgment, for his elects sake, they will undoubtedly proceed.

Leaving him then in the possession of his conquest, Tritheits, Sabellians, Arians, Eunomians, with the followers of Francis Da∣vid, being all lost and sunke, and Socinians standing up in the roome of them all, looking a little uon what ensued; I shall draw from the consideration of the persons to their doctrines, at first proposed.

After the death of Socinus, his cause was strongly carryed on by those whom in his life he had formed to his owne mind and judgment. Among whom Valentinus Smalcius, Hyeronmyus Mos∣corvius, Johannes Volkelius, Cristopherus Ostorodus, were the chiefe; To Smalcius he wrote eleven Epistles that are extant: pro∣fessing his great Expectations of him, extolling his learning and prudence. He afterwards wrote the Racovian Catechisme, com∣piling it out of Socinus his workes; many answers and replies to, and with Smiglecius the Jesuite, and Franzius the Lutheran: a booke of the divinity of Christ, with sundry others, and was a kind of Professor among them at Racovia. The writings of the rest of them are also extant. To him succeeded Crellius a man of more learning and modesty then Smalcius, and of great indu∣stry for the defence of his heresy; his defence of Socinus against Grotius, his treatise de causis mortis Christi, de effectu SS. his com∣ments, and Ethickes, declare his Abilities & industry in his way. Af∣ter him arose Jonas Schlictingius a man no whit behind any of the rest for learning and diligence, as in his comments and disputations against Meisnerus, is evident. As the report is, he was burned

by the procurement of the Jesuites some 4 yeare agoe that they might be sure to have the blood of all sorts of men found upon them; what Advantage they have obteined thereby, time will shew. I know that Generation of men retort upon us, the death of Servetus at Geneva; but the case was far different. Schlictingius lived in his owne country and convers'd with men of his owne persuasion, who in a succession had been so, before he was borne. Servetus came out of Spaine, on purpose to disturbe and seduce them who knew nothing of his Abominations. Schli∣tingius disputed his haeresy without reproaching or blaspheming God willingly, under pretence of denying the way and worship of his Adversaries. Servetus stufft all his discouses with horrid blasphemies. Beza tels us, that he called the Trinity, tricipitem Cerberum, and wrote that Moses was a ridiculous impostour: Beza: Epist. 1. And there are passages cited out of his booke of the Trinity (which I have not seene) that seeme to have as much of the Devill in them, as any thing that ever yet was written or spoken by any of the sonnes of men. If, faith he, Christ be the sonne of God, debuissent ergo dicere, quod Deus habebat uxorem quandam spiritualem, vel quod solus ipse masculosfaemineus aut Her∣maphroditus, simul erat pater & mater, nam ratio vocabuli non pati∣tur, ut quis dicatur sine matre pater: and; si logos filius erat, natus ex patre sine matre; dic mihi quomodo peperit eum, per ventrem an per latus.

To this height of Atheisme and blasphemy had Sathan wrought up the spirit of the man. So that I must say, he is the only person in the world, that I ever read or heard of, that ever died upon the account of Religion, in reference to whom the zeale of them that put him to death may be acquitted. But of these things, God will judge: Socinus saies he died calling on Christ; those that were present say, the quite contrary; and that in horrour he roar∣ed out misericordia to the magistrates, but nothing else: But Arcana Deo.

Of these men last named, their writings and indeavours for the propagation of their opinion, others having written already, I shall forbear. Some of note amongst them have publickly re∣canted and renounced their Haeresy, as Vogelius, and Peuschelius who retuctadions are answered by Smalcius. Neither shall I adde much as to their present condition. They have as yet many

Churches in Poland and Transilvania: & have their Superintendents after the manner of Germany Regenv: (p 1.92) tells us, that all the others are sunk and lost, only the Socinians remaine. The Arians Sabellians David Georgians with the followers of Franciscus David being all gone over to the confession of Socinus; which make me somewhat wonder at that of Johannes Laetus who affirmes that about the year 1619 in a convention of the States in Poland, those who denied that Christ ought to be invocated, (which were the followers of Frances David Christianus Franken, and Palaelogus) pleaded that the Liberty that was granted to Antitrinitarians, was intended for them, and not for the Socinians. And the truth is, they had footing in Po∣land before ever the name of Socinus was there known, though he afterwards (q 1.93 insults upon them, and sayes that they most im∣pudently will have themselves called Christians when they are not so.

But what numbers they are, in those parts of the world, how the poyson is drunk in by thousands, in the Papacy, by what Advanta∣ges it hath, and continues to insinuate it's selfe into multitudes li∣ving in the outward profession of the Reformed Churches, what progresse it makes, and what ground it gets in our native countrey every day, I had rather bewaile, then relate. This I am com∣pel'd to say, that unless the Lord in his infinite mercy lay an awe upon the hearts of men, to keep them in some Captivity to the Simplicity and Mystery of the Gospel, who now strive every day to exceed one another in novel opinions, and Philosophical appre∣hensions of the things of God, I cannot but fear that this soule de∣stroying Abomination, will one day break in as a flood upon us.

I shall only adde something of the occasions and Advantages that these men took, and had, for the renewing and propagation of their Heresy, and draw to a close of this discourse.

Not to speak of the General and more remote causes of these and and all other soul destroying Errours, or the darknesse, pride, cor∣ruption, and wilfulnesse of men, the craft, subtilty, envy, and malice of Sathan, the just revenging hand of God, giving men up to a spirit

of delusion, that they might believe lyes, because they delighted not in the Truth, I shall only remarke one considerable occasion, or stumbling block at which they fell, and drank in the poyson, and one considerable Advantage that they had for the propagation of what they had so fallen into.

Their great stumbling block I look upon to be the horrible cor∣ruption & abuse of the doctrine of the Trinity in the writings of the Schoolmen, and the practise of the devotionists among the Papists. With what desperate boldness, Atheistical curiosity, wretched in∣quiries, and babling, the School men have polluted the doctrine of the Trinity, and gone off from the simplicity of the Gospel in this great mystery, is so notoriously known, that I shall not need to trou∣ble you with instances for the confirmation of the Observation. This, the men spoken of, (being the most, if not all of them brought up in the Papacy) stumbled at. They saw the doctrine concer∣ning that God whom they were to worship rendered unintelligible, curious, intricate, involved in termes and expressions, not only barbarous in themselves, and not used in the Scripture, but insigni∣ficant, Horrid, and remote from the Reason of men; which after some strugling set them at liberty from under the bondage of those notions; And when they should have gone to the Law and Testi∣mony for their information, Sathan turned them aside to their own Reasonings, and Imaginations, where they stumbled and fell. And yet of the formes and expressions of their School-men are the Pa∣pists soe Zealous, as that whoever departs from them in any Kind is presently an Antitrinitarian Heriticke. The dealings of Bel∣larmine, Genebrard, Possevine and others, with Calvin, are known: One instance may be taken of their ingenuity. Bellarmine in his book de Christo, layes it to the charge of Bullinger, that in his book de Scripturae & Ecclesiae authoritate, he wrote, that there were three Persons in the Deity, non statu, sed gradu, non subsistentiâ, sed For∣mâ, non potestate sed specie differentes; on which he exclaimes, that the Arians themselves never spake more wickedly: and yet these are the very words of Tertullian against Praxeas, which I confess are warily to be interpreted. But by this their measuring of Truth by the Formes received by Tradition from their fathers, neglecting and forsaking the simplicity of the Gospel, that many stumbled and fell is most evident:

(r 1.94) Schluffelburgins in his wonted respect and favour unto the Cal∣vinists, tell us, that from them and their doctrine was the occa∣sion administred unto this new Abomination: Also that never any turned Arian, but he was first a Calvinist, which he seemes to make good by a letter of Adam Neuserus, who as he saith from a Sacramentarian turned Arian; and afterward a Mahumetan, and was circumcised at Constantinople. This man (fayes he) in a letter from Constantinople to Doctour Gerlachius, tells him, that none turned Arians but those that were Calvinists first: and therefore he that would take heed of Arianisme, had best beware of Calvinisme. I am very unwilling to call any man's credit into question, who relates a matter of fact, unlesse undeniable Evidence enforce me, because it cannot be done without an imputation of the foulest crime: I shall therefore but take leave to aske

1. What Credit is to be given to the Testimony of this man who upon Conradus his owne report, was circumcised, turned Mahume∣tan and had wholly renounced the Truth which he once professed. For my part, I should expect from such a person, nothing but what was maliciously contriv'd for the prejudice of the truth; & therefore suppose he might raise this on purpose, to strengthen and harden the Lutherans against the Calvinists whom he hated most, be∣cause that they professed the truth which he had renounced, and that true knowledge of Christ and his will, which now he hated: and this lye of his, he looked on as an expedient for the hardening of the Lutherans in their Errour, and helping them with a stone to cast at the Calvinists.

2. Out of what kindesse was it that man bare to Gerlachius, and his companions, that he gives them this courteous Admonition to beware of Calvinisme. Is it any honour to Gerlachius, Conradus himselfe, or any other Lutheran, that an Apostate, an abjurer of Christian Religion loved them better then he did the Calvinists? what person this Adam Neuserus was, and what the end of him was, we have an account given by Maresius from a manuscript Hi∣story of Altingius. From Heidleberge, being suspected of a con∣spiracy with one Sylvanus, who for it was put to death, he fled into Poland, thence to Constantinople; where he turned Mahumetan

and was circumcised; and after a while fell into such miserable horror and despaire, that with dreadful yellings and clamours, he dyed; so that the Turkes themselves confess, that they never heard of a more horrid, detestable, and tragical end of any man; where∣upon they commonly called him, Satan Ogli, or the son of the Divel: and so much good may it doe Conradus, which his witnesse.

3. But what Occasion I pray does Calvinisme give to Arianisme, that the One should be taken heed of, if we intend to avoid the o∣ther: What offence doth it give to men enquiring after the Truth to make them stumble on their Abominations? What Doctrine doth it maintaine that should prepare them for it? but no man is bound to burden himselfe with more then he can carry, & therefore all such enquiries Schlusselburgius took no notice of.

The truth is, many of the persons usually instanced in, as Apostates from Calvinisme to Arianisme, were such, as leaving Italy and other parts of the Popes Dominion, came to shelter themselves, where they expected liberty, and opportunity of venting their a∣bomination among the reformed Churches, and joyned them∣selves with them in outward profession: most of them as afterwards appeared, being throughly infected with the errours against the Tri∣nity, and about the Godhead, before they left the Papacy where they stumbled and fell.

2. In the practise of the Church (as it is called) wherein they were bred, they nextly saw the horrible Idolatry that was coun∣tenanced in abominable Pictures of the Trinity, and the worship yeelded to them, which strengthened and fortified their minds a∣gainst such gross Conceptions of the nature of God, as by those pi∣ctures were exhibited.

Hence when they had left the Papacy, and set up their opposition to the Blessed Trinity, in all their bookes they still made mention of those Idols and Pictures, speaking of them as the God of those that worshipped the Trinity; this instance makes up a good part of their book de fall â & verâ cognitione unius Dei, Patris, Filii, & Spi∣ritûs Sancti, written in the name of the Ministers of the Churches in Sarmatia, and Transilvania: book full of reproach and blasphe∣mies: but this I say was annother occasion of stumbling to those miserable Wretches: they knew that thoughts the men of their communication had of God, by the Pictures made of him, and the

worship they yielded to them. They knew, how abhorrent to the very principles of Reason it was, that God should be such, as by them represented; and therefore set themselves at liberty (or rather gave up themselves to the service of Sathan) to find out another God whom they might worship.

Neither are they a little confirmed to this day in their errours by sundry principles, which under the Roman Apostacy got footing in the minds of men professing the name of Jesus Christ: particularly they sheltered themselves from the sword of the word of God, e∣videncing the Deity of Christ, by Ascribing to him divine Adorati∣on, by the sheild of the Papists doctrine, that those who are not God by nature may be adored, worshipped, and invocated.

Now that to this day the Papists continue in the same Idolatry (to touch that by the way) I shall give you for your Refresh∣ment a coppy of verses or two, whose Poetry does much outgoe the old.

O crux spes unica Auge piis constantiā Hoc passionis tempore Reis{que} dona veniam.

And whose blasphemy comes not at all short of it: The first is of Clarus Bonarsius the Jesuite. lib. 3. Amphitriat. Honor. lib. 3. cap. ult. ad divam Hallensem & puerum Jesum, as followeth;

Haereo lac inter meditans, inter{que} cruorem Inter delicias uberis & lateris. Et dico (si fortè oculos super ubera tendo) Diva parens mammae guadia posco tuae. Sed dico, (si deinde oculos in vulnera verto) O Jesu lateris gaudia'malo tui. Rem scio; prensabo si fas erit ubera dextrae Laeva prensabo vulnera si dabitur. Lac matris miscere volo cum sanguine nati, Non possem antidoto nobiliore frui. Vunera restituant turpem ulceribus mendicum Testa cui saniem radere sola potest. Ʋbera reficient Ismaëlem sitientem Quem Sara non patitur, quem neq nutrit Agar. Ista mihi ad pestem, procul & procul expungendam Ista mihi ad long as evalitura febres, Ira vomis flammas, sumatq libidinis Aetna Suffocare queo sanguine, lacte quoo.

Livor inexpleta rubigine saevit in artus Detergere queo lacte, cruore queo: Vanus honos me perpetua prurigine tentat Exsaturare queo sanguine, lacte queo. Ergo parens & nate, meis advertite votis Lac peto, depereo sanguinem, utrum{que} volo. O sitio tamen! ô vocem sitis intercludit. Nate cruore sitim comprime lacte parens. Dic matri, meus hic frater sitio, optima mater, Vis è fonte tuo promere, de{que} meo. Dic nato, tuus hic frater mi mellee fili Captivus monstrat vincula, lytron habes. Ergo Redemptorem monstra te jure vocari Nobilior reliquis si tibi sanguis inest. Tu{que} parens monstra, matrem te jure vocari Ʋbera si reliquis divitiora geris. O quando lactabor ab ubere, vulnere pascar?* 1.95 Deliciis{que} fruar, mamma latus{que} tuis

The other is of Franciscus de Mendoza in viridario utrius{que} eruditionis lib. 2. prob. 2. as ensueth,

Ʋbera me matris, nati me vulnera pascunt Scilicet haec animi sunt medicina mei, Nam mihi dum Lachrymas amor elicit ubera sugo Rideat ut dulci maestus amore dolor. At me pertentant dum gaudia, vulnera lambo Ʋt me laeta pio mista dolore juvent. Vulnera sic nati, sic ubera sugo parentis Securae ut variae sint mihi forte vices. Quis fine lacte precor, vel quis sine sanguine vivat? Lacte tuo genetrix, sanguine nate tuo. Sit lac pro Ambrosia, suavi pro nectare sanguis Sic me perpetuum vulnus & uber alit.

And this their Idolatry is objected to them by Socinus, who mar∣vels at the impudence of Bellarmine closing his bones of Contro∣versies (as is the manner of the men of that society) with laus Deo, Virgini{que} matri Mariae: wherein as he sayes (and he saies it truely) divine honour with God, is ascribed to the blessed Virgin.

The Truth is, I see not any difference between that Dedication of himselfe and his worke, by Redemptus Baranzanus the Priest, in these words, Deo, virgini{que} matri, Sancto Paulo, Bruno, Alberto, Redempto, Francisco, Clarae, Joannae, Catharinae Senensi, divis{que} omnibus, quos peculiari cultu honorare desidero, omnis meus labor con∣secratus sit (Baranzan. Nov. Opin. Physic. Diglad.) and that of the Athenians by the advise of Epimenides 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 both of them being suitable to the Counsel of Pythagoras

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Let them be sure to worship all sorts that they may not misse. And by these meanes, amongst others, hath an occasion of stum∣bling and hardening been given to these poore soules.

2 As to the propagation of their conceptions, they had the Advan∣tage, not only of an unsetled time, as to the civil government of the nations of the world; most Kingdomes, and Commonweales in Eu∣rope undergoing in that Age considerable mutations and changes, (a season wherein commonly the Envious man hath taken oppor∣tunity to sow his tares) but also men being set at Liberty from the bondage under which they were kept in the Papacy, and from making the Tradition of their Fathers the Rule of their worship and walkings, were found indeed to have upon abiding grounds, no principles of Religion at all; and therefore were earnest in the Enquiry after something that they might fix upon. What to a∣void they knew, but what to close withal, they knew not. And therefore it is no wonder, if among so many (I may say) milli∣ons of Persons, as in those dayes there were, that fell off from the Papacy, some thousands perhaps (much more Scores) might in their Enquirings, from an extreme of superstition, run into ano∣ther of almost Atheisme. Such was the estate of things and men in those dayes, wherein Socianianisme, or the opposition to Christ of this latter edition, set forth in the world; Among the many that were convinced of the Abominations of Popery, before they were well fixed in the Truth, some were deceived by the cunning sleight of some few men, that lay in waite to deceive. What e∣vent

and issue and alike state and condition of things and Persons, hath gone forth unto, in the places and days wherein we live, is known to all: And that the Saints of God may be warned by these things, is this addresse to them. To what hath been spoken, I had thought for a close of this discourse, to have given an account of the learning that these men profess, and the course of their studies, of their way of disputing, and the Advantages they have therein; to have instanced in some of their considerable sophismes, and subtile depravations of Scripture; as also to have given a speci∣men of distinctions and answers, which may be improved to the dis∣covering and sleighting of their fallacies, in the most important heads of Religion: but being diverted by new and unexpected A∣vocations, I shall refer these, and other considerations, unto a Prodro∣mus for the use of younger Students, who intend to look into these Controversies.

And these are the Persons with whom we have to deale; these their wayes and progresse in the world. I shall now briefly subjoyne some Advantages they have had, something of the way and me∣thod, wherein they have proceeded for the diffusing of their poyson, with some general preservatives against the infection, and draw to a close of this discourse.

1 At the first entrance upon their undertaking, some of them made no small Advantage in dealing with weak and unwary men, by crying out, that the termes of Trinity, Person, Essence, Hyposta∣tical union, Communication of properties, and the like, were not found in the Scripture, and therefore were to be abandoned.

With the colour of this plea, they once prevailed so farre on the Churches in Transylvania, as that they resolved and determined, to abstaine from the use of those words: But they quickly per∣ceived, that though the words were not of absolute necessity, to ex∣press the things themselves to the minds of Believers, yet they were so, to defend the Truth from the opposition and craft of Sedu∣cers: And at length recovered themselves by the advice of (s 1.96) Beza.

Yea and (t 1.97) Socinus himselfe doth not only grant, but prove, that in Generall this is not to be imposed on men, that the doctrine they assert is contained in scripture, in so many words, seeing it sufficeth that the thing it selfe pleaded for, be contained therein. To which purpose I desire the learned Reader to peruse his words, seeing he gives an instance of what he speaks, somewhat opposite to a grand notion of his disciple, with whom I have cheifly to do: yeal and the same (u 1.98) person rejects the plea of his companions, of the not ex∣press usage of the termes wherein the doctrine of the Trinity is delivered in the Scripture, as weake and frivolous. And this hath made me a little marvaile at the precipitate undigested conceptions of some, who in the mid'st of the flames of Socinianisme kindling upon us on every side, would (contrary to the wisdome and pra∣ctice of all Antiquity, no one Assembly in the world excepted) tye us up to a forme of confession composed of the bare words of the scripture in the order wherein they are there placed. If we profess to beleive that Christ is God blessed for ever, and the Socinians tels us, true! but he is a God by office, not by nature; is it not lawfull for us to say, nay! but he is God of the same nature, substance, and essence with his father. If we shall say that Christ is God one with the fa∣ther, and the Sabellians shall tell us, true! they are every way one, and in all respects; so that the whole Deity was incarn••te; is it not law∣full for us to tell them, that though he be one in nature and Essence with his father, yet he is distinct from him in person: and the like instances may be given for all the Expressions wherein the doctrine of the blessed Trinity is delivered; The Truth is, we have sufficient ground for these Expressions in the scripture, as to the words, and not only the things signified by them: the nature of God we have Gal. 4. 8. The person of the father, and the son distinct from it, Heb: 1. 3. The Essence of God Exod: 3. 14. Revel: 1. 4. The Tri∣nity 1 Joh: 5. 7. The Deity, Col: 2. 9.

2. Their whole business in all their bookes, and disputations is to take upon themselves the parts of Answerers, so cavilling and making exceptions, not caring at all what becomes of any thing in Religion, so they may with any colour avoide the Arguments wherewith they are pressed. Hence almost all their bookes, unless it be some few short Catechismes, and confessions, are only Answers and exceptions to other mens writings. Beside the fragments of a Catechisme or two, Socinus himselfe wrote very little but of this kind; so do the rest. How heavy & dull they are in asserting, may be seene in Volkelius his institutions: And here whilst they escape their Adversaries, they are desperately bold in their Interpretations of Scripture: Though for the most part it suffices, that what is ur∣ged against them, is not the sense of the place, though they them∣selves can assigne no sense at all to it. I could easily give instances in abundance to make good this observation concerning them, but I shall not mention what must necessarily be insisted on, in the ensuing discourse. Their Answers are: This may otherwise be ex∣pounded, it may otherwise be understood; the word may have ano∣ther signification in another place.

3. Their greatest Triumphs which they set up in their owne conceits are, when by any wayes they possesse themselves of any u∣suall maxime, that passes currant amongst men, being applied to finite, limited, created things, or any acknowledged notion in philoso∣phy, and apply it to the infinite uncreated essence of God. Then which course of proceeding nothing indeed can be more absurd, foolish, and contrary to sound Reason. That God and man, the Creator and creature, that which is absolutely infinite, and indepen∣dent, and that which is finite, limited, and dependent, should be measured by the same rules, notions, and conceptions, unless it be by way of eminent Analogy, which will not further their designe at all, is most fond and sensless. And this one observation is suf∣ficient to arme us against all their profound disputes about essence, personality, and the like.

4 Generally (as was said) in the pursuit of their designe, and carrying it on, they begin in exclaiming against the usuall words wherein the doctrines they oppose are taught and delivered. They are not scripture expressions, &c: for the things themselves, they do not oppose them; but they thinke them not so necessary as some suppose; having got some ground by this on the minds of men, great

stress is immediatly laid on this, that a man may be saved though he believe not the Doctrine of the Trinity; the satisfaction of Christ &c. so that he live holily, & yeild obedience to the precepts of Christ; so that it is mere madness and folly to breake Love and Communion about such differences; By this engine I knew not long since a choice society of Christians, through the cunning flights of one ly∣ing in wait to deceive, disturbed, divided, broken, and in no small part of it infected. If they once get this Advantage, and have there∣by weakned the love and valuation of the truth with any; they ge∣nerally through the righteous judgment of God, giving up men of light and vaine spirits to the imaginations of their owne hearts, overthrow their faith, and lead them captive at their pleasure.

5. I thought to have insisted in particular, on their particular waies of insinuating their Abominations, of the baites they lay, the devices they have, their high pretences to Reason, and holiness in their lives, or honesty; as also to have evinced by undeniable evi∣dences, that there are 1000s in the Papacy, and among the reform∣ed Churches; that are wholy baptized into their vile opinions and infidelity, though for the love of their temporall enjoyments, which are better to them then their Religion, they profess it not.

As also how this persuasion of their's hath been the great doore whereby the flood of Atheisme which is broken in upon the world and which is almost professed by them, who would be accounted the wits of the times, is come in upon the nations: further, to have given generall answers, and distinctions applicable to the most, if not all of the considerable Arguments, and objections wherewith they impugne the truth. But referring all these to my Generall conside∣rations for the study of Controversies in divinity; with some obser∣vations that may be preservatives against their poyson, I shall speedily acquit you from the trouble of this address. Give me leave then in the last place (though unfit and unworthy) to give some generall cautions to my fellow labourers & students in divinity, for the freeing our soules from being tainted with these Abomina∣tions, and I have done.

1. Hold fast the forme of wholsome words, & sound doctrine: know that there are other waies of peace and Accommodation with dissenters, then by letting go the least particle of Truth. When men should accommodate their owne hearts to love and peace, they must not double with their soules, and accommodate the truth of

the Gospell to other mens imaginations; perhaps some will sug∣gest great things of going a midle way in divinity between dissen∣ters: but what is the issue for the most part of such proposals? after they have by their middle waies raised no lesse contention, then was before between the extreames (yea when things before were in some good measure allayed) the Accommodator's themselves, through an ambitious desire to make good, and defend their owne expedients, are insensibly carryed over to the party and extreame to whom they thought to make a condescension; and by endea∣vouring to blanch their opinions to make them seeme probable, they are ingaged to the defence of their consequences, before they are aware: Amiraldus (whom I looke upon as one of the great∣est wits of these daies) will at present go a middle way between the Churches of France, and the Arminians; what hath been the issue? among the Churches, divisions, tumult, disorder; among the profes∣sors and ministers, revilings, evill surmisings; to the whole body of the people, scandals and offences; and in respect of himselfe, evidence of daily approaching nearer to the Arminian party, untill as one of them saith of him, he is not farre from (their) kingdome of heaven; but is this all? nay but Grotius, Episcopius, (w 1.99) Curcael∣laeus &c. (quanta nomina) with others, must go a middle way to ac∣commodate with the Socinians, and all that will not follow are ri∣gid men, that by any meanes will defend the opinions they are fallen upon. The same plea is made by others for Accommodation with the papists, and still moderation, the midle way, condescension are cryed up. I can freely say, that I know not that man in England, who is willing to goe further in forbearance, Love, and Communi∣on with all that feare God, and hold the foundation, then I am; but that this is to be done upon other grounds, principles, and waies, by other meanes, and expedients, then by a condescention from the ex∣actness of the least apex of Gospell truth, or by an Accommoda∣tion of doctrines by loose and generall termes, I have else where sufficiently declared. Let no man deceive you with vaine pretences: hold fast the truth as it is in Jesus, part not with one Jota, and con∣tend for it, when called thereunto.

2. Take heed of the snare of Sathan in affecting Eminency by singularity. It is good to strive to excell, and to go before one an∣other in knowledge and in light, as in holiness and obedience. To do this in the road, is difficult. Ahimaaz had not outrun Cushi, but

that he tooke a by path. Many finding it impossible to emerge unto ny consideration, by walking in the beaten path of truth, (all parts of Divinity, all waies of handling it, being carryed already to such an height and excellency, that to make any considerable improve∣ment requires great pains, study, and an insight into all kind of learning,) and yet not able to conquer the itch of being accoun∣ted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, turne aside into by waies; and turne the eyes of all men to them, by scambling over hedge and ditch, when the sober traveller is not at all regarded.

The Roman Historian giving an account of the degeneracy of E∣loquence, after it once came to its height in the time of Cicero, fixeth on this as the most probable Reason. difficile in perfecto mora est; naturaliterque quod procedere non potest, recedit; & ut ad conse∣quendos quos priores ducimus accedimus: Ita ubi praeteriri, aut aequari eos posse desperamus, studium cum spesegnescit, & quod assequi non potest, sequi desinit; & velut occupatam relinquens materiam, quae∣rit novam: praeteritoq eo in quo eminere non possumus, aliquid in quo nitamur conquaerimus; sequitúrque ut frequens ac mobilis transitus maximum perfecti operis impedimentum sit. Paterc: Hist: Rom: lib:

1. I wish some such things may not be said of the doctrine of the reformed Churches. It was not long since raised to a great height of purity in its selfe, and perspicuity in the way of its delivery; but (x 1.100) athleticks constitutions are seldome permanent: men would not be content to walke after others, & finding they could nor excell what was done, they have given over to imitate it, or to do any thing in the like kind: and therefore neglecting that wherein they could not be eminent, they have taken a course to have some thing pecu∣liar, wherein to put forth their endeavours. Let us then watch a∣gainst this temptation, and know that a man may be higher then his brethren, and yet be but a Saul.

3. Let not any attempt dealing with these men, that is not in some good measure furnished with those kinds of literature, and those common Arts, wherein they excell: as first, the knowledge of the Tongues, wherein the scripture is written; namely the Hebrew and Greeke. He that is not in some measure acquainted with these, will scarcely make through worke in dealing with them. There is not a word, nor scarce a letter in a word, (if I may so speake) which they do not search, and toss up and downe; not an expression which they pursue not through the whole scripture, to see if any place

will give countenance to the Interpretation of it, which they em∣brace. The curious use of the Greeke Articles, which as Scaliger cals them, are loquacissimae Gentis flabellum, is their great covert a∣gainst the Arguments for the Deity of Christ: Their disputes a∣bout the Hebrew words, wherein the doctrine of the satisfaction of Christ is delivered in the Old Testament, the ensuing treatise will in part manifest. Unless a man can debate the use of words with them, in the scripture, and by instances from other approved Au∣thors, it will be hard so to enclose or shut them up, but that they will make way to evade and escape. Press them with any Testimony of scripture, if to any one word of the Testimony, where on the sense of the whole in any measure depends, they can except, that in ano∣ther place that word in the Originall hath another significa∣tion, and therefore it is not necessary that it should here signify as you urge it; unless you are able to debate the true meaning and import of the word with them, they suppose they have done enough to evade your Testimony. And no less (nextiy,) are the common arts of Logick and Rhetorick wherein they exercise themselves: Among all Socinus his workes, there is none more per∣nicious then the little Treatise he wrote about Sophismes, wherein he labours to give instances of all manner of sophistical Arguments, in those which are produced for the confirmation of the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity.

He that would reinforce those Arguments, and vindicate them from his exceptions, and the entanglements cast upon them, with∣out some considerable acquaintance with the principles of Logick and Artificial Rules of Argumentation, will find himselfe at a losse: Besides, of all men in the world in their Argumentations they are most Sophistical: It is seldome that they urge any Rea∣son, or give any exception, wherein they conclude not à particu∣lari ad universale, or ab indefinito ad universale, exclusivè, or ab aliquo statu Christi ad omnem, or ab oeconomia Trinitatis ad Theo∣logiam Deitatis, or ab usu vocis alicubi to ubiq. As, Christ is a man, therefore not God. He is the servant of the Father, therefore not of the same nature, and the like instances may be given in A∣bundance: From which kind of arguing he will hardly extricate himselfe, who is ignorant of the rudiments of Logick: The fre∣quency of figurative expressions, which they make use of to their Advantage in the Scripture, requires the knowledge of Rhetorick also, in him that will deal with them, to any good purpose: A

good Assistance (in the former of these especially) is given to Students, by Keslerus, in examine Logicae, Metaphysicae, & Phy∣sicae Photinianae: The pretended maximes also which they insist on from the Civil Law, in the business of the satisfaction of Christ, which are especially urged by Socinus, and Crellius in his defence against Grotius, will make him who shall engage with them, see it necessary in some measure to be acquainted with the princi∣ples of that faculty and Learning also.

With those who are destitute of these, the great spirit of Truth is an abundantly sufficiently preserver from all the cunning sleights of men that lye in waite to deceive. He can give them to believe and suffer for the truth: but that they should at any time look upon themselves as called to read the books, or dispute with the men of these Abominations, I can see no ground.

4. Alwaies beare in mind the gross figments that they seek to assert and establish in the Room of that, which they cunning∣ly and subtilly oppose. Remember that the ayme of their Argu∣ments against the Deity of Christ, and the blessed Trinity, is to set up two true Gods, the one so by nature, the other made so; the one God in his own Essence, the other a God from him by office: that was a man, is a spirit, and shall cease to be a God: And some farther account hereof you will meet with in the close of the ensuing Treatise.

5 Diligent, constant, serious reading, studying, meditating on the Scriptures, with the assistance and directions of all the Rules & Advantages for the right understanding of them, which by the Observation and diligence of many Worthies, we are furnished with∣al, accompanied with continual Attendance on the throne of Grace, for the presence of the spirit of truth with us, to lead us into all truth, and to encrease his annointing of us day by day, shining into our hearts to give us the knowlege of the glory of God, in the face of Jesus Christ, is, as for all other things in the course of our pilgri∣mage, and walking with God, so for our preservation against these abominations, and the enabling of us to discover their mad∣nesse, and answer their objections, of indispensible necessity. Apollos who was mighty in the Scriptures, Acts. 18. 24. did mightily con∣vince the gainesaying Jewes, vers. 28. neither in dealing with these men is there any better course in the world, then in a good or∣der and method to multiply Testimonies against them, to the same

purpose. For whereas they have shifts in readiness to every parti∣cular and hope to darken a single starre, when they are gathered into a constellation, they send out a glory and brightnesse which they cannot stand before. Being ingaged my selfe once in a publick dispute about the satisfaction of Christ, I took this course, in a clear and evident coherence producng very many Testimonies to the con∣firmation of it; which together gave such an Evidence to the Truth, that one who stood by, instantly affirmed, that there was enough spoken to stop the mouth of the Divel himselfe. And this course in the businesse of the Deity and Satisfaction of Christ, will certainly be triumphant. Let us then labour to have our senses abundantly exercised in the Word, that we may be able to discern between good and evill, and that not by studying the places them∣selves that are controverted, but by a diligent search into the whole mind and will of God, as revealed in the word, wherein the sense is given in to humble soules, with more life, power, evidence of truth, & is more effectual for the begetting of faith and love to the truth, then in a curious search after the Annotations of men upon parti∣cular places. And truely I must needs say, that I know not a more deplorable mistake in the studies of Divines, both Preachers and others, then their diversion from an immediate direct study of the Scriptures themselves, unto the studying of Commentatours, Criticks, Scholiasts, Annotatours, and the like helps, which God in his good providence making use of the Abilities, & sometimes the Ambition, and ends of men, hath furnished us withal: not that I condemne the use and study of them, which I wish men were more diligent in, but desire pardon if I mistake, and doe only surmise by the experience of my own folly for many yeares, that many which seriously study the things of God, doe yet rather make it their businesse to enquire after the sense of other men on the Scriptures; then to search studiously into them themselves.

6. That direction in this kind, which with me is instar omnium, is, for a diligent endeavour to have the power of the truths professed and contended for, abiding upon our hearts, that we may not con∣tend for notions; but what we have a practical acquaintance with in our own soules. When the heart is cast indeed into the mould of the doctrine that the mind embraceth, when the Evidence and Necessity of the Truth abides in us, when not the sense of the words only is in our heads, but the sense of the things abides in our

hearts: when we have Communion with God in the doctrine we contend for, then shall we be Garrisoned by the grace of God a∣gainst all the Assaults of men. And without this, all our con∣tending is as to our selves, of no value. What am I the better, if I can dispute that Christ is God, but have no sense or sweetnesse in my heart from hence, that he is a God in Covenant with my soule, what will it availe me to evince by Testimonies and Argu∣ments, that he hath made satisfaction for sin, If through my unbelief the wrath of God abides on me, and I have no experience of my owne being made the Righteousnesse of God in him; If I find not in my standing before God, the excellency of having my sins impu∣ted to him, and his righteousnesse imputed to me; will it be a∣ny Advantage to me in the issue, to professe, and dispute that God works the conversion of a sinner, by the irresistable grace of his spirit, If I was never acquainted experimentally with the deadnesse and utter impotency to good, that opposition to the law of God which is in my own soule by nature, with the efficacy of the exceeding greatnesse of the power of God in quickning, enlightning, and brin∣ging forth the fruits of obedience in me. It is the power of Truth in the heart alone, that will make us cleave unto it indeed, in an hour of temptation. Let us then not think that we are any thing the better for our conviction of the Truths of the great doctrines of the Gospel, for which we contend with these men, unlesse we finde the power of the truths abiding in our own hearts, and have a con∣tinual experience of their necessity, and excellency, in our stan∣ding before God, and our Communion with him.

7 Doe not look upon these things, as things a far off, where∣in you are little concerned: the evill is at the doore; there is not a Citty, a Towne, scarce a Village in England, wherein some of this poyson is not poured forth. Are not the doctrines of free will, Ʋniversal Redemption, Apostacy from Grace, Mutability of God, of denying the Resurrection of the dead, with all the foolish conceits of many about God and Christ in this nation, ready to gather to this head.

Let us not deceive our selves; Sathan is a crafty Enemy: He yet hovers up and downe in the lubricous vaine imaginations of a confus'd multitude, whose tongues are so divided that they un∣derstand not one the other. I dare boldly say, that if ever he settle to a stated opposition to the Gospel, it will be in Socinianisme. The

Lord rebuke him, he is busyin, and by many, where little notice is taken of him: But of these things thus farre.

A particular account of the Cause and Reasons of my engage∣ment in this business, with what I have aymed at in the ensuing discourse, you will find given in my Epistle to the University; so that the same things need not here also be delivered. The Con∣futation of Mr. Biddles, and Smalcius his Catechisme, commonly called the Racovian, with the Vindication of all the Texts of Scrip∣ture, giving Testimony to the Deity of Christ throughout the Old & New Testament, from the perverse Glosse & interpretations put up∣on them by Hugo Grotius, in his annotations on the Bible, with those also which concerne his satisfaction, and on the occasion hereof, the Confirmation of the most important Truths of the Scripture, about the Nature of God, the Person of Christ, and the Holy Ghost, the offices of Christ, &c: hath been in my designe. With what mind and intention, with what love to the Truth, with what dependance on God for his presence and assistance, with what ear∣nestnesse of supplication to enjoy the fruit of the Promise of our dear Lord Jesus, to lead me into all Truth by his blessed Spirit, I have gone through this worke, the Lord knowes. I only know, that in every particular I have come short of my duty therein, that a review of my paths and paines, would yeeld me very little re∣freshment, but that I know in whom I have believed, and am perswaded, that even concerning this also, he will remember me for Good, and spare me according to the greatnesse of his mercy. And what ever becomes of this weak endeavour before the Lord, yet he hath made with me an everlasting Covenant, ordered in all things and sure: And this is all my salvation, and all my desire, although he make it not to grow: what is performed, is submitted humbly to the judgment of them to whom this adress is made. A∣bout the thoughts of others, or any such as by envy, interest, curio∣sity, or faction, may be swayed or byassed, I am not solicitous. If any benefit redound to the Saints of the most High, or any that be∣long to the purpose of God's love be advantaged, enlightened, or built up in their most holy faith in the least, by what is here delive∣red, I have my reward.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Epiphan. Haeres. 47.
• b 1.2

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epiph.
• c 1.3

  Injuriâ affi∣cit Franken com∣plures, qut hac de re idom aut senserunt aut sen∣tiunt quod Socinus; & ne de iis qui hodiè vivunt, quid quam dicamus, duos tantum nominabimus, quo∣rum alter ante aanos mille ducentos, alter vero nostra aetate vixit. Ille Photinus fuit quondam Sir mii Episcopus, ipsorum etiam adversariorum testimonio divinarum literarum doctissimus &c: Faust. Socin: disputat. de Adorat. Christi. cum Christian. Franken. pag. 29.
• d 1.4

  Socin. ad Weick cap. 9. p. 152. Smalc. Re∣spon. ad lib. Smiglec. lib. 1. cap. 1. p. 1.
• c 1.5

  Ariani Christo divinum cultum non tri∣buerunt. Atqui longe praestat Trinitarium esse quam Christo divinum cultum non tribuere. Imo Trinitarius (m••o quidem judicio) modo alioqui Christi praecepta conserve••, nec ulla ratione eos persequatur, qui trinitarii non sunised potius cum ipsis fraternè conferre, ac veritatem inquir ere non recuset, merito Christianus dici debet. Qui vero Christum divina ratione non colit, is nullo molo Christianus dici potest: Quecirca non est dubitandum, quin Deo minus displicuerurt Homousiani Trinitarii, quam vulgus Arianorum. Quid igitur mirum, si cum to us foreorbis Chri∣stianus in has duas (ut ita dicam) fa∣ctiones divisus esset, Deus visionibus & miraculis testari vo••uisset utram ipsarum viam salutis vel adhuc retineret, vel jam abj••cisset. Adde Arianos acerrimè tunc persecutos fuisse mise: os Homousiaros, id{que} diu & variis in lecis: Quare meritò se Dous Arianis iratum ostendit. Socin. ad Weick pag. 452.
• f 1.6

  De tribus in unâ divinâ essentiâ perso∣nis Anno 1562, controversiam movôrunt, in min. Pol. Itali quidam advenae; praecipui autem assertores contra S. S. Tri∣nitatem fuêre, Georgius Blandrata Theologus ac Medicus, Petrus Statorius, Tonvillanus, Franciscus Lismaninus Theologiae Doctor, quorum tamèn ab initio opera reformationis valdè fuit Ecclesiae Dei procfiua: Histor. Eccles. Slavon. lib. 1. pag. 84.
• g 1.7

  Propheticam & Apostolicam doctrinam quae veram Dei pa∣tris, filii, & spi∣ritus sancti cog∣nitionem conti∣net, amplector ac vencror. parique Religione Dcum patrem silium & spiritum san∣ctum distinct•• secundum sacra•• rum literarum veritatem colen∣dum, imploran∣dúmque preci∣bus, liberè profi∣toors Deni{que} om∣nem haereticam de Deo patre fili•• & spiritu sancto blasphemiam, planè detestor, si∣ve Ariana illa, sive Serventiana, sive Eunomiana, sive Staucorian••. Act Eccles. mino. Pol. synod. Pinczovian. Au. 1559.
• h 1.8

  De Georgio Blandrata, pro singulari suo in Ecclesiam Dei amore praemonuit Polonos Cl. Vir Johan. Cal quin ••tiam Illustris∣simum Principe Palatinum, Vito censem, Nicola∣um Radzivili∣um, cujus Patro∣cinio Blandrata tum utebatur. Subolfererat enim vir doctus Blandratae inge∣nium ad Serveti sententiam esse compositū: itaque ferius principi fuasor fuit, ut fibi ab eo caveret: sed homo ille facile, technis suis fallacibus, optimo Principi fucum fecit, adeò ut ille iratus Johanni Calvino, Blandratam nomine suo ad Synodum Piuckzoviensem Anno 1561. 25. Jun. ha∣bitam, delegaret cum literis, quibus serio postulabat in causa Blandratae, cum Ecclesiâ, dicebatque ma∣le & praecipitanter egisse Calvinum, quod Blandratam tra luceret, & Servetismi notaret. Regen. Hist. l. 1. p. 85.
• i 1.9

  Fateor me credere in unum Deum patrem & in unum dominum Jes. Christum filium ejus, & in unum Spiritum ••anctum, quorum quilibet est essentialiter Deus; Deorum pluralitatem detestor: cum unus tantum sit nobis Deus, essentia indivisibilis: fateor tres esse distinctas hypostases & aeternam Christi Divinitatem & generationem; & Spiritum Sanctum unum & aeternum Deum ab utroque procedentem: Act: Synod. Pinczov: Anno 1561.
• k 1.10

  Dixit heri vir amplissimus Blandrata, li∣brum se tuum contra Polaeolo∣gum accepisse: Habes tu unum sal••cm cui sis cha∣rissimus, cui omnia debes, qui judicio maxime polleat, cur tan∣tum studium, consili••que pon∣dus neglexisti? poteras non tan∣tum e••us censu∣ram, absoluti jam libri petere, sed consilium po∣stulare de sube∣undo non levi labore. Et pos∣sum affirmare se∣nis consilium tibi sine dubio si petivisti, prosu∣turum fuisse. Ep. Marcel. Square: ad Faust. Socin.
• l 1.11

  Monendum Lectorem harum rerum ignarum censui, Blandra∣tam haud paulum ante mortem suam vivente adhuc Stephano Rege Poloniae, in illius gratiam, & quo illum ••rga se libera∣liorem (ut fecit) redderet, plurimum remisisse de studio suo in Ecclesiis nostris Transilvani••is nostrisque hominibus juvandis: imo eo tandem devenisse ut vix existimaretur priorem quam tartopere foverat de Deo & Christo sententiam retinere, sed potius Josuitis qui in cā provinciā tunc temporis Stephani Regis & ejus fratris Christopheri haud multo anie vitam functi ope ac liberalitate non me∣diocriter florebant, jam adhaerere aut certe cum eis quodammodo colludre. Illud certissimum est cum ab eo tempore quo liberalitatem quam ambiebat Regis Stephani orga se est expertus, caepisse quosdam ex nostris hominibus quos charissimos prius habebat, & suis opibus juvabat spernere, ac descrere, etiam contra promissa & obligationem suam, & tandem illos penitus deseruisse, atque omni verae & sinccrae pietatis studio valedixisse, & solis pecuniis congerendis intentum fuisse, quae fortasse justissimo Dci judici••, quod gravissimum exercere solet contra tales de∣scrtores, ei necem ab eo quem suum heredem fecerat conciliarunt Socinus ad Weik. cap. 2 pag. 43. 44.
• * 1.12

  Act. Synod. Mor∣den. An. 1553.
• * 1.13

  Bez. Epist. 81.
• * 1.14

  (m) Cum dici jus non possini in Ecclesiâ deli. tescere, manife∣to scismate Pe∣triconiae Anno 1562. habito prius celoquio e∣am scindunt & in sententiam suam pertrahunt plurimostium ex ministris, tum ex Patronis Ministri qui partem corum sequebantur erant in principio Gregorius Pauli: &c. Histor: Ecclesi: Slavon: Regn. lib. 1. pag. 86.
• * 1.15

  Laelius interim praematura mor∣te extinctus est: incidit mors in diem parendinū id: Maii: 1562. aetatis vero e∣jus scptimi su∣pra trigicssimum. Eques Polon. vita Faus. Socin. Senens.
• o 1.16

  Fuit etiam Lael us Socinus Senensis incre∣dibiliter ad con∣tradicendum & varios nectendos no los compara∣tus; nec nisi post mortem cogni∣tus, hujusmodi pernitiosissimis haeresibus labo∣rare. Epist. ad Eccle. Orthodox. Epist. 8. 1.
• p 1.17

  Fuit is Lae∣lius nobili hone∣sta{que} familia na∣tus, bene graece & Hebraice do∣ctus, vitaeque ••tiam extcrnae inculpatae qua∣rum nerum cau∣sa mihi quo ••e intceresserat cum illo non vulgaris amicitia, sed homo fuit plenus diversarum haeresium, quas tamen mihi nunquam proponebat nisi dispatandi Causa, & semper interrogans, quasi cuperet doceri: hanc vero Samosatanianam imprimis a••••os multos fovit, & quoscúnque potuit pertraxit in eundem errorem: pertraxit autem non pau∣cos: me quoque ut dixi diversis tentabat rationibus, si eodem possit errore simul, & aeterno exitio secum involvere Zanch Prefa•• ad lib. de tribus.
• q 1.18

  Cum amicorum precibus permotus tandem constitu∣isset, at que et••am caepisset, saltem inter ipsos, nonnulla in apertum proferre. Socin. ad Andraeum Dudithium.
• r 1.19

  Cum his Antitrinitariis publicam habue∣runt Evangelici disputationem Betricoviae in comitiis Regni Sigism. 11. Aug. Rege permitt••nte Anno. 1565. Disputatores fu∣erunt, &c. Re∣genvoiscius. Vbi supra.
• s 1.20

  Jant igitur constituta propo∣sitione qua de a∣gendum est, in nomine Dei uni∣us & Trini∣tatis exordi∣mini.
• t 1.21

  Nos vero hic non dicimus Amen, neque e∣vim nos novimus Deum istum Trinitatem.
• u 1.22

  Nulla jam alia propositione nobis epus est, cum haec se obtu∣lerit, nos autem Deo volente, & volumus, & parati sumus de∣monstrare, quod Spiritus Sanctus non alium nos Deum in Scriptura doccat, nisi solum Patrem, Filium, & Spiritum Sanctum, id est, Deum unum in Trinit••te.
• w 1.23

  Nos quidem ô amici haud difficulter poterimus vobiscum eam rem transigere, nam ubi primum biblia aperueritis, & initium veteris & novae legis confideraveritis, statim offendetis, id ibi asseri quod vos pernegatis, sic enim Geneseos primo Scriptura loquitur. Faciamus hominem ad imaginem no∣stram. Nostram inquit, non meam: postea vero addit, Fecit Deus. Navae autem Legis initium hoc est: Verbum erat apud Deum, & Verbum erat Deus. Videtis ut in veteri lege loquatur unus Dcus tanquam de tribus: hic vero quod Filius, Verbum aeternum (nam quod ab initio erat, aeternum est) erat apud Deum, & erat idem, non alius, uti vos perperam intrepretamini, Deus.
• x 1.24

  Mox agunt de imagini∣bus sanctissimae Trinitatis, non contenti simpli∣ciorum quorun∣dam picturas convellere, eas item quae ab Ec∣clesia Catholica rite usurpatae sunt, scommati∣bus & Blasphe∣mis carminibus proscindunt. An∣ton. Posse v. Lib. 8. cap. 15. 16.
• y 1.25

  Profecto illis temporibus res catholicorum fere deplorata erat: cum in am∣plissimo Senatu vix unus aut al∣ter praeter Epis∣copos reperieba tur. Casper Cico∣vius Canon. & Parock Sardom. Alloquia.
• a 1.26

  Neque ve∣ro hoc juramen∣tum pro tuenda pace Evangelica praestitisset, ni si cum Johannes Shirle Palati∣nus Cracovien∣fis, Vir plenus Zeli & magna cum potentia au∣thoritatis, ade gisset; Ferture∣nim cum Rex Henricus jane coronandus esset, nec pacem inter dissidentes se con∣servaturum iu∣rassec, sed silen∣tio illudere vel∣let, acceptá quae Regi tum praefe∣rebatur corona, exitum ex templo parasse, & in haec prorupisse verba, si non ju∣rabis non regna∣bis. Hist. Eccles. Slavon. Regen∣vol. lib 1. pag. 92.
• * 1.27

  Condaeo succedit Colig∣nius, vir natali∣bus & militia clarus, qui nisi Regi suo moveret bellum, dissidii fomes & caput, virtutis heroicae exemplar era, supra antiquos ducea, quos mirata est Graecia, quos Roma extulit. Gramond. Histor Gal. lib. 6.
• b 1.28

  Quid interea bonus ille Hosus Cardinalis cum suis Cath olicis? Nempe ridere suavitèr, & quasi ista vihil ad ipsos pertinerent, oliud quidvis agere, imo etiam nostros undi{que} ad extinguendum hoc incendium accurrentes, probrosis libellis arcessere. Bez. Ep. 81.
• c 1.29

  Cum Gen∣tilis de Paulo Alciato sodali suo rogaretur, fa∣ctus est inquit Mahmumetanus. Beza. Epist. ubi supra.
• d 1.30

  Erant alii quoque Antitri∣nitarii sectae A∣nabaptitsicae per Bohaemiam & Moraviam longe latéque serpentis Sectatores, qui absurdam illam bonorum commu∣nionem observa∣turi ultro abjc∣ctis suis conditio nibus Racoviam se contulerunt. Novam Hieru∣salem ibi loci ex∣tructuri, (ut aiebant) ad∣hanc ineptam so cictatem pluri∣mos invitabant nobiles; &c. Regen. lib. 1. pag. 90.
• e 1.31

  Quid commemorem animosi illius Gregorii Pauli insalutato suo grege fugam, Bez.
• f 1.32

  Novi isti Ariani exorti sunt in Polonia, Lithuania, et ipsa nimirum Transilvania, aceorum caput & ducem se profitetur Gregorius Pauli minister Ecclesiae Racoviensis, Home impius, ambitiosus, & in blasphemiis effutiendis plane effraenis: & ita quidem jactabundus, ut adscribere sibi, cum aliis Arianis, non vereatur excisionem Antichristi; & ejusdem extirpationem ab imis fundamentis: Lutherum enim vix minmā partem revelationis Antichristi reliquisse: Schluffelburg: de Anticri: p. 3.
• g 1.33

  Illic solli. dum triennium quod excurrit Theologiae stu∣dio incubuit, paucissimis Laelii Patrui scri∣ptis & pluribus abiis relictis notis multum adjutus est. Vita Fausti Socini.
• h 1.34

  Beruardi∣ni Ochini Dialo∣gos transtuli, non ut judex, sed ut translator; & ex ejusmodi opera ad alendam familiam quaestum facere solitus. Castel. Apol.
• i 1.35

  Illud certissimum est, Gregorium Zarnovecium ministrum ut vocant Evangelicum qui nominatim adversus disputationem meam de Jesu Christo Salvatore libellum Polonicè edid 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in ejus praefatione asserit, me ex Ochini dialogis annis ab hinc circiter trigiota 6 editis Sententiam illius meae disputationis accepisse, nam certe in Dialogis illis, quoraim non pauca exempla jamdiu in ipsa Po∣lontâ mihi viderecontigit &c. Faust. Socin. Epist ad Martinum Vadovitum Acad. Craco. Professorem.
• k 1.36

  Laelius in Samosateni par∣tes clam transiit∣verbo Dei ut ex quodam ejus scripto nunc li∣quet adeo vetera∣toriè & plane versute deprava to, ac praesertim primo Evangelii Johavn. capite, ut mihi quidem vi∣deatur omnes c∣ejus corruptores superasse, Beza Epist. 81.
• l 1.37

  Cum Basi∣liae degeret ad annū us{que} 1575 dum lumen sibi exortum, ad alios propogare stu∣det, ab amicis ad alieuos sensim dilapso disser∣eudi Argumen∣to, disputationem de Jesu Christo Servatore ore primum inchoatam, postea scripto complex us est: cui Anno 1578. summam manum imposuit: Eques Polon. Vita Socin.
• m 1.38

  Et sane mirum est cum bonis literis ut audio, & ex sermone quem simul habuimus conjicere, atque ex tuis scriptis potui sis admodum ex cultus te id non vidisse Socin. de Servatore, l. 1. part. 1. c. 10.
• n 1.39

  Audivi∣mus ex iis qui familiaritèr ipso sunt usi, cum sig∣nificasse, sicut tum ••actabatur, excellens sibi si contingeret ad∣versarius, qui li∣brum de Jesu Christo servato∣re adoriretur, tum demum se totum hoc Argu∣mentum ab origi ne explicaturum; Crclli: Praesat Respon. ad Grot. pag. 12.
• * 1.40

  (o) Exomolo∣gesis of Hugh Paulin de Cres∣sey, &c.
• p 1.41

  Post lucu∣lentas Sibrandi Luberti commen∣tationes adversū Socinum editas Vos. resp. ad ju∣dicium Ravensp.
• q 1.42

  In cosdem exercuit stylum ut Socinianismi suspicionem amo liretur Hugo Grotius, sed prae∣varicantem ali∣quoties vellicat in censura, Ra∣venspergerus. Pri deaux lecti: de justificatione
• r 1.43

  Vossii respon. ad judicium Ra∣vensperger.
• * 1.44

  Praesentissimum ecclesiae vene∣num.
• s 1.45

  )Triumphus Crucis Autore Aud: Essen.
• t 1.46

  de gravis∣sima Quaestione utrum Christus pro peccatis no∣stris justitiae di∣vinae satisfecerit necne? scholastica disputatio.
• u 1.47

  Gitichio itaque de absolu∣tâ dei potentiâ seu po••estate (de qua nulia nobis dubitatio) ina∣niter blateranti, elegantissimis Augustini ver∣his respondeo, Omnia Deus po∣tuit si voluisset &c. Lucius ad Gitich: p. 110.
• w 1.48

  Diatrib: de justit•• Divin: Vind.
• x 1.49

  Religio Sociniana refu∣tata.
• y 1.50

  Bernard: Epist: 190.
• z 1.51

  Baron: ad Ann: 1140.
• a 1.52

  Aliam in∣terim cū Fran∣cisco Puccio ine∣unte. an: 1578. Tiguri confecit.
• * 1.53

  Vita Fausti So∣cin:
• * 1.54

  (b) ex nobili admodum fami∣liá, quae etiam tres Cardinales habuit, natus. mercaturâ reli∣cta se totum sa∣crarum litera∣rum studio tra∣didit.
• c 1.55

  quod ut cōmodius facere posset in Angliam se contulit, ibi∣que in Oxoniensi Gymnasio ali∣quandiu se exer∣cuit. &c.
• t 1.56

  Epist ad Radec. 3. pag. 87. 119.
• d 1.57

  Multum illa tempestate turbarum dede∣rat Transilvani∣cis Ecclesiis Francisci Davi∣dis & reliquo∣rum de honore ac∣potestate Christi opinio; cui malo remedium quae∣rens Georgius Blandrata Socinū Basiliae evocavit (Anno 1578) Ut prae∣cipuum factio∣nis ducem Fran∣ciscum Davi∣dem, à tam tur∣pi & pornicioso errore abstrahe. ret••vita Faust. Socin.
• e 1.58

  Homo ille Jes. Nazareus qui Christus ap∣pellatur, non per spiritum prophe∣ticum, sed per Spiritum Sau∣ctum locutus est; id est, quam vis à Deo legatus fuerit, non tamen quaecun{que} verba ex ipsius Dei ore provenisse censenda sunt: 2 Hinc fit ut illius & Apostolorum ejus verba, ad Mosaicae legis & aliorum propheticorum oraculorum norman expendenda sint, & siquid contrarium vel diver sum ab his in illis, eperitur, aut reperiri videtur, id aut rejiciendum, aut certe ita interpretandum fit, ut cum Mofis & Prophetarum doctrina consentiat quae sola morum & divini cultus regula est.
• f 1.59

  Theses quibus Francisci Davidis sententia de Christi munere explicatur una cum antithelibus Ecclesiae à Socino conscriptis, & illustrissimo Tran∣slvaniae Principi Christophero Barthoraeo oblatis.
• g 1.60

  Certum est illum in ipso ini∣tio mensis Junii carceri inclu∣sum fuisse, & vixisse us{que} ad mensem Novem∣bris, nisi vche∣menter fallor, quo ex••inctus, est Socin. ad Wick. cap. 2. pag. 44.
• h 1.61

  Illud vero notandum, quod procurantibus Georgio Blan∣drata & Fausto Socino, in Tran∣sylvania exuli∣bus, Franciscus David morti traditus fuit. Adrian. Regen. Histo. Eccles. Slavonica lib. 1. pag. 90.
• i 1.62

  Quod si Wickus intelligit damnandi verbo nostros ministros censuisse illum aliquâ paena afficiendum, aut vult fallere, aut egregie fallitur: nam certum est, in judicio illo, cum minister quidam Calvinianus Christophero Principi, qui toti actioni inter fuit, & praefuit, satis longa pratione per suafisset, ui talem hominem è medio tolleret, minitans iram. Dei nisi id fecisset, ministros nostros proprius ad ipsum principem accedentes, reverenter illi supplicasse, ut miseri hominis misereri vellet, & clementem & benignum se erga illum p••aebere. Socin ad Wiekum: cap. 2. pag. 47.
• k 1.63

  Imo plusquam haereticum eum (Ecclesiae nostrae) judicaverunt, nam talem hominem indignum Christiano nomine esse dixerunt; quippe qui Christo invocationis cultum proisus detrabendo, & cum curam Ecclesiae gerere negando, simul reipsâ negaret eum esse Christum, idemudi supra.
• l 1.64

  Exemplum deni{que} affert nostrorum (Thes. 108.) quomodose gesserint in Transylvania, in negotio Francisci Davidis: quomodo semetipsos in actu illo inter se reos agant vafriciae, crudclita∣tis sanguinariae, proditionis, &c. Smalcius. Refuta. Thes. de Hypocrit, disput. 9. pag. 298.
• m 1.65

  De Phrenesi ista in quam incederit, aliquid sane auditum est, non tantum, biduo ante mortem sed pluribus diebus. Socin. ubi supra.
• n 1.66

  Ecce qui me comitem itineris expectam. Flor. Re∣mund lib. 4. cap. 12.
• o 1.67

  Manifeste in co sunt decep∣ti, qui hoc An. 1580, accidisse sc••ibunt, cum certissimum sit ea facta fuisse uno anno ante, hoc est, Anno 1579: Socinus: ad Weik. pag. 44.
• p 1.68

  Duces hujus agminis Anabaptistici, & Antitrinitarii erant Gregorius Paulus, Daniel Bielenscius, & alii, quorum tan∣dem aliqui pha∣natico preposito relicto, ad Ecele∣siam Evangeli∣cam redicrunt: ut Daniel Bielen∣scius, qui Craco∣viae omnium su∣orum erorum publice pae∣nitentiam egit, ibidem{que} Eccle∣siae Dei commo∣de praefuit: A∣dria••. Regenvol. Histor. Eeclesiae Slavonicae. lib. 1. pag. 90.
• q 1.69

  Ita Argumentor, quoties regnum Davidi usque in seculum pro∣missum est, tale necesse fuit, ut posteri ejus, in quibus haec promissio impleri debebat, haberent: sed regnum mundanum Davidi usque in seculum promissum est, ergo regnum mun lanum posteri Davidis ut habe∣rent necesse est: & per consequens, Rex ille, quem Prophetae ex hac promissione post captivitatem Baby∣lonicam regnaturum promiserunt, perinde ut caeteri posteri Davidis, mundanum regnum debuit habere. Quod quia Jesus ille non habuit, non enim regnavit ut David, & posteri ejus, sed dicitur habere cae∣leste regnum, quod est diversum à mundano regno, ergo Jesus ille non est Rex, quem Prophetae promi∣serunt. Mariin. Scidelius Epist. 1. ad Socinum.
• r 1.70

  Nam quod dicimus, si Deus mundanum re∣gem mundanum∣{que} regnum pro∣misit, caelestem autom regem, cae∣leste regnum re∣ipsa praestitit plus cum praestitisse quam promise∣rit, rectè omnino dicimus, nam qui plus praestat quam promisit, suis promissis non modo non fle tisse sed ea etiam cumulate praesti∣tisse est agnoscen∣dus. Socin. Epist. ad Serdclium pa. 20.
• s 1.71

  Anno 1515. jam quad••agena∣rius migravit in Poloniam. vita Faust. Socin.
• t 1.72

  Extat a∣pud me ipsius Blandratae Epi∣stola, non tamen scripta fine The∣seo (Statorio) si Blandratam be ne novi, in qua Gregorium Paulum à Tri∣theismo ad Samo∣sateni dogma re∣vocare nititur. Incidit enim Blandrata in Transylvaniam rediens in quen∣dam Franciscum David, paulo ma∣gis, quam superi∣ores illi ut aiunt providum: Beza Epist. 8. 1.
• u 1.73

  Ecclesiis Polonicis, quae solum patrem do∣mini Jesu sum∣mum Deum ag∣noscunt, publicè adjungi ambivit, sed satis acerbe at{que} diu repulsam passus est, quâ tamen ignomi∣niâ minime ac∣census, vir, non tam indole quam a••imi instituto, ad patientiam composirus, nul∣la unquam alie∣nati animi vesti∣gia dedit: vita Faust: Socin:
• w 1.74

  Nam quod niihi objicis me communionem cum fratribus, & Christi fide∣libus spernore, nec curare ut cum ipsis caenam dominiceleb••em, respondce, me po∣stquam in Pol∣niam veni, nihil antiquius habuisse, quam ut me quam maxime fratribus conjungerem, licet inve∣nissem illos in non parvis religionis nostrae capitibus, à me diversum se••tire; quemadmodum mul••i bodie que sentiunt: quod si nihilominus aquae baptismum un à cum illis non accipio hoc prae••crea sit, quia id bonâ conscientià facere nequeo, nisi publicè ante proiesso me non quod censeam baptismum aquae mihi meique similibus, ullo modo necessarium esse, &c. Epist: ad Sophiam Sicmichoviam, faeminam nobilem. Epistol: 11. ad Valentinum Smalcium Ann: 1604.
• x 1.75

  Dico se∣cessionem Ra∣coviensium ac delirium, esse ab ecclesia ratione sejungendum, ni∣si velis, concilia∣bulaquae{que} amen∣tium anicularū partes ecclesiae Christianae aut ecclesoam appell a∣re: Men: squar∣cialup. Epist. ad. Faustum Soci∣nunt. pag. 8.
• y 1.76

  Huc accedit, quod Racovieuses isti sive caetus Raco∣vensis, quem tu petis at{que} eppug∣nas, vel non am∣plius extat, vel ita hodie muta∣tus est, & in a∣tiam quodammo∣do formam ver∣sus, ut aguosci non queat: Socin: praefat: ad Pa∣laeolog.
• z 1.77

  Petro Sto∣to io operam om∣nem suan fucan∣dis barbarissimi scriptosis Blan dratae commentis novante. Beza.
• a 1.78

  Dolerem equidem mirum in modum fi di∣sputatio ista sio habita fuisset, ut adversarii affir∣mant: suspicor ta∣men nihiloma∣nus, quatenus disputationem ab ipsis editam percurrendo, ani∣mad vertere ac∣consequi conje∣ctura potui, Li∣cinii antagoni∣stam arte dispu∣tandi & ipso su∣periorem esse, & id in istâ ipsâ disputatione fa∣cilè plerisque constitisse. nam etsi (ni fallor) Licinius noster neutiquam in ea Haerest est, in quâ non pauci ex nostris sunt, non esse christiano homini dandam operam dialecticaes Epist: Balvero∣vecium pag. 358.
• b 1.79

  Voidovius Ostorodi comes ea ad me scribit, quae vix mihi permittunt ut exitum disputationis illius eum faisse credam, quem ipse Ostorodus ad me, scripsit: Epist. ad Valent. Smalcium quarta p. 522.
• c 1.80

  Quod totum fere pondus illius disputationis, adversus cos qui Christum adhuc ignorare dici possunt, sustinueris vohementer, tibi gratulor, nihi mihi novum fait, ex narratione ista â percipere, pa∣stores i••los Lithuanicos de ejusmodi ignoratione minime liberos deprehesos suisse Epist. 6. ad Smalcium
• d 1.81

  Me imitari noli, qui nescio quo malo genio ductore, cum jam divinae veritatis fontes degu∣stassem, ita sum abreptus, ut majorem & potiorem juventutis mea pa tem, inanibus quibusdam aliis stu∣diis, imo inertiae atque otio dederim, quod cum mecum ipse reputo, reputo autem saepissime, tanto dolore afficior, ut me vivere quodam modo pigeat: Epist: ad Smal: pag. 513.
• e 1.82

  Ad te quod attinet, animo es tu quidem ad om∣nem doctrinae rationem, ac ve∣ritatis investiga∣tionem nato, ma∣gna rerum sophi∣sticarum cogni∣tio, orator sum∣mus, & theolo∣gus insignis, lin∣guas tenes maxi∣me latinā, ut pos∣sis cum praecipuis totius Europae ingeniis certare. Marcel: Squaria∣lup. Epistad. Fau∣stum Socin:
• f 1.83

  Aliud in∣terim in latiná linguâ erratum, gravius quam istud sit, à me est commissum, quod scilicet re∣lativo reciproco ubi nullus erat locus usus sum. Epist: 4. ad Va∣lentinum Smal∣cium pag. 521.
• g 1.84

  Memini te mihi hujus rei solutionem cum esses Racoviae afferre, sed quae mod est tarditas, vel potius stupiditas, non bene illius recordor. Ostorod. Epist. ad Faustum Secinum pag. 456.
• h 1.85

  Tibi significo me ni fallor invenisse viam quomodo verum esse possit, quod Christus Planc li∣berè & citra omnem necessitatem Deo perfectissimè obedirit, & tamen necessarium omnino fuerit ut sic obediret; quaenam ista via sit, nisi eam ipse per te (ut plane spero) inveneris, postea tibi aperiam: volo enim prius tuum hoc in••re & Statorii ingenium experiri, tametsi vereor ne jam eam illi indicaverim, Epist. ad Ostorodum 4. pag. 472.
• i 1.86

  De quaestione tibi propofitâ non bene conjecisti, nec quam affers solutionem ea probari ullo modo potest. Epist. 6, ad. Ostorod. pag. 473.
• k 1.87

  Perlecto scripto tuo contra Volanum ani∣madverti argu∣menta ejus satis accurate à te re∣futota, locaque scripturae plera∣que examinata, ac elucidata, ve∣rum non sine maerore (uoquid gravius addam) incidi inter le∣gendum in quod∣dam paraloxon, scripturae sacrae contrarium ac planè horrendū, dum Christum in morte suâ sive in cruce, sacrifi∣cium obtulissè pernegas, miror quid tibi in mentem venerit, ut tam confiden∣ter (nè quid aliud dicam) contra manifesta sacrae scripturae testimonia pug∣nare, contrariam∣que sententiam tueri non timeas Epist. 1. Joh. Niemojev: ad Faust. Socin. pag. 196.
• l 1.88

  Rogavit me dominus Schomanus, dominus Simon Ronembergius & alii ut ad paraenesin Andreae Volani responderem, volui ut si quid in hac responsione vobis minus rectè dictum videretur, non bona conscientiâ tantum, sedjure etiam, eam semper ejurare possetis; Epist. ad Martin: Barovicium. p. 336.
• m 1.89

  Spero fore, ut si quid illum mecum sentire vetet intellexero facile viam inve∣niam eū in meam sententiam per∣trahendi, Epist. secunda ad Be∣verovicium.
• n 1.90

  Aliqui fra∣trum putant con∣gerendis pecuniis me nunc prorsus intentum esse. E∣pist. ad Eliam Arcistrium pag. 407. vide epi∣stolam ad Christ∣oph. Morstinum. pag. 503, 504, 505.
• o 1.91

  Non sim∣pliciter usuram damnant: modo aequitatis & charitatis regula non violetur. Compend. Reli∣gionius Ostorod. & Voidovii.
• p 1.92

  Denique Socinistae recen∣sendi mihi veni∣unt quiâ Fausto Socino, per Po∣loniam & Tran∣silvaniam virus suum dissermi∣nante, tum no∣men tum doctri∣nam sumpsere; At{que} hi soli, ex∣tructis Farnesi∣anis, anabaptis∣tis & Francisci Davidis sectato∣ribus supersunt; homines ad fallacias & sophismata facti. Histor. Eccles. Slavon. lib. 1. pag. 90.
• q 1.93

  Palaeologus praecipuus fuit ex Antesignanis illorum qui Christum nec invocandum, nec adorandum esse hodie affir∣mant & interim tamen se Christianos esse impudenter profitentur, quo vix quid quam scelestius in Religione nostrâ depravandâ excogitari posse existimo. Socin. Ad. Wick. Res. ad cap. 4. cap. 2. pag. 4 2.
• r 1.94

  Notatu vero dignissimum est hisce novis Ari∣anis ad apostasi am seu Arianis∣mum occasionem fuisse, doctri∣nam Calvini∣starum, id quod ipsi Ariani haud obscure professi sunt. Recitabo hujus rei exem∣plum memorabile de Adamo Neu∣sero ante pauios annos Ecclesiae Heidelbergensis al S. S. pri∣mario pastore nobilissimo Sa∣cramentario. Hic ex Zvingli∣anismo per A∣rianismum ad Mahometis∣mum usque, cū aliis non paucis Calvinistis Con∣stantinopolin cir∣cumcisionem ju∣daicam recipiens & veritatem a∣gnitam abnegans progressus est. Hic Adamus sequentia verba dedit Constantinopol. D. Getlachio Anno 1574. nullus nostro tempore mihi notus factus est Arianus qui non antea fuerit Calvinista. Ser∣vetus &c. igitur qui sihi timet ne incidat in Arianismum, caveat Calvinismum.
• * 1.95

  Hoc tantum dicam, cum nu∣per Bellarmini disputationum primum tomum evolverem, supra modum me mi∣ratum fuisse, quod ad finem fere singularum controversiarum homo alioqui acutus ac sagax ea verba aut scu∣raverit aut per∣miserit adscribi: Laus Deo Vir∣gini{que} Matri: quibus verbis manifestè Vir∣gini Mariae di∣vinus cultus, aut ex aequo cum ip∣so Deo, aut certe secundum Deum exhibetur. Socin. ad Weik cap. 1. pag. 22.
• s 1.96

  Nam ego quidem sic statuo, etsi non pendet aliundè rerum sacrarum veritas quam ab unico Dei verbo, & sedulò vitan∣da est nobis om∣nis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Tamem sublato essentiae & hypostase••n discrimine (quibuscunque tandem verbis utaris) & abro∣gato 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vix ac ne vix quidem istorum blasphemorum fraudes detegi, & errores satis perspicue coargui posse. Nego quoque sublatis vocabulis naturae, proprietatis, hypostaticae unionis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, posse Nestorii & Eutichei blasphemias commodè a quoquam refelli: quâ in re si forte hallu∣cinor, hoc age, nobis demonstret qui potest, & nos illum coronabimus. Beza. Epist. 81.
• t 1.97

  Ais igi∣tur adversus id quod à me affir∣matum fuerat, in controversis dogmatibus pro∣bandis, aut im∣probandis, neces∣se esse literam ad∣f••rre, & id qued asseritur mani∣festè demonstra∣re: id quod as∣scritur, manife∣stè demonstrari debere planè concedo; literam autem adferre necesse esse pror∣sus nego; me au∣tem jure hos fa∣cere id opertè confirmat, quod quaedam dogma∣ta in Christi ec∣clesiâ re••cptissi∣ma, non solum por expressam iiteram non pre∣bantur, sed ip∣sam sibi contra∣riam habent. Ex∣empli causâ, inter omnes fere Chri∣stiani nominis homines receptis∣simum est, De∣um non habere a∣liqua mēbra cor∣poris, ut aures, oculos, nares, brachia, pedes, manus, & tamen non niolo expresse & litera••ter (ut vocant) id scriptum in sacris libris non est: verum etiam conerarium omnino passim diserte scrip∣tum extat: Fausti Socin: Frag: disput: de Ador: Christi cum Fran: David Cap. 10. pag 59.
• u 1.98

  Simile quod affers de vocabulis essentiae, & persona••um à nobis repudiatis, quia in sanctis li∣teris non inveniantur, non est admittendum, nemini cuim verè cordato persuadebitis id quod per ea vocabula adversarii significare voluerunt, idoirco repudiandum esse, quia ipsa vocabula scripta non inveniantur, imò quicunque ex nobis hac ratione sunt usi, suspectam apud nonnullos, alioquin inge∣nio, & eruditione praestantes viros, causam nostram reddidere: idem. ubi sup: pag. 62.
• w 1.99

  Quotquot hactenus Theolo∣gica tractarunt, id sibi negotii crediderunt so lum dari, ut quā sive sors illis ob∣tulerat, sive ju∣dicio amplexi e∣rant sententiam, totis illam viri∣bus tuerentur; ••arcellaeus p••ae fat: ad opera Epi∣scep.
• x 1.100

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Hipocrat: Aphoris: lib. 1. § 11.