A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.

CHAP. XX.

THen Benhadad king of Syria gathered all his army, and 32. kings were with him, &c.] Of Benhadad it is spoken before chap. 15. that at Asa his request he * 1.1 came and invaded the land of Israel, in the dayes of Baasha, and took divers cities therein, v. 20. from thence till this time was about 29. years. For it may be ga∣thered from the history following, that Ahab had now reigned 17. years, and Om∣ri his father sixe, Elah the sonne of Baashah two, and four years passed between Elah and Omri, before that he could be quietly setled in the kingdome. Wherefore either Benhadad was now an old man, or it was another king of the same name succeeding him, that made this warre, and Tostatus thinketh, that it was his grandchilde. But that he was rather his son, may be gathered v. 34. the Chaldee * 1.2 as there, so here calleth him Barhadad, Iosephus, Adad, and sometime the sonne of Adad, the Septuagint the sonne of Ader. Of Adad see the history before upon ch. 11. 16, 17, &c. and of his quarrell against Israel which continued still in his po∣sterity the kings of Syria. And therefore though no cause be assigned, why he made this war against the king of Israel, the inveterate hatred of that stock against Israel ever since Solomons time was cause enough, and the hire given unto hi•• sometime by Asa king of Iudah to make warre here, when he had got footing in that land, put him on the more to seek to enlarge his conquest, by adding Samaria to those cities, as Martyr thinketh. However there was a divine hand in this his * 1.3 coming, both that Ahab might see into the wickednesse of his idolatry, which he might well think brought this judgement upon him, and be moved by Gods goodnesse in delivering him out of it to repent, which hitherto by famine and the miraculous coming down of fire from heaven he would not be moved to do. For Benhadad came against him and besieged him in Samaria, and with him 32. kings with their armies, which altogether made an huge hoast, to which the Israelites were no way comparable. Insomuch, that Ahab despairing of his power to resist, yielded unto him in whatsoever he required, as touching treasure. But when all this would not satisfie, and he was like to endure the brunt of a bloudy warre, he was comforted by a prophet, and directed so to fight against the Aramites, that he soon got the victory over them, as here in this chapter is more largely shewed. Whereas he had with him 32. kings, it is to be understood, that many kings then had but little territories: for in the land of Canaan alone were in times past 32. kings, and yet it was a countrey not much greater then Wales. * 1.4

And sending Messengers to Ahab he said, thy silver and thy gold is mine, thy wives also and thy children, &c.] The Syrian king being proud of his huge army, which he thought the king of Israel was no way able to resist, sendeth unto him such a message, as he thought that he would by no means consent unto, and so he should the more justly enter the battell, and get all that he had. But Ahab being filled with fear basely yeilded unto him, saying, I am thine, O lord and king, and all that I have, not meaning yet, as the sequel sheweth, that he would be ready whensoe∣ver her quired, to deliver himself, his wives and children, and all his goods unto * 1.5 him. But by giving these good words he thought to pacifie him, and paying for peace when he should require the tribute, that should be laid upon him. For when Benhadad sent again to explain himself, that to morrow he would send for a•••• these things by his servants, giving him also to understand, that by his silver and * 1.6 gold he meant all the treasures in the city, which not onely he but his subjects had, he by their advice denied him, saying, that he would do all that was at the first re∣quired, but this thing he could not do; that is, he would be his servant and tri∣butary, and so should his wives and children be, paying what should be imposed * 1.7 upon them to their power: but rather then suffer his Aramites to come and ran∣sack their houses, ravish their wives, and carry away such of them as they pleased, and such children as taken captive by the sword, and that not onely his, but all hi•• subjects, they would endure the brunt of the most bloudy warre, that he could make

upon them. To this effect almost P. Martyr speaketh, in giving the sense first, but * 1.8 then he mentioneth a second of some, who say, that he meant he would deliver his own both wives goods and children, for the safety of the city, but now that he sent moreover for his subjects goods, and according to his pleasure to spoil them of their wives and children also, he would not consent. And because he in this acquitted himself as a good king, preferring the good of his subjects before his own, God dealt so mercifully by him, to deliver the Aramites into his hands. But this is just∣ly by him rejected, because if he should have given his own wives into Benhadads hands to be abused, or his children to be at his mercy, the sinne against God and a∣gainst the common-wealth had been as great, as to suffer him to make a prey of his subjects. For thus the women should have been prostituted, and the common∣wealth robbed of an heir to the crown, which might have been an occasion of great dissentions and much bloud-shed, and the innocent, who were as dear unto him should unjustly have been exposed to a thousand hazards. Hugo thinketh, that he would have delivered all, but wives. Lyra, all his own things, but not his subjects. * 1.9 Iosephus, who speaketh nothing of his subjects, saith, that the difference between the king of Israels first grant, and the king of Arams second demand, was, that he would send servants to take, whereas Ahab meant, that what was given should be carried out of the city and delivered, more then which ought not by the law of na∣tions to be required upon a composition for peace by any enemy. And this I think to be one difference betwixt the first challenge and the next demand, and a second might be, that he thought at the first, that he did not require his wives to be his any otherwise then as he spake of himself, saying, I am thine, and all that I have, that is, to be his vassals and to pay him tribute. A third, he made no mention at the first of the goods of his subjects, but onely of his own. The last difference was in the time, which was not set at the first, but now he would have all the next day, that he might return immediatly with the spoils of the city, as if he had conquered it. And it was Benhadads pride encreased by Ahabs basenesse, that made him so insolent now in his demand. But this his pride and confidence in an arm of flesh went before his fall, which by the just judgement of God eft-soons followed, as the history doth immediatly declare. For when he saw, that he was denied, he stormed and swore, that his power was so great, that it was no way resistable, making therefore no doubt, but soon to obtain what he required.

For he said, the gods do so to me and more also, if the dust of Samaria will suffice * 1.10 for all my foot-men to take every one an handfull.] Iosephus differing much from this saith, that if the people that followed him, should bring but every one an handfull, it would suffice to raise mounts against the city, as high as the wals thereof.

King Ahab hearing this, taketh more courage to him, as thinking happily, that God would never suffer one so proud of his own forces to prevail, and answereth, Let not him that putteth on his armour boast, as he that putteth it off: That is, which * 1.11 prepareth to fight, as if he had already gotten the victory, and so had put it off a∣gain. And when this answer came to Benhadads ear, he commanded presently to assault the citie, but did nothing himself, nor the kings with him▪ for they sate drinking together, as did Belshazzar afterwards, when Babylon was taken, and E∣lah * 1.12 before at the time of the siege of Gibbethon, and was slain in Thirza.

Then a prophet came to Ahab and said, thus saith the Lord, hast thou seen all this great multitude, &c.] The Lord having shewed himself unto Ahab to be the one∣ly true God, by fire and rain through the mediation of Elijah before: Now promi∣seth further to shew the same by making an innumerable company of enemies to fall before his people of Israel being few, by another prophet, who is not named, * 1.13 but by many supposed to be Michaiah; yet Martyr well opposeth this opinion, be∣cause he is said a while after, never to have prophesied good unto Ahab. And that this was the end, why the Lord would give so great a victory unto Ahab so unwor∣thy, that he might know him to be the Lord, this is here expressed in the end of his prophesie, although one cause also might be the pride of Benhadad, which God would pull down. Touching this prophet, who he was by name no man can tell, but the Lord had prophets, as was before said, hidden in caves from the furie of

Iezabel to the number of 100. from amongst whom he happily now sent out one for [Note.] the comfort of Ahab in his distresse, if by any means he would be wonne to turne and favour and hearken to those, whom his Queen persecuted and sought to root out, that doing so, he might yet be saved. And it is to be noted, that God would not give him this great victory without telling him of it before, that he might not as∣cribe it to Baal or to fortune, but to the Lord onely; and therefore he setteth down the time when, this day. And he directeth him also in the manner of proceeding. For when Ahab asked the prophet by whom, he answered, by the children of the * 1.14 Princes of the provinces; that is, most probably, the noble mens sonnes which lived at the kings Court, and attended upon him for greater honour to him, and that they might there learn Princely behaviour, so Kimhi and Iosephus. Others suppose, that * 1.15 they might be the Princes servants, who lived at the Court with their sonnes, to teach them military matters; and some, that they were the Princes sonnes, who abode there as pledges in these dangerous times. The first is most probable, because kings used to keep about them noble mens sonnes, that they might be the more ho∣nourably attended: and if such were meant, they were most unfit for such an en∣terprize, by reason of their tender and delicate breeding, being also young and wan∣ting experience in martiall affaires. And then we must inferre that God would by [Note.] appointing such to be the instruments, and not old beaten hardy souldiers, magnifie his power the more to his greater glory. But why did Ahab ask, by whom? Ans. He thought happily that a power might come from his confederate Iehosaphat, or that God would by some miraculous means strike them, as in Ioshuah his time, he had done other enemies. Then he asked, who shall hegin the battell. Hebr. Who shall bind the battell. Chaldee, VVho shall order it. Septuagint, VVho shall joyn it. The meaning is, who shall lead them or set them forth together in that forme, wherein they shall fight; (Iosephus) te regente corum imperiti••••, * 1.16 and here it is answered; though Martyr saith, that some will have the mean∣ing of the question to be, whether the Aramites should begin, they awaiting their coming, or they by making an irruption out of the city. But the former is to be pre∣ferred, seeing the word doth not properly signifie begin, but bind the battell. * 1.17

Then he numbred the children of the Princes 232. and after them all the people, 7000. It may seem strange, that the people in so great a city, and so populous should be no more. But Martyr conjectureth, and that not improbably, that these, were the 7000. of whom the Lord spake before to Elijah, that had not bowed their knees to Baal, all others being for feare of the enemy fled away. Pellican like∣wise * 1.18 saith, that these were men fearing God, and believing the Prophet, who at his word were ready at an houre to goe forth to fight, all others drawing back, as having no confidence in the word of God. * 1.19

The time when they went out, is noted to be at noon, Benhadad and his kings being then drunken, and so as Lyra observeth, it was a time most fit for this enter∣prise. * 1.20 The children of the Princes being come forth first and no more appearing yet; Benhadad bad take them alive, as thinking that so few were not worth the fighting withall. But when the Syrians attempted to doe so, they contrary to their expectation fell upon those that came first unto them, and slew them. Then fol∣lowed the rest of the army and holpe to pursue them, beginning already to turne their backs▪ And lastly Ahab seeing this came forth also most probably with his cha∣riots * 1.21 and horsemen, and smote Benhadads horses and chariots with a great slaughter.

Then the Prophet came to the king of Israel and said, &c.] That is, when he retur∣ned * 1.22 with victory, and laden with spoyls, for he pursued the Syrians far saith Iosephus; and returning took their tents rich with gold and silver. God prosecuteth the wick∣ed * 1.23 king with evidences of his power and omniscience, that he might be without excuse; for he sendeth now again the second time to reveal a secret unto him, which none but the true God could yet certainly know: viz. That the king of Syria would come again the next year to renew the warre, willing him to consider of it, and so he leaveth him to make use of this premonition accordingly, supposing that this being added to the former, he would happily consider so of it, as that hee would turn from his idols to serve the Lord, conceiving that he could never otherwise be

secure from his enemies, And hereby all Kings and Commanders may leran some military wisdome, not to grow secure, the enemy being once overcome, but to prepare for another encounter, because otherwise victory obteined may turn to greater destruction to the vanquisher. As the Prophet foretold, Benhadad and his ser∣vants * 1.24 consult about renewing the warre, saying, their gods are gods of the mountaines, &c.] and accordingly Captains being set up instead of kings, they come to Aphek to battell in a plain place. A strange invention the Court parasites had to comfort their king, being troubled at his late great overthrow, they spake nothing of his drunken∣nesse, or their own cowardise, but foolishly ascribe the power of the gods of Israel, prevailing to montanous places. If it be demanded, why they said so? Martyr * 1.25 answereth, because Samaria was montanous, and Ierusalem where the Temple stood, and their fathers of old worshipped in high places. And when they worship∣ped idols, it was in high places. Dan and Bethel and many more, as is complained in Ierem. 3. 6. But why must Kings be turned into Captaines? Answ. Because they would better be ruled by the King, whereas kings being more high minded through their greatnesse would doe what they listed, which might be the cause of confusi∣on in the army, and being used to live in pleasure, they were thought more unfit to endure the hardship of warre.

He came up to Aphek, which was a great plain according to Martyr lying in the tribe of Iudah, but taking it thus, he is troubled to resolve how the Syrians should come to pitch there, it being in the dominion of king Iehosaphat, and is forced to say that there was a league betwixt him and Benhadad, and had been with his fa∣ther Asa, who begun it in the daies of Baashah king of Israel. But if so, how came it to passe that Iehosaphat yielded so readily to goe with Ahab against the Syrians to battell? It is better therefore to hold that which he rejecteth, viz. that it was * 1.26 in Asher, as Iunius also doth, proving it from Iosh. 19. 30. Aphek is a place much celebrated for battels formerly. For here the Philistines pitched when they took the Ark, although that Aphek be by Iunius referred to Iudah, according to Iosh. 15. 53. here again they pitched against Saul, 1 Sam. 29. 1. and at the city Megiddo stan∣ding * 1.27 upon this plain was Iosiah slain by Pharoah Necho. Adricomius laieth Aphek in Issachar which some hold to have been now in the possession of the Philistines, through whose friendship, being alwaies enemies to Israel, the Syrians might well come and pitch there. But Lyra saith that Aphek was a strong city in Asher, taken * 1.28 from the Israelites by the Syrians, before which lay a great plain of the same name, and this I think to be most consonant to the sacred history, and to reason; and there∣fore worthy the rather to be followed: and Pellican, who is for Aphek in Iudah, * 1.29 yet conjectureth, that it might now be in the Syrians hands.

And the Israelites went out like two little flocks of goates, but the Aramites fil∣led * 1.30 the land.] This is here set down, that so great disparity appearing between the armies, the power of God might be the more magnified; when in the following part of this history it should be declared, that the army so much lesser overcame the greater by farre. But here a great doubt may be made, for so much as it is said, that the children of Israel were numbred, and all found. How it happend that they were so few, seeing the kingdome of Israel not long before this afforded 800000 men in Ieroboams time. Some say that the reason was, for that many of Israel revolted to the king of Iudah, and many cities were held by the Syrians from them. But it were * 1.31 strong, if by these meanes their number should be so greatly diminished. It is ra∣ther to be thought with R. Levi, Ben Gersom, whom Martyr mentioneth, that the men here said to be numbred, were the same that overthrew the Aramites the yeare before; viz. the children of the Princes, and the 7000 faithfull; and therefore they come out again in two companies, as then. In saying then that they were all found, it is meant, that they all who went out at that time were still alive, not one of them being slain by the enemies, against whom they fought, which was not without a miracle. Wherefore Ahab, although warned so long before, provided no other forces, but sent those out onely; believing, that they which so vali∣antly subdued the Syrians so lately, should now again have the like successe, being heartned to the fight by that victory. And good cause had he thus to believe, seeing

he had a promise again from the same prophet, that they should fall before him, for that they had said, that God was God of the mountains, and not of the valleys.

Fot v. 28. it is said, The man of God had come, and had said, as Martyr rendreth it, and the Hebrew text may well bear, seeing the preterperfect tense in the He∣brew * 1.32 tongue, serveth for the preterpluperfect also.

They pitched their tents therefore over against them sixe dayes, &c.] The way, * 1.33 that Ahabs army went to meet with their enemies, that is, from Samaria to A∣phek was 14. miles. The reason why they stayed so long, before they entred the battle, saith Martyr, might be, that the Sabbath might first come. But this is not so probable, seeing that although in case of necessity they might fight upon the Sabbath day, yet that being a day of rest, was not to be chosen for this purpose. Tostatus saith, that they exercised themselves these sixe dayes, that they might be the more expert: but Iosephus more agreeably with the Scripture, they rested in * 1.34 their tents. They stayed doubtlesse to see, whether the Aramites would assault them here, that they might have the more advantage by reason of their trenches. But when they saw, that they expected the coming on of their enemies in vain, they would defer no longer, but upon the seventh day, which might as well be ano∣ther day as the Sabbath, they came forth to fight, remembring happily the victory obtained against Iericho, upon the seventh. Then the Syrians joyned battle with them, and were slain to the number of 100000. foot the same day. And f••••ch a•• * 1.35 escaped fled into the city Aphek, where a wall fell upon 27000. and flew them. These most probably were horse-men and chariot men for the most part, because no mention is expresly made of them, whereas it is certain, by that which is said before, that there were such in the army. For the manner of their destruction, it is to be thought, that when they were come into the city, some gat up on to the wals to repell the Israelites pursuing them, and others stood close by, to be the better sheltered from the enemies arrowes or darts. But that God, whom they had so blasphemed in limiting his power to mountanous places, sought against them, and finally cast the wall of the city, which they made their refuge, down upon them to their utter destruction, that all the world might know him to be the Lord, and King over all parts of the earth. Some, saith Martyr, hold, that by * 1.36 trenching near the wall it was made to fall, others by being over laden with build∣ings: but it was truly the weight of Gods wrath for their insolency against him, happily causing an earth-quake as Martyr conjectureth, to cast these was down. Whence note, that such as blaspheme and dishonour God can no where be safe, [Note.] but even that which they flee unto and: have confidence in▪ shall turn to their ruine. For Benhadad their king, whilest they thus miserably lay buried under the city wall, he hid himself in the most secret place that he could finde, but it is to be understood, that he did so whilest the wall was yet standing, as thinking, that he could not be safe any where else, if the Israelites should break into the city. Now the wall being down, and the city by this means coming into Ahabs power, it was thought vain for him to lurk there any longer, and that it behoved him rather to seek some other means of safety. Wherefore he sendeth some to Ahab, ••o they had * 1.37 devised, with repes about their heads to entreat for mercy, and when they had prevailed, Benhadad cometh also to him, and upon the offer of restoring to him cities formerly taken away, and the submitting of his chief city Damascus unto him, he let him depart. But this did greatly displease the Lord: for as some He∣brew expositours say, he was bidden before not to spare his life, yet of this we reade not, onely it is certain, that he ought by the law of God to put him to death, as a blasphemer of his divine power, and because he did not the Lord was highly offen∣ded. But what was the ground, that Benhadads men went upon, when they offe∣red to go to Ahab for him? The kings of Israel (said they) are mercifull. Of any notable example of mercy towards an enemy amongst them we read not but as Martyr saith, either reference was had to David and Solomon, or it is to be held, that many things were done by them which were not recorded, amongst which were their acts of mercy. And mercy, when it should be shewed to the miserable, it is a great grace in a king, that serveth God, as wherein the vice gerent is like his

lord: and therefore most probably kings of Israel were not like the heathen kings about them for barbarous crueltie, but mercifull and pittifull. And happily religion did so far yet bear sway with Ahab, although greatly corrupted with idolatrie, that [Note.] clemencie did shine in him still. And if this be a note of kings of Israel, that they are mercifull to the vanquished, that are in their power; Popish rulers are not of Israel, because they are most notorious for crueltie shewed both in the West Indies, and lately in Germanie; as the tears of Germanie do declare. But mercy now was * 1.38 not commendable in a king of Israel, no more then in Saul towards Agag, against whom God had made so plain a demonstration, that he was for the cutting of him off, by his miraculous fighting against him both in the field and citie, as in Ioshuah his time he did against Iericho and the five Ammorite kings, of whom he would not spare one, nor yet of all the other kings, whom God brought into his power. The servants of Benhadad presuming upon Ahabs mercie, come unto him with * 1.39 ropes about their heads, whereby some will have meant halters about their necks, in token of their subjection to be hanged up, if he pleased, and they hereby confes∣sed themselves to have deserved, and sackcloth about their loines, most forcible mo∣tives to pitie, neither were they deceived, for they found mercie. But here by the [Note.] way, see the mutabilitie of worldlie things, Benhadad who but the year before in∣sulted over Ahab as without all power to resist him, is now brought down before him, that he humblie sueth for his life, to make all potentates beware how they slight the highest power, and to teach them to feare and tremble before him, as they are admonished, Ps. 2. 11. and not to be lifted up for their worldlie greatnesse, which is so vain and transitorie.

Benhadads men being now with Ahab, and having made their petition, saying, * 1.40 thy servant Benhadad saith, &c. watched for some word of comfort, and hearing the king say, he is my brother: they replied, instead of servant, saying, thy brother Benhadad; and so he requiring it, brought him to the king, who used him with all courtesie; whereupon he offered to restore those cities to him, which his father had * 1.41 taken from his father, and that he should make him streets in Damascus. A doubt here ariseth, how Benhadad could say thus; seeing in Ahabs fathers time the king of Syria took nothing from him; but in the time of Baashah his predecessour, when he came against Israel at the instigation of Asa, king of Iudah. But by his fa∣ther his predecessour is to be understood, and therefore Iosephus relateth it thus; * 1.42 taken from thy Ancestours, whom he succeeded in the kingdom, as a sonne doth his father, being therefore not unaptly called his father. By streets in Damascus what is meant, all are not agreed; for some saith Martyr, understand a court of judge∣ment, * 1.43 which Ahab should keep there, as superiour to Benhadad; for in making him supream judge in that his chief city, he submitted all unto him; others understand a market place, wherein there should be buying and selling under him, as the Lord thereof; and he accordingly taking the toll or tribute, others understand certain streets wherein his tribute gatherers should dwell, to receive them for his use. These two last are followed by most, resolving it thus thou shalt make a market place in Damascus, and take tributes there. Iosephus, thou shalt have liberty to goe * 1.44 to Damascus, but this is a poore offer, and therefore too frigid; when Benhadads father made him streets in Samaria, we doe not read; but Martyr conjectureth, that it was at the time when being hired by Asa, he came against Israel.

Thus the heathen king to save his life made large proffers, but meant, as the Rabbins say, not to perform them, but onely to deceive Ahab; and it is certain that he did not, although before his departure he bound himselfe by oath to doe it. For hereupon arose that warre against Ramoth Gilead, wherein Ahab lost his life. ch. 22. When Ahab had shewed this facility towards the blasphemous king, and entring in∣to league with him dismissed him; a prophet came unto him to threaten him there∣fore * 1.45 with death, but first he procured one to strike and wound him, as if he had come out of the battell, that he might not be known to Ahab, till that he had given sen∣tence against himselfe. But before he found a man that would strike him at his bid∣ding in Gods name, he required one to doe it, who refused; and thereupon had his judgement to be slain by a Lion, as most think; Cald. Tostat. Ioseph. Theoderet, Pro∣copius,

&c. yet the text saith only that he was smitten by a Lion, because he would not smite when he was bidden in the word of the Lord. Theoderet setteth the whole passage more fully thus. A certain prophet, Michaiah by name came to a certain Israelite, and bad him smite and wound him on his face; adding that God would have him doe so. But when he would not obey, the prophet threatned him; and accordingly he perished by a Lion, that met him. And this may serve for a full exposition upon this place, seeing a Lion doth never smite but unto death: and hereby a reason may be conceived of the prophets disfiguring by his wound being upon his face, when he had also strewed dust upon it, as here followeth. And if this prophet were Michaiah, we may see some reason of Ahabs speech concerning him, ch. 22. that he never prophesied good unto him. And by the example of this man smitten by a Lion, because he would not smite a good man at the word of the Lord, saith Pellican, it was taught that a wicked man ought much lesse to be spared against his * 1.46 will, as Ahab had done by Benhadad. When the prophet was smitten and woun∣ded by another, he came slurried and disguised to the king, feining himselfe first * 1.47 to be one that came out of the campe, where one taken prisoner was committed to his custody with a charge, that if he let him goe, his life should pay for his, &c. This the king hearing presently gave judgement, as David had done before to Na∣than coming in like manner to him, and then the prophet wiping away the dust, manifested himselfe, and told him plainly, that he should die for suffering Benha∣dad to escape. If any man shall marvaile, why he thus by dissembling first came to threaten the king, and not plainly and directly. It is answered, that he learned of Nathan to come thus parabolically; for if he had dealt plainly, and come at the first like himselfe, Ahab being conscious that he came now for no good, would not have heard him, especially being puft up by his great victory, or else he would have been enraged against him, whereas now he was brought to give sentence against himself before he knew it, and so when the prophet came to deale plainly with him, was filled with confusion instead of rage, and if he raged, it was but fretting inwardly at it.

Martyr expounding this parable, saith, that by the man, who committed one taken to him to keep, is to be understood the captaine who had power; by the * 1.48 wound given the prophet on the head, the blow that should be given to the head of Israel, and for this cause he would go wounded before the king and bleeding, to shew, that if he must dye for suffering an escape, when he was in this case, Ahab was much more worthy to dye, who being in such case, that he could more easily have held the man appointed to be kept, did yet let him go, and that not through negligence, but advisedly making a league with him, and that when a greater then any captain had adjudged him to death, and that Ahab should hold him being in his hands, and slay him, namely the Lord, as may be gathered, v. 42. Thou hast let go a man of my accursing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, therefore it was some way signified unto A∣hab, that he must not be spared as the king of Iericho, who was accursed before, might not be, nor any of his city. Some note that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth also [my net] and going according to this, that Benhadad was taken by God, as in a net, and brought to Ahab to be slain, and not by his own power. But for him that was bidden in the word of the Lord to strike the prophet and would not, being therefore by and by judged, it may seem hard, because how could he tell, that the Lord would have it so done, for even prophets of God sometime dissemble, as the old prophet of Be∣thel. To satisfie this quere, Martyr thinketh, that this man knew, that it was the Lords will, seeing he is said in the vulgar Latin to have been his fellow, and in the * 1.49 Hebrew [his near neighbour] according to others, his sinne was, that he enquired not further about this precept, but went away as not regarding it, but the former is to be preferred. And if it be demanded why the Lord would have the prophet wounded, when as he could have otherwise disguised him? Tostatus answereth well, that he did it to exercise his obedience, and to teach us in his example, to be ready to suffer willingly to wounds and to death, when he requireth. To conclude this of the prophets threatning death to him, and his people, for dismissing Benha∣dad, it may be a warning to all Iudges and Kings not to save the lives of those, that

ought by the law of God to dye, when they are brought before them, lest the like [Note.] judgement befall them therefore to that which befell Ahab. If it be doubted, how the people could be justly punished, when the king onely sinned? The like was resolved before, upon 2 Sam. 24. they had their sinnes also, which made them guil∣ty of death before God, and therefore his striking of them upon this occasion could not be unjust. But it seemeth that the people were spared when Ahab perished, chap. 22. For Benhabad bade his men fight, against none but the king of Israel. Answ. They could not fight against him being in the midst of them, but many of his men must needs be smitten also, yea it may plainly be gathered, that many fell with him, because v. 35. it is said, that the warre was grievous that day, and continued till the evening, at what time Ahab died. He was forced, although deadly woun∣ded, to abide in the battle, lest others by his fleeing should be discouraged and by fleeing also give more advantage to the enemy, while therefore they fought fierce∣ly on both sides, and Israel was put to the worse, it could not be, but many must perish, although Martyr saith, if not now, yet afterwards this prophesie was veri∣fied upon them, viz. in Asahels time. The Rabbins, as in many other things, so in this are ridiculous, that they say, this punishment threatned against Ahabs people, was remitted for the prophets wound, who was one of them.

Ahab hearing this repented not, but went away heavie, as fearing, that it would come thus to passe, seeing this prophet had hitherto spoken truly, and enra∣ged * 1.50 so farre against him, as Iosephus saith, that he cast him into prison: so, many [Note.] wicked men scorn at Gods judgements, when they are threatned, not having an heart to seek by repentance to prevent them, unlesse it be haply by repentance, ari∣sing out of a slavish fear, as in Ahab afterwards, when Elijah threatned him, who is said then to have put on sack-cloth and to humble himself.

Notes

• * 1.1

  V. 1.
• * 1.2

  Tostatus.
• * 1.3

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.4

  Iosh. 12. 24. V. 3.
• * 1.5

  V. 4.
• * 1.6

  V. 5, 6.
• * 1.7

  V. 9.
• * 1.8

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.9

  Hugo Cardin. L••ra. Josephus.
• * 1.10

  V. 10.
• * 1.11

  V. 11.
• * 1.12

  Dna. 5. 1 King. 16. 9. V. 13.
• * 1.13

  Comestor. Lyra. Tostatus. Sedar. Olam. P. Martyr.
• * 1.14

  V. 14.
• * 1.15

  Kimhi. Josephus.
• * 1.16

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.17

  V. 15.
• * 1.18

  Pellican.
• * 1.19

  V. 16.
• * 1.20

  V. 17.
• * 1.21

  V. 20, 21.
• * 1.22

  V. 22.
• * 1.23

  Josephus.
• * 1.24

  V. 23. V. 26.
• * 1.25

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.26

  1 King. 22. 4.
• * 1.27

  1 Sam. 4. 1. 2 Kings 24. 7. Adricom.
• * 1.28

  Lyra.
• * 1.29

  Pellican.
• * 1.30

  V. 27.
• * 1.31

  Iunius. The children of Is∣rael were num∣bred, and took their provision. 2 Chron. 13. 3. Sallianus. Ben Gersom.
• * 1.32

  V. 28.
• * 1.33

  V. 29. H. B. Patriarks travels. P. Martyr.
• * 1.34

  Tostatus. Josephus.
• * 1.35

  V. 29. V. 30.
• * 1.36

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.37

  V. 31.
• * 1.38

  Non clementia fuit, sed demen∣tia. Lyra. 1 Sam. 15.
• * 1.39

  Pellican.
• * 1.40

  V. 33.
• * 1.41

  V. 34.
• * 1.42

  Josephus.
• * 1.43

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.44

  Tostatus. Lyra. Hugo. Vatablus.
• * 1.45

  V. 35.
• * 1.46

  Pellican.
• * 1.47

  V. 38.
• * 1.48

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.49

  1 King. 13.
• * 1.50

  43. Iosephus.