A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.

About this Item

Title
A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.
Author
Mayer, John, 1583-1664.
Publication
London :: printed by Robert and William Leybourn, and are to be sold at most Book-sellers shops,
M DC LIII. [1653]
Rights/Permissions

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.textcreationpartnership.org/ for more information.

Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A88989.0001.001
Cite this Item
"A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity." In the digital collection Early English Books Online 2. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A88989.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

Pages

CHAP. XIX.

THE mourning of David for his sonne was told to Joab, as he returned * 1.1 joyfully with his army, and then all their joy was turned into mourning, happily Joab was certified hereof by the messengers, Ahimaaz and Cushi, and so the newes going amongst the Souldiers, they all were as men confounded and afraid to come into the City where the King was, as supposing him to bee angry with them, although not for slaying Absalom, yet for casting stones so contemptuously upon him; wherefore they came into the City not as men that had gotten the victory with the voice of joy and triumph, but as men over∣come, * 1.2 by stealth and in great silence. And indeed if there had beene no cause in the Kings sorrow and offence, yet they should have had little cause to triumph for this victory, wherein so many of their brethren perished: for even amongst the Romans they never triumphed for any victory obtained in a civill warre. The Vulgar Latin hath it, the people declined that day to enter the City, even as a people fleeing before their enemies, Hebr: stole themselves away in entring, and there∣fore it seemeth best rendred by the Vulgar Latin, they came not into the City by stealth, but shunned thus to doe, withdrawing themselves through griefe and discontent to other places. And this is further confirmed by Joabs speech to David, v: 7. Goe out and speake comfortably to thy servants, for if thou dost not, there will not one tarry with thee this night. Whereby it is intimated, that they came not in, but were going away: and also by that which followeth, v: 8. when he went out and sate in the gate, they came before him, that is, in entring into the City. Thus also Tostat. rendring the words thus, the people stole away, that they might not enter the City. They would not enter to mourn, when they rather expect∣ed joy in the King, they refrained from entering that day, because they thought the King would be changed by the next morning and then they would come in.

Then Joab went in to the King and very boldly upbraided him, for this his be∣haviour, * 1.3 whereby hee shewed so great discontent for Absaloms death, with the whole Army, when as they by adventuring their lives for him, had deserved better, charging him that one Absalom was more to him then all his faithfullest servants, and requiring him to come out and spake comfortably to them, &c.

Page 442

Josephus addeth, that hee asked him if hee were not ashamed to bee thus affected with sorrow for a sonne, that had beene of so hostile a minde against him, and * 1.4 bade him come forth and speake kindly to the people, and give them thanks, threatning that if hee did not, he would deliver the army and kingdome to another. But this is more then in the holy Scripture. Hee dealt thus boldly, First, being puft up with the present victory. Secondly, because of that esti∣mation that hee was in amongst the people. Thirdly, because of his neare al∣liance to David. Fourthly, because it was for Davids good that hee spake, and hee knew, that hee had beene alwayes faithfull to him, and by his great ex∣perience knew what was best to bee done. Sixthly, above all, because hee had slaine Absalom and so was the cause of all this trouble, wherefore hee would * 1.5 have the King come forth and by a cheerfull countenance shew, that hee accept∣ed well of all that was done, because that by doing contrarywise hee dispa∣raged him before the people, seeing they all knew, that it was Joabs act, which dejected the King with so much sorrow. Thus the meek King suffered him∣selfe to bee reproved and commanded by his subject, and hereupon made a shew in his face to the People of being well pleased, when the griefe of his heart was rather augmented then lenified by this ill usage. But now it was no time to castigate the petulancy of Joab, hee deferred that therefore, and referred it to [Note.] his sonne Solomon, that no Subject might be animated by Joabs example to such audacity towards his Soveraigne in what extreamity soever.

The people of Israel, who had beene for Absalom, seeing, that hee was now * 1.6 dead, consult about bringing backe David to Jerusalem againe, recounting his former benefits towards them. They were now ashamed of following Abso∣lom, and of their infidelity towards David so well deserving, and are angry with themselves that they made no more haste to go and submit themselves un∣to him againe. Thus all the other Tribes of Israel, and this being told unto David he sent to Zadok and Abiathar to speake to Judah, as v. 11. for more expression of which, the Vulgar Latin addeth to the Text, and the counsell of all Israel came to the King, and whereas v: 11. it is said, seeing the speech of all Israel * 1.7 is come to the King even to his house, the Vulgar Latin, but the speech of all Israel came to the King to bring him backe to his house, because the King had said, Thus ye shall speak to the people, &c. respecting more the plaine making of the sense, then the ren∣dring of the words verbatim. For so it is to be understood, when David heard of the consultation of the men of Israel hee sent to Zadok to speake to Judah, and these words, yee are my brethren, my bones and my flesh, v: 12. are the words which David willed Zadok to use unto them. Moreover because Amasa, Davids sisters son, was of greatest power amongst them, hee willeth him and Abiathat to deale with him in particular, who might well feare, that the King was ir∣reconcileably offended with him, as being the chiefe against him. And hee sought to draw him, 1. By the same argument which he used to the men of Ju∣dah, thou art of my flesh, &c. for both they and he were neare unto him in the flesh. 2. By swearing to make him Captaine in Joabs stead. And in thus seeking to his Subjects, who should rather have sought unto him, David was an example of wonderfull clemency, in that hee prosecuted not his victory against such re∣bellious subjects to the destruction of many more of them, but as unwilling to have more bloud shed, reconciled himselfe gently unto them. And herein hee was a true type of Christ, who seeketh to his rebellious Subjects in all places for reconciliation by his ministers, 2 Cor: 5 20. But whether was it just in David to offer this dignity to Amasa and to take it from Joab, seeing Joab had alwayes beene faithfull to him, but Amasa rebellious? And Joah by adven∣turing himselfe against the Jebusites, 1 Chr: 11. 6. obtained this honour? Hee was indeed over bold in speaking to David, and rash to doe that, which hee forbade, in slaying Absalom, but it was for Davids owne good. Some say, that David would have made Amasa Captaine onely under Joab, as Lyra, and some, Joab being now old, that hee might rest from the toyle of warres in favour to him. But the sequel sheweth the contrary, and it is improbable that Amasa would bee drawne by the offer of an inferiour place being as neare to David

Page 443

in bloud as Joab. It is therefore rather to be held, that David had in his minde adjudged Joab to death for transgressing so manifestly against his com∣mand and charge, and after this comming in so malapertly unto him and vex∣ing him more, when hee was mourning, and for his murthering of Abner long before, and being determined to cut him off, hee wisely sought to draw Amasa unto him, who was of great power withall Israel, and offered to make him his chiefe Captaine, which being once effected, hee might the more easily doe exe∣cution upon Joab, which otherwise hee could not doe safely for the great power, that Joab was of, having all the army at his command. For be it that Joab merited and so by promise came to that dignity of Generall, yet trans∣gressing so greatly, the King might justly deprive him of this dignity againe, and his life also. For the Magistrate beareth not the sword in vaine, and every * 1.8 soule is subject to the higher powers to bee punished for doing evill. If there were any errour then in David in this matter, it was in that he offered this dig∣nity to a wicked man and a rebell, whereas hee should rather have put a godly man into Joabs place. And through the just judgement of God Amasa was pre∣vented, being slaine by Joab, so as that hee never attained it, and Joab met with his deserved punishment in Gods due time afterwards.

But Amasa in the mean season inclined all mens hearts to David, and they * 1.9 sent him word accordingly, willing him to returne. But yet an higher hand, viz: of God, is herein to be looked at, who brought it about about, that Davids enemies thus soone became his friends and willing to subject themselves againe unto him, Prov: 16. 7.

Then the King returned to Jordan, and the Tribe of Judah came to Gilgal * 1.10 to meet the King and to conduct him. This Gilgal was neare to Jordan, where Joshua had in times past circumcised the Children of Israel. Hither they came, saith Josephus, but not staying here they went to Jordan and made a bridge over it, for the King and his company to passe over, that is, saith Martyr, of boates, * 1.11 others as Lyra hath it, say, that they did ride on horsebacke before him to finde out where the waters were shallowest, I hold rather with Martyr, because the King with his company was on foot. To Gilgal the Tribe of Judah came first, as a place at which they agreed to meet from all parts, and so together to goe to the King. Now here is no mention made of the other Tribes, where∣by it seemeth, that the King neglected them, although they ought rather to have beene first certified of the time of the Kings returne, because they sent first unto him, and the Tribe of Judah not till after that the King had sollicited them by Zadok and Abiathar. Wherefore hee is blamed by Tostatus, as over partiall * 1.12 to his owne Tribe, which gave occasion to the contention following betweene the men of Israel and these of Judah, v: 40. 41. where yet it is said, that halfe the men of Israel were with the King also, when hee passed over Jordan. And hereupon followed the insurrection of Sheba, chap: 20. which caused a new trouble.

Then Shimei came and 1000 men of Benjamin with him, together with the * 1.13 men of Judah, and Ziba with his 15 sonnes, and 20 servants. The men of Ju∣dah comming through the Tribe of Benjamin, Shimei had a fit opportunity to goe with them and to offer his service to the King, and therefore hee went in hope that the King would hereby be moved out of his lenity to pardon him. Whether these thousand men of Benjamin were any way under him as their captaine, is not said, but it may seeme probable, because he was of the house of Saul, and so happily a great man in his tribe. And what did they to shew their officiousnesse to the King? It is said, they passed over Iordan be∣fore him, that is, as some thinke, on horsbacke to finde out the safest way, and then the boate followed, which was prepared to carry over the King and his houshold. Touching Zibah, hee came to shew his thankefulnesse for the be∣nefit * 1.14 lately received from the King, and he came with the Benjamites as be∣longing to that Tribe also. Then Shimei, who was the foreman and chiefe of this company, fell down before the King craving pardon of his former misde∣meanure towards him, and pleading that he came unto him the first of all

Page 444

the house of Ioseph, touching whom Abishai againe spake, that hee might be put to death, but David sware that he should not dye, checking the sonnes of Zerviah as he had done before ch: 16. 10. In what sense he spake of the house of Joseph, seeing he was of Benjamin, see before upon Ch. 16. 5. and it may further * 1.15 bee added according to Martyr, that Benjamin, and Ephraim, and Man∣asseh dwelt neare together, being thus made, as it were, one people, and Numb, 2. 18. 24. this Tribe in marching is reckoned under Ephraim, which was of Joseph, and lastly Joseph had two Tribes, wherein hee ex∣celled all others, wherefore the rest of Israel were named by Ephraim, as their head afterward. And as Pellican further addeth, because Joseph and Ben∣jamin came of one mother and had beene alwayes brought up together, it may be said, that Ruben being put from his birthright, it was conferred upon Judah and Joseph, and so all Israel were called by them two, one part by Judah and the other by Joseph. Now Shimei his oration to David was very effectuall to move him to pardon him, when hee pleaded, that hee came to submit himselfe the first of all the house of Joseph, as if hee had said, I have gi∣ven example to others in Israel to doe likewise, and if thou shalt pardon mee, they will be the forwarde to come in also, and submit themselves, but if other∣wise, such as bee not yet come, fearing thee to bee implacable, seeing all rebelled against thee, will keepe away, and those that are comming, out of the same feare will bee ready to withdraw themselves againe. And in this respect it was that David said to the sonnes of Zerviah, yee are adversaries to mee. As for Ziba * 1.16 it stood him in hand also to come, because his fraud was likely to be discovered. Touching these words v. 18. Shimei fell downe before the King as hee was come * 1.17 over Iordan: they are understood by Tostatus and some others, as if it were meant, that after the Kings comming over hee did thus. But this doth not stand with reason, but rather this word hee is to bee referred to Shimei, hee passing over Iordan did thus humble himselfe, and deferred not, till the King was come over, because that had beene too much remisnesse in him, and v. 39. the Kings passing over with all his family followed after this and his com∣munication had with Barzillai.

For Davids swearing to Shimei, that hee should not dye, it may seeme, * 1.18 that he kept not his oath, because he tooke order afterwards so, as that Solomon put him to death. Here wee may not say with some, that hee meant one∣ly, that hee should not dye at that time, or with others, for his rebellion, but he meant not that he should not dye for his cursing of the King; or with o∣thers, that he would not put him to death, not meaning yet, that no other judge afterwards should. For any of these wayes hee had deluded him and taken the Lords name in vaine. For hee desired pardon not onely for that time, but for ever, and not of his rebellion so much with others, as of his pecu∣liar sinne in cursed speaking, and that hee might not bee committed to any other judge to bee put to death therefore, and David must bee understood to have sworne according to his meaning. It is therefore to bee held, that he meant verily, that hee should not dye for that offence onely, but he se∣cured him not in respect of other lighter punishments, as imprisoning by Solomon in Ierusalem, which was by confining him to that City, and if herein hee should transgresse, for this hee might justly, notwithstanding this oath, be put to death. Hee meant, saith Pellican, that hee should take * 1.19 heede, that hee did not afterwards transgresse against any edict of the King.

Mephibosheth also, the sonne of Saul came to meete the King, &c. This history * 1.20 seemeth to bee misplaced by an Hysteron-proteron: for hee did not meete the King, till his comming to Ierusalem v. 25. where our translation hath it, * 1.21 when he was come to Jerusalem to meet the King, the Vulg: Lat: without any mention of Ierusalem, when he had met the King; Junius, he met the King, a hen he returned to Ierusalem; in the the Hebr. Ierusalem is mentioned, but nothing affixed to signifie, to, wherefore it may best be rendred, when Ierusalem went to meete the King, that is, all the inhabitants of the City, as it is likely they did at his approach unto it, Mephibosheth comming amongst them, because hee

Page 445

was able to goe no further, for his lamenesse, the King challenged him, as is here said. That of Barzillai then was in time done before this, although it bee placed after, because Ziba his going out, when Shimei went to meet David at Jordan was before spoken of, that the history concerning him might bee ful∣ly set forth before the relation of other things. For to this end Mephibosheths comming and Davids dealing with them both, after that hee had heard him, must needes bee here set downe. Some following the Vulgar Latin, thinke, * 1.22 that forsomuch as his accuser went to Jordan, hee might use meanes to goe thither also to meet the King, that there before his face hee might cleare him∣selfe from his calumniations, but this is against the originall verity, where expresse mention is made of Jerusalem. Touching the manner of Mephibo∣sheths comming, it is said, that hee had not washed his feet, nor trimmed his beard, &c. since the King went away till his returne in peace. Here because Hebr. it is, hee made not his feet, the Rabbines faigne, that his wooden legs are meant, wherewith hee used to goe, as Jerom hath it in Tradit: Hebr: but this is counted ridiculous by all men, for if by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to make, bee implyed the making of feet, the same word being used, when his beard is spo∣ken of, that must also bee taken according to the sound of the word, hee made not his beard, but if this bee absurd, then wee must understand, that it is meant, hee did not to his feet or beard, as men commonly used to doe, hee washed not the one, nor kembed the other, or cut off the exorbitant haires, but continued a most sorrowfull man for the exile of his great friend the King all the time of his absence. And this is here inserted, that his words following might the ra∣ther bee beleeved, and Ziba his false dealing with him bee the more manifestly discovered.

Him being come forth of the City with the inhabitants thereof, the King * 1.23 first speaketh unto, and challengeth for not going with him, hee excused him∣selfe by his lamenesse, and told the King how Zibah deceived him, when hee would have prepared to goe with him upon his Asse: all which Zibah hearing could not contradict, yet by his flattery hee so prevailed with the King, and by the present, which hee had brought him before, that instead of punishing him, as a most perfidious servant, as hee ought to have done, hee gave him halfe Mephibosheths land. For which the Hebrewes say, that God afterwards punisht him in his posterity, by dividing part of the kingdome away to Jerobo∣am a servant, but this is plainely a fiction of their owne, and that a voice was heard from Heaven, Rehoboam and Jeroboam divide the kingdome. For that division happened not for Davids sinnes, but for the sinnes of Solomon as is ex∣presly said. In the Pandects, setting forth the Imperiall lawes, a servant may not bee heard against his Master, but onely in case that hee pleadeth for his liberty, or in things concerning the Common-wealth. But David both heard Ziba against his master, and was so swayed by him, that when hee knew his fraudulent dealing, hee yet to the injury of his master rewarded him. Wherefore hee is herein condemned by all men, as dealing most unjustly, so that even the holiest of Gods servants have their errours and are not by us [Note.] to bee followed in all things. It seemeth that David was so prepossessed by Ziba his tale, that hee would not beleeve Mephibosheth, and therefore cutteth him off so short, saying, speake no more of this matter, that is, I cannot but thinke there was some fault in thee, but I will sift it out no further, if I should, hap∣pily it would bee worse for thee, therefore take halfe the land, that I may bee short, and bee thankfull, and let Ziba have the other halfe. Thus Martyr, who * 1.24 also saith, that some excuse David, understanding him, as if hee had said, speake no more to mee, hee shall have halfe the land and I will otherwise pro∣vide for thee. But no such thing is intimated in the text, but rather as hath beene said before, that David spake to him in anger. Comestor thus, I gave it all first to thee, and then I gave all to Ziba, but yee cannot both have all, there∣fore I decree now, that yee divide.

Tostatus and Dionysius note that David sinned greatly, and that many wayes. 1. In rashly giving away all his lands. 2. In that when he knew his innocency * 1.25

Page 446

hee restored unto him but a moity againe. 3. In that he punished not his false accuser, but made his false accusation gainefull to him, as merchandizing, to nourish boldnesse in the wicked to doe the like. 4. In that he went not by the rule of any Laws, but meerly of his owne will.

The businesse of Mephibosheth and Ziba being thus related, the Historiogra∣pher returneth to the setting forth of other passages, and first touching Bar∣zillai * 1.26 the Gileadite, who was one of the three men, who had brought provision to David, Chap. 17. 27, 28. for his use and his peoples. The other two, it seemeth, were either sick or dead, or otherwise hindred, that they could not accompany the King in his returne, and therefore are no more spoken of; some suspect, that David neglected them, and onely affected Barzillai, because afterwards also hee commended his posteritie onely to Solomon, 1 King. 2. 7. and said nothing of them, but hee might bee beneficent to them also, although it bee not related, seeing all things that passed, are not set downe; but Barzillai, although very aged, viz. 80 left not the King, till hee had brought him over Jordan, but then he craved leave of David to returne home, who offered to take him with him to Jerusalem and there to requite his kindnesse. This hee refu∣sed because hee was so aged, that hee had not long to live, and his senses now began to faile him, wherefore hee desired leave to returne to his ownr, that he might quietly spend the rest of his time there, and bee buried in the Sepulchers of his fathers, which would bee most contenting unto him. But hee commended Chimbam his sonne to the King to goe with him, and hee was ac∣cordingly accepted of. In thus seeking to requite Barzillai his kindnesse in sup∣plying his wants in the time of his necessitie, David was a type of Christ, saith Martyr, who will recompence any kindnesse shewed to him in his members being poore and in want. And Barzillai may bee an example to aged persons * 1.27 now especially to mind their death and by sequestring themselves from the delights of the world, and serving God to prepare for it, and to provide for the good of their children. Plutarch relateth a story of Crassus, who going a∣gainst the Parthians, met with King Dejotarus an old man, who was building of a new Citie, and asked him, why hee in the 12. houre of his age gave him∣selfe to building, hee answering said, And why dost thou (O Emperour) not being very young goe against the Parthians to warre? thus taxing each other from seeking troubles to themselves in their old age.

In the next place the Kings passing on to Gilgal is declared, and it is said, that * 1.28 hee was conducted by all the men of Judah and halfe the men of Israel, who hearing of the Kings returne hastned unto him, and as it seemeth, received him on this side Jordan, when hee was come over, and soone after, hee being come to Gilgal, all the rest of the men of Israel came to him also, that is, all they, * 1.29 that in the name of all the other tribes were sent out to doe this service to the King. They seeing that the King was already brought almost home by the men of Judah, before that they could come to him, were greatly offended, that they stayed not for them, but ambitiously sought all the honour to themselves of restoring the King unto his kingdome, and therefore expostulated with the King, saying, why have our brethren, the men of Judah stolne thee away, &c. the men of Judah stayed not to heare the Kings answer, but answered themselves, that they were nearer of kinne to the King, &c. Then the men of Israel replyed, that they had ten parts in David to their one, and therefore their advice ought to have beene had in bringing the King back, whereby they meant, that in case a King were to bee elected, they should beare ten times as much sway as Judah, being more then so many voyces to one. Comestor addeth, and wee are the first borne, wherein hee followeth the Septuagint, but this is not in the Hebrew, it is meant in respect of Reuben who was one of them.

And the words of the men of Judah were fiercer then the words of the men of Israel, what they said more is not related, the Rabbins conjecture, that they told the * 1.30 men of Israel, that they lied, and that they came not in love to bring the King home againe: but Tostatus more probably, and more ad appositum, that they had * 1.31 no part in David, for from hence it seemeth, that the Rebell Sheba replyed,

Page 447

wee have no part in David, Chap. 20. Lyra saith, that the men of Israel thought * 1.32 themselves contemned and sleighted, because they were not called to helpe and conduct the King, especially having dealt first about his restitution. And where∣as they say, that they were greater by ten parts then Judah, and that David be∣longed more to them, for so the vulg. Latine hath it, hee understandeth it in respect of succour and helpe against his enemies, or any support of which hee had more by farre from them, then from Iudah being but one Tribe. For their fiercer words he saith nothing, but onely that being of the Kings blood they were prouder, and so spake more disdainfully, as scorning to bee thus challenged by them. Whereas the King said nothing, some blame him, as To∣status for want of descretion; some thinke, that the contention was so great and tumultuous, that hee feared to interpose himselfe; or refrained, because hee lea∣ned * 1.33 too much to his owne Tribe: and some, that he spake, but could not bee heard.

Notes

Do you have questions about this content? Need to report a problem? Please contact us.