A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.

A COMMENTARY UPON THE BOOKE OF IOSHUAH.

The PREFACE.

ACcording to the title of this Book, the Hebrewes hold, that Joshuah was the Author of it, so likewise Co∣mestor, Lyranus, and many other Learned men. And this is proved, First, from Chap. 24. 26. where Io∣shuah is expressely said to have written all these words. Secondly, from Ecclesiasticus 46. 1. where Joshuah is said to have been the successor of Moses in prophecies, and to write the sacred History is a kind of prophecying; wherefore by the Hebrewes, this Book of his is numbred amongst the Prophets; of whose Books they number eight, Joshuah, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Booke of the twelve smaller Prophets. For they distinguish the Canonicall Scriptures, as Com••sto•• hath it, into three rankes, * 1.1 1. Of the Law, by which name they call the five Books of Moses. 2. Of the Pro∣phets before-named. 3. Of the Hagiographa, or holy Writings, which are nine, Daniel, David, Hester, Esdros, Job, Chronicles, and three Books of Solomon. Hereupon, and upon the Apocryphall Books, Hugo hath these Verses follow∣ing: * 1.2

Quinque libros Mosis, Joshuae, Judicum, Samuelem, Et Malachim, tres praecipuos, bis sexque Prophetas, Hebraeus censet reliquis praecellere libris. Quinque vocat Legem, reliqu••s vult esse Prophetas. Post Hagio grapha sunt Daniel, David, Hester, & Esdras, Job, Paralipomenôn, & tres libri Solomonis. Lex vetus his libris perfectè tota tenetur. Restant Apocrypha, Iesus, Sapientia, Pastor, Et Machabaeorum libri, Judith atque Tobiah. Hi quia sunt dubii, sub Canone non numerantur; Sed quia vera canunt ecclesia suscipit illos.

But here, unlesse Ruth be understood under the Iudges, and Ezra and Nehe∣miah by Esdras, this will be no perfect enumeration: but Ruth is by Ierome recko∣ned with Iudges, who numbreth as many Books in the old Testament, as there be Letters in the Hebrew Alphabet, viz. 22. Prolog. in Sam. And as for Esdras, hereby are commonly understood Ezra and Nehemiah, and the two Books of Esdras, w^ch are amongst the Apocryphal, being called the first, second, third, & fourth books of Esdras; but the two latter are justly put amongst the Apocryphall, and not a∣mongst * 1.3 the Canonical books, as being not found, as Iunius hath it, either in He∣brew or Greek; and the one of them almost nothing else, but a repetition of that set forth in Ezra; & the other erreth so far in the very entrance in setting down the Genealogie of Ezra so diversly from that in Ezra, that any man may easily perceive that not to be the true, but a supposititious Esdras that wrote it. But to return again to Ioshuah, why should not he most probably bee thought the Au∣thor of this Book, seeing he was a most godly Judge, and set up in the roome of Moses, who so carefully had written the gests of God before for the people of Israel, and therefore it might well be expected, that he should doe the like for * 1.4 the famous things wrought in his time. Calvin contrariwise thinketh, that Eleazar wrote this book, and not Ioshuah; because, Chap. 15. there is some∣what set down of the expugnation of Hebron, which was not done till after the death of Ioshuah, and the death of Ioshuah, Chap. 24. But the inserting of this, and supplying of that by some other holy Writer, is no argument, that the book was not written by Ioshuah, no more then the supplying of some things by others in the Books of Moses.

CHAP. I.

AFter the death of Moses the Servant of the Lord, it came to passe, that the Lord * 1.5 spake to Joshua the sun of Nun, &c.

Ioshuah was otherwise called Osheah, Numb. 13. 8. 16. Moses called him Ioshuah, he was of the Tribe of Ephraim, the Septuagint call him Iesus the son of Naue; and it is to be understood that Ioshuah and Iesus are all one, these two names come of the same Hebrew Radix, signifying to save, and Naue and Nun, saith Comestor, are one. It is noted by Lyra, that he was the first that ever was called * 1.6 by this name, and likewise by Ferus, the providence of God being singular here∣in, that a Jesus, a figure of our Jesus and Saviour should bring the people of Israel into the Land of promise. He was a figure of Jesus, saith Ferus, 1. In subduing the Amalekites. 2. In bringing the people into Canaan. 3. In di∣viding that Land amongst them. There was another Iesus afterwards the son of Sirach, a figure of Christ for his learning and wisdom; and Iesus the son of Iosedek the High Priest, a figure of his Priesthood: Of others also thus called, see 1 Chron. 24. 11. 2 Chron. 31. 15. and my notes upon Numb. 13. 16. This Io∣shuah was also a figure of Christs victorious rising and ruling over all his Ene∣mies; as his death and passion had been in the books of Moses figured out seven times. 1. In Cains killing Abel. 2. In the troubles of Noah. 3. In the sa∣crificing of Isaac. 4. In the afflictions of Ioseph. 5. In the killing of the Paschall Lamb. 6. In the striking of the rock to bring out waters. 7. In the brazen Serpent, so Ferus. And Origen noteth, that the name of Ioshua, or Iesus, is first mentioned, Exod. 17. when Moses sent him to fight against the A∣malekites whom he overcame, and not Moses; Iesus, and not the Law subduing spirituall enemies, being noted hereby. And he admireth the Divine Provi∣dence, in that none of the holy ones that lived before, was called by this name, but he first of all others, that brought the Israelites into Canaan, evidently shewing both him and his gests here related in this book to be mysticall, figu∣ring out our Jesus and his acts. At the beginning of this verse is a conjuncti∣on copulative, rendred [now] to shew this to be a continuation of the former Hi∣story of Moses by his successor Ioshuah. For the time when this was spoken, Ly∣ra * 1.7 will have it to be before the dayes of mourning were ended; but Hugo, the mourning for Moses being now ended, which seemeth the most probable, be∣cause

Deut. 34. 8. Before this it is said, the dayes of mourning for Moses were ended. And if we compare the time of Moses his death, which I have there shewed, according to the Hebrews, was the seventh day of the moneth Adar, which was their last moneth; with the time of the peoples comming over Jor∣dan, which was the tenth day of the fifth moneth, Iosh. 4. 19. we shall find that there were passed 30 dayes of mourning, and 3 dayes for their preparing and passing over Iordan, according to the time set, Chap. 1. 11. [The Lord spake to Ioshua] twice before this Ioshua was appointed to this Office of ruling and lea∣ding the people, Numb. 27. 18. and Deut. 31. 7. and to incourage him the more, the Lord speaketh to him again; and as Ferus hath it, that the people * 1.8 might the more readily obey him; and lastly, that hee might the more dili∣gently goe about this his office; and in that hee the Minister of Moses in thus preferred, he noteth mystically, that onely such as subject themselves to the law of God, are fit to rule: and therefore Jesus himself first served and washed his [Note.] Disciples fect. And herein Ioshuah figured Christ, who was the Minister of Moses, when he was made subject to the law, Gal. 4. 4. for the law is called Mo∣ses, Luke 16. 31. so Origen.

Moses my servant is dead: now therefore arise, &c. * 1.9

Here both Lyra and Hugo take occasion to confute those that say Moses was damned for his sin at the waters of Meribah, because we read not of his repen∣tance; for the contrary appeareth by this honorable testimony which the Lord giveth of him, calling him his Servant. And August. Qu. 1. gathereth here∣upon, that God punisheth with death his deare servants corporally, and yet ta∣keth them to himself as vessels of honour. Likewise Comestor confuteth both * 1.10 them, and those that held Moses not to be dead, but translated, as Enoch, and Elias; for the Lord saith, he is dead. And unto these Ferus addeth a third error, * 1.11 which is also here confuted, viz. that the law was not of God, but of the De∣vill; for the Lord himselfe testifieth, that Moses who gave it, was his servant. Mystically by Moses, understand the law of Moses, which is as an husband dead, Rom. 7. 1. under the Gospel, and now Jesus commeth in his place. [Arise, passe over this Jordan, thou and all the people.] Some thinke that Ioshuah was now humbled in prayer, and so God biddeth him [arise,] which is not improbable; but by this speech he quickneth him to a diligent care in executing the weighty Office whereunto he called him. By all the people, are not meant all without exception, for some had their possessions on this side Iordan, Numb. 32. but all the rest were now to go over, & al the men of War of those Tribes, that remain-as hereafter followeth, v. 12, 13, &c.

Every place that the sole of your foot shall tread upon, have I given unto you, &c. * 1.12

The very words of this verse, and the next are had before, Deut. 11. 24, 25. where Moses speaketh unto the people, as the Lord here to Joshuah. And he saith, I have given you, to note the certainty, as if they were already in possession there∣of. The Hebrews, (saith Lyra) by all places that they should tread upon, un∣derstand * 1.13 all Countreys of the world; and this was in part fulfilled in Solomon, when he reigned over all, and shall perfectly be fulfilled in the dayes of the King Christ, of whose earthly Kingdome they dreame; but how false this is, the next words declare, From Lebanon and the wildernesse to the great River, &c. of which * 1.14 bounds, see Deut. 11. 2.

Be strong and of a good courage, &c. * 1.15

The Lord knew that the people now to be led by Ioshuah, were very perverse, and the enemies to be subdued many and mighty; and therefore he confirmeth Ioshuah with many words, and most ample promises; and the rather, because Moses so holy a man, yet in the time of provocation by the people had shewed great weaknesse. The Lord saith, that none should be able to stand before him all the dayes of his life; for after his death, the people sinned, and then their enemies prevailed, as is shewed sundry times in the book of Judges.

That thou mayest observe to doe according to all the law that Moses my servant commanded thee, &c. * 1.16

That Ioshuah might not be pusillanimous, but courageous, he hath a speciall

charge given him to attend to the law of God, and to do it in all things with all care and diligence. And hereby obedience to God, and subjection to his law, is shewed to be the ground of all true fortitude, the adventures that are made without this, being nothing but temerity & rashnesse; which howsoever it may prevaile at the beginning, yet it shall never be able finally to bring any thing to good effect, as Calvin noteth. And to the end, that the law of God may bee * 1.17 observed by him, he is charged to read and to meditate thereupon day and night, and so it is promised that he should prosper in all his undertakings: See the like charge given to Kings, Deut. 17. 18, 19.

Bee strong and of a good courage, have not I commanded thee? * 1.18

When God is the Author of any expedition, men may be courageous indeed, and feare nothing, as being sure to prevaile. For the words and phrases here used; [that thou maist observe to doe:] some distinguish betwixt these two words expounding [observe] of abstaining from the evill forbidden, and to doe of performing things commanded; but Masius better understandeth the first * 1.19 word of that study and care, which maketh way to performance; and the se∣cond of the due execution thereof. Turne not from it to the right hand or to the left; By turning to [the right hand,] the Hebrews understand any adding to * 1.20 the Word of God; and by turning to the left, any taking away therefrom. Ser∣rarius by the first understandeth any going out of the way of Gods comman∣dements * 1.21 for gaine; by the second any going out for feare of danger or adversity suffered: So likewise Hugo, for prosperity or adversity, the first seemeth to be * 1.22 grounded upon Deut. 4. 2. and therefore is rather to be approved, [that thou maist prosper;] the Vulgar Latine for this hath, that thou maist understand all that thou dost, or doe wisely in all things; thus also the Septuagint, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used, signifieth first and chiefly to understand, and it is used also for to prosper, as 1 Sam. 18. 14, 30. Calvin and Junius are rather for prospe∣ring, * 1.23 but because there is another word for prosperous, v. 8. then thou shalt make thy way prosperous, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 this is better expounded of understanding; and there, that thou maist make thy way prosperous, and be wise, or doe wisely; and to keep the law, and to cleave to it, is said to bee wisdome and understanding, Deut. 4. 6. thus also Masius and the Tygurine interpreters, and Pagnine, but the * 1.24 Chaldee is for prospering. This booke shall not depart from thy mouth; that is, thou shalt be frequent in reading and speaking thereof, and in instructing others therein. And this duty, as it is first and chiefly commended to Rulers, so it is to all people, Deut. 13. 9, 16. Exod. 6. 6. Deut. 11. 18, &c.

Then Ioshuah commanded the Officers of the people, saying, Passe through the Host, * 1.25 and command the people that they prepare Victualls, for within three dayes yee shall passe over this Jordan, &c.

The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here rendred Officers, is in the Vulgar Latine Princes, Augustine calleth them Scribes, and so doe the Septuagint, but of this enough before upon Exod. 18. they were some set to rule over the rest; and therefore are bidden to command them. St. Augustine understanding this to have been be∣fore the sending out of the Spyes to Iericho, moveth a question how they could * 1.26 within three dayes from hence goe over Jordan, when as the spyes must have some time to goe and search, and returne, and it is expresly said before their return, that they hid themselves three dayes in the mountaines, Chap. 2. 22. and three dayes after this, the people have direction to passe over, Chap. 3. 2. And he answereth, that Joshuah thought happily, that the spyes would have returned sooner; and presuming upon this, hee set three dayes, and not by direction from the Lord,, but it fell out that the dayes before their passing over, were many more. And Moses he saith, in like manner erred once, doing as a man, when he took the burthen of hearing all causes upon himselfe, untill that he had better direction,; and this is followed by Hugo and many others. But Lyra and Calvin more soundly weighing the premisses, how seriously the Lord * 1.27 promised to be with Joshuah in all things, hold that hee would not now suffer

him to erre in the beginning of his rule, lest his credit should hereby bee in∣fringed amongst the people, and therefore that this of his appointing the peo∣ple to be ready against the third day to passe over Jordan, is here set downe by anticipation, the spyes being sent out six or seven dayes before this, even whilst the dayes of mourning for Moses lasted, and at their returne, and not before, this preparation was commanded against the third day; and so all things done, Chap. 2. come in by a parenthesis, that which was done before, being set down after, and accordingly it may be read, Joshuah the son of Nun, had sent out of Shit∣tim two men, &c. Chap. 2. 1. and the number of three dayes spoken of againe, Chap. 3. 2. thus agreeth excellently with this, as a repetition hereof, and a more distinct declaration of his proceedings; and being thus understood, the former count of the time spoken of from the death of Moses till their com∣ming over Jordan will hold, which otherwise cannot. Moreover, it had been a point of temerity, and of no wisdome in Joshuah, to set a time of passing over into the land of Canaan, before the way prepared by sending out spyes; an error, that a man so full of the spirit of wisdome could not possibly fall into. [Prepare you victualls,] seeing they were fed with Manna from day to nay, even till the [Qu.] fifth day after that they had passed over Jordan, Chap. 5. 12. it may be doubted what victualls Joshuah would have them to prepare; for if Manna, that might not be kept all night; if any other sustenance, where should they have it, or what need had they of it, when as they were fed with Manna? Masius saith * 1.28 that they might buy some other victualls of the Edomites or Moabites. Bon∣frerius, * 1.29 that they had taken the spoiles of two Kings of the Amorites, amongst which doubtlesse they found good store of corne and cattell for food, and of these victualls he speaketh. The first is most improbable, because Edom and Moab were most insense against them: the next cannot be disliked, for by reason of their passage, they had no time that day to gather Manna, and therefore they must be otherwise supplyed. If it be said, seeing they had other victualls now, what needed Manna still? I answer, it is likely that they had not sufficient of the prey taken for so great a multitude, but onely for a short time, for so soone as they came where they might have enough, the Manna ceased, Chap. 5. 12, 13.

And to the Reubenites, Gadites, and to the half tribe of Manasseh, spake Joshua, &c. * 1.30

Here is nothing but a commemoration of the condition set by Moses before to these Tribes, and by them yeelded to, viz. that they should goe armed over Jordan before their brethren, all the men of warre amongst them, their wives, children and cattell being left in the land already given them for an inheritance. But whereas Moses required that they should all goe to these Warres, Numb. 32. 20, 21. to which they yeelded, Joshuah here requireth onely all the mighty men of valour to goe, and Chap. 4. 13. there went but about 40000; whereas of the tribe of Gad alone there, were numbred of able men to beare Armes 40000, of Reuben 43000, and of halfe Manasseh 26000: so that the greater part went not, herein Joshuah did according to the meaning, which was, that a sufficient com∣pany of the most able should go, the rest staying at home to defend the Coun∣trey newly conquered against their enemies, who might otherwise soon have gathered together, and subdued those parts againe, and have made a prey of their wives, children, and cattel, as was touched before upon Numb. 26.

Ye shall passe before your brethren armed. * 1.31

He requireth them not to follow, but to goe before the rest to the warre to shew their alacrity, as Calvin hath it. The words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifie in the * 1.32 sight of your brethren, but the event Chap. 4. 12. sheweth, that it was meant in the forefront, and that they should bee the first to assault the ene∣my. And to this doe they assent, and to whatsoever Joshuah should command them, promising to obey him in all things as they obeyed Moses. If this shall * 1.33 seem, saith Calvin, to have been a point of vain-glory in them, and not true, for they had often rebelled against Moses; hee answereth well, that they were their Fathers who had been rebellious, and were consumed in the wildernesse; but

they their children being taught by their example were made more obedient: neither is this a vain-glorious ostentation of their obedience to Moses, but a declaration of their readinesse to subject themselves to Joshuah, whom they thus acknowledged to bee his successor appointed by the Lord; and therefore worthy of all praise. And they conclude most piously, praying the Lord to be with Joshuah, as he had been with Moses, and exhorting him to bee of a * 1.34 good courage, and menacing such amongst them as would not obey him, with death. Of all this an excellent Allegory is made thus by Lyra. Joshuah or Je∣sus was a figure of our Jesus, both in his name and gests, as hee must passe over * 1.35 Jordan; so Jesus was baptized of John in Jordan; and as all the people must passe over with him, so all the people of Jesus are baptized: the victualls which they must prepare, are the rudiments of faith, wherein all that are adulti, must be instructed before their baptisme; the third day setteth forth the time of grace, for the time of the Law of nature, and of the Mosaicall Law, were the two first dayes, upon this third all are baptized, and so passe into the heavenly Canaan, in hope here, and in soul, being delivered from all guilt and punish∣ment at the time of death, and the whole compositum of soule and body at the end of the world. By the Reubenites, signifying Seers, are set forth the Pro∣phets; by the Gadites, the Patriarchs; and by the Manassites, other saints un∣der the Old Testament, who all passed through Baptisme in a figure, 1 Cor. 10. Note here, that Lyra held no paines to bee suffered in Purgatory after death. Ferus will have the three times of instituting Joshuah to his Dukedome, to fi∣gure * 1.36 out, 1. The conception of Jesus by the holy Ghost. 2. His Baptisme with the holy Ghost. 3. His resurrection, when all things were put under his feet, and none were able to resist him.

CHAP. II.

AND Joshua sent two men out of Shittim, to spy secretly, saying, Go view the * 1.37 Land, even Jericho, &c.

The Rabbins say, that these two were Caleb and Phinees, but that is uncer∣taine, the place, from whence, is otherwise called the plaines of Moab. At what time this was done, hath been already shewed upon Ch. 1. v. 10, 11. [to spy secretly] here, because the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 put for secretly, signifieth also to feigne ones selfe dumb, the Rabbins expound it some of them thus, saying, that hee biddeth them feigne themselves dumbe, lest by their language they should bee * 1.38 discovered: some because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth an earthen vessell, that they should carry such, pretending to come to sell them; and some otherwise; but the most received exposition, which is best, is secretly, or silently, so Jerome, Tostatus, Va∣tablus, &c. But whether is it meant that he sent them secretly, the people not * 1.39 knowing of it, or that they should conceale themselves, that they might not be known by the men of Jericho, whence they were? The Hebrew Text will resolve this presently, where it is said thus, he sent two men searchers secretly: He did it therefore closely, and not openly, as when twelve men were sent before to search the land, Numb. 13. all the congregation consenting to it: for seeing that succeeded so ill, he thought it better now to take another course, of which there might come no scandall; and so it is most probable, that the spyes retur∣ning, certified Joshua alone what they had done, thus also Masius: Yet it is * 1.40 not to be doubted, but that they went also secretly about Iericho. Comestor saith they feigned themselves fooles, but there is no ground for that. But what went they to espy? Answ. Onely the way into Iericho, whether it were open or not, and whether the people of Iericho were fearefull, and what pre∣parations they made against the Israelites comming. If it shall seeme that Io∣shuah shewed himselfe too cautelous herein, seeing the Lord had so greatly in∣couraged him? Calvin answereth well, that it is not likely but he had directi∣on * 1.41 from the Lord thus to doe, although it bee not expressed; for neither is it expressed that the Lord directed him about the provision of victualls, and ap∣pointing

the third day to passe over Iordan, C, 1. v. 10, 11. And this sending out to spy Iericho tended further to the encouraging of Ioshuah and of all the people, when it was made knowne unto them, what the spyes related of their timerousnesse, as Gedeon was incouraged by doing the like afterwards about the Host of Midian, Judg 7 9, 10. Ferus saith, that although God had made him so gracious promises of prevailing, yet he knew, that meanes must be used, and that he must not proceed rashly in these Warres; and therefore hee doth as any provident Captaine would doe in the like case. And they came into an har∣lots house nanecd Rahab, and lodged there. The Chaldee for [harlot] hath an Inne∣keeper or victualler, and so Jonathan in Targum. But the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here u∣sed, is every where put for an harlot, and the Septuagint render it an harlot, and so all the Fathers expound it, and Jam. 2. 25. wherefore the Rabbins in seeking to avoid this exposition, as tending to the discredit of their nation, vent but their owne imagination, as they are bold to doe in many other things. Some, because they thinke it infamous to our Lord, that such a woman should be put in his line, say, that it was not this Rahab, but some other, which is na∣med in that Genealogie, Mat. 1. but the time agreeth so unto her being marryed afterward to Salmon, the son of Naasson, which was the Prince of the Tribe of Judah, Numb. 2. 3. as that she cannot be held to be any other woman, and there is none other named in all the Bible by this name: & lastly, if there be any infamy by this Rahab, why not by Thamar and Bathshebah also? Now although Ra∣hab was a wicked harlot, yet happily she might be one that sold victualls also, that under this colour men might resort unto her; and therefore it is most pro∣bable that the spyes came to her house, standing also in an outer place upon the wall of the City, as is noted, Verse 15. where there was least frequency of people, and so they thought themselves most out of danger of being seen and disco∣vered. Lyranus and Ferus hold that shee was no harlot, but a victualler. Hugo is indifferent for either, or that she had been an harlot, but now was not; yet be∣cause the houses of such are open to commers in the night, hee finally thinketh her to have been an harlot now.

And it was told the King of Jericho, saying, There came men in hither in the night * 1.42 of the children of Israel, &c.

This maketh for that which was noted before out of Hugo, viz. that this was the cause of their comming to Rahabs house, because harlots have their hou∣ses open for men to resort unto in the night, when as the doores of others are shut. They therefore having been about the City in the day, at night come hi∣ther to lodge, not seeking to her, as other wicked men, because shee was an har∣lot, but for their necessity to have harbour till the morning. Here is not then, as Ferus noteth, any colour for lewd men in their frequenting of whore∣houses, * 1.43 but the wonderfull mercy of God is set forth in converting and saving [Note.] such an one onely in all that City, that none touched with a sense of their sins might despaire.

These men could not be long at Rahabs house, but the King of Jericho hath in∣telligence of it, and sendeth to have them brought forth; but it is said that she hid * 1.44 them, and said, there came men unto me indeed, & I wist not whence they were; * 1.45 And when it was darke, they went out, &c. Thus she said, but she had brought them up to the roofe of the house, and hid them with stalkes of flax. Here, whereas she is said to hide them, when the men came from the King to inquire for them, before she answered, it is to be understood, that she had done that be∣fore, suspecting what would follow, as is expressed, v. 6. where the same thing is again repeated for further explication, v. 4. where this is first spoken of, it is said she tooke and hid him, not them, for it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but it is said thus, per enalla∣gen numeri: now lest there should be some errour in the Reader finding it thus set down, it is more fully declared againe, v. 6. Shee had brought them up and hid them, &c. Yet some of the Rabbins hereupon gather, that shee hid onely one * 1.46 of them, viz. Caleh, and not Phinees, who was an Angel in a bodily shape; and therefore could stand before them and not be seene, when he would. Others

of them, yet more tolerably, that the place was so little, that onely one of them could bee hidden there, and not the other, to signifie which the singular num∣ber is used [Shee hid him.] Lastly, others say with us, that the singular num∣ber is put for the plurall, as is usuall in the Hebrew tongue: as, Exod. 8. It is said, God brought the fly upon Egypt, when as a great multitude were brought; this is recited by Lyra. Here it may be demanded, 1. Whether Ra∣hab * 1.47 may be excused in her lying to save these spyes? 2. Whether shee sinned not against nature in concealing them that came to betray her native Coun∣trey?

To the first, many Learned Writers hold, that to make an officious lye to [Qu. 1] save life, is no finne; as, Jerome, Origen, Chysostome, Theodoret, Theophylact, Oecu∣menius, * 1.48 Cassianus, and Tostatus goeth further, that to save the life of the inno∣cent, a man is bound to lie, if hee seeth no other meanes; and that God sometime moveth the minde hereunto. S. Augustine disputeth much about the * 1.49 lawfulnesse of some kind of lying, and at length determineth, that a lye may be made which doth not violate the doctrine of piety, nor piety itselfe, nor innocency, nor benevolence for the chastity of the body. But drawing nearer to a conclusion of this tract, he numbreth eight kinds of lyes which are sinfull * 1.50 bringing in even that which is to preserve chastity, or the bodily life: and then concludeth, if any man thinketh any kind of lye lawfull, he doth ful∣ly deceive himselfe, whilst hee thinketh that hee may honestly deceive others. And then comming to that which Tostatus speaketh, hee saith, such is the blindnesse of some, that they doe not onely maintaine some kind of lying to be lawfull, but that it is a sin in some case not to lye. Plato saith, sometime it is profitable to lye, and that it is to be used as a Medicine. But of lying, whe∣ther it bee in any case tolerable, I have already treated at large upon Gen. 27, 6, 7. upon the dissimulation used by Jacob. Calvin, as he censureth that, so hee doth this also; but because of Rahabs saith, hee saith, that her lying was not imputed to her; whereas for proofe, that any kind of lying is a sinne, he saith, that it is contrary to the nature of God, who is truth: it may bee said as he is truth, so he is love; and therefore love being also commended to be the most eminent of all graces, when truth and love cannot stand together, truth must rather give place in our speaking to love, then love to truth. Where∣fore Ferus saith well, if any man shall object that Rahab lyed, charity excuseth * 1.51 her, which covereth a multitude of sinnes. Againe, it is Justice not to betray them, that have committed themselves to our custody. Shee shewed also great faith in that, which shee spake of their God, and repentance in saving your terrour hath falne upon us, which was upon her to repentance, and provi∣dence both for her owne safety and salvation, and the safety of her kindred, and in so wisely advising the spyes to fly and hide themselves three days in the mountaines, for which shee was worthy to bee marryed to a Prince amongst the people of God, Salmon the sonne of Naasson, and to bee a mother of our * 1.52 Lord Jesus; thus he. And both Paul and James do highly commend her for this * 1.53 fact, and lay no blame at all upon her; and therefore it should be farre from us to censure her whom God justifieth, as I have also touched in my Praxis upon James.

For her favouring of those, that went about to betray her Countrey, it is to be granted that every one is bound in nature to seeke the preservation of his [Qu. 2] native Countrey, but for so much as Rahab through faith, which God wrought wonderfully now in her heart, was by a spirituall calling segrega∣ted from Jericho, and joyned unto Israel, shee did nothing unnaturall, or blame-worthy in seeking the preservation of those to whom she was more nearly allyed in the Lord, although against her native Countrey, which shee beleeved was before by the Lord appointed to destruction, and to bee given to Israel for a possession for the sinnes of the present inhabitants, seeing the Lord is over all Countreys and people to dispose of them according to the good pleasure of his own will. Thus also Calvin and Bonfrerius a Jesuite, &c. More∣over * 1.54 the last named saith, that happily shee was directed by God thus to doe,

and if not, yet knowing by faith that God had adjudged her people to destru∣ction, to have sought by betraying the spyes to save her City; she should both have opposed God, and gone about a worke which could never have beene effected. By this example wee may learne, that although a man may not do [Note.] any thing positively, as shee did not, against those that be most deare and near unto him; yet if he knoweth certainly that it is the will of God that they should bee put to death, he ought not to seeke to hinder, but permit it.

But shee had brought them up to the roofe of the house, and hid them with the stalkes of * 1.55 flax, which shee had laid in order upon the roofe.

Hebr. Here for roof is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the Vulgar Latine rendreth solarium, a place open to the Sun, for such was the roofe of every house there, plaine, and fit to stand or walk upon, for which cause to prevent the danger of falling, a battlement is commanded to be set round about it, Deut. 22. 8. and here shee laid stalkes of flax to dry, wherewith they might well bee hidden.

And the men pursued after them to Jordan, in the way to the foords; and assoon as they were gone, they shut the gate. * 1.56

Why they pursued them to the Foords of Jordan, may easily be conceived, because they were places to come and goe over the River by ferrying, al∣though God afterwards, to shew his power, divided the River for the whole Army, and all their retinue to passe through; and because otherwise it would have required too long a time for so great a company to passe over. This way that the pursuers went, was about six miles. They shut the gate, that is doubt∣lesse the Gate of the City, the time of night requiring it, especially this being a time of danger; and that if the spyes were yet about the City, they might not get out, as Calvin hath it; and Lyra, to keepe the pursuers out, that thus they might be forced to follow after them: Yet Lyra saith also, some will * 1.57 have the shutting of Rahabs doore meant, but without all reason.

But before they were laid downe, shee came up unto them, &c. * 1.58

The Vulgar Latine [before they were asleep] according to the sense, hereby it appeareth, that they were not long placed there to rest that night, but that shee gave them this advice following, to hasten away to the mountaines. Lyra * 1.59 saith, it was through feare that they slept not.

And she said unto the men, I know that the Lord hath given you the Land, and that * 1.60 the terour of you is falne upon us, &c.

Here Rahab sheweth her faith, for which shee is so much commended, and which made her to hide the spyes, and with such a courage to stand for the protecting of them. Shee saith, that shee knew, that the Lord had delivered, not would deliver, to expresse the certainty of her faith. But how came shee to know this? because their terrour was fallen upon that people, and their hearts fainted. They feared, and fainted, and yet prepared to resist, but shee onely humbleth her selfe, and sueth for mercy, whereby wee may note, how infidelity worketh, and how a true faith, so Calvin; that maketh obstinate, and * 1.61 to rush on desperately in sin to destruction, this humble and submisse, and to [Note.] flee to prayer and other good means of preservation. If it be demanded, how Rahab attained to such certaine and saving faith, when as shee heard no more but a rumour of things done by the Lord for Israel, and saw with what feare they of Jericho were smitten, which were onely naturall meanes, which all had as well as shee? I answer, God wrought grace supernaturally in her heart, by these meanes to know and beleeve in him, as hee hath done divers times in whom hee pleaseth. The terrour which shee speaketh of, came upon them doubtlesse, not onely by a naturall apprehension of the danger, wherein they were, but being in judgement sent of God into their hearts, to make the sub∣duing of them the more easie to the Israelites, according to his promise made Exod. 23. 27. Deut. 11. 25. and the like is threatned to the Israelites for sin, Levit. 26. 36. If a question be made how they could understand the lan∣guage wherein shee spake? it is answered, that in all likelihood the Canaa∣nites spake the same language with the Hebrewes, which is implyed, in that their names were Hebrew, as Rahab, Adonibezek, Abimelech, &c. And the

names of their Cities, as Iericho, Salem, Sichem, Bethlehem, &c. and therefore the Hebrew tongue is called the language of Canaan, Esa. 19. 18.

Here Rahab sheweth, how their hearts were made to tremble and melt because * 1.62 of them, viz▪ they had heard of the drying up of the red Sea, and of the destru∣ction of the two Kings on the other side of Iordan, concluding with a most excellent confession, The Lord your God, he is God in heaven above, and in the earth beneath; and she giveth God his title Jehovah.

Next Rahab requireth them to sweare unto her, that they will save her and her Fathers house, and all that they had, and give her a true token, to which * 1.63 they willingly agree, conditioning that shee should still conceale their busi∣nesse. The forme of words used by them, is, Our life for yours, and thus they sware unto her; as if they had said, God strike us with death, if wee be not truly carefull of your preservation, so that by our neglect, any of you pe∣rish; but they give her warning againe and again not to utter this matter, lest, as Calvin hath it, by speaking of this pact, shee should put her selfe into dan∣ger * 1.64 from her owne people. But what need was there that they should swear? For her greater assurance, because otherwise being busied in the fight, they might have forgotten her, and their promise to her.

Then shee let them down by acord through the window, for shee dwelt upon the Town * 1.65 wall, &c.

Lyra saith that some of the Hebrewes, who hold, that Rahab was an har∣lot, * 1.66 say, that by this cord men went downe and came up, that used in times past to resort unto her to satisfie their wicked lusts: but now shee used the same to save both these spyes and her selfe, by tying it upon the window, as they appointed: And if so, this served notably to set forth, that one conver∣ted, [Note.] useth that now as an instrument of good, which before hee used as an instrument of evill, as is spoken of our members, Rom. 6. 16. In this manner, S. Paul is said afterwards to have beene let downe to save his life. Whereas * 1.67 some, saith Calvin, hold the going over City walls to be shameful & unlawfull: * 1.68 he answereth well, that it is not so in the case of necessity, but in contempt, or deceit, or tumultuously, alledging Cicero himselfe, who granteth that the wals of Cities are sacred for the defence of the Citizens, but yet no man counteth it a fault, to goe up unto them for the defence of the City.

And shee said unto them, Go and hide your selves three dayes in the mountaines, till the * 1.69 pursuers bee returned, &c.

These speeches had betwixt Rahab and the spyes, saith Masius, most proba∣bly * 1.70 were before her letting them downe, for after that was no time or place to stand to parley further; whereas the speech used by them, v. 18. The cord whereby thou didst let us downe, may seeme to make for the contrary; it is an∣swered, that they may bee understood speaking so before this was done, ma∣king account that it was as good as done already, when they were now a∣bout to bee let downe hereby. And in holding thus, although these speeches are set downe after, nothing is held touching this place, but that which is usuall in many other, viz. that the order of the History is a little inverted. Touching the mountaines, Adricomius saith, that the field of Iericho was com∣passed * 1.71 in with mountaines like a Theater, so that they might soone get behinde one of them and be hidden. For food, it is not unlikely but that they car∣ryed so much with them as might serve for their sustenance that time. But why should they hide themselves so long, seeing Iericho was not above 2 or 3 houres journey from Iordan; and therefore the pursuers might well returne the same day? Answ. It was likely, that going about a businesse of so great mo∣ment, they would stay some time there, to observe the comming of passengers to those Foords, if happily they might find out these men: or as Lyra hath it, search about the lurking places for them. The Rabbins say it was revealed to Rahab, that the pursuers would not returne till the end of 3 dayes, and this was revealed for the safety of the spyes. The men seeing Rahabs care of * 1.72 their safety here appoint her for a signe, the scarlet line wherewith shee had let them downe, which shee must tye upon the window: and then they

propound two conditions, wherein if there were a faile, they would not bee bound by their oath: 1. If any were at their comming out of her house, and not within it. 2. If shee uttered this matter abroad, wherein shee resteth, and * 1.73 tyeth the line or cord upon the window, as they had appointed. The cord here spoken of, as it is mentioned three times, so every time with some diversi∣ty in the Hebrew, v. 15. the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used, Ʋ. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a line of scarlet thred. Ʋ. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being left out, whereup∣on some have thought that the same cord was not tyed to the window, with which shee had let them downe, but another; and therefore these words, by which thou didst let us downe, are both by the Septuagint and Jerome, referred not to the line, but to the window, per quam demisisti nos. But the demonstrative 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that line, maketh it plaine that it is meant of the same, although divers words are used to expresse it, and a cord is a little line, and such had this need to bee, that it might bee of strength sufficient to hold them, whilest they descended by it.

Here a question is further moved, whom they doe promise to save alive, [Qu.] when they enumerate her father and mother, brethren and sisters, and all her fathers houshold? To this Tostatus answereth, that all even Grandfathers, and * 1.74 great Grandfathers, and Mothers, if any of them were living, were also under∣stood, but not any other kindred, as Uncles and Ants, and their children. But the Vulgar Latine, for fathers houshold, hath omnem cognationem tuam, all thy kin∣dred. And Chap. 6. v. 22. besides father and mother, brethren and sisters, all her families 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are said also to have been brought out and saved, which implyeth all her kindred. Shee indeed requested but for her father and mother, brethren and sisters; but who knoweth not that under the name of bre∣thren, are comprehended all the kindred, although two or three degrees re∣moved, according to the use of the word in those times?

But why did she tye a scarlet line to her window rather then any other? This [Qu.] was doubtlesse done by a singular providence for the mystery that lay hid here∣in, as by and by shall be shewed. But when did she tye it to the window? Most [Qu.] probably at this time, or being fastened there to let them downe, she let it hang till Jericho was taken: For shee knew not the time when the Campe would come thither, and if she had deferred it, it might have been forgotten, and there∣fore the surest way was to doe it instantly.

The spyes after three days lurking in the mountaines, return to Ioshuah with * 1.75 joyfull newes of the fearfulnesse of the people of Canaan, gathering hence, as Rahab had told them, the deliverance of all into their hands. A farre diffe∣rent issue of their going out to search, from that of the 12 sent out by Moses, Numb. 13. for they brought news of discouragement, these of incouragement to all that heard it, that if any were faint hearted and feared, they might now be full of courage: thus God in his providence ordered it, providing hereby for the strengthening of the weakest faith.

Mystically by Rahab, the Church of the Gentiles may bee understood, * 1.76 which before committed fornication with Idols; but the Apostles being sent out two and two, as here were two spyes sent out; and comming into the world of the Gentiles, set forth by Jericho, which signifieth the Moone, being before mutable as it, a Church is built unto God, Rahab receiveth them. But the * 1.77 Devill, set forth by the King of Jericho, by and by persecuteth them, but shee, that is, the Church of the converted seeke to preserve and save them, and they save her, by bringing her to Christ. Thus Lyra, the Or∣din. * 1.78 Glosse following Origen, by the spyes sent out, understandeth John the Bap∣tist, in whose dayes Publicans and Harlots are said to enter into the Kingdome of heaven. Rahab signifieth dilatation, for so the Church is now inlarged; the * 1.79 spyes being placed above shewed, that the Apostles sent out, were lifted up in their hearts to heavenly things, and the like is shewed in their going to the mountaines. The scarlet red cord figured out the blood of Christ, by which both Pastors and people are saved. But who so goeth out of the house, that is, the Church, is not saved, but onely such as abide therein. The window

where the cord was tyed, set forth the light in the Church, whereby wee see the Lord, but through a window as it were, and not so fully, as wee shall hereaf∣ter. All this also almost hath Ferus, but by the spyes he understandeth the A∣postles, * 1.80 and in fine addeth, the return of the spyes with joyfull news, figured the good news told by Paul at Ierusalem, of the great things God that had done by * 1.81 him amongst the Gentiles. But as Rahab should not bee saved but by keeping the cord in the window, and her selfe in the house, so we are not saved, but by having the blood of Christ continually in our hearts, and cleaving to the Church to the end. And in Paul the Apostle the like was done, that here, by the care of the Church he was let downe at a window.

CHAP. III.

AND Joshuah rose early in the morning, and they returned from Shittim, and * 1.82 came to Jordan, &c.

For [early in the morning] the Vulgar Latine hath, [in the night,] but against both the Hebrew, Septuagint, and Chaldee, all which have it in the morning. It sheweth Joshuah his diligence and forwardnesse in the execution of his office. At what time this remove to Jordan was made, I have shewed upon Ch. 1. 11.

And after three dayes, the officers went through the Host, and commanded the people, * 1.83 saying, When ye see the Arke, &c.

Hereby it is not meant three dayes after they came to Iordan, but after the warning given before, Ch. 1. 11. and therefore it is to be understood, that in one of those dayes they came to Jordan, and so went over in the time before limited by Joshua. The Vulgar Latine, for these words, they lodged there, v. 1. hath these, they tarryed there three dayes, and of this stay, saith Lyra, some yeeld this reason, * 1.84 because the waters did then overflow, that they might be somewhat abated, be∣fore they passed; but he rejecteth this, and yeeldeth another, because God had not yet revealed to Joshuah, how they should passe over, but this was done after 3 days. But there being no mention of three dayes stay in the Hebrew, but onely that they lodged there, it is rather to be held, that they passed over the next day, even when the waters of Iordan were at the highest, as is shewed, v. 15. which served the more to magnifie the miracle here following. The Officers that had before, Ch. 1. 11. warned them of this passage within three days, the time being now come, direct them in their marching, to goe after the Arke carryed by the Priests, keeping yet a distance of 2000 Cubits from it, that seeing it a∣farre * 1.85 off, they might hereby be directed in the way. This marching on, as Lyra noteth, was different from others in former times, because then some of the Tribes went before, and some followed after, the Arke going in the midst; but * 1.86 now all must follow after it: whereby it seemeth that the cloud went before them no more, as in times past to direct them, Exod. 13. but the Arke supplyed that office; and it is generally held, that the cloud vanished at the death of Mo∣ses, * 1.87 so Augustine, Tostatus, Masius, Ferus, &c. But why do the Priests carry the Ark, when as that Office was before assigned to the Cohathites, Levites, Numb. [Qu.] 4. 15? Answ. Because of the miracle that was now to be wrought: Ordinarily the Levites carryed it, but when any thing extraordinary was to bee done, the Priests, as more holy and nearer to God, bare it themselves, and thus the peo∣ples eyes were drawn to be more attent to some great worke to bee wrought. So likewise at the destruction of Jericho the Priests againe bare it, Ch. 6. and into Solomons Temple, 1 Kings 8. The distance of 2000 Cubits was, as to bee the better directed in the way, so for reverence to the Arke, the signe of Gods presence; thus also it was appointed, Numb. 2. 2. that they should keepe farre off from the Tabernacle, which most probably was the distance here named, 2000 Cubits, that is, a mile, v. 5. Some hold this distance mystically to set forth 2000 years to the time of Christ. Calvin, besides the reverence for which this di∣stance was set, will have another end to be, that they might hereby understand that Gods presence is not limited within such strait bounds, but that it is with

his people, even when he seemeth to be farre off. And by this meanes the way was made by the Arke going so farre before them through Jordan before their entrance, and they had time to see and consider, and admire and believe the power and presence of God with them.

And Joshua said unto the people, Sanctifie your selves, for to morrow the Lord will * 1.88 doe wonders amongst you.

How the people were to sanctifie themselves, we may see before, upon Exod. 19. where the like command is given, viz. according to the rites of those times, by washing and abstaining from their wives. The word rendred [sanctifie] saith Calvin, doth as well signifie [prepare] but that of sanctifying is more pro∣per, and by sanctifying themselves men are prepared for God by his miraculous power to come neare unto them, which otherwise might turne to their destru∣ction; see also, Josh. 12. Some, he saith, too restrainedly understand the put∣ting away of all filthinesse, that there might be nothing to hinder their passage; Yet by their outward sanctifying the purging of the conscience from sin, the opening of the heart, and putting away all things that might hinder the work of grace, was set forth, as Ferus hath it, shewing the like in John the Baptists * 1.89 preparing the way of the Lord, and I am. 1 21. 1 Pet. 2. 1, 2. For to morrow will the Lord doe wonders amongst you. The Lord holdeth them still in suspence, and doth not particularly declare what he would doe, that they might reverently expect his good pleasure. Yet it is most probable that hee had before revealed it to Ioshua.

Then Joshua spake to the Priests, saying, Take up the Arke of the Covenant, and passe * 1.90 over before the people.

Bonfrerius the Jesuite here maketh a question how Ioshuah could command * 1.91 the Priests, seeing they are not under the secular power, but onely under the High Priest: and answereth that Ioshuah was not onely a Prince, but a Prophet; and therefore all were to be directed by him. But he speaketh thus because of that Popish Tenet, that Priests are not subject to the King, but onely to the Pope, which is contrary to Rom. 13. 1. where every soule is bidden to be sub∣ject to the King. Because Joshua was now Ruler over all next under God, he was directed by God, and so commanded all both Priests and People. For his bid∣ding them to take up the Arke, and passe over, but not declaring how they should doe this, it is to be understood that Joshua privately communicated un∣to them, what the Lord would doe, as he doth by and by to all the people, v. 9. 10, 13.

And the Lord said to Joshua, This day will I begin to magnifie thee before the peo∣ple, * 1.92 &c.

That is, by the great miracle, which I will now worke in dividing the wa∣ters of Iordan, as for Moses the red Sea was divided; that thus Joshua might bee known to be gracious with the Lord, as Moses had been. That by his conduct the people should passe over Jordan, it is not to bee doubted but Joshua was be∣fore certified, but particularly by what meanes, it is not probable, that it was re∣vealed till this morning.

Command th•• Priests, saying, When ye are come to the brinke of the waters of Jordan, * 1.93 ye shall stand still in Jordan, &c.

Here because it is ordered, that the Priests bearing the Arke should stand still when they came at the brink of Jordan, but v. 17 they are said to have stood in the midst of Jordan, whilst all the people passed over, so likewise Chap. 4. 10. a great question ariseth, how the act done, answereth to the precept here given? Masius saith that by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rendred brinke, the further part of the Ri∣ver * 1.94 is to be understood, because it signifieth either extreame, and so the Priests came thither, before the people entred, there being betwixt the entrance and it 2000 Cubits. But Serrarius will have the entrance meant and therefore deter∣mineth * 1.95 that they made two stations, one at the brinke of the River, where they stayed a while till the waters wee gone away, which was not done instantly, but by degrees, and the other, when removing further, they came into the midst. The Hebrewes, saith Lyra, hold, that they stood at the entrance, till all * 1.96

the people were gone over, but this he saith, is against the Text, seeing they stood in the midst. That of Serrarius is most probable of all these, and in making another stand in the midst, they followed a further dire∣ction from the Lord so to doe, although it bee not expressed. And this direction to stand still in the midst, till all things were done, seemeth to have beene given long before by Moses to Joshua, by that which is said, Chap. 4. 10. according to all that Moses commanded Joshua. He therefore most probably first informed Joshua of this miraculous dividing of the waters to come, and directed him about the Priests bearing of the Arke in this way, and standing still in the midst of the River, and the setting up of 12 stones for a monument hereof, which because it was not hitherto mentioned, as be∣ing spoken to Joshua in private, and not yet to bee divulged, it is there commemorated. Thus, if wee hold two stands, but the words inforce us not to hold any more then one, and that in the midst of Jordan; for * 1.97 hee saith not, yee shall stand still upon the brinke, but, when yee are come to the brinke, yee shall stand still [in Jordan:] that is, when yee bee come to the brinke, and the waters giving way, yee descend into the bottome of the River, yee shall stand still there: wherefore both Lyra and Tostatus acknow∣ledge but one stand in the midst of Jordan. For the distance of 2000 Cubits before appointed to bee kept from the Arke, if it bee doubted how it could be kept, seeing the Arke stood still, and they passed by? That of Masius, say∣ing, that the River was thus much over, satisfieth not, for neither is it probable that in the greatest overflowing it was 2000 Cubits over, seeing ordinarily it is reported by such as have seen it in that place, not to be above 30 Cubits over, and if it were so many at this time, yet the people when they came by it, were nearer. It is therefore to be held, that the space being great, that was now dry∣ed by the falling of the waters downward, from which the waters upward were cut off, as is shewed, v. 16. That they went this distance from the Arke on that side, the Arke standing towards that part of the River which was gathered on heapes, as a bulwarke to keep them from flowing all the time that they passed through.

And Ioshua said to the children of Israel, Come hither and heare the words of the * 1.98 Lord your God, &c.

That is, saith Lyra, to their Rulers, for he could not speake to all the people * 1.99 to be heard. Hereby wee may see, that Joshua went in all things according to the direction which he had from the Lord, although it be not before expressed.

Hereby yee shall know, that the Lord will drive out before you the Canaanites, Hi∣vites, * 1.100 &c.

The thing, that he calleth them here to attend unto, is the miracle now to be * 1.101 wrought, so soon as the Priests feet that bare the Arke, should touch the waters of Jordan, he saith, they should be divided, those below being cut off, and those * 1.102 higher in the River being gathered into heapes, and hereby they should bee assured of the expulsion of the seven Nations by Gods almighty power from before them. And he biddeth them to have 12 men in a readinesse, of each Tribe a man, not telling them here for what cause, but meaning, that they should take up each one a stone out of Jordan, to be set up for a monument, as he leaveth it to be expressed, untill Chap. 4. 2. In numbring the 7 Nations, hee mentioneth the Amorites for one, but they with their two Kings were already subdued; wherefore it is to be understood that there were others of them which dwelt together with the Canaanites, who are here meant; for they dwelt in Jericho, Josh. 24. 11. For these words, v. 11. Behold the Arke of the Covenant of the Lord of the whole earth goeth before you. Hebr. the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying Cove∣nant, hath two pricks above it, which is a note of distinction; and therefore Masius hath, The Arke of the Covenant, the Lord goeth before you. But the Chal∣dee, * 1.103 Septuagint, and Jerome render it, the Arke of the Covenant of the Lord: so likewise Pagnine, Arias Montanus, Tigurini interpretes, &c. not regarding those pricks of the Masoreths: yet if that reading be followed, it may carry a good sense, thus, The Arke of the Covenant, and with it the Lord of the whole

earth goeth before you, a signe of whose presence it is. Joshua telling them of the miracle that God would now doe upon Jordan, laboureth to confirme their faith about his expelling of the heathen before them; for if they should see his power to be so great, as that he could stay the course of that great River, the waters being now at the highest, and that hee did it for their sakes; what doubt could they make of his expelling the heathen, and putting them in pos∣session of the land of Canaan, which hee had also promised? And hereby we [Note.] are taught upon the marvailous things done by the Lord for us, to build our confidence touching his promises of things to come.

As Joshua had foretold, so it commeth here to passe, when the Priests bea∣ring * 1.104 the Arke touched the brink of the River, The waters that came downe from above, stood and rose up upon an heape, very farre from the City Adam, which is beside Zaretan; and those that came downe towards the Sea of the plaine, even the salt Sea failed, and were cut off. And to increase the miracle, it is inserted, v. 15. For Jordan overfloweth all his banks in the time of harvest.

This may seem strange, saith Augustine, seeing our harvest is not till long after * 1.105 this time, & harvest time commonly is no time for waters so much to abound in. But it is to be understood, that in those parts corn was so forward, that it began even in that month, which was the first to be ripe, witnes their bringing the mor∣row * 1.106 after the Passeover, which was the 16 day of this moneth, a sheafe of first * 1.107 fruits of their Corne to the Lord, so that this time there was a time of waters abounding by the falling of the latter raine, which usually fell plenteously but twice in a yeer, after the Corne sown, and towards the ripening thereof. For the time of harvest, here the Septuagint have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the harvest of wheat; but the Hebrew, Chaldee, and all others, speake of the harvest onely; and it is certain that in those parts the barley harvest was long before the wheat harvest, as hath beene noted in speaking of the sheafe of first fruits, Deut. 16. and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth not onely wheate, but all kinde of bread corne.

There is beside the cause forementioned, another cause by some spoken of, why the waters of Jordan overflowed at the spring time, viz. the melting of the show upon mount Libanus, which lay there in great quantity, and now being melted, fell into this River, and from the whitenesse of the snow lying there, it was called Libanus, signifying white, according to Jerome, and the snow of Li∣banus is spoken of, Jer. 18. 14. For the waters rising up upon an heape, this was a wonderfull worke of God, not onely staying them from their course, but keeping them still within their bounds, when such an huge quantity came flow∣ing continually downe, all the time that the children of Israel passed over: for had a stop onely of their current been made, it might have been thought that this was done by diverting the streame some other way, which might bee by the labour of men, or the flood would have spread it selfe all over the plains thereabouts, to the great detriment of that Countrey, it being now harvest time almost. But they being made to rise up upon an heap, like an huge moun∣taine, they daring not, as it were, for reverence to come nigh the Arke, the im∣mediate and mercifull hand of God appeared herein, and all the people, before they came nigh, could not but see and be affected at so great a wonder. Very far off from the City Adam, beside Zaretan: this reading [from Adam,] is in the margin it being in the line in Adam; but the meaning is, that the swelling of Jordan up like a mountaine, extended from Adam to the place where the waters were cut off, and so it is indifferent whether it be read from, or in, or by Adam. This City is little spoken of, and therefore so obsoure, that it is described by another, Zaretan neare unto it. Adami is mentioned, Iosh. 19. 33. in the Tribe of Ne∣phthali, and by this name it is rendred here by some Copies of the Septuagints Translation, but that is so farre from Jordan, being on the north of Canaan, that it cannot be meant. Adricomius saith, that this City was in the Tribe of * 1.108 Reuben, a little above Bethabara; and againe, that Bethabara was between it and Zaretan, Adam being more north and Zaretan more south, but both upon the east banks of Jordan. Of a City called Zartana•• by Jezreel, we read 1 King. 4.

12. and of Zartan in the plaines of Jordan by Succoth, 1 Kings 7. 46. which last, although rejected by Adricomius, seemeth to bee the City here meant, and not another no where named in the Scriptures, for so obscurum should be described per obscurius. How farre off this City was from the place of the peoples pas∣sing over, I cannot find, but sure we are, that it was very farre by the words of the Text, and so the swelling of Jordan very great, and extended in a great length, so that many more might to their terrour see this miraculous thing, and not the Israelites onely, for whom it was wrought.

The salt Sea, this is otherwise called the dead Sea, the Sea of Sodome, into which the waters of Iordan did run, for nothing lived in this Sea; and if any fishes were brought out of Iordan in hither, they dyed. It is thought by some that the place thus dryed for the people to passe over, was that where Bethabara afterwards stood, signifying the house of passage, in which place Iohn was bap∣tizing when Iesus came to him. Mystically by the cloud now vanished, which * 1.109 before, in the time of Moses was set to guide the people in their way, but now the Arke went before them, was set forth that in the time of the Law all things were obscure; but under the Gospel, when Iesus came, they were made mani∣fest, to be beheld with open face. And morally, that whilst we live here, wee are as it were under a cloud, and see but darkly, in comparison of that wee shall * 1.110 doe after death, for then we shall see face to face: And as the Arke went into Iordan before them, so Iesus goeth before us in Baptisme and in death, that wee might not feare. Againe, as they were bidden to looke at the Arke, and fol∣low it; so we must not looke at the examples of men, for they may erre, but altogether at Christ his Word, our most sure direction: And therefore as the Ark was so placed that all might see it, and not the foremost onely; so the Word must be handled, that all may understand it. Lastly, as for reverence to the Arke all kept farre off from it; so Christ and his Word must bee reveren∣ced, neither may we over curiously pry into his Mysteries; Thus Ferus. Gods saying to Ioshua, This day I will begin to magnifie thee, figured out his * 1.111 magnifying of Iesus, when he went into Iordan to be baptized by the voyce comming from heaven, and the Spirit upon him, after which he was also mag∣nified by many miracles. The Priests going before and bearing the Ark, which had three things in it, the Testament, the Pot of Manna, and Aarons Rod, did * 1.112 figuratively teach, that Ministers should goe before the people in teaching the Law, administring the bread of life, and directing them through the holinesse of their owne lives. Lastly, their passing through water into Canaan, figured * 1.113 out the afflictions through which the faithfull must passe into the heavenly Ca∣naan, in the way, especially when they are nearest the entrance, they seeing the huge floods of temptations ready to overwhelme them, but then we must spe∣cially fixe our eyes upon the Arke Christ by saith, and so wee shall bee preser∣ved.

CHAP. IV.

TAke you 12 Men, out of every Tribe a man, and command them, saying, Take ye * 1.114 hence out of the place, where the Priests feet stood firme, 12 stones, and yee shall carry them over with you, and leave them in the lodging place, where yee shall lodge this night, &c.

The Lord having done this great miracle for Israel, now taketh order that it might never be forgotten by them or their posterity afterwards by comman∣ding 12 stones to bee erected for a monument hereof, and they should tell their children of it, that all might bee excited from generation to generation to * 1.115 feare and serve him, and to put their trust in him, as the like charge was given before touching the Passeover and first borne. The 12 men appointed to car∣ry these 12 stones were doubtlesse chosen of the strongest, that each man might carry a great stone, out of the place, where the Priests feet stood: that is, as all un∣derstand it, neare their feet, as the 12 stones set up by Ioshua in the midst of

Jordan, v. 9. were set up neare the place of their feet, for it is not likely that the Priests removed, that they might take up the stones under their feet, but stood still till all things were done, v. 10. That of telling their children af∣terwards, is againe repeated, v. 21, 22, 23. 24. and this is set forth to bee the end, the glorifying of God amongst all people of the earth, and that Israel might feare him.

And these stones shall be a memoriall to the children of Israel for ever. This is not * 1.116 to be understood simply, world without end, as Augustine sheweth; for both the heaven and the earth passe away; but a long time, the end of which is un∣known to men, for that with the Hebrews is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for ever.

And Joshua set up 12 stones in the midst of Jordan, where the feet of the Priests * 1.117 stood, &c. The Vulgar Latin for further explication hath it 12 other stones, the 12 stones before spoken of were set up in Gilgal by the 12 men that carryed them; but these were other, as Lyra hath it, most probably farre greater stones, in * 1.118 the setting up of which Joshua used the helpe of others; that although they stood in the river, yet sometimes when the water was at the lowest, they might be seen of men; and of these stones, he saith, it is commonly held, that the speech of John the Baptist is to be understood, Matth. 3. God is able of these stones to raise up children unto Abraham, for hee was baptizing there. Calvin thinketh, * 1.119 that being even under the water and not seen, but talked of from generation to generation, they might be a memoriall, as the things in the Arke, which were covered, and hidden from the fight of the people. But I preferre the former, because there was not the like reason of hiding these from the fight of the people, that there was of hiding the Arke, which was done for reve∣rence to God represented hereby. And there they are till this day: Hence some doe argue, that Joshua wrote not this Booke, but some other holy man long after; but this proveth not the contrary, for this clause might bee afterwards added, they appearing to be there still many yeares after, that men might bee stirred up to goe and see them, and make use of it, as a thing not fained, but really in being.

For the Priests which bare the Arke, stood in the midst of Iordan, till every thing * 1.120 was finisht, that the Lord commanded Ioshua to speake to the people, as Moses comman∣ded Ioshua, &c. Because for [every thing] here spoken of, Hebr. it is every * 1.121 word, some will have it precisely to bee expounded so, till Joshua had com∣manded the 12 stones to be taken up out of Iordan, and 12 more to be brought in. But who knoweth not, that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a thing is meant, as well as a word? and how absurd were it, that the Priests should stay no longer, but till the words were spoken, and not till it was done accordingly, seeing that so soone as they were come out of Iordan, the waters returned to their naturall course immediately againe? Masius therefore and David Kimchi are rather herein * 1.122 to be followed, who stand for the doing of all things commanded. But why is it added, as Moses commanded Ioshua? Calvin, and some others thinke, that it is onely meant, as he commanded him, when hee charged him to attend diligently to the Word of the Lord in generall: But for so much as we read not of any word of the Lord in particular to Ioshua for the setting up of 12 stones in Iordan, or of the Priests standing in the midst of Iordan till all things were done: it is probable that hee had direction herein from Moses, before his death; and that we might not thinke that he did this of his owne head, these words are here added, as Moses commanded Ioshua. Ferus from the setting up * 1.123 of these stones gathereth, that they doe ill that are against images, which bee set up in Churches for a memoriall; onely willing that Pastors should teach the people the right use of them, and to keep them from being abused: For the stones set up in Gilgal were afterwards abused by the peoples comming and sacrificing upon them, as also was the brazen Serpent set up by Moses. Thus he. But Images in Churches are not like unto these stones, and they are by Gods * 1.124 commandment forbidden for the errors which cannot but bee in them; and therefore the onely way to keep men from sinning hereby, is to pluck them downe as Hezekiah did the brazen Serpent.

And when all the people were cleane passed over, the Arke of the Lord passed over, &c. * 1.125

This was not done till the Lord commanded it, as is expressed, v. 16. which sheweth the great faith of the Priests bearing the Arke, although they saw the waters ready to overwhelme them, and all the people were gone out of the danger, but they remained alone, yet they stirred not from their place, till they were directed by the Lord to passe over.

And the children of Reuben and of God, &c. passed over armed before the children * 1.126 of Israel, as Moses commanded, &c. Of this order taken before by Moses for their going over before the rest, and that the 40000 here said to have gone o∣ver, were not all the men of Warre in these two Tribes and an half, see up∣on Chap. 1. 12, 13. and the Mystery of this, v. 14, 15, 16. Here it is noted, * 1.127 that by this miracle God magnified Joshua, as he had said, Ch. 3. 7. and so the people were moved to reverence him, as they had done Moses. Here the Lord * 1.128 biddeth Joshua to command the Priests to come up out of Jordan, &c. The Hebrews, saith Lyra, hereupon faigne, that they standing upon the further * 1.129 brinke of the River, went up upon that side, because he saith not, passe over, and then Iordan returning to his wonted course, they were miraculously trans∣ported upon the Ark, and set beyond all the people. But to let passe so grosse * 1.130 a fiction; this comming over Iordan is noted, v. 19. to have been the 10 day of the first moneth, the singular providence of God appearing herein, to bring the people of Israel into Canaan at the best time of the year, when the harvest was now at hand, thus granting them immediately to reape that which others had sowed, and this was 40 full yeares within 5 dayes, after their comming out of Egypt; so that they could no sooner be prepared after this by circumci∣sing, but the time came of eating the Passeover, viz. the 15 day of this month. And they pitched in Gilgal, on the east border of Iericho; that is, in a place, which was afterwards called Gilgal, Ch. 5. 9. but here it is so called by anticipation. This place was famous for the Circumcision made there, for the first Passe∣over kept there, for Ioshua his abode there at sundry times afterwards, and the remaining of the Arke long there, and Sauls inauguration there to the King∣dome. * 1.131 It was directly between Iordan and Iericho, saith Iosephus, but within 10 furlongs of Iericho, and 50 from Iordan: and Ierom saith it was 2 miles from * 1.132 Iericho. But Adricomius, that it was nearer to Iordan then to Iericho, and that to goe from Bethabara to Iericho, a man must decline to Gilgal to come thi∣ther.

Here Ioshua is said to pitch the 12 stones, that is, appointed them to be pit∣ched * 1.133 by the 12 men that brought them out of Iordan; and now he sheweth the use of them to all the people, as he had done before to the 12 bearers, v. 6, 7. hereupon they must from time to time take occasion to tell their children of the dividing of Iordan for them to goe through on dry ground, and also of the Red sea, that all the world might know the power of the Lord, although they profit little by it, but Israel might learne hence to feare him. And this [Note.] is the different effect of the marvailous workes of God in the wicked of the * 1.134 world, and his faithfull people; they are onely moved to wonder, and so passe them over without further profiting; but these are edified in the feare and grace of God hereby; to this effect Calvin.

Mystically by the 12 stones set up in Gilgal, saith Ferus, are set forth the 12 * 1.135 Apostles, and their preaching, manifesting all things, by those in Iordan, the Prophets, in whose writings they are more obscurely contained, as it were under the water, but both tend to the setting forth of the same, as both these monuments did. And as the Israelites came not empty out of the water of Iordan, but brought up stones with them; so the truly baptized come up out of the water of Baptisme, laden with the fruits of the Spirit. The Priests bea∣ring the Arke going in before all the people, and then comming up and going againe before them, when they were to fight against their enemies, shewed, that the Ministers of Gods Word are a defence unto his people, who so soone as they are baptized shall be assaulted with spirituall enemies. Their com∣ming up the 10 day of the first moneth, which was the day that the Paschall

Lamb was taken, Exo. 12. shewed, that when we are baptized, we must straight∣way prepare to fight under Christs banner, who is the true Paschall Lambe, a∣gainst the world, the flesh, and Devill. And as Origen hath it, be exercised in * 1.136 vertue, which is the very entring into the promised Land. Isidor by the stones carryed out, will have the examples of the Apostles understood, which wee must carry in our minds, that we may imitate them in their vertuous actions. The 12 stones set in Jordan, saith Lyra, are the 12 fruits of the Spirit in the truly baptized recited Gal. 5. 19.

CHAP. V.

HEre saith Ferus, beginneth the second part of Joshua, wherein is shewed * 1.137 how the people of Israel were put in possession of the Land of Canaan, not by their owne, but by the power of God, who did all for them. Yet hee would have them to fight: to shew, that onely through his grace wee attaine the heavenly Canaan, and not by our owne workes, yet wee must labour and * 1.138 fight, and run, that we may obtaine, but it is God that fighteth in us, and by us, and from whom all our strength commeth, and which crowneth at the last his gifts in us.

And when the Kings of the Amorites heard, &c. their hearts melted, neither was * 1.139 there spirit any more in them. In this example we may see the case of all the wic∣ked, [Note.] who have an evill conscience, before judgement, they feare nothing, but encourage one another in their evill wayes, but then their hearts utterly faile, and they see that all their multitudes, and munitions, and riches are of no force to defend them. But as for the people of God, their very confidence * 1.140 in him, is their victory against all their spirituall enemies. If hee bee on our side, who can be against us? The Devill himselfe quaileth and fleeth, if we by faith in God resist him. And the singular providence of God herein appea∣red, as Lyra noteth, to strike such terrour at this time into the people of the * 1.141 Land, that they durst not come forth to fight with Israel, when as they were to be circumcised, and so made unfit for battell, as we may see in the Seohemites, Gen. 34. Of the melting of their hearts, see before Chap. 2. 11.

Make thee sharp knives, and circumcise againe the second time the children of Isra∣el, &c. The reason why this was now done, is rendred in the verses follow∣ing, * 1.142 viz. because all they that had been born since their comming out of Egypt, which was 40 yeares, were hitherto uncircumcised, and these were now the greater part of the people, for all that came out of Egypt from 20 yeares old and upward, were dead, except two, as was threatned, Numb. 14. 29. and no∣ted to be accomplished, Numb. 26. 64, 65. and except the men of the Tribe of Levi, as Lyra noteth upon Numb. 14. But what meaneth hee by saying, Circumcise them the second time? Lyra answereth well, not that the same men [Qu.] who had been circumcised before, should now againe bee circumcised; but that there should now be a solemne circumcising of many together the second time, as there had been a first in the dayes of Abraham, Gen. 17. Augustine more ful∣ly, the children of Israel are considered as one people, of which some were hitherto uncircumcised; wherefore hee biddeth here, Circumcise the children of Israel the second time, that is, in them, who had not yet beene circumcised, so that here is no ground for baptizing any twice over, Qu. 6. in Josh. The Rabbins fondly imagine, that the first circumcising, in regard of which, this is called the second, was of many other people that came with them out of Egypt at the time of their departing thence, but this is so absurd, both for that no such thing is mentioned, and because there was no time to doe it, and being done, it would have made them unfit for travaile, that it falleth in the very naming.

For the reason why they remained uncircumcised, it is generally held, saith Calvin, that they circumcised not all the time of their travaile in the wilder∣nesse, * 1.143 because circumcising maketh unfit for travaile; and although they stay∣ed

long in some places, yet they were alwayes uncertaine when they should re∣move, but hee rejecteth this, as not being a reason sufficient to neglect so ho∣ly an ordinance so strictly injoyned, and rendreth another, viz. because up∣on their murmuring, Numb. 14. the Lord was so offended with them, that hee had in a manner cast them off from being his people; and therefore they durst not all this while use the signe of his Covenant, till that they had againe an expresse command from him so to do. Whereas it is said against this, that the time of their remaning uncircumcised did not then first begin when they mur∣mured, but immediately upon their comming out of Egypt; hee answereth, when it is said, all the people that were borne after their comming out of Egypt by the way, they had not circumcised. It is not to be understood but of them that were borne after that murmuring, because they are said to bee the children whom God raised up in the stead of those Rebels: wherefore he affirmeth them that were borne in the way till that time, to have beene circumcised; but this is plainly against the Text, saying, All that were borne after their comming out, were not circumcised. Whereas it is further said, that this could not bee a reason of withholding Circumcision from them; because although their Fathers were rejected, yet they were the people to whom the Lord promised, after the destruction of their Fathers, that hee would give them the land of Canaan; hee saith it was done for a chastisement to their parents, the signe of Gods Covenant being onely suspended from their children for a time, being after∣wards brought forth, and other pledges of his Grace being in the meane sea∣son supplyed unto them. With Calvin agreeth Vasquez herein, and Mosius * 1.144 and Per••rius upon Gen. 17. saying, that their being in travaile upon the way continually, could be no reason of deferring, because Hippora circumcised the sonne of Moses upon the way, Exod. 4. and stayed not for his healing. St. Au∣gustine and Comestor say, that the men that perished in the wildernesse, were re∣bellious * 1.145 & disobedient, and would not circumcise their children. But if so, Mo∣ses would certainly have reproved them therefore, which we do not read that he did. Jerome, Theodoret, and Damascen say, that the reason why they circumci∣sed * 1.146 not in this time, was because Circumcision was a note of distinction to di∣stinguish the Israelites from other peoples of the World; wherefore in Egypt, when there was danger of mingling with others, they diligently circumcised all their children, and when they came now into Canaan; but in the wilder∣nesse there being no such danger, they circumcised not any of them. Lyra, Tostatus, Masius, & Tho. Aquinas render the first reason, because of their travail, * 1.147 against which Calvin and Vasquez doe argue so earnestly, shewing, that the offence taken by the Lord at the rebellion, could not bee the reason.

1. Because they being all consumed, their posterity should then doubtlesse have been circumcised, which was four or five months before this.

2. Because the Levites were not in that rebellion, and therefore it could bee no cause why their children should not be circumcised.

3. The children of all that were under 20 yeares of age at the time of that rebellion, should not have been suspended from Circumcision all this time, if that had been the reason, because God was not so offended with them for their minority; but when he threatned their Fathers with consumption in the wil∣dernesse, he promised that they should possesse the land of Canaan. Rejecting then this reason, I hold, that neither their being in travaile was the sole cause, nor because Circumcision was not necessary for a note of distinction all this time, because there was more in Circumcision then to distinguish, viz. to sig∣nifie Gods Covenant of Grace, and to seale it unto them. But partly for this reason, and partly out of a Fatherly indulgence towards them, that the chil∣dren borne in the time of their travaile, might not bee put in danger of their lives; but chiefly because all this time they were under the cloud, a new pledge of Gods favour, so that whilst that remained, they had no need of any other outward right to seale it up unto them, but so soone as it was taken away, then Circumcision must be used againe. Their being under the conduct of that cloud, is by Saint Paul called a being baptized in the cloud; wherefore to shew

that Baptism comming, circumcision should give place unto it, and then cease, it * 1.148 ceased now all the time of this baptizing. Burgeni, saith Lyra, objecteth a∣gainst the former determination, that this is called the second times circum∣cising, with reference to Abrahams circumcising, because it is said, Circumcise the children of Israel the second time, whereas then there were no children of Israel; and saith, that there were many out of an inordinate love to their chil∣dren, fearing lest death should ensue, that did not circumcise them in Egypt, as is intimated in Moses, who circumcised not his Son till hee was forced to it; therefore before the Passeover kept in Egypt they were all circumcised, and in respect of that is this called the second time. But Lyra answereth well, that this is but an imagination, and that Israel was in Abraham when he circumcised.

But to returne to the matter in hand: Ferus rendreth the two former of * 1.149 these reasons, and approveth also of that of Augustine, taken from the pertinacy of their parents; and finally addeth another, viz. to beate downe the glo∣rying of the Jewes in their Circumcision, and to commend Gods grace to∣wards the uncircumcised: For what were they, when God shewed so many favours unto them, and gave them victory over the Midianites, and the two Kings of the Amorites, and brought them miraculously through Jordan into the very land of Canaan, but an uncircumcised people? Wherefore it was hereby taught, that Circumcision is nothing, neither were they hereby commended, as deserving any thing, but grace alone is that from which all favours flow, and which bringeth to the heavenly Canaan. When Joshua is said to circum∣cise the people, it is to be understood, that it was done by his direction; for he alone could not possibly in this time circumcise so many, being most pro∣bably 1000000, and the time to doe it but one day, for they came up out of Jordan the 10 day, and three dayes they must have to heale them againe before the Passeover, and the 14 day they kept the Passeover, v. 10. before the eating of which they must needs be circumcised, for no uncircumcised person might eate thereof. Once onely doe we read of their keeping of it, since their com∣ming out of Egypt, viz. Numb. 9. which was within one yeare, but never af∣ter, till this time, and then there were none uncircumcised to eat of it, for such as had been born since their comming out of Egypt, till that time, were but sucking Infants: and this may be another reason of the delay of their Circumcision hi∣therto: viz. because Circumcision was a preparative to the Passeover, to make men fit to eate it, but in this regard there was no need of it all that time. If it shall seeme that there was all that time then a great defect in the Church, they being without a Passeover 39 years, it is to be understood that they had a more divine Sacrament in stead of it, viz. the Manna which came from heaven, and the waters flowing out of the Rock, touching which it is said, they did all eate of the same spirituall meat, and dranke of the same spirituall drinke, 1 Cor. 10. 2, 3. If a question be made, how so many thousands could be circumcised all in one day? It is easily answered, some circumcising themselves, as Abraham, and all, both men and women helping to circumcise the rest, the women, infants, and men those of a greater age.

Touching the sharpe Knives which he is bidden to take to circumcise with∣all, enough hath been spoken upon Exod. 4. 25. whether they were sharp stones, as the Septuagint have it, or sharpe knives, as in our Translation. The words here used are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gladios acierum, or gladios petrinos, and for knives made of sharpe stones out of the rock, Theodoret rendreth 2 reasons. 1. Be∣cause the Hebrews after this long travaile, had but few knives amongst them, * 1.150 but sharpe stones were obvious every where in the wildernesse. 2. Because Christ our rock was most aptly set forth hereby, in whom we are circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands. But his literall reason is of no force, because if there had been such a scarcity of Swords at this time, how should they have armed themselves to fight? And it is of as little force, which is brought by Bonfrerius the Jesuite, that although wee are ignorant of knives of stone, yet amongst the Americans they are altogether used, and Catullus ma∣keth * 1.151 mention of gelding with a flint. Devolvit ipse acuto sibi pudera silice, and

Juvenalis with a shell; Mollia qui rupta secuit genitalia testa; and Pliny likewise lib. 35. c. 11. de Gallis Sacerdotibus; and Arnobius, lib. 5. contra gentes, and in the Epigrams of the Greeks we read of Pens to write withall, made with sharpe stones. For seeing the Jews used not stones, but rasors to circumcise withall, as appeareth by their practice at this day, nothing can bee inferred upon those testimonies for circumcising with flints. Touching the time of their circum∣cising, when they were now entred into Canaan, and their enemies were neare unto them, to prepare them to battell, by making them unfit to defend themselves if they had beene assaulted, is strange. But thus God would prove their faith, saith Calvin, and teach them to trust in his * 1.152 aide onely, and not in their owne strength. Wherefore hee let all the time of their being in the plaines of Moab passe without circumcising, and now calleth them to it; neither did they disobey, for feare of being thus expo∣sed as a prey to their enemies, but through faith submitted themselves to his command; which shewes that they had well profited by the judgements of [Note.] God upon their rebellious parents; and we are taught by their example, not to consult with flesh and blood, but in all things to obey God commanding us, as being the safest for us. Ferus saith that they were now circumcised for three * 1.153 Reasons: 1. To shew that they held, and would continue in the same faith with their Father Abraham, to whom this signe was first given. 2. That they would be separated from the wicked manners of the heathen Canaanites, into whose Land they were now come, and would have nothing common with them. 3. For the mystery which was chiefly respected herein, viz. our Je∣sus his bringing of us into the Land of life, by our drawing the sword, and fighting as it were with our selves. For as they first cut their owne bodies, and shed their owne blood, and then the blood of their enemies; so must we fight against our selves, and mortifie our members upon earth; for there lurk with∣in * 1.154 us most wicked enemies, pride, lust, covetousnesse, hatred, and luxury, these must first be mortified, or else we shall never get the victory over the Devill, and come into the possession of the promised Land. It is true, it is painfull by pe∣nitency thus to subdue our selves, so it was painfull to be circumcised, but it is thus irrecoverably decreed, either the paine of circumcising thus the heart must bee indured with the Israelites, or else we must perish with the Canaanites. And this second circumcising, shewed a second washing to be necessary for eve∣ry one that would be saved, of which the Lord speaketh, saying, He that is wa∣shed, * 1.155 needeth not save to wash his feet. We must not wash by being againe bapti∣zed, but by cleansing us from the filthinesse of sinne by repentance from time to time continually. And this circumcising cannot be made but by Christ, and his Word and Spirit, set forth in the sharpe stones now prepared to circumcise withall; thus Ferus; following that translation, Take thee sharpe stones.

And the Lord said, This day have I rolled away the reproach of Egypt from off you: * 1.156 wherefore the name of the place is called Gilgal.

What is meant here by the reproach of Egypt divers conjecture diversly. Lyra having mentioned some, goeth with the Hebrews, saying, that before the * 1.157 going of the people out of Egypt, the Astrologers of Egypt said unto them, Miserable people, whither will ye goe from us? for we doe find, that if yee goe, your blood shall bee shed: so that hereupon they were condemned as doing foolishly to bring themselves to destruction by their going out: but now their blood was shed in Circumcision to their honour, and so they could no more be cast in the teeth herewith. Hugo by the reproach understandeth originall sin, * 1.158 a remedy against which was Circumcision, which the Egyptians wanted, and therfore it was their reproch. Or their servitude under the Egyptians, from which they were not fully delivered, til they were circumcised; and therefore the place is called Galgal, signifying liberty. But this of expounding Galgal, liberty, is reje∣cted both by Lyra and Calvin, although taken from Josephus, seeing it signifieth no such thing, witnesse both Jerom and Remigius. Ferus hath none other ex∣position * 1.159 but mysticall, I have taken away sin from you, which is the reproach of the wicked: who shall be upbraided hereby, but the truly circumcised not,

because none of their sinnes are imputed unto them. Calvin saith, that some * 1.160 hold their uncircumcision hitherto to be meant by the reproach of Egypt, and of other Gentiles, because this was by the Hebrews held to be ignominious in them and others, that the Egyptians hitherto might object unto them, that they went not out to serve the Lord, but other Gods, which reproach was now done away, by this their so ready submitting to Gods ordinance. But he preferreth another; viz. That it was held by the Egyptians to be reproachfull to them, to goe rebelliously away from under their King, this reproach was done away by renewing the old signe of their subjection to the Lord, it being hereby decla∣red that they were not Pharaohs servants, but wrongfully by him subjected, and that of old, long before their comming into Egypt, they were the Lords in∣heritance, and his peculiar people; so that this signe hereof being againe re∣newed at this time, the same was publiquely testified, and none could hence∣forth any more impute rebellion unto them, and justly blame them thereby. To mee it seemeth rather, that by this reproach was meant the Egyptians traducing them, that howsoever they pretended piety to their God in their going out of Egypt, yet this was but a pretext, and that by conjuration Moses wrought those wonders to deliver them, as appeared hitherto by the sequel: for when they were gone forth, they sacrificed not to God, as they pretended, but to other Gods, as is testified Acts 7. 42. Neither did they now any more circumcise their chil∣dren, as they said before they had commandment from him to doe; and there∣fore the Lord accordingly dealt with them, consuming them in the Wildernese, and not bringing them to the promised land, which they boasted of. For these things might all this while seem most ignominious to Israel; but now they be∣ing brought through Jordan miraculously into Canaan, when Moses was dead, and religiously circumcising themselves and their children, this reproach was taken away. As for that of the Hebrewes and Lyra, it is grounded upon a fa∣ble; The second of Hugo hath been already confuted, and his first, as that of Ferus is rather allegoricall then literall. For the first mentioned by Calvin, uncircumcision could not bee meant by the reproach of Egypt, because, as He∣rodotus hath it, and Origen, they also circumcised, as I have shewed upon Gen. 17. The second is the same briefly with this of mine. The last, which is Cal∣vins owne, is not so probable, because their bringing out of Egypt with so mighty an hand, ringing in the eares of all men, did sufficiently vindicate them from the imputation of a rebellious revolt, that being not their act, but the act of the Almighty. For the name [Gilgal] given to this place, it is so plaine∣ly taken from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I have rolled, that it is a marvaile that any should seeke out any other derivation, as from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Spheare, or a wheel, for the round fi∣gure of the foreskins cut off, or from liberty, as was before noted. This name Gilgal was the second name of this place, being called, Verse 3. the hill of Foreskins.

And the children of Israel encamped in Gilgal, and kept the Passeover the 14 day * 1.161 of the moneth at even in the plaines of Jericho. This was the time appointed at the first institution, Exod. 12. and that they should eate it with unleavened bread, as here it was done. Some inquire here whether the people left on the [Qu.] other side of Jordan did now also eate the Passeover, and whether they were circumcised before as these were, because nothing is said of them? And it is an∣swered, that they did not, neither was it yet required of them, because it must be eaten onely in the place which the Lord should choose, after the state of the Church setled in Canaan, that they might know whither to resort to eate it. And for circumcising, that it is not to bee doubted, but that now, or soone af∣ter, order was taken that they also should be circumcised, as their brethren had been.

Further, it is inquired with what bread the Passeover was now eaten? To∣status answereth, they might eate it with Manna; but the Text saith expresly, [Qu.] That they eate unleavened bread, and parched corne, of the old corne of the Land * 1.162 the morrow after the Passeover: And therefore most probably they wanted not such corne at this time to make unleavened bread. If they did, it

was celebrated with such as they had, as before at Mount Sinai, Numb. 9.

And the Manna ceased on the morrow after they had eaten of the old corne of the * 1.163 Land, &c. That is, the 16 day of that moneth, for the Passeover was kept the 14 day at even. They erre then, who will have this cessation of Manna, to be the 15 day, when as indeed the 15 day was the day of eating the Passeo∣ver, the even at the end of the 14 day being the beginning thereof, as hath been shewed upon Exod. 12. And herein the great mercy of God appeared, that [Note.] howsoever they were rebellious against him, yet as long as need required, he supplyed them with bread from Heaven; and therefore hee will much more provide for all that put their trust in him. And by the cessation of Manna at this very time, saith Calvin, the Lord taught them, that Manna fell not by any * 1.164 naturall meanes from the clouds, but that he by his singular providence gave it them.

And when Joshua was by Jericho, be lift up his eyes, and looked, and behold there * 1.165 stood a man over against him with a sword drawne in his hand, &c. Joshua, saith Ferus, now expecting further direction from God what to doe, this Angel * 1.166 with a drawne sword appeareth unto him for his comfort, by the very appa∣rition shewing that it was not the sword of man, but of God, whereby the Canaanites should be destroyed; as it is not ours, but the power of God, whereby the Devill is subdued. And he noteth, that the Lord at divers times appeared diversly, as the condition of his people required. 1. When they were in Egypt, in a flame of fire to Moses. 2. In the Wildernesse in a cloud. 3. In this place with a sword. Joshua goeth to him, and asketh, Art thou for us, or for our adversaries. Wherein the boldnesse of the just appeareth, and that they feare nothing; and in his example we are taught to try the Spirits, whe∣ther * 1.167 they be of God or no. He answered, As a Captaine of the Lords Host am I come: teaching both that the Angels of God are over Countreys and peo∣ples to defend them, and that they are Warriers to fight for them, and that all the faithfull are Souldiers under them, and to fight against their spirituall ene∣mies. * 1.168 And Joshua fell on his face to the earth and worshipped. Thus the servants of God, seeing his great care over them, ought in thankfulnesse to humble themselves, and worship before him, so Abraham did before, and David. And * 1.169 not onely to worship, but to be ready to obey, as Joshua was; wherefore hee saith, What saith my Lord unto his Servant?

And the Captain of the Lords Host said, Loose thy shooe from off thy foot, &c. Of * 1.170 this see before, Exod. 3. 4. This is commanded for reverence, and as a signe of humility, and resigning a mans selfe to the will of God, to be guided by him. Calvin thinketh that Joshua now went out alone to view Jericho, and to see in * 1.171 what part he might best assault it, but not unprepared to fight if he should meet with any enemy: At this time Christ appeared unto him in the shape of a man, for otherwise he could not have called himselfe a Captaine of the Lords Host, which is both in heaven and in earth. And this apparition was not onely for the present, but ever after to teach the people, that they gat the possession of the land of Canaan, not by their owne sword, but the Lord fighting for them. His bidding Joshua to put off his shooes was for reverence, and in saying, that the ground whereupon hee stood was holy ground, hee commended that Land in speciall, as sanctified to the pure Worshipping of God there. And he saith, that Joshua lifted up his eyes and saw a man, to note the certainty of the Vision, Joshua being herein graced, as Moses had been, with familiarly conferring with the Lord, to procure more honour to him before the people.

This Angel, say the Hebrews, was Michael, Dan. 10. called their Prince; * 1.172 and his affirming of that ground to be holy, saith Lyra, was in respect of the apparition of the Angel in the likenesse of a man. I hold with Calvin that he was the Sonne of God; and his appearing now like a man, was a praeludium of his future incarnation, for otherwise he would not have suffered Joshua to worship him, as an Angel appearing to Daniel, and to John, straightly forbade it: Thus also Masius, and Origen. And Chap. 6. 2. hee is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.173

by a name proper to God; when being demanded whether he were on Joshua his side, or his enemies, he answered, nay, it is commonly expounded, I am not on your enemies side; but by Calvin and some others, I am not either of the Hebrews or Canaanites, for I am no mortall man. But the common expositi∣on agreeth better, seeing the question was not, whether hee were of them, or of their enemies, but of what side he was. For these words, When Joshua was by Jericho, Hebr. is in Jericho, which Jerome expresseth thus, in the field of Jericho, which is called Jericho, as the ground belonging to any other City is called by the name of the City.

Mystically, the terrour stricken into the Amorites and Canaanites, when Jo∣shua * 1.174 had led the people through Jordan, shewed the weaknesse of our spiritu∣all enemies before us through Jesus, who is more mighty then they all, so that we may confidently fight against the Devill, being sure through him our leader of the victory. The Lords appointing Circumcision before they fight with their enemies, shewed, as hath been already noted, that we must fight first with our selves, and cut off our evill lusts, the enemies within us. Joshua his circum∣cising of them, that Jesus onely by his spirit can doe this, and by his Word, that we may seek to him. The second time of circumcising, before the promi∣sed Land could be possessed, a second washing after Baptisme by repentance Their staying in Gilgal till they were healed, shewed the weaknesse of Christi∣an people at the first, for which cause they must seek to be more confirmed, and not till then put themselves upon any great attempts, as the Apostles were bid∣den to stay at Jerusalem, till they had received the holy Ghost; and the Lord told Peter, thou canst not follow me now, but thou shalt follow me hereafter. The rolling away from them the reproach of Egypt shewed our deliverance from sinne, and the ignominy thereof, when we are circumcised in heart. The keeping of the Passeover before they proceed to battell, our seeking to God and for his favour, before we goe upon any great enterprize. And this Passe∣over was the third, which they kept, for they kept one in Egypt, when they were delivered from the bondage of Pharaoh. 2. At Mount Sinai, when they had * 1.175 received the Law. 3. Being now entred into Canaan, to shew that we must praise God; 1. For our deliverance by the blood of Christ. 2. For the holy Ghost sent downe to instruct us. 3. For the heavenly Canaan now made our possession. The ceasing of Manna when they had eaten of the Corne of Ca∣naan, shewed the ceasing of the meanes of grace when we come to heaven. The Israelites were fed with three kinds of food; 1. With that which they brought out of Egypt. 2. With bread from heaven. 3. With the fruit of Canaan: and that which they brought out of Egypt failed, when they had Manna from hea∣ven, and Manna failed when they had the fruits of Canaan: so wee are fed at the first with worldly wisdome, but this bringeth not to life, wee feed thus no more, when Manna commeth, then with the VVord of God, all the time of our being in the Wildernesse of this World; lastly, with heavenly light and joy, when that which is in part, ceaseth, faith and hope vanish, and charity onely * 1.176 continueth.

The appearing of a man to Joshua with a sword did set forth Christ, the Captain of the Lords Armies, who being with us, we shal not need to fear who can be against us; his bidding Joshua to loose his shooes from off his feet, the charge given unto us, not to live after the manner of other Gentiles, as for∣merly we have done, and to humble our selves before God, and to resign our selves to his government, being hereunto moved, because the Church, of which we are is holy; otherwise as the polluters of his house, the Lord will whip us * 1.177 out, and this Land will prove a Land unto us devouring the Inhabitants there∣of, * 1.178 if we live wickedly, as it was said of the Land of Canaan; thus Ferus. By circumcising the second time, the Ordin. Glosse understandeth the Gentiles * 1.179 conversion unto Christ, as the first, of their forsaking of Idols, and now truly is the reproach of Egypt removed; sinne, which is shamefull, is no more im∣puted; but if thou returnest to sinning againe, a farre greater reproach com∣meth upon thee, viz. the crucifying againe of the Lord of Life, and the ta∣king

of his member, and making it the member of an harlot. Their keeping of the Passeover after Circumcision and the reproach of Egypt removed, saith Origen, shewed, that no uncleane person can keep a feast unto the Lord, or * 1.180 come to his Supper. Their feeding upon bread brought with them out of E∣gypt, he also understandeth of the knowledge gotten by humane learning, which helpeth a little at the first towards Divine knowledge.

CHAP. VI.

NOw Jericho was shut up straitly, because of the children of Israel, &c. And * 1.181 the Lord said to Joshua, see, I have given into thine hand Jericho, &c.

Jericho was two miles from Gilgal, being otherwise called the City of Palms for the abundance that grew there. It is said, that none went in or out. They durst not, saith Lyra, either goe in to defend Jericho, or they that were within flee out to save themselves. But the Lord now appearing to Joshua, instructed him how he should subdue it. He and all the men of Warre must goe about * 1.182 the City once a day, six dayes together, and seven times upon the seventh day, seven Priests blowing with Trumpets of Rams hornes before the Arke, promi∣sing that thus the walls should fall downe.

The men of Jericho, saith Ferus, omitted no worldly meanes to defend themselves, but all in vaine, seing God was against them, against whose judge∣ments * 1.183 they could not bee fenced, although they were fenced against men. And thus doe all carnall men, in the time of danger, they flee to carnall meanes, but that which should chiefly be intended, is by them neglected, viz. the pacifying [Note.] of Gods wrath by repentance; and therefore all their preparations are in vaine. To expugne this City, no Warlike preparation is appointed, but onely to compasse it about, that the Victory might bee acknowledged to come of the Lord, and so we must confesse doth every good thing. For these words Jeri∣cho was straitly shut up, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shutting, and shut up; that is, as Masius hath it, shutting up those that were within, that none could goe out, and shut up against all others, that none could enter. The Chaldee, shut * 1.184 up with Iron doores, and strengthened with brazen barres. This, saith Calvin, is thus exactly set downe: that the miracle in opening the way, the walls being cast downe, might be the more magnified, and that the stupidity of that peo∣ple might appeare, thinking that gates and barres could defend them against his power which dryed up the waters of Jordan.

In compassing the City, the men of Warre went before, then the Priests with Trumpets, and after them the Arke, which all the people followed, v. 9, 10. and every of the six dayes they did thus once, the Priests onely sounding, but no voice else being uttered by any; but upon the seventh, having com∣passed the City seven times, at the last sounding with Trumpets, all the people shouted, and the walls fell downe. In mans reason this was no way to sub∣due a strong City, for what could going about it doe, and sounding with Trumpets, all the rest being silent, as though they were affraid; and the seventh day going seven times about, being a meanes to weary them, and to make them unfit for the assault? But herein God both tryed their faith and obedience, and provided the more for the glorifying of his owne power. The Hebrews, saith Lyra, by the men of War, understand only those of the two Tribes and an half; * 1.185 but the Text saith, All yee men of Warre; and therefore that assertion is with∣out ground. Some others, because it is said, v. 9. The rereward came after the Arke, say that the Danites, Asher, and Nephthalim are meant; and therefore all the ar∣med men went not before, but Judah, Issachar, and Zebulun, according to the order prescribed, when they marched in the Wildernesse, Numb. 10. 15. halfe the Army going before the Arke, and the other halfe after, which half that fol∣lowed, is set forth by the same word that is here used 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But because this word signifieth the gathering, or Congregation shutting up the whole troope behinde, it may better here be understood of all the people; because it is ex∣pressely

said, that all the armed, or Warriers should goe before. And where∣as, Numb. 10. that part of the Army which followed the Arke, is set forth by this Word, it is because together with them went all the weaker sort, the aged, women and children. And therefore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here rendred by Jerome, reli∣quum vulgus. Yet Lyra argueth against this, holding, that onely the Tribe of Dan, and the rest of the rereward of souldiers, are hereby meant; because the Lord biddeth that all the armed men should compasse the City, and not the Women, &c. Let the Reader follow which of these he pleaseth. Whereas it is added in our Translation, The Priests going on and blowing with Trumpets, Hebr. it is, The rereward followed the Arke, going on, and blowing with Trumpets. But because it is certaine that none blew with Trumpets but the Priests, the word Priests is inserted for more expression; or it may be rendred, The Arke going on, and the blowing with Trumpets, which was by the Priests going before it. For Trumpets of Rams horns wherwith they sounded, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Trumpets of Jubilees, of which, that they were of Rams hornes, see Levit. 25. Note here, how easie it is with the Lord to beat downe the Walls of any City, [Note.] so that there is no resistance to be made against him. And when he caused such weake meanes to be used, the Inhabitants, when this was done from day to day, and nothing else, waxed now secure when their destruction was nearest, and so it is with all the wicked, when they thinke the evill day furthest off, it shall suddenly come upon them.

The people shouted with a great shout, and the wall fell downe flat. For these words * 1.186 fall downe flat, Hebr. is fall downe under it; and so it is rendred by the Septua∣gint and Chaldee, fell downe, and was swallowed up under it. Hereupon the * 1.187 Rabbins hold, that it sunke into the ground: But rather it is meant, that it fell, the foundation under it being dissolved, and falling away, or it fell into the ditch wtthout it, said to be under it because it was much lower, and so the ditch being filled up with the wall, the passage into the City was made plaine. Now when the wall is said to have falne downe, it must not be imagined that every part of it fell, but so much as whereby a sufficient way was made for all the men of Warre immediately to enter in, for Rahabs house stood upon the wall, which must needs be excepted from this ruine. And this was upon the seventh day, but whether upon the Sabbath day or no, as the Rabbins hold, is uncer∣taine, but in one of these seven dayes of compassing the City, it is certaine that there was a Sabbath, upon which no man might travaile; but God, who is a∣bove his owne laws, could at this time dispense with the rest of the Sabbath at his pleasure. For the seven Priests, seven Trumpets, seven dayes compassing Jericho, and seven times blowing with Trumpets upon the seventh day; this was all done to make the number of seven the more famous, that the day of this number sanctified from the beginning, might still be had in more honour.

When Joshua had taken order for this great shout making, by all the people at the last sounding, he withall told them that the City of Jericho with all in * 1.188 it, should be accursed to the Lord, onely Rahab and her company excepted, war∣ning them to take heed that they tooke not any accursed thing upon paine of * 1.189 making themselves accursed, and the whole Campe, and troubling it.

But all the silver and gold, and Ʋessels of brasse and iron are consecrated to the Lord, * 1.190 and they shall come into the Lords treasury. Ioshua could not speake to be heard, saith Lyra, when it is said he bade them shout, because the people were so many, and the Trumpets continually sounded; therefore it is to be understood, that he spake unto them by giving some signes. The word rendred accursed here, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cut off, so that the meaning is, it should be destroyed to the glory of God, the glory of his justice in taking revenge upon so sinfull a place, to the utter destruction thereof for ever; and if any presumed to take any thing in it to his owne use, it should bee a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or cutting off to him. Of this word see more, Levit. 27. 28. and Deut. 13. 17. For the mettall, silver and gold, brasse and iron reserved for the Lords Treasury, the meaning is, that they should be brought into the Tabernacle to bee used for the service therein, or to be laid up as Monuments of this miraculous victory, and that none should convert any

of them to their private use, no not the Priests themselves, as they might doe other devoted things called by this name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Numb. 18. 14. Besides these mettalls, Tinne and Lead are mentioned, as reserved out of the spoiles common use, this for the Tabernacle onely; and therefore there being here∣in, or in the Temple built afterwards no use of these mettals, they are not re∣served. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 saith Lyra, signifieth both accursed and consecrated, and so it is here to be taken; for the best and most precious things were conse∣crated to God, the rest devoted to destruction.

And they utterly destroyed all that was in the City, both men and women, young and * 1.191 old, &c. They did not thus to other Cities of the Canaanites which they tooke afterwards, but preserved them for their owne habitation; why then was this severity used against Jericho above all other Cities? Answ. Because it is most * 1.192 probable that this place was the most wicked of all others; and here it see∣meth were a miscellany multitude of all the peoples to destroyed, ready first of all others to resist the Israelites, as appeareth Josh. 24. 11. and because this was the first City of Canaan subdued, it was necessary that the richest spoiles thereof should be consecrated to the Lord, before they tooke any for themselves; and that all things that had life should bee killed, and the rest burnt with fire for the greater terrour of the rest; so Ferus. Here was a great temptation, saith Calvin, to the Israelites, in that expecting now to bee in∣riched with the spoiles of Jericho, they are thus prevented, and likewise when they were made to goe about the City seven dayes, and to doe nothing but blow, and that not with the silver Trumpets, but Trumpets of Rams hornes, wherein they might thinke themselves mocked, but they obeyed in all things to prevaile.

And Joshua adjured them at that time, saying, Cursed be the man before the Lord, that * 1.193 riseth up, and buildeth Jericho, be shall lay the foundation thereof in his first born, and in his youngest he shall set up the gates thereof. This City was thus severely proceeded against, as for the reasons before rendered, so that herein the utter destruction of the wicked world for ever at the last day might be figured out. This pro∣phesie is noted to have taken effect in Hiel, 1 King. 16. 34. who was deprived of his children, when hee presumed to build Jericho againe, both eldest and youngest, and so most probably had his name put out in Israel therefore, ac∣cording to the meaning of this curse against such a builder. To this effect Calvin saith, he shall lay the foundation in his first borne, being overwhelmed * 1.194 with the stones of this building, so audaciously erected without regard to so solemne a curse, &c. and thus he shall be deprived of his issue, and thus all others understand it also: For God would have Jericho to lye in the ruines for a monument of this miraculous overthrow, that his people might always hereby be put in minde of that which he had done for them, and bee accor dingly thankfull. And touching Rahab and all hers now preserved according to the oath taken by the searchers, he saith that Joshua did nothing herein con∣trary to the will of God, for he acknowledged God moderating in all that bu∣sinesse, and so although he was not sworne, yet that hee was bound by that oath to shew this humanity to her, in whom such faith had appeared: Whereas shee and her kindred being brought out from this destruction are said, v. 23, to be left without the Campe of Israel, this was because of their uncleannesse, they being yet Gentiles, till they should by being made Proselytes bee fit to come into the Assembly of Gods people, and bee made one with them.

Mystically by Jericho the world is set forth, as both Lyra, Origen, Isidor, and * 1.195 Ferus: for Jericho signifieth the Moone, like unto which the World is, for the mutability thereof, and therefore Christ restored to sight the blind in Je∣richo, and called Zacheus the Publican there, and hereby he instituteth that pa∣rable of one travailing from Jerusalem to Jericho. This Jericho is strongly fenced with riches, power and glory, and hath for King, the Devill, for he is the God of this world. To subdue this Jericho, Jesus sendeth seven Priests to sound

with Trumpets of the Jubilee, that is, base ones of Rammes hornes, and not with silver ones instituted Numb. 10. which was done, when the Apostles were sent out to Preach the Gospel to all Nations, which was the sounding with Trumpets of a Jubilee indeed, but this was counted as poore and ridiculous a meanes to subdue Nations to the Gospel, as going about Jericho with such blowing to overthrow the walls thereof, and after the Trumpets the Arke is carryed, when Christ figured hereby is present to his faithfull Ministers, and is born by them in heart and mouth: Lastly, a shouting of all the people is added, when Prayers are made unto God by his people with one consent, and so the walls of this Jericho fall down, the pride, and pompe and errours of the world. That Preaching may well bee understood by blowing with Trum∣pets, wee may see in Esa. Cry aloud, lift up thy voyce as a Trumpet. The people following the Arke must make no noise to bee heard, that is, no tumultuating noise, but in shouting the seventh day, that is, in Prayer; or they must not break out through zeale in any action, but by direction from the Word of God, as Calvin hath it. When the walls of Jericho fall down, all are destroy∣ed, but Rahab and her house, because shee received the Spyes, so when at the sounding of the last Trumpet the world shall fall, all shall bee destroyed, but the Church converted from spirituall whoredome with divers lusts to the true Faith, and these are such as receive the Ministers of the Word, they being sometime of the city of the devill are now joyned unto and inherit with the Israel of God. Jericho is made an Anathema to God, by killing all things li∣ving, and burning the rest, but dedicating the best things unto him, to shew, that whatsoever evill liveth in us must bee mortifyed, whatsoever is dead, must have the fire of the spirit put to it, and whatsoever is good, must bee offered to God. Nothing of Jericho is taken by us, when wee have no communion with the wicked world in the evill manners and fashions thereof. And lastly, the builder of Jericho again, is accursed, God would never have it built again, as neither Sodome nor Babylon, to set forth hereby the perishing of the wicked for ever in hell fire, as their sudden destruction, by the sudden falling of these walls. And morally hee is accursed, saith Ferus, that bringeth in Idolatry, cherisheth superstition, nourisheth impiety, defends injustice, or brings in car∣nall living. And in speaking of their compassing Jericho seven dayes, he saith also it is morally taught, how wee should compasse the world to destroy it in our selves. 1. By meditating upon the vanity of worldly things. 2. Upon their instability. 3. Their brevity. 4. Their taking of us from God. 5. From ablessed life. 6. Upon the labour in getting them, and care in keeping. 7. By hearing the Word of God and Prayer.

CHAP. VII.

BƲT the children of Israel committed a trespasse in the accursed thing: for Achan * 1.196 the son of Carmi, the son of Zabdi, &c. took of the accursed thing, and the an∣ger of the Lord was kindled against the children of Israel. Here was fulfilled, that which was threatned Ch. 6. 18. if any man should take of the accursed or consecrated thing, the whole Army should bee troubled. But how justly the [Qu.] sin of one is imputed to all, and all suffer for it, is the question; especially see∣ing in the Law it is determined, every one shall bee put to death for his own * 1.197 sin, and not the children for the Fathers, &c. Augustine answereth, that those * 1.198 Laws was made for men that are judges, the Lord reserving still a Liberty to himself, to extend his punishments further, as hee in his divine wisdome seeth cause, who seeth into all secrets, which are hidden from men. Hee knoweth by his high and invisible counsell, how farre to extend his temporall punish∣ments, and wholsome terrour. For in the generall administration nothing hard befalleth mortall men, if they bee smitten with a bodily death, but through terrour thus stricken into them; Discipline is established, that one may seek to prevent sin in another, and as Members of one body, bee diligent and

solicitous one for another. It shall not bee so in respect of everlasting damna∣tion, none shall suffer this for another. 2. There is a community amongst men that are of the same Society, every one being a part of the body, and so what evill hee doth, hee doth not as one alone by himself, but as a part of the body whereof hee is a Member. Calvin saith, both the same with Augustine, touching Achans being a member of the body, and happily that they were not * 1.199 so carefull to prevent this sin, as they should have been, which made Achan bold to commit it, and thus became guilty; or if wee cannot perceive how, yet wee must beleeve that they were guilty, because the Lord hath so pronoun∣ced of them. Lastly, by this example singularly hee would teach, that one mans sin maketh all guilty, that wee might all bee the more watchfull over one another. And, as Ferus hath it, that sinners may not bee spared, but * 1.200 diligently searched out and taken away from amongst us, that wrath come not upon us all therefore. It is cruelty and no pity to hide or to spare an offen∣der, as to spare one member to the indangering of the whole body; for if the right hand offend, it must bee cut off, &c. wherefore Rulers and Magistrates ought to consider this, and to doe justice to every one, that this evill may bee rooted out from amongst us. Besides this, Ferus rendreth also two other rea∣sons. 1. That it might appear, how heinous a known sin is, when any one presumeth to doe that which is expresly forbidden him. For this one thing on∣ly was given in charge, to take heed of the accursed thing, and therefore here∣in to transgresse, this charge being so fresh in every ones memory was most a∣bominable. 2. That sinne committed in the Church of God, doth draw a farre greater punishment, then committed by any without. It is to bee noted [Note.] here and admired, that amongst such a multitude all resisted the temptation of covetousnesse so, as that but onely one man was led hereby, and that to the shame of these times, wherein so many defile themselves with sacriledge.

But how are the children of Israel said to have committed a trespasse, when as but one onely sinned? Answ. It is a phrase common in the Scriptures, when [Qu.] one doth evill, who is of a society, to attribute it to that society in common, so when Judas onely envies at the costly ointment powred upon the head of Jesus, it is said, that the Disciples murmured at it, Matth. 26. 8. and when * 1.201 one Theef onely railed upon our Lord, that the theeves railed upon him, &c. so Lyra. But here more is implyed, viz. that the guilt of this sin, overspread all the Congregation, and all were subject to wrath therefore, for the rea∣sons before rendred, especially because they were no more vigilant one over another in a matter of so great moment.

Achan, that sinned, is described by his pedegree and Tribe Judah, the prin∣cipall Tribe to aggravate the fault the more, and to humble them of his con∣sanguinity, to whom hee was a blot and blemish especially, as Calvin hath it. * 1.202

And Joshua sent men from Jericho to Ai, which is beside Bethaven, on the East of Bethel, &c. One place, saith Lyra, is thought by some to bee called by both these names, Bethel so named by Jacob, when God appeared there unto him, * 1.203 and Bethaven, for the calves of Jeroboam afterwards set up there, for Bethaven signifieth the house of wickednesse, as it was then made by Idolatry, and Be∣thel the house of God, as it was before. But hee rejecteth this, because the Be∣thel, where God appeared to Iacob, was not here, but at Jerusalem, and Je∣roboam was long after Joshua his time, so that from his fact no place could have the name of Bethaven in his dayes. Wherefore hee determineth, that this Bethel was the place, where Abraham had worshipped, said to bee between Bethel and Ai, from his worshipping towards the West, to which part it stood, having this name, and the same place had the name of Bethaven, from the Idolatry committed by the Canaanites there, and therefore Hos. 10. 5. the Calves of Beth∣aven are spoken of, which Jeroboam is said to have put, the one in Bethel, and the other in Dan, implying both these to bee one. But this question touch∣ing Bethel by Ai, hath been before handled, Gen. 28. 11. and that opinion of Bethel and Jerusalem being all one confuted. Of the Wildernesse of Bethaven, and Bethel it is spoken, Josh. 18. 12, 13. as being upon the borders of Benjamin,

said to bee extended from Jericho thither, whereby it appeareth, that they were two places, but one a Wildernesse, the other a City, and Bethel was that so cal∣led by Jacob, but the name Bethaven is afterwards applyed unto it for the sin there committed, Hos. 10. 5. The dwelling of Abraham and serving God here, could bee no reason of the name Bethel: for hee dwelt not in Bethel, but be∣tween it and Ai, neither had it the name of Bethel then, but being written of * 1.204 Moses after Jacobs time, hee called it so according to the name given is by Ja∣cob, by anticipation. Ai, to view which, Joshua sent men now from Jericho, was foure miles from Jericho. For Joshua to send to view the passage to Ai, saith Calvin, was a point of good policy, that thus hee might know, how the more * 1.205 safely to lead his Army thither, but to send only 3000 men; when the whole Ar∣my was by & by to passe on, was no policy, but a preparative to an overthrow, the enemies being by their paucity imboldned to come against them, which they durst not have done, if many thousands more had shewed themselves. But this doubtlesse came of God, for the castigation of the sin committed, and to drive him to search it out. Ferus having commended the policy of Joshua also * 1.206 in sending, and in his example circumspection to all Captaines, and the use of meanes to subdue their wicked Enemies, and not to cast themselves upon miraculous Victories, discommendeth the presumption of the men, that were sent by him, in that trusting to the power of man, they would have 3000 on∣ly sent, as deemed by them enough to have subdued Ai, and in their example hee condemneth mens presuming upon their own strength, which it is just with God to punish with making them to flee before their Enemies. For pre∣sumption upon their own strength was shewed in that they went without the Priests and the Arke. The 10 Tribes also going against Benjamin in this vain confidence were overthrown, and Sennacherib the proud King of Ashur. * 1.207

And the men of Ai smote of them about 36 men, for they chased them from before the * 1.208 gote even unto Shebarim, and smote them in the going down, &c. In smiting the Innocent for wicked Achan God did nothing unjustly, for none are innocent before him. It was a great mercy in him, that no more were slain, and by this punishment of some to benefit them and us all, in making it an admonition to us to bee carefull to prevent sin both in our selves and others. Ʋnto Shebarim, that is, as Lyra hath it, following the Hebrews ad confractionem, because either * 1.209 they were weary of pursuing, or the children of Israel fell down through faintnesse, as they fled before them. But hee saith, Expositours commonly holds Shebarim, to bee the proper name of a place. The Septuagint for these words, Ʋnto Shebarim, have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they brak them. But it is more probable, that the place, where this was done, had the name from breaking, because their hearts were by this defeat broken. And they are said to have smi∣ten them in the going down, because, as Adricomius hath it, Ai stood upon a Mountain, whereby they fleeing down were smiten. * 1.210

And Joshuah rent his cloathes and fell upon his face before the Arke, untill the even∣tide, * 1.211 hee, and the Elders of Israel, &c. a right godly part, and the onely way to obtain help in the time of distresse, to humble our selves in Prayer, and to * 1.212 persevere, as they did untill the evening, and that in Faith, and being solicitous for Gods glory, as Joshua his Prayer shewed that hee was.

And what wilt thou doe unto thy great Name? Thus Ferus. But Calvin although * 1.213 hee praiseth Joshua for making the Arke his refuge, humbling himself in Pray∣er, and adding, as the manner amongst the people of God was, renting of his garments, and putting dust upon his head, in token of sorrow and repen∣tance, and for his Faith beleeving, that this overthrow came not to passe with∣out God, and for his solicitude about the glory of his name: yet hee saith, there was somewhat herein to bee taxed, viz. his expostulating with God out of troubled affections: Why hast thou brought us over Jordan, to deliver us into the hands of the Amorites to destroy us? when as only a few had yet been beaten back, and God had made such ample promises to bee with him, and his thwar∣ting of God in his proceedings, saying, Would to God wee bad been content, and dwelt on the other side of Jordan. Whereby it appeareth with what infirmities

the Prayers of the best are sometimes accompanyed, but for his faith and zeale for Gods glory, all this is passed over, and his prayer is heard. Lyra likewise * 1.214 saith, that Joshua spake ill out of passion, as he would not have done otherwise, being so greatly favoured by the Lord. And hee feared that the name of God would be exposed to ignominy, the heathen objecting that he could not bring his people any further into that Land. Of rending garments see before, Levit. 10. 6. Numb. 14. 6. and of putting dust upon their heads, 1 Sam. 4. 12. Job 2. 12. Esa. 47. 1. Joshua in praying thus, did no otherwise then Moses had done before, Exod. 32. 12. Numb. 14. 13. Deut. 9. 28. and what he said may bee inter∣preted so, as to free him from sinning herein, which is the rather to bee held, because he was heard, and is not taxed therefore. His expostulating with the Lord is onely to move him not to deliver them into their enemies hands, but as he had done mightily in bringing them over Jordan, so still to shew his power by defending them; it is the voice of one seeking counsell and helpe from the Lord. And whereas hee wisheth that they had been content rather to have dwelt on the other side of Jordan, the meaning is, rather then he should now withdraw his helpe from them, they would have preferred to have been pent up there in narrow bounds, and rather then any ignominy should come to his great and glorious name.

And the Lord said to Joshua, Get thee up, wherefore lyest thou thus upon thy face? Is∣rael * 1.215 hath sinned, and they have also trespassed my Covenant, &c. for they have even ta∣ken of the accursed thing, &c. The Lord biddeth Joshua twice to get him up here, and v. 13. because, as is most probable, he lay still prostrate for reverence to heare the words of the Lord. And he greatly aggravateth the sinne, saying * 1.216 1. They have sinned. 2. They have trespassed my Covenant. 3. They have taken of the accursed thing. 4. Stolne. 5. Dissembled. 6. Hid it amongst the stuffe. So that when God commeth to lay open our sinnes, we may see how [Note.] many wayes sinfull hee will make any one of them to be. Wherefore the safest way is for us to confesse our owne sinnes, and to crave pardon that wee may e∣scape his severe censure. But wherein did they dissemble. Answ. In that, when they were all so straitly charged not to take ought of the accursed thing, to which they seemed to consent, yet the contrary was now done, and happily be∣ing asked at the bringing in of the treasure for the Tabernacle, whether no man had taken ought, they all avouched their innocency herein. Lyra saith, they * 1.217 dissembled, because they had promised to obey the Lord in all things, wherein they were now proved dissemblers. And this promise is implyed in that hee saith, They have trespassed my Covenant, intimating that they had Covenanted, that the spoiles of this City, as the first fruits of their prey in that Land, should be holy to the Lord. The word rendred stuffe, Hebr. is vessels, and so the Vul∣gar Latine hath it, but hereby all the instruments and stuffe in their houses are commonly signified. This was the cause why they could not prevaile, but fell [Note.] before their enemies, even their robbing of God of his dues, whereby we may see what an hainous sinne Sacriledge is, they must never looke to prosper that are tainted with it. And no close carrying of the matter can hide it from Gods all-seeing eyes, Gal. 6. 7. God is not mocked.

Ʋp, sanctifie the people, and say, Sanctifie your selves against to morrow, &c. When * 1.218 the Lord was to come downe upon mount Sinai to give the Law, Moses is com∣manded to sanctifie the people, the manner is there declared, the like is com∣manded, Josh. 3. 5. before the working of that miracle for them in drying up the waters of Iordan; so now because a miraculous discovery of sacriledge was to be made, they must sanctifie themselves, as to whom the most holy God meant to come neare by his power, and by whose approach they should bee indange∣red, unlesse they were sanctified. Besides the sanctifying by washing and ab∣staining from their wives: Lyra nameth two more, 1. By fasting, as 1 Kings * 1.219 21. 2. By Prayer, as Acts 1. and which of these wayes they were sanctified at this time, hee saith, is uncertaine. Some because the word used for sanctify∣ing may as well be rendred prepare, understand it so, but this is worthily reje∣cted by Calvin, holding, that because a guiltinesse was laid upon them all, they

should by a legall lustration, washing with water, &c. purge themselves. But * 1.220 this purging was ••ather, that they might bee fit to heare God speaking by lots, who it was that committed this execrable sinne. The tryall which the Lord * 1.221 saith hee would make, was first by the Tribe, then by the family, after that by the houshold, and lastly by the man, and hee that should bee found to have * 1.222 stoln the accursed thing, should bee burnt with fire, both hee, and all that hee had. For the meanes of finding this out, R. Solomon saith, that the 12 Tribes * 1.223 were brought before the brest plate of the High Priest, in which were 12 pre∣cious stones, with their names, and the stone of that Tribe which was guilty shined not, but waxed dimme, but after this the families, housholds, and per∣sons were tryed by lots. This saith Lyra cannot stand, because of the Tribes, * 1.224 it is said, The Tribe which the lot shall finde out: but although the Vulgar La∣tine Translation hath it thus, yet Hebr. it is The Tribe whom the Lord shall take: so that Lyra his reason against that of R. Solomon is of no force, and with the Hebrew agreeth both the Chaldee and the Septuagint: yet I say not this, as justifying that of R. Solomon; for the common received opinion is, that Tribes as well as families were tryed by lots, there being no reason why there should bee divers wayes of tryall about the same thing, but one and the same, and lots have commonly beene used to finde out a particular person whom the Lord would have found out, thus Jonathan was found out by Saul, and Jonah * 1.225 by those in the ship with him, and Saul that hee might be made King, and Mat∣thias, that he might bee taken into the number of the Apostles. And of lots it is said, the whole disposition thereof is from the Lord, and that the lot appeaseth controversies, and therefore lots must bee used in dividing the Land of Canaan, as hath bin shewed upon Num. 26. and the manner of proceeding herein. There is another invention of some of the Rabbins about the meanes now used, viz. that the Tribes being brought before the Ʋrim and Thummim, that Tribe which was guilty comming, was made by a Divine power to stand still, so that they could not goe away, then the guilty family, and houshold, and person likewise, the rest going on, was made fast. But whether thus, or by lot, or any other way, God discovered the sacrilegious, it is uncertaine, for so much as the way is not revealed, and therefore I determine nothing herein.

So Joshua rose up early in the morning, and brought Israel by their Tribes, and the * 1.226 Tribe of Judah was taken, &c. Joshua being commanded to sift out the sacrilegi∣ous, is not slacke, but goeth about it with all diligence, noted in this, that he rose up early in the morning. Whereas it is said, V. 17. The Zarbites were * 1.227 brought man by man, it is meant every mans houshold of that family, as was be∣fore ordered; and Zabdi his houshold was taken, and of that houshold Achan, * 1.228 who is said, V. 1. To be the sonne of Carmi, the sonne of Zabdi.

And Joshua said to Achan, My sonne, give glory now, I pray thee, to the Lord God * 1.229 of Israel, and make confession unto him, and tell me now what thou hast done, &c. It was a wonderfull stupidity in Achan, that he was not moved in Conscience be∣fore to come forth and confesse, when he could not but perceive that he should by and by be found out. But this is the senselesnesse of wicked men, they goe on in their sinnes, and have no remorse therefore, till judgement commeth. And thus certainly shall every wicked person bee found out when God com∣meth [Note.] to Judgement, although he lurketh amongst many thousands. Joshua * 1.230 his handling of him to finde out the truth, is most remarkable for Judges and Kings, hee putteth him not to torment to make him confesse, but speaketh * 1.231 gently unto him, having herein a care of his soule. For happily if hee had terrified him, hee would have denyed it, and so have added sinne to sinne, as Ferus noteth, hereupon condemning that other way of extorting confessions by paine, as tyrannicall, and causing miserable men oftentimes to confesse what they would have them, although most falsely.

Give glory to God, thou hast greatly dishonoured him, now confesse, that his Power, Justice, and Omniscience may bee known to all, and hee may have glory hereby. And that it may appear, saith Lyra, that the Hoast of Israel was justly smiten, and according to others, that men might hereafter fear God,

and the very speaking of the truth is a giving of glory to God, as lying to the devill, and confessions of sins are to the praise of God. In calling him son hee shewed a Fatherly affection, saith Calvin, even to a condemned man, that * 1.232 Judges might learn, when they condemn malefactours to death, yet not to put away the affections of humanity towards them, whereby they may bee won to repentance; Some, saith hee, speak kindly, and promise impunity to draw the offender to confesse, but having confessed, hee is straightway delivered to the hangman; but this is an unlawfull way, contrary to the course here taken by Joshua, for hee onely exhorts him, but promised no impunity unto him.

And Achan answered, indeed I have sinned agianst the Lord, &c. When I saw * 1.233 amongst the spoiles a goodly Babylonish garment, and 200 shekels of silver, and a wedge of gold of 50 shekels, I conveted it, &c. Babylonish garments were the gar∣ments * 1.234 of Kings in time of warre, most curiously wrought, and of great price, Masius saith, the words may bee understood of a rich carpet of Tapestry. The * 1.235 words rendred a wedge of gold, Hebrew, is a tongue of gold, so called for the form thereof. These, hee saith, hee took and hid in the ground, in the midst of his Tent, most probably putting them in a box, because otherwise the gar∣ment would have been marred. What a shekel is, see before, Gen. 23. 15. A∣chan in confessing readily, and not hiding, but aggravating his sin against him∣selfe, may bee an example to us, saith Ferus, of confessing our sins, not fearing the punishment, but praising God, if our eternall punishments may bee chan∣ged * 1.236 into temporall. Yet Calvin saith, it may bee doubted, whether hee confes∣sed out of penitency, or being astonished and terrifyed at his being thus taken, * 1.237 seeing it vain for him to deny it: for so even Reprobates sometimes doe, be∣ing urged by their own consciences, thus laying themselves open to deserved punishment. But the more charitable opinion is, that hee repented truely, because hee speaketh so reverently of the Lord, and telleth by what degrees hee proceeded to sin; 1 hee did see; 2 hee coveted; 3 hee took; 4 hid it, and as willing to bee convicted, and to have his punishment by death, hee de∣clareth, where the things stolne might bee found. And by these degrees are [Note.] wee drawn to sin, about these worldly things; 1 the eye seeth; 2 the heart coveteth; 3 the hand acteth. Wherefore with Job let us make a covenant with our eyes. And to bee fenced against temptations in this kinde, let us think, that the best garment is innocency, the best riches Grace, and the most preci∣ous gold Faith.

After that Achan had confessed, Joshua hastned not the execution by and by, * 1.238 but sent to his tent, and the stoln things were brought forth, thus shewing, that hee proceeded not in wrath to shed his blood, but at the command of the Lord, the case being first made most plain, and so ought all Judges to doe, that by not being over hasty or wrathfull, they make not themselves guilty of mur∣ther, and much lesse by adjudging men to death at their own wills.

And Joshua and all Israel with him, took Achan and his sons and daughters, his Oxen, Asses and Sheep, and tent, and all that hee had, and the silver, the garment, * 1.239 and the gold, and brought them to the valley of Achor. Now followeth Achaus pu∣nishment, * 1.240 hee was stoned, and burnt, both hee and all that hee had, and a great heap of stones laid upon him, was made a monument of this judgement for ever. The Valley of Achor is so, called, first, by anticipation, for now it had this name first given unto it, as is shewed v. 26. and the reason is rendred, because Achan, who was executed there, had troubled Israel, and was troubled in that place therefore: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Achor signifieth to trouble, and hereupon some call Achan, Achar, and some by both these names, but erroneously, as Lyra sheweth upon v. 1. There is indeed an allusion to his name in the word Achor, but it is not the same.

Whereas his sons and daughters are said also to bee taken with him, the He∣brewes say that they were onely taken to behold this judgement, that they might be terrified, for which cause it is said, not that they stoned them, but him, and burnt them, that is, his goods before recited. But this is overthrowne,

because it is added, they burnt them with fire, after that they had stoned them, and the Lord adjudged all that hee had to death, v. 16. If this shall seem to bee a∣gainst that, Ezech, 18. The son shall not dye for the sin of the Father, &c. It is ea∣sily answered, as before, this is a rule to bee followed by earthly Judges, and it is also to bee understood of everlasting death, which no man shall suffer meerly for the sin of another; see more upon v. 1. If any of his children, saith Calvin, were elect, their being put to death was but a castigation to them; if reprobate, they dyed worthily. The judgement extended thus generally to all * 1.241 that he had, made it the greater to him, and the cutting off of the dumb beasts for their Masters sin, was no cruelty, seeing they were made for the service of man, who being destroyed, it is not unjust to destroy them also. And all the Congregation stoned him, to shew their generall detestation of this impious fact. But why did they bring him out of the Campe to bee put to death? An∣swer. 1 That they might thus remove from amongst them the exerable thing. [Qu.] 2 That the Campe might not bee defiled by the dead. And the gold and sil∣ver stolne are also burnt, because God would not have any stoln thing brought into his Sanctuary to pollute it. But forsomuch as the Lord appointed onely burning, why were they both stoned and burnt? Lyra saith, that some an∣swer, [Qu.] burning setteth forth any kinde of severe punishment, and some his bur∣ning * 1.242 in hell; and therefore it is not said, yee shall burn him, but hee shall bee burnt. But hee rejecteth both these, and determineth, that hee was double punished for his double sin. 1 of breaking the Sabbath, for which hee was stoned; 2 of Sacriledge, for which hee was burnt. Hugo following the He∣brews * 1.243 saith, that the things, which could not feel stoning were burnt, but the living stoned to death, others better, they were first burned, and then stones were cast upon them, even unto a great heap, that the judgement might ne∣ver bee forgotten, and if so, here is an Hysteron proteron. And that it was so done, the words in Hebrew doe not obscurely declare, for having said, they stoned him with stones, hee addeth, and they burnt them, and stoned them; herein declaring the order, burning them all first, as God had commanded, and then casting stones at them in detestation, wherein they exceeded so, that the stones cast by them grew into a great heap, and remained as a monument of that judgement for ever. And this casting upon them of such a multitude of * 1.244 stones, shewed, that the people both did and would alwayes abhorre and keep themselves clear from such a foule wickednesse, as Calvin noteth. The tran∣slation commonly followed, They burned them after they had stoned them; is in∣deed against the Exposition brought, but it differeth from the Hebrew, as hath been already shewed, and from the Septuagint, following the Hebrew in this passage verbatim. Some think, that the fire being put to, hee was stoned, not to aggravate his punishment, but to put him the sooner out of his pain, cer∣tain it is, as Augustine hath it, that Joshua would not goe one jot from the Lords sentence, and hee best understood his meaning. Whereas Ioshua saith to Achan, Because thou hast troubled us, God shall trouble thee this day, some gather that because hee humbled himself and confessed his sin, it was pardoned unto him, and hee suffered not in hell therefore, but all his sufferings were finished that day: But Calvin, who thinketh more hardly of him, that Ioshua spake thus roughly to him to pull down his stout stomach, which was moved, in that his confession was not accepted of for a satisfaction, but they proceeded not∣withstanding to this most severe punishment against him. But I have alrea∣dy shewed, that it is more probable, that hee truely repented and was saved in the world to come, and therefore I think that this passage may not unfitly bee applyed for the further illustrating thereof. And that Achan was saved eter∣nally, Ferus saith, is the generall opinion of Expositours: Wherefore Ioshua speaketh thus sharply unto him, not as insulting over him, as a cast-away, but * 1.245 as was necessary, that being castigated throughly, both in word and deed here, hee might escape hereafter, and others hearing it might fear.

Hee was burnt and his children, because happily they consented to his sin, and if not, that his judgement might bee the greater, and his beasts suffered,

and all that hee had, because his sin was about worldly goods, to shew, what a man getteth, that through covetousnesse is tempted to commit sacriledge, [Note.] is no gain, but losse, all that hee hath being hereby eaten as with a canker, and consumed as with fire, as experience hath shewed in many Church-rob∣bers. Hee doth greatly against himself and his posterity, that thus seeketh to bee inriched, as Achan, and Heliodorus, Antiochus, and Crassus, who after the robbing of the Temple fell into much misery. Wherefore the Romans, if any thing were taken from Churches, have sometime restored it double. This * 1.246 judgement being executed, it is said, that God turned from the fiercenesse of his wrath against Israel, to shew, that as long as sin goeth unpunished, God is angry with all the congregation, because evill, that provoketh his wrath, is amongst them, and by punishment inflicted upon the Malefactour it is re∣moved, but not otherwise. Mystically by Achans stealing of the tongue or * 1.247 wedge of gold, &c. saith Origen, wee may understand the golden sayings of Philosophers and Heathen Poets, to set forth superstition, these hee stealeth and hideth in the midst of his tent, that in reading of them hath his heart taken with such vanities, this is to the troubling of the whole Church, and therefore must bee sharpely punished. Or else by this wedge of gold, &c. is * 1.248 set forth the eloquence and doctrine of hereticks. Or according to Isidor, the evill manners of the world brought into the Church.

CHAP. VIII.

THe Host being purged by the destruction of Achan, Joshua is now in∣couraged * 1.249 to fight against Ai, being promised, that hee should take it, and bideen to doe to it, as to Jericho, but onely the spoile here is permitted to the people. They had burnt Jericho, and so they must doe to Ai in way of re∣venge * 1.250 for the losse and shame sustained by the men of Ai, that by burning the City the memory of that defeat might bee blotted out, and the spoile is gran∣ted to the Souldiers for their greater incouragement, so Calvin.

Lay thee an ambush for the City behind it. The Lord condescending to their weaknesse, they being so much disheartned by their late overthrow, and be∣cause hee would not alwayes work by miracle, directeth Joshua here to use warlike policy, the more easily to overcome the men of Ai. And whereas a question is made, whether Treason against enemies bee lawfull, seeing it is [Qu.] not without dissimulation? Lyra answereth well, that lying is not lawfull, * 1.251 no not to an Enemy, for the Faith given to them must bee kept, but wee may for an advantage conceale our purposes from them, and by shewes deceive them, if wee can, it being a like lawfull in a just warre to overcome by open warre, or by secret stratagems of Warre, as Augustine hath it, for this is no * 1.252 vicious dissimulation, but military policy and commended in this place as taught by God. Ferus saith, that God taught them thus to proceed, that they might no more trust in their own strength, as they had done, and that the Enemies seeing them not onely to have strength, but policy also in making warre, might bee the more terrifyed. And just war, hee saith, is that which is made at Gods command, or to recover things unjustly taken away, and de∣tained, or for great injuries offered. Other warres made out of covetousnesse to get more ample dominion or riches, or for vain-glory, are rather to bee cal∣led robberies. Bonfrerius moveth and answereth another question upon the * 1.253 first words, Take all the people and goe up against Ai, why all the people must goe up against so small a City, hereof the most probable reason was, partly that all their mindes before languishing, might bee erected with comfort through this victory, and partly that all having abstained from the spoiles of Jericho might have part in this prey. According to the Lords direction, Joshua * 1.254 proceedeth with all the men of warre, and out of them chooseth 30000 to goe by night, and to night, and to lye in ambush on the West side, behinde the City, v. 9. tel∣ling them that hee with all the Army would come before the City, and by fai∣ning

a flight, draw the people of Ai out of the City, and then they should a∣rise and come into the City and set it on fire. And v. 12. hee is said to lay * 1.255 5000 in ambush on the west side, &c. hereupon a question is made, whether [Qu.] two ambushes were laid, as it seemeth by the words, one of 30000, and ano∣ther of 5000? R. Solomon saith, there were two. Calvin and Masius, that there * 1.256 was but one, of 5000 onely, that Company of 30000 being the Army appoin∣ted to assault the City. Comestor, and Lyra, and others, that 30000 were sent at the first to lye in ambush, but because so many could not bee hidden, 25000 * 1.257 returned, and 5000 onely remained; and this saith Lyra, is the common tenet of our Expositors. And it is not improbable, because they are expressely said to have been set in the same place; and the number of 5000 was sufficient. Yet if it bee held that there were two Companies set, the History agreeth, and it may bee conceived that the last ambush was set to meet with such as should flee, when the first entred the City, that none might escape. The second is di∣rectly against the Text, which saith, Joshua with all the men of Warre went up a∣gainst the City, therefore not 30000 onely. In that such a multitude could passe and not be perceived by the noise of their motion, although in the night, was a point of Gods singular providence, making the men of Ai so secure, as not to set any scouts to espy them.

All things being thus ordered, the King of Ai with all his men commeth out * 1.258 against Israel, who fled, and by flying, draw all the men out of the City to pursue them; the ambush then entreth at a signe given by Joshua by stretching out his Speare, and burneth the City, then they that fled, returned and gat the Victory; the King being taken alive, and hanged till evening, and all both men, women, and children being destroyed, &c. In that God biddeth Joshua * 1.259 to stretch out his speare, saying, that hee would now give the City into his hands. Calvin gathereth, that it was a matter of great difficulty to winne this * 1.260 City, either because the Israelites were yet fearfull, or the City so strong∣ly fenced, and therefore God appointeth the stretching out of Joshua his speare for a signe of his help, that they might not doubt, but fight confidently, and the speare held up towards Ai, was as a sign of triumph, as if the victory were already gotten, so certainly did the Lord by this signe or symbole assure him * 1.261 thereof, for which cause he continued strenching it out, till all were subdned. But that the stretching out of this speare was a signe to the men lying in am∣bush to arise and take the City, he denyeth, because it could not bee seene so farre off, especially Joshua being in a valley; whereas they are noted then to arise, this was, because by the clamour and noise made, they now perceived that the former propounded stratagem had taken effect; thus Calvin: who is also seconded by some others, who say, that the sounding of the Trumpets, was a signe to the ambush to arise, and not Joshua his speare which could not be seen by them so farre off, and God also, who spake to Joshua to hold out his speare, could at the same time bring them of the ambush by a Divine instinct out of their lurking place into the City. And that the holding out of this speare appointed by God was the cause, when the Israelites fought, of their getting the victory over the men of Ai, God secretly working therewith by his almigh∣ty power, as by the hands of Moses lifted up against Amalek. And therefore it * 1.262 is noted that these words, Into thy hand I have given it; may otherwise be ren∣dred, by thy hand I have given it, that is, not fighting, but holding up thy speare. Moreover, no such signe being formerly given to the men laid in ambush, how could they know it? and if it had been held out for a sigue to them when they had taken the City, he would not certainly have held it out still as hee did, v. 26. yet Iosephus, Lyranus, Theodoret, and Tostatus will have * 1.263 the holding out of this speare to be for a sign to the ambush; and as Lyra hath it, some Banner to bee put upon the top of it, that might be seen. But I rest in the former as most probable, although the Rabbins are for this also. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rendred a speare, is sometime used for a shield, and sometime for a speare or javelin, and for a speare it is most commonly taken in this place, as by the Chaldee and Septuagint, but by the Vulgar Latine for a shield, yet

even Jerome rendreth the same word, a speare, Job 41. 20. and here both Arias, Montanus, Pagninus, and Tigurini interpretes, and a speare was fittest to be lifted up in the view of all about it, and not a shield; unlesse as Lyra hath it, a shield were put upon the top of a speare or pole, that it might be seen. But the words used to Joshua, intimate no such thing, but onely a stretching out of that in his hand towards Ai to destroy it. The people drawne out upon the feigned flight of the Israelites to pursue after them, are said to be not onely all the men of Ai, but of Bethel also; but it may bee doubted how this could bee, * 1.264 the ambush lying between Bethel and Ai? Answ. It is most probable, that the men of Bethel were before this come into Ai to helpe to defend it, as being un∣der the King of Ai, and so it is not meant that they came now out of Bethel to pursue, but out of Ai, being before set there in a readinesse when the Enemy should come. And whereas all are said to have come out, and that a man was not left in Bethel or Ai, it is to bee understood of such as were able to beare armes: for all the weaker sort were slaine afterwards in the City, v. 24.

They entred into the City and tooke it, and hasted, and set it on fire. This is not to be understood of all the City, but the north part onely, which the enemies * 1.265 seeing, might quaile in their courage, and the Israelites seeing, might be incou∣raged. For Ai was all burnt, v. 28. and the spoiles were first taken, v. 27. af∣ter the destruction of all the people, which could not have been if much of the City had been burnt before. They set on fire then some house onely that stood most fit to shew by the flame, or smoke thereof, their taking of the City, and so went out on the back of their enemies to fight against them, some happily be∣ing lest to carry out and preserve the stuffe and goods therein from burning.

The men of Ai seeing the smoke, had no power to flee any way, which happe∣ned * 1.266 through their sudden great amazement.

All the men and women of Ai now smitten were 12000, which was the whole company in all that City, whereby the smalnesse of it appeareth. Ma∣sius * 1.267 will have the men of Bethel also to be numbred amongst them; but Tosta∣tus * 1.268 that the people of Ai onely fell, and they escaped; but this last is improba∣ble, seeing that in the warre they were mixed together, and so fell together, or else more would have been spoken of Bethel afterwards, which is not; so that it is most likely that they all perished together, and are all called the people of Ai, when they are summed up, because under the same King.

And Joshua burnt Ai, and made it an heap for ever, &c. This seemeth not to * 1.269 have been so, for Ezra 2. 28. wee read of the men of Bethel, and Ai, and Ne∣hem. 7. 32. Wherefore it is to be understood that it remained desolate a long time; and his meaning was, that it should so continue alwayes, as Jericho, but as that City was built againe many yeares after; so it seemeth that Ai was re∣built also.

And the King of Ai hee hanged on a tree till eventide, &c. Because the King * 1.270 was the chiefe in fighting against the people of God; hee hath a more shame∣full death then any of his subjects, being first hanged and then taken downe, and stones cast upon him unto a great heape at the entring of the gate, as A∣chan in the valley of Achor. Hee and his subjects had put the children of Israel to ignominy by their overthrow, to the imboldening of the Canaanites against them, therfore now he is thus ignominiously dealt withall, that it being spoken of amongst the Canaanites, they might bee terrified, as indeed they were, Josh. 9. 3. and Ch. 10. 1. But his body is not suffered to hang any longer then till even, according to the law, Deut. 21. 23.

Mystically, saith Ferus, by Joshua his sighting against Ai, we may understand Jesus his fighting against the Devill, for hee assaulteth him by open Warre, * 1.271 when as he casts Devills out of the possessed, and closely hee laid an ambush against him and his kingdome, when hee fled from the Jewes persecuting him, and fled into Egypt, and suffered himselfe to bee taken and crucified, but his De∣ity that lay hid, returned upon him, and destroyed all his power, and his whole City of the wicked world shall bee by him adjudged to bee burnt with fire. The world indeed is secure, and goeth on in fighting against his Saints,

even till the judgement commeth, but then they shall see the smoke of their torment ascending, but none of them shall escape, or have any ••ower to flee away, because as this City, so the world their City, shall be suddenly set on fire, when they promise to themselves most prosperity and peace.

Then Joshua built an Altar, &c in Mount Ebal, as Moses the servant of the * 1.272 Lord commanded, &c. Mount Ebal was over against Gilgal, Deut. 11. 30. where∣fore Joshua now went back againe from Ai 4 miles to build an Altar there, so H. Bunting, Patriarchs travailes. Of the charge hereabout given by Moses, see Deut. 11. 29. and Deut. 27. at large, where all things concerning this passage have b••en already explained. Onely whereas Joshua may seeme not to have done altogether according to the direction of Moses, because hee appointed the Levites to pronounce the curses, and generally the Priests were to blesse the * 1.273 people, but Joshua is said here to have blessed them, and to have read the curses: Lyra and others answer well, that Joshua did it by the Ministery of the Levites. This building of an Altar and sacrificing at this time, was for thanksgiving for the former victories, and to consecrate the Land now entred upon, unto the Lord.

CHAP. IX.

AND it came to passe, when all the Kings on this side Jordan, in the hills and * 1.274 the valleys, &c. heard thereof, they gathered themselves together, &c. In this chapter the divers effects of the preceding judgements are set forth in divers peoples, some hearing of them, harden themselves, and come to fight against Joshua, others come and subject themselves to the Lord, but they are destroyed, these preserved. And so it falleth out still, some are made worse by hearing, [Note.] and some yeeld, the one sort to their certaine perdition, the other to their salvation. It is strange that all should not bee made to yeeld, hearing of such an unresistable power, against which there was no striving. But their eyes [Note.] were blinded, and their hearts hardened by a just judgement, this being in them the forerunner of ruine, and so likewise it is in all others, both Princes and common people. Calvin here observeth the singular providence of God in holding these great Forces hitherto from comming against Israel, and that they sent no succours to Jericho, or to Ai, for which they had time enough, * 1.275 since their arriving in that land: but herein hee shewed great favour to his people, not being yet so couragious till they had gotten heart, and such is his providence over his Church in dissipating oftentime the great Forces of their enemies, and infatuating their counsells, that his servants may bee the better able to resist them, and lesse indangered by them. In the hills and the valleys, this land was full of hills, especially where the lot of Judah lay, Deut. 1. 24. Judg. 1. 19. And by the coast of the great Sea, that is, the Mediterranean sea, which was on the West, where the Zidonians, Tyrians, and Phenicians dwelt, being of the Canaanite kind, and the Philistims, over against Lebanon, which was on the North, so that here is described a generall uniting of their forces all o∣ver the Land to come against Joshua; but how, and in what order this was done, is further declared, Chap. 10. 1. Ch. 11. 1.

And when the inhabitants of Gibeon heard what Joshua bad done to Jericho, and Ai, they did worke wilily, and made as if they had been Ambassadors, &c. Gibeon, saith * 1.276 one, was 12 miles from Gilgal, where Joshua now was, and 4 miles from Jeru∣salem, * 1.277 it was a great City, Ch. 10. 2. and seated upon an hill from whence it had the name, for Gibeah, or Gibeon signifieth a curled hill. It was within the lot of the tribe of Benjamin, Ch. 18. 25. and was given to the Priests, Ch. 21. 17. it stood upon the hill Siloas, saith Borchardus and Adricomius, so that all the * 1.278 memorable things said to have been done in Shilo, were done in this City, here the Tabernacle continued a long time, and here Saul was made King, &c. In the Gibeonites the wonderfull mercy of God appeared even towards some that * 1.279 were condemned to die, saith Ferus, so that some, even in Countreys that are

most wicked, are made vessels of mercy, as Rahab also before in Jericho. And he doubteth not ••ut they were brought by the Spirit of God to submit them∣selves to Ioshua. And whereas they lyed to save themselves, hee saith, that be∣ing Gentiles, this was easily forgiven them. Calvin both derideth the device of the Gibeouites, as needlesse and vain, to come in this dissembling man∣ner: * 1.280 needlesse, because the Israelites, before that they assaulted any City, were to offer conditions of peace, and vain, because it could not bee thought that Ioshua could by such poore meanes bee deceived, because they had mouldy bread, &c. to beleeve, that they came from afarre, because they might have such things, although not by accident in a long journey, and the device ha∣ving taken effect, the Oath obtained was frustrate, because made to a people that had no being in the world, but as it were, to a Phantasma. But it was onely to Cities afarre off, and not to any of the Canaanites, that conditions * 1.281 of peace should bee offered: and their case being desperate, it was not vain for them to use the poorest meanes of escape, referring the successe to God, and because this policy sprung from the fear and terrour of the Lord, hee made it successefull for their preservation, when all others were destroyed. And they beleeved that Ioshua made such conscience of an Oath, that being once taken, hee durst not breake it, although taken to them under the name of farre dwellers, seeing they were the men, to whom hee was bound. Again, Calvin condemneth Joshua for his credulity, when as hee might easily divers wayes have found out the deceit, and for his grosse neglect of Gods Ordinance, in that before hee gave them any resolution, hee went not to the High Priest, with the Ʋrim and Thummim, to enquire of him what hee should doe. This last indeed is spoken of by way of taxation, v. 14. but Lyra saith, that the * 1.282 Gibeonites came thus to submit themselves, not onely through fear, but in Faith, as hee gathered from these words, v. 9. In the name of the Lord thy God are wee come, that is, to bee joyned with his people, and to learn how to wor∣ship and serve him aright. So likewise Ferus, they knew that all in that Coun∣try were adjudged to dye, yet they against hope beleeved, that thus seeking * 1.283 peace, and submitting themselves, they should escape with their lives, and ther∣fore happily if Joshua had consulted with the Oracle, the like resolution should have been given, seeing God rejecteth none that humbly seeke unto him for mercy, and hee confirmed what was now done, when for their blood unjustly shed in blinde zeal by Saul, hee sent a famine, and declared this to bee the cause, 2 Sam. 21. And therefore God now wrought so for them, that they being brought by his fear and Faith should not perish, and so the teme∣rity and imprudence of Joshua was the more excusable, this thing being no∣ted Ch. 11. 19. to have come of the Lord. Whereas the Gibeonites are said there to bee a remnant of the Amorites, but Josh. 11. 19. of the Hivites; the word Amorites is to bee understood at large for all the people of Canaan, being of divers sorts, and so the Hivites were comprehended under it.

Two questions here offer themselves; 1 How Joshua could lawfully save these Hivites alive, seeing the charge given by God was utterly to destroy them * 1.284 all? 2 Whether Joshua were bound by his Oath, to which hee was by them drawn through fraud, to save them? To the first it is answered, that it was not unlawfull to save such as submitted themselves, and yeelded to become pro∣selytes, as Rahah and her house, and these Gibeonites did: for the charge of de∣stroying all was doubtlesse to bee understood with this condition, except in [Qu. 1] some extraordinary case, when any of them should voluntarily yeeld from their possessions and religion, and bee at their disposing, which case God fore∣saw would bee very rare, for by his spirituall judgement hee hardned all o∣thers, that none yeelded, that hee might bring their deserved punishments * 1.285 upon them. For the reason why the Lord would not have them to save any alive, was, lest the children of Israel should bee intangled with Idolatry by their meanes, but when any shewed themselves to bee taken with the fear of * 1.286 God, and ready to turn from this wickednesse, there was not in preserving them the like danger, and this was the case of the Gibeonites. Yet I doe not

think, that if they had come directly to sue for mercy, they should have been saved, but the tye of an oath concurring. For the second question, divers [Qu. 2] hold diversly: Augustine, Tostatus, Masius, Magallianus, &c. That Joshua * 1.287 was not bound by this oath, as also Calvin; of whom before their reasons, 1 Because the oath was made about a thing unlawfull, and contrary to the ex∣presse charge of the Lord. 2 Because the Oath was no more in effect, but if yee bee such farre dwellers, as yee say, yee shall live; yet the Oath was kept, both because they took themselves to bee bound hereby, viz. Joshua and the Princes, and it was afterwards allowed by the Lord. The first of these rea∣sons falleth by that, which hath been already said: and the second, because although Joshua being deceived took them to bee farre dwellers, yet this con∣dition was not expressed in the oath, but it was made to them there present, and therefore hereby Joshua was bound unto them, whatsoever they were, as a man that marryeth a woman, which saith shee is English, although shee bee French, is bound to her, and hee that promiseth money to a Spaniard, who to draw him to it, affirmeth himself to bee an English man. And that they were bound by this Oath appeareth both because Joshua, who had the spirit of God, took himself and them to bee bound hereby, and God afterwards shewed, that it was an Oath that bound, when hee sent a judgement upon the Land for Sauls breaking of it. Wherefore others hold better, that it was a vali∣dous oath, as Ambrosius, Lyra, Dionisius. Carthus. Gratianus. If it bee de∣manded * 1.288 then, whether an Oath touching a thing unlawfull bindeth? It is an∣swered no, by no meanes, for when David had sworn to destroy Nabal, ha∣ving met with Abigail, hee repented and did it not. Wherefore to spare any of this Country was not absolutely unlawfull, whatsoever the case should be, but generally. In this case Joshua knew, that it would bee more pleasing to God to spare then to kill, 1 Because God is more inclinging to mercy to such as ask mercy, then to judgement, although his sentence bee past for judge∣ment, as in the case of the Ninevites. 2. For the avoiding of scandall after this Oath made; for if Joshua had not kept it, the Nations round about would have thought vilely of Israel, as not regarding an Oath, and so that their God cared not, whether Oathes taken were kept or not. If it bee said, this was an incouragement to others to deceive. Answ. It was not for their deceit, that they were saved, but because they feared God, and for other reasons already rendred, thus Hugo.

And the men took of their victuals, this is thought by some to have been done * 1.289 to eate thereof, and in eating to make a Covenant, as the manner hath in some places been, but it is more probable, that they onely took and beheld, and smelt unto them, to see whether they were indeed so old or no, using no o∣ther means of tryall, either by consulting with the Lord, or questioning with Rahab about them, or observing their manner of speech, as they might have done.

Joshua and the Princes having sworn unto them here, within three dayes, * 1.290 that they had deceived them, wherefore hee called them, and accurseth them to servitude, and to bee hewers of wood and drawers of water for all the Congregation. When the Israelites came to their Cities, the Princes could hardly keep them from smiting the Gibeonites, v. 17, 18. but they were paci∣fied by telling them, that they should all bee their servants. If it bee deman∣ded, how justly they could after the oath, bee condemned to servitude? It is [Qu.] commonly answered, that the League barred not Joshua from this, for they offered themselves, as servants, v. 11. Their Land and Houses then, might notwithstanding bee taken from them, and all their possessions, their lives onely being spared, and they might bee put to any service appointed them. And if the Oath had been taken otherwise, it had been unlawfull, because that whole Land was given to the children of Israel for an inheritance. And ac∣cordingly their Cities were given Gibeon, Chaphira, Boeroth to Benjamin, Josh. 18. and Chireathiearim to Judah, Josh. 21. and these are said to bee their Ci∣ties, v. 17. And this sentence of being servants was just for their former sins

and the fraud now used. Calvin saith that the oath was kept but in part, their lives being spared, but their liberty which was dea••er then life, being for ever taken from them, that they might have little benefit by their fraud, and mockage, yet they quietly submitted themselves, there being no remedy. But it is plain by that, which hath been already said, that the Oath, was not bro∣ken in any part, neither durst Joshua certainly have done against it in any thing, for fear of Gods wrath, before whom an Oath is most sacred. But what was their service? Answ. Joshua saith, None of you shall bee freed from being bondmen, and hewers of wood and drawers of water, for the house of my God, thus [Qu.] explaining that v. 21. they shall bee hewers of wood, and drawers of water to all the Congregation. For hereby it was not meant that they should bee servants to particular men to doe common works, but to the Tabernacle, providing and bringing wood for the sacrifices, by all the congregation there offered, and water to wash the Priests and sacrifices, and to seeth the flesh brought thither, and whatsoever servile work else they should bee put unto about the Taber∣nacle and Temple, when that was built, as cutting and sawing stone, &c. so that their bondage was to the Levites, to serve under them continually. Where∣fore the strangers appointed by Solomon to doe these works about the Temple, 2 Chron. 2. 17, 18. being 153600. were most probably a great part of them Gi∣beonites. Whereas at the end of this Chapter, v. 27. it is said, they should bee hewers of wood and drawers of water for all the Congregation, and for the Altar of the Lord, the last words serve to explaine the former, herein, they should serve all the Congregation by doing those publick works, which con∣cerned all. And because their service was about the Temple, they are spoken of amongst the Levites, Porters and singers, by the name of Netbinims, Ez∣ra 7. 24. which by the Kings Decree were made free from toll and tribute, the word Nethinim comming of Nathan, to give, which word is used here, v. 27. Joshua gave them, &c. for these were the men given for this service; and of this name wee read again, Ezra 2. 58. Nehem. 7. 60. and that they could not shew their Genealogies to bee of the children of Israel, whereas Joshua doth not onely condemn them to servitude, but saith that they were accursed, it imply∣eth nothing else here, as Calvin noteth, but this temporall judgement upon * 1.291 their persons, as contrariwise it was a blessing to bee free, and to inherit in that Land, or as Junius, yee are accursed, that is, yee are of the people who are accursed, and appointed to destruction, so that if your lives bee spared, yee may think your selves well dealt withall, though yee bee made servants. If it bee demanded how they were maintained, and how so many could bee placed for habitation and service about the Tabernacle onely, seeing they were [Qu.] foure Cities? It is answered, that all were not continually at all times im∣ployed at once, but onely so many as were necessary, one company comming to serve after another by course, as the Priests growing numerous were di∣stributed in Davids time into 24 courses. For their habitations, they might have them sparsedly amongst the children of Israel, that dwelt near about the Tabernacle, and their maintenance, when they served, must needs come from the Temple, out of the contributions of all the Congregation, or out of the Levites meanes, to whom they immediately ministred, and amongst whom it seemeth that they dwelt, Ezr. 2. 70. and some of them in Ophel, Nehem. 11. 21. Wherefore Ferus was mistaken in writing, that when Joshua might justly have * 1.292 taken away these foure Cities of the Gibeonites, and the spoile of them, yet hee did none of these things for his Oathes sake; for although hee took not happily their goods, yet their Cities were taken, as was before shewed.

Mystically the combining of all the Kings against Joshua, shewed the seek∣ing * 1.293 of the Kings of the Earth, by a joynt consent to overthrow the Gospel of Jesus, by stirring up most hot persecutions against Christians: but as Israel is increased even at this time by the accession of many of that Land unto them, and all their combining against Joshua was vain; so the more Christians were persecuted, the more they increased, gaining some in those tyrants Countries, and all their attempts against Jesus and his Gospel are frustrated, for they

fall at length before him, and hee by his people possesseth their lands. Thus Origen, who also thinketh, that by the Gibeonites were figured out some that * 1.294 live in the Church, and are kinde and serviceable to the Saints of God, but they have old garments, and shooes, &c. that is, live still according to the old man, these shall bee saved, but not without some note of disgrace. But Isi∣dor, better, they injoy a temporall life in the Church, but not eternall. But I * 1.295 rather follow Ferus, who by the Gibeonites in their old cloathes comming to Joshua, understandeth penitent sinners, that come to Jesus, there is nothing * 1.296 in them to commend them, but vilenesse by reason of sin, yet hee saveth them, and onely imposeth the crosse upon them, which they must bear and serve in the house of God, this is called a curse, but is turned to the into a blessing, in which Paul gloryed above all things: Thus hee upon Chap. 9. * 1.297 but upon Ch. 10 hee maketh them a figure of such as living in the Church, yet continue in their old sins, they serve others but neglect themselves: These are permitted to live, but are not taken into the society of the faithfull as Rahab was: These are most miserable, labouring onely for things temporall, but losing the eternall.

CHAP. X.

IN this Chapter Adonizedek King of Jerusalem, having heard that Gibeon had made peace with Joshua, and that Jericho and Ai were destroyed, hee feared * 1.298 greatly, and sent to call Hoham King of Hebron, Piram King of Farmoth, and Jophin King of Lachish, and D••bir King of Eglon, to goe with him against Gi∣beon, * 1.299 which they did. But the Gibeonites send to call Joshua from Gilgal to their succour, who hasteneth thither, and is incouraged by the Lord, promi∣sing to deliver them into his hands, and so he smote them and chased them, and * 1.300 the Lord cast hailstones upon them fleeing, whereby more perished then by the sword. Adonizedek signifieth the Lord of righteousnesse, as M••lch••z••d••k, Gen. 14. King of Righteousnesse. This is thought by some to have been the common Title of the Kings of that City, as Pharoah of the Kings of Egypt; * 1.301 Abimelech of the Philistims; and Caesar of the Roman Emperours. Which if it were so, the present King was much degenerated from the vertues of his An∣cestours, having nothing in him but the bare Title, which yet hee gloryed in as a Title of honour, as the Kings of Spain in the Title of Catholick; and the Fernch Kings of Christianissimi. It was said Ch. 9. 1. that all the Kings about combined themselves against Joshua, now the History proceedeth to * 1.302 shew how this was done. 1 By the instigation of the King of Jerusalem, as being nearest the danger, these foure Kings are called together; first, to take revenge upon the Gibeonites as Traitours to their Countrey, and hereby ter∣rour being stricken into others, to proceed with the more courage against Is∣rael, as Calvin noteth. 2 Their overthrow being heard of, by the instigation of Jabin King of Hazor; all the rest of the Kings were gathered together from all parts, Ch. 11. 1, 2, 3. And God suffered these five Kings first to come against Gibeon, that being the second time delivered out of danger, they might the more willingly bear the yoke imposed upon them. This is by Ferus well turned into this Morall; So soon as any submit themselves to God and to his * 1.303 service, they shall bee sure to have Enemies, the devill and his instruments, [Note.] that will attempt their destruction, but let us not fear in this case, but seek * 1.304 for help of our Joshua, Jesus, who will undoubtedly save us. v. 2. Gibeon is said to have been A great City, as one of the Royall Cities, and all the men thereof to bee mighty. That is, although it had no King, yet it was not inferiour to a City that had a King. This is added, to shew that the forces of the Enemies [Note.] were not a little impaired by the revolt of this people. In that no King yeelded to Joshua, but this people only, that had no King: Ferus noteth, that Kings, * 1.305 who have no feare of God in them, are proud, and think their power to bee so great, that none are able to withstand it, no not God himself, as Pharaoh,

Sennacherib, and Nebuchadnezzar, but they shall fall like men. And herein was not obscurely figured out the resistance made by all Kings and Emperours * 1.306 at the first going out of the Gospel, against Jesus, was prophesied Psal. 2. for the common people onely submitted themselves, and suffered cruell persecuti∣ons therefore, for the space of 300 yeers.

Of the foure Cities under these foure Kings, wee shall read more afterwards, Ch. 14. 15. they fell to the lot of Judah, and so were not farre off from Jerusalem. Of Lachish, where that stood, see in this Chap. upon v. 31. Of Eglon, v. 34. And of Hebron, v. 36.

Whereas the Enemies comming against Gibeon, is first set down, and then their sending to Joshua for aid, Calvin thinketh that the order is inverted, and * 1.307 that they stayed not so long, before they sent; but so soon as they heard of their preparations against them, which is not improbable. But whereas hee saith, that Joshua was three dayes in comming to their succour, it both seem∣eth contrary to the Text, which saith, that hee came suddenly, and went all night, v. 9. and against reason, seeing Gilgal was but 12 miles distant from Gibeon, as was shewed Ch. 9. 3. yet I hold with him, that Joshua first consulted with the Lord, as is intimated, v. 8. when God bade him not to fear, for this implyed his seeking to God for direction herein, that hee might erre no more, as formerly hee had done, when these Gibeonites first sought unto him for peace; Yet Augustine saith, that God unconsulted, spake to him, intimating that if it had been his will that the Gibeonites should not have been preserved before, hee would have told Joshua who they were, although hee asked him not.

And the Lord discomfitted them before Israel, Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Vulgar La∣tine, * 1.308 hee troubled them, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth to trouble, from which it may bee derived, the affixt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying them, but if the word them bee un∣derstood, it commeth of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Conterere, but because it is added, and smote them with a great slaughter: The first word may better bee understood of the feare and trouble caused amongst them, by Joshua his sudden comming with his Ar∣my, God working herewith, that the Israelites might the more easily over∣come them; for fear taketh away all courage to resist. And chased them along the way that goeth to Bethoron. There were two Bethorons, the neather and the upper, both built by Sherah, the Daughter of Ephraim the Patriarch, 1 Chron. 7. 24. but they were not yet built: for how could shee come to build there, before the Land was conquered, this place therefore was called Beth∣oron, as some think, by anticipation, or rather being now an obscure Vil∣lage * 1.309 and decayed, but called by this name, shee inlarged and new built it, the same name being stiil retained. It was eight miles from Jerusalem, Northwest, not farre from the Castle of Emmaus the upper, 16 miles further towards the North. But if wee consult with Josh. 16. 5. wee shall finde that Bethoron the upper lay Eastward. Both these are said again to have been built by Solomon, * 1.310 and fenced with walls and gates. See more of Bethoron the neather, Josh. 16. 3. And of the upper, v. 5. And smote them to Azekah, and to Makkedah. A∣zekah was a City eight miles also from Jerusalem Westward, and near this, stood the City Makkedah, both which fell afterwards to the lot of Judah, Josh. 15. 35. 41. so that the Enemies fled, some one way and some another, to save themselves, but all in vain: for the Lord cast down great stones upon them, as they went to Bethoron, and as they fled from thence to Azekah, and with * 1.311 these hailestones more dyed then with the sword. That these hailstones were not ordinary, comming of naturall causes, but extraordinary and miraculous, appeareth both by the effect and the directing of them upon the heads of the Enemies, the Israelites escaping, who were so near unto them, even at their heeles, eagerly pursuing them, and killing them. Josephus saith, that it thun∣dered and lightened also, Exod. 9. 24. There was haile and fire ruingled with it, sent upon Egypt by the same divine power, at the word of Moses. Also thunder and lightning is said to have been sent against the Enemies of Marcus Aurelius, a Roman Emperour, at the Prayers of a Christian Legion in his

Army, when all the Army was ready to perish for thirst, and for their comfort * 1.312 a gracious raine. And those hailstones are said to have been sent at the pray∣er of Joshua, Eccles. 46. 5, 6 o•• strange stones falling out of the aire at sundry times, some of iron, some of brick, some of chalke, and some fiery, write Pli∣ny, lib. 2. c. 56. Livy, lib. 1. Decad. 1. and lib. 10. Decad. 3. and P••utarch in Fa∣bio. But many such relations are fabulous, this most true and certain.

Then spake Joshua to the Lord, &c. and hee said in the sight of Israel, Sunne stand thou still upon Gibeon, and thou Moon in the valley of Aialon, &c. It may * 1.313 be thought, saith Calvin, that by Joshua his speaking to the Lord, is meant his speaking before him; because when a man prayeth to God, hee is not said to * 1.314 speake unto him, for this were too unreverent, but to pray or to call upon him; but by his speaking here, is undoubtedly meant his praying to him, and hee is said herein to speake to the Lord, because hee propounded what hee desired of him power to doe; and after this being certified of his grant, hee speaketh be∣fore Israel to the Sun to stand still, nothing doubting, but that both Sun and Moone should now obey his command. For if hee had not first sought to the Lord, and been made privle to his will, it had been temerity in him thus bold∣ly to speake to the Sun and Moone before all men, and being able to effect no∣thing, it would have been to his great disgrace. Lyra saith, hee spake to the Lord by thanksgiving for the favour already shewed, and then being confident, * 1.315 seeing God had given one signe out of the aerian Heaven, hee desired another in the starry Heaven. The Chaldee Paraphrast, and the Rabbins speake to the same effect with Lyra. But I rather subscribe herein to Calvin; and Augu∣stine acknowledgeth a wish and a prayer in this his speaking to be implyed: and * 1.316 Ferus saith, it is as if hee had said, I thanke thee O Lord that thou hast already thus shewed thy power, I would to God that all the world might see thy pow∣er. When it is therefore said, he spake to the Lord, the meaning is, that he spake secretly, praying in his heart for this thing, & then by faith believing it, in zeal for Gods glory, he saith before Israel, Sun stand thou stil, &c. for whatsoever, saith our Lord, yee shall aske in faith it shall be done for you, & who so shall in faith say to this mountain be removed, it shall be done. The word rendred here, stand stil, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dum, be silent; but metaphorically it is put for move not, because when a man is silent, he moveth not his tongue to speak; and to shew that standing still is meant, the word is varyed, v. 13. into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stood, in speaking of the Moone, that stood still in Aialon; wherefore the Septuagint render it stand, and Jerome, move not. The Rabbins are over-bold here, to vent their one imaginations, saying, that the Sunne stood not still, but moved with a very slow motion, that could not bee perceived; but the text saith, it stood, which was by a strange and miraculous stay, the like to which was never heard of but onely in Heze∣kiah his time it went backward ten degrees upon the diall of Ahaz at the word * 1.317 of Isaiah. But a question is here moved, at what time of the day Joshua spake thus? Comestor answereth, when hee saw the Sunne now ready to goe downe. [Qu.] Lyranus and Serrarius, when the Sun was now in the Meridionall point, be∣cause * 1.318 it is said, v. 13. that the Sun stood in the midst of heaven: Unlesse, saith Lyra, by the midst of heaven wee may understand whatsoever is above the ho∣rizon. And so Tostatus and Magalianus will have the midst here to bee un∣derstood of any part of the heaven somewhat above the horizon. But Bon∣frerius * 1.319 consuteth this, because the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chetsi here put for midst, signifieth precisely that part which hath two equall portions on either side thereof, al∣though the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 upon which Tostatus insisteth, bee of a more large signi∣fication. And yet going from this, hee determineth, that this was spoken soon after the Sun rising, because it was hot at noone time to labour in the pur∣sute of the enemies; and because Gibeon was castward from the place where Joshua now was, seeing Bethoron & Azekah were west & south from Gibeon. And for the taking away of that, which may seeme to make against his opinion, viz. the Suns standing still in the midst of the heaven, he saith, that by the midst may be understood the midst betwixt the horizon and the verticall point, to which hee would have the Sun now to be come; and to confirme this, hee saith,

that Aialon where the Moon stood, was westward in the tribe of Dan, Josh. 19. * 1.320 42. But Eusebius saith, it was eastward from Bethel, and the Author of the Book called the Patriarchs travailes, southeast; but Borchardus and Adricomius, make it west and south. The reason of this difference may bee, because there were two Aialons; and this, as Euseb. hath it, being but a little village, is not elsewhere named. That the Sun was not yet come to the noon point, is most improbable, because so much had been done that day; and it is against reason, that Joshua should so soone desire a stay of the course of the Sun, when as there was still day enough to follow the chase; and the like may be said against those that hold it now to have been about noon. I rest therefore in that of Co∣mestor, the Sun was declining, and the Moone being at the full, rising, and so the night comming on, which might hinder the pursuit, therefore Joshua de∣sired this stay, that hee might have the more time to make a perfect victory, and obtained it. And it is not absurd to hold, that the Sun being now declining, should bee said to bee in the midst of heaven, seeing all the heaven appearing to our sight above the horizon, is the midst in regard of all those parts hidden from us by the vast body of the earth. I determin then, that the Sun seemed now to stand over Gibeon westward, and the Moone eastward over Aialon, and here they were fixed an whole day more. But it is inquired here further, how [Qu.] long the day of this solstice was? It is most commonly held to have been as long as the space of time from the rising of the Sunne, to the Sunne setting in those parts, about the time of the summer solstice, when the days be at the lon∣gest, for about that time was this battell fought, and that was much longer then the longest of our dayes, viz. about 18 houres. Whereas it is further added, v. 14. There was no day like this neither before nor after it. If the day in [Obj.] Hezekiah his time be objected, when the Sun went 10 degrees backward; for if each degree was an houre, that day was lengthened 20 houres. It is answe∣red, happily the days were at that time of the year shorter, viz. but 8 houres, and if so, it was not so long a day as this. 2. The motion of the Sun might then bee much swifter then ordinary, and so notwithstanding its going backward, the day little increased, to which I rather assent, because no annotation is made, as here, of the extraordinary length of that day. Turpinus in the life of Charles * 1.321 the Great, saith, that one day was made as long as three, whilst he was perse∣cuting his enemies. Mutius is said, when hee went farre to visit one being sick, to have prayed, when hee saw the Sun ready to goe downe, that it might stand still, and it stood till hee came to his journeys end; and the like is said of Bessarion. But these and the like may well bee suspected to bee fabulous. That the Lord hearkened to the voice of a man; or it may bee rendred, for the Lords hearing of the voice of a man; that is, to doe such a miracle, in staying the two great lights of the world, contrary to the course of nature, for the like was never heard of before, nor after, neither hath any man ever defired it, that we read of, but Joshua, and therefore when the Sun went backward in Hezekiahs time, it was a signe voluntarily given by the Lord, and not desired by him. For the words inserted, v. 13. Is not this written in the booke of Jasher? Touch∣ing * 1.322 this booke, something hath been said already upon Numb. 21. 14. out of Tostatus, affirming it and the book of the Warres of the Lord there spoken of * 1.323 to be one and the same. Junius & Tremelius render it liber recti, according to the * 1.324 signification of the word Jasher, expounding it of the book of Annals, which is lost. Calvin not much differing understandeth by the just, Israel, sometime before * 1.325 called Ieshurun, here Iasher, holding it to have been a book setting forth the gests of Israel that is not now extant Lyra calling it liber justorum, reciteth the opi∣nions of others, and rejecteth them; As 1. That it was a book never transla∣ted, and so came not to us. 2. The book of the small Prophets, because Hab. 3. it is said, that the Sunne and Moone stood still; and then hee followeth the Hebrews, holding that it was the book of Genesis, so called for the just ones, Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob there written of, wherein Chap. 48. 19. Iacob in blessing Ephraim, saith, a multitude of Nations shall come of thee, therein pointing at Ioshua that came of Ephraim. But all this, and whatsoever else can bee said,

is but a conjecturing about that which cannot certainly bee known. Masius thinketh, that there was some Propheticall Book, like the Apocalyps, thus cal∣led, * 1.326 wherein these things were before spoken of; this book of Jasher, is a∣gaine cited, 2 Sam. 1. 18. some think, that it was a book in Meeter, setting forth the most notable things in the sacred history, because in Hebrew, here are three sentences that seem to bee Metricall. And so although it bee not now extant, yet wee have no want in the sacred history, because that was but a setting forth in Meeter of the same things which are here and there contain∣ed in the Bookes that wee have. To mee it seemeth to have been a Book of the annalls of Israel, begun happily in the time of Moses, and continued in Davids time, &c.

Mystically by the Suns standing still, that the day might bee prolonged by * 1.327 the meanes of Ioshua, Origen understandeth the prolonging of the time to the end of the world at the request of Jesus, that the Nations might bee subdu∣ed unto him. For when the Gospel was first preached, it is said, this is the last time, but ask of mee, saith God to his Son, and I will give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance, &c. Whilest then the fulnesse of the Gentiles * 1.328 bee come in, hee asked and obtained a prolonging of the time, for still the Sun shineth, light is in the world, and goeth not out. Onely let us make use of it, and bee subdued by this Jesus to our Salvation, as the Canaanites were to Joshua to their destruction.

And Joshua returned and all Israel with him to the Campe to Gilgal. This, saith * 1.329 Lyra, is put down here by anticipation, for Joshua was yet encouraging his Souldiers to pursue his Enemies, and returned not till the Victory perfected, and many Cities taken, v. 43. till which time the Campe was at Makkedah, v. 21. The Septuagint, because it seemeth to bee superfluously set down here, leave it quite out. Masius saith, hee returned, that is, prepared to return; but that cannot stand, because they went on in the fight long after this. Others hold that this verse crept in here by the fault of the Scribe. But there is no need, neither is it safe to grant that. The meaning is, hee returned with all Israel to Gilgal, but first, as followeth v. 16. hearing of the five Kings hid in a Cave, hee took order about them, and prosecuted his Victories to the full, and then returned thither, v. 43. To make this yet more plain, wee may thus conceive of the relation here made. 1 It is done briefly, the Sun stood still till the people had avenged themselves upon their enemies, after which, some Annotation being made upon that day, it is said, Joshua retunrned, &c. * 1.330 2 More largely, as if hee had said, I have given you the briefe of the gests of Israel, and Joshua at that time against their Enemies, after which they re∣turned to Gilgal, now I will relate all things in order, before their return, v. 16, 17, 18. &c. And then finally hee telleth of his return, v 43. Here tidings are brought to Joshua, that the five Kings were hid in a Cave at Makkedah, * 1.331 then hee biddeth to stop them in with great stones, and to goe on in the pursuite of their men, which they did, and smote many of them, but some escaped into fenced Cities.

Then all the people returned to the Campe to Joshua at Makkedah in peace, none moved his tongue against any of the children of Israel. This Cave was nigh unto * 1.332 Makkedah, not in the City, which was not yet taken, till v. 28. By rolling great stones to the mouth of it, they imprisoned the five Kings, that they might af∣terward bee brought forth to execution. Whereas they are said to return to the Campe at Makkedah, it is to bee understood, that there was a pitcht Campe there, for that was at Gilgal, but here was the place appointed by Joshua for them to return unto when they had done smiting their enemies, that they could come unto, that from thence they might proceed together a∣gainst their Cities. And all the people of Israel are said to have come hither againe in peace, to intimate that none of them was slain in this battail, so that it was rather a going out to kill men condemned and disarmed, then a fight∣ing against the Armed. And to shew a perfect Victory now obtained, all their Enemies in the way being destroyed, it is added, None moved his tongue, that

is, there was none left to attempt the least hurt against any of Israel. A like speech to this is had, Exod. 11. 7. Jud. 11. 15.

Joshua and all the Army being again at the Cave at Makkedah, the five Kings * 1.333 are brought out, and the Captains put their feet upon their necks, and they are slain and hanged upon five trees. Joshua would have them to set their feet * 1.334 upon these Kings necks, not out of insolency, but in token of subjecting like∣wise all their Enemies unto them, that they might bee the more courageous against the rest. They triumphed thus, saith Calvin, over all the rest, as if they * 1.335 had been already subdued. This putting of their feet upon their necks may seem to bee prophefied of Deut. 33. 29. where the Septuagint have it, Thou shalt ascend upon their necks, and the Vulgar Latine, Thou shalt tread upon their necks, but Hebr. it is Ʋpon their high places, see Expos. Thus Tamerlane, but with more pride, made Bajazet his footstool, when hee took horse, and Justinian having recovered his Empire again, from which hee had been put by Tiberi∣us and Leontius, set his foot upon their necks, and having made them a pub∣lick * 1.336 spectacle, caused their heads to bee cut off in hunting. Hee killed them, and then hanged them up, saith Calvin, for greater ignominy, that other Kings * 1.337 of the Countrey being inraged at it, might come against him, and so bring de∣struction upon themselves the sooner. For his commanding, that they should bee taken down at the Sun going down, see the like before, Josh. 8 29. but this is not so to bee understood, as if Joshua stayed their taking down, but on∣ly appointed it to bee thus done by some left for the purpose, for hee went the same day and took Makkedah, and destroyed the people, and from thence to Libnah, and served it likewise, v. 28, 29. For on the second day Lachish was taken, v. 32. and other Cities, from whence most probably this Army was * 1.338 raised.

Mystically by the treading of these Kings under their feet, was set forth our * 1.339 treading of our spiritual enemies, which, before Faith commeth, reign as Kings, under our Feet; and accordingly the phrase is used, Rom. 16. 20. God shall tread Satan under your feet. For this is done by the power of Jesus, when sin is mortified in us, and doth not reign in our mortall bodies: to this effect Origen. And * 1.340 morally the mightiest of the wicked, shall bee most mightily tormented. Lib∣nah was a City within the lot of the Tribe of Judah, it fell to the Priests, Ch. * 1.341 21. 13. And lay between Makkedah and Eglon, 10 miles from Jerusalem, but two from Makkedah, Libnah signifieth white Frankincense, whereof plenty was found there, and from hence it is thought to have taken the name. These Cities were doubtlesse fenced with walls and gates, wherefore it was no lesse miracle, that they were both in the latter part of a day subdued, then that the Enemies were before destroyed with stones cast upon them. Joshua did but come and Conquer, for God presently opened the way, and took away all power of resistance, and the like is to bee held for the Cities here following, all are said to have been subdued at one time, for God fought for Israel, v. 42. they returned not to the Campe at Gilgal, till they had finished all these expe∣ditions. Morally the wicked, whose punishments are deferred, are in no bet∣ter [Note.] case then they that are presently cut off, but rather in a worse; they are re∣served for greater judgements, as these in fenced Cities, not onely to bee slain, but to see the destruction of their wives and children, neither is any defence of force to resist, when God will judge.

Lachish the first City taken the second day, was within the lot of Judah al∣so, Ch. 15. 39. and was eight miles from Libnah, and lay Northwest; of both these Cities, see 2 King. 19. 8. Here Horam, the King of Gezer was also smiten * 1.342 with his people, for hee came hither to help the King of Lachish.

From Lachish, Joshua went to Eglon, and smote it the same day. This was al∣so in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15: 39. and was eight miles from Lachish, standing * 1.343 Southward from Jerusalem.

From Eglon they went to Hebron and smote it, and the King thereof: this * 1.344 was done another day; it stood 16 miles from Eglon, and was also in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15. 54. and was given to the Priests, Ch. 21. 11. of Hebron see before, Gen. 13. 18.

Here two questions are moved; 1 How the King of Hebron could now bee [Qu. 1] said to bee slain, seeing hee was one of the five Kings that were slain and hang∣ed, v. 26? To this Lyra answereth well. It was another new King, either suc∣ceeding * 1.345 his Father, or presently elected. 2 How it can bee justified, that Joshua now smote it, and all the soules therein, when as Ch. 15. 14. Caleb is said to [Qu. 2] have taken it, and likewise Judg. 1. 10. Judah is said to have smiten it, after Ioshua his death? Answ. Lyra saith, that Joshua took the nether Hebron, and Caleb the upper, held still by Giants, the Sons of Anak, there being happily a Castle, which hee hastening to other places would not stay to take. But this is both against the Text, hee left none remaining, but smote all the Cities thereof, and all the soules thereof, and against that, Ch. 11. 21. Joshua cut off all the Anakims in Hebron, Debir, &c. and left none remaining, saving in the Phili∣stims Countrey. It is therefore to bee held rather, that Hebron being subdued at this time, was repossessed again by Anakims, comming out of the Philistims Countrey, against whom Caleb fought. For it was not one work onely to subdue all those Cities, but the Enemy entring into some of them again, caused more expeditions against the same.

From Hebron Joshua and all Israel returned to Debir, and smote it likewise. * 1.346 This City lay Northwest from Hebron about a mile, and it is also said to have been taken by O••hniel, Josh. 15. 17. and Judg. 1. but that was likewise upon a repossessing of it again by the Enemies. It was also called Kiriathsephar, the City of Scribes, because such as studied the Law dwelt there, and Debir com∣meth of Daber, hath spoken, it signifieth an Oracle. It stood in the lot of Ju∣dah, Josh. 15. 49. and was a City of Priests and Levites.

So Joshua smote all the Country of the Hills, and of the South, of the Vales and * 1.347 of the Springs, and hee smote all their Kings, and destroyed all that breathed, &c. Here for brevities sake, other particulars being omitted, it is shewed in generall, what a large tract of ground Joshua ran over, destroying all, before his return again to the Campe at Gilgal, wherefore v. 41. it is said, all these Kings, and all their Land did Joshua take at one time, that is, prosecuting his Victories begun from day to day, till that hee had fully subdued all that tract of ground which lay from Kadesh-Barnea to Gaza, and from Goshen to Gibeon, that is, from the South to the West; for Kadesh-Barned lay Southward, being the li∣mit * 1.348 of the lot of Judah that way, and Gaza of the Philistims, was the utmost limit of the land of Canaan Westward towards the Sea. Goshen also was a large Countrey lying Southward. All this tract is thus described by H. B. It lay towards the South, bordering Eastward upon the dead Sea, South: upon Kadesh, West: upon Gaza, North: upon Gibeon and Gilgal, containing in circuit 156 miles. And because those parts were some Mountainous, some barren, through the parching heat of the Sun, some plain, and some watery, hee distributeth the parts conquered accordingly into foure. For towards the South, the Sun lying hot upon it parched the ground, and made it more barren. For Vales, and Springs, the vulgar Latine hath Campestrem, & Asedoth; so likewise the Septuagint; But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth the flowings down of Waters, and there∣fore may well bee rendred Springs, and by the other word, all plain places are meant. By every thing that breathed, understand with Lyra all mankind, for the beasts they were permitted to take for a prey, Ch. 11. 14. All this be∣ing done, Joshua and all Israel with him returned to the Campe at Gilgal. v. 43. Thus they did because here they had left, as in a place before subdued, their wives and children, for their safeguard, with some company doubtlesse to keep the Campe.

CHAP. XI.

THE Enemies on the South being subdued, and their Cities taken, now is shewed, how those on the North, and on all sides from thence, East, * 1.349 West, combined together against Joshua by the instigation of Jabin, King of

Hazor, but with as ill successe as the former five Kings, for they were all de∣stroyed and their people, none being spared throughout all their Lands. If this shall bee thought cruelty, saith Ferus, that so much blood should bee * 1.350 shed, it is but as all sinners, when they come to bee punished, are ready to object that God is cruell towards them. But they truely were worthy of these severe proceedings; for when as Nebuchadnezzar was moved at one miracle to give glory to God, they were nothing moved by divers, unto the dividing of Jordan, and the falling of the walls of Jericho, the standing still of the Sun being added in the fight of all men, wherefore they were most desperately wicked, and worthy to bee all cut off, for that still they banded themselves together against the Lord.

Mystically hereby was figured out how the Enemies of Jesus should joyn * 1.351 against him, first the Jews, and they being overcome, heathen persecuters, and they also being put down, Hereticks in greater numbers, but none shall ever bee able to prevaile against his Church, but finally bring ruine upon them∣selves, as these did. Thus Ferus; but whereas in speaking of the Kings, that now combined against Joshua, hee saith, that they were 24 and Comestor like∣wise, and that seven onely were slain before, according to the capitulation made Ch. 12. of 31 Kings, the contrary appeareth, because 11 perished before, and moreover Ch. 10. 40. some others, whose number is not particularly there set down, but if 11 onely, here could bee no more then 20.

Hazor was a great and Metropolitan City, within the lot of Nephtalim, Ch. 19. 36. towards Mount Libanus, and not farre from Cesarea Philippi. And here another King Jabin reigned afterwards, Judg. 4. much afflicting the Is∣raelites with his Canaanites. It lay 80 miles from Jerusalem towards the North, * 1.352 and the ruines of it are to bee seen at this day. Jabin the King of this City, was over all the other Kings, v. 10. and therefore by his authority might call together the rest to this warre. Jobab the King of Madon; where this Madon lay, it cannot bee said by any thing spoken in the sacred History; but Josephus calleth these the inhabitants of Libanus: This was the first King for whom Jabin sent; the second was the King of Shimron, this hath an addition, v. 20. Shimron Meron; this was in the Tribe of Zebulun, Ch. 19. 15. neare to the lot of Nephtalim, towards the south. The third was the King of Achsaph, which Achsaph lay in the lot of Asher, Ch. 19. 25.

And hee sent to the Kings that were on the north of the mountaines, and of the plains, * 1.353 south of Cinneroth, and in the borders of Dor, &c. For the Kings on the north, the Septuagint have the Kings towards Sidon, happily taking 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as Masius conjectureth, or rather because Zidou is mentioned, v. 8. as the place towards which Joshua chased them. Cinneroth was the same, that was after∣ward called Gennesareth, and so the Chaldee paraphr: rendreth it in this place. Dor was a City in the lot of the halfe tribe of Manasseh, neare the Sea, Chap. 17. 11. Judg. 1. 27.

And to the Canaanite on the west and the east, and the Amorite, Hittite, and Periz∣zite, &c. This seemeth to bee an enumeration of divers others sent for, be∣sides * 1.354 the forenamed; because it is said, and the Canaanite, &c. but in Hebr. there is no and, whereby it seemeth rather that the people hitherto sent for, before described by their Cities and coasts, are here onely further shewed to bee Ca∣naanites, Amorites, Hittites, &c. onely the Jebusites in the mountaines, which were towards Jerusalem, are added; and the Hivites under Hermon in the Land of Mizpeh. Hermon was a mountaine neare to Libanus, 122 miles from Ierusa∣lem towards the northeast, it bounded all the north part of that Countrey, the same is called Mount Baal Hermon, Iudg. 3. 3. Besides this, there was another Hermon on the other fide of Iordan, called also Shenir, Deut. 3. 9. of the former this here is to be understood. Mizpeh signifieth a Watch-tower, whereby is intimated, that it stood upon a high place. One Mizpeh was in the Tribe of Iudah, Ch. 15. 38. another in the tribe of Benjamin, Ch. 18. 26. But Adricomius * 1.355 will have both these to be one, standing upon the border of these two tribes. This Mizpeh was famous for the peoples assembling thither together against

Benjamin, Iudg. 20. 1. and for Samuels assembling them to make Saul King, 1 Sam. 10. 17. Another Mizpeh was on the other side of Iordan in the tribe of Gad, Ch. 13. 26. Of the first of these, the City here named must needs bee un∣derstood, because that Mizpeh where Gad dwelt in Gilead, was before conque∣red; the Land about, even to Hermon, seemeth to have taken the name from this Mizpeh, being therefore called the land of Mizpeh: in the other Iephthah the Gileadite dwelt, Iudg. 11.

And they went out, and all the hosts of them, much people, as the sand upon the Sea * 1.356 shore, and their Chariots and horses. This speech is hyperbolicall, and setteth forth a very great Host; and the addition of Horses and Chariots must needs bee the more terrible to the Israelites, who were all on foot. Iosephus saith, * 1.357 that the horsemen were 10000, the chariots 20000, and the footmen 300000.

They came and pitched together at the waters of Merom, &c. This was a lake not * 1.358 farre from Dothan, 44 miles from Ierusalem towards the north; from Gilgal above 22 miles. This Lake is made a great part of it by the overflowings of Iordan, being 60 furlongs long, and 30 furlongs broad, but when Iordan over∣floweth * 1.359 not, it soon waxeth almost dry; it is also called Samaconitis, neare to this was Hazor, where the great King Iabin reigned, to whom the rest here assembled; but Iosephus calleth the place of their meeting the City Berotha. Lyra saith, that Merom was between the head of Iordan, and the sea of Cinne∣roth.

And be Lord said to Ioshua, Bee not afraid of them, for to morrow by this time * 1.360 I will deliver them into thy hands all slaine; and thou shalt hough their horses, and burne their chariots with fire. The Vulgar Latine, tradam omnes in manus tuas vulnerandos. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chalilim, here used, signifieth either wounded, or slaine; but this last is to bee preferred, for it is shewed immediately after, that Ioshua slew them all, v. 8. that is, as Lyra hath it, all that saved not themselves * 1.361 by flying into fenced Cities: but this was a long time in doing, v. 18. that is, as shall bee further shewed there, five or six yeares; for the escape of Iabin into Hazor, and of other Kings, is intimated, v. 10, 11, 12. Wherefore these words, To morrow by this time, are not to be understood, as if they should all bee slaine in one day, but they should then bee all discomfited, and begin to fall; neither would the Lord cease fighting for Israel, till they were all slaine that they could meet withall. From hence Calvin gathereth, that Merom was not farre from * 1.362 Gilgal; or that these Forces were comming against Ioshua in Gilgal, and were now not farre off. And because God biddeth him againe, not to bee affraid, that notwithstanding the like encouragements formerly given him at divers times, hee needed now to have the same repeated againe. Iosephus saith, that the people of Israel hearing of their mighty Forces despaired through feare, till the Lord againe gave them this incouragement. For the charge of hough∣ing their horses, and burning their chariots with fire; this saith Ferus, was, * 1.363 lest if they should have kept these horses and chariots, they should afterwards have trusted in them, and not in God onely; for the Heathen that were thus furnisht, trusted in them, Psal. 20. 8. but Gods Angels are about his as Horse∣men * 1.364 and Chariots of fire, and God is as a fiery wall about them. 2. To shew the greater indignation against the wicked in making all their pompe and pride to fall together with them. 3. To teach them that Horses and Chari∣ots are of no power in Warre against God. 4. To prefigure how Jesus should * 1.365 destroy all his enemies, as the Jewes by taking away their Temple, and Land, and his Word from them, which were as their Horses, whereby they were puf∣fed up with pride, and persecuting Kings, by destroying their power and greatnesse, which were as their Horses; and Heretiques by confounding their wit and eloquence by his Word, for these were as their horses wherewith they warred against the truth. 5. To shew how wee should warre against the devill to overcome him, viz. by houghing his horse, which is the flesh, and subduing it by fasting, praying, and labouring. Lyra yeeldeth none other rea∣son * 1.366 of this charge, but that it must be done in token of a perfect victory obtai∣ned by the Lord; but others generally say the same with the first reason of Fe∣rus,

and Deut. 4. 17. 16. the King is forbidden to multiply horses to himselfe. Calvin besides this addeth another reason, viz. that not being furnisht with * 1.367 horses, they might containe themselves within their owne bounds, and not seek out to inlarge their dominions; farther then they were allowed. And wee read not, that the Israelites went to the Wars after this with Horses and * 1.368 Chariots, but if sometimes they did, it was with ill successe.

Here is fulfilled what was promised, the enemies were cut off by Israel and chased to great Zidon and to Misrephothmaim, and to the valley of Mizpeh. Zi∣den, saith Josephus, was a great City of the Phaenicians, built by Zidon the * 1.369 first born of Canaan, lying by the Sea, and not lying farre from Antilibanus, say Adricom. and Borchardus. This Antilibanus, saith H. Bunting, was one * 1.370 part of the same mountain, called Libanus, for that part towards the West, near Zidon, was called Antilibanus, the other upon the East towards Damascus, Libanus. Touching this chasing of the Enemy, hee saith, that it was to Zi∣don 612 miles, and yet hee maketh Zidon from Jerusalem but 16 miles, so that herein was a great escape, and in that hee addeth, from Zidon, hee returned again to Hazor 32 miles. It is more probable, that the way which hee chased them, was 62 miles to the furthest part of the land of Canaan Northward, at the end of the Land of Zebulon and Naphtalim. Touching Misrephothmaim, in the Vulgar Latine, the waters of Mazerephoth, it is a name compounded of burning and waters: which Lyra following the Hebrews, thinketh to have * 1.371 been so called, because being also near the Sea, and salt waters flowing thence into it; Salt, which is of an hot burning quality was there made: but Vata∣blus * 1.372 and Pagninus more probably, because those waters were hot, as the wa∣ters of Bathes. Masius because glasse was made there by a long decoction of sand. Of Mizpeh see before v. 3. the meaning is, that some of them fled Eastward, to the valley of Mizpeh, and some Northward and Westward to∣wards Zidon and Misrephothmaim, and were pursued all these wayes.

And Joshua did unto them, as the Lord bad him, hee boughed their horses, &c. Hee considered not, that their horses and chariots might bee now usefull for * 1.373 him in his Warres, but neglecting all worldly benefit, hee was altogether led by Gods commandement, herein giving example to every of us, that the love [Note.] of temporall gaine sway us not against Gods precepts, for hee is able to give us much more.

The enemies being destroyed all that had not escaped into Cities, now Jo∣shua returneth to deale with them, and first he beginneth with Hazor the head * 1.374 City of all the rest, to which it seemeth that Jabin the King had escaped, for having taken this City, hee killeth the King and all the people, and burneth the City with fire: which execution was done upon it singularly, because the King thereof had made the greatest resistance. For the Cities of the other Kings under him, he destroyed both Kings and people therein, sparing none, young or old, but he burnt not any more of them, but let them stand still and took all their goods and cattell for a prey to the children of Israel. Of Ha∣zor and Jabin, a King thereof wee read againe, Judg. 4. against whom Barak fought; which although Tostatus would have it to be another Hazor in the * 1.375 south part of Judah, yet it is rather to be held that it was this same City re∣built; because as Josephus saith, it stood in Galilee neare the lake Samachonitis, * 1.376 and that it was the same; and Thabour where the battell was then fought, was in Galilee. And all this Joshua is said to have done, as God commanded Mo∣ses, and Moses commanded him. Then reckoning up the Countreys subdued by him, it is said, He tooke all that land, the bills, and all the South Countrey, and all * 1.377 the Land of Grshen, and the valley, and the plaine, and the mountaine of Israel, and the valley thereof, &c. Here is a capitulation made, not onely of the Countreys now subdued at their going out against Hazors King and his confederates, but also before, as we may see, Ch. 10. 40, 41. Onely in this verse the mountaine of Israel, and the valley thereof are more added. But what place this was, divers conjecture diversly. Some thinke that it was Bethel, because Jacob who * 1.378 was called Israel worshipped there, both at his going into Mesopotamia, and at

his returne, Gen. 35. some, that it was mount Gerizim, neare Samaria, where * 1.379 Jacob bought a piece of ground, and where he dwelt and worshipped, of which the woman of Samaria said, Our Fathers worshipped upon this moun∣taine: * 1.380 and to this doe I assent, because it must bee a place called by this name when Joshua lived, which could not be, but from Israel the Father of this peo∣ple, and no place can so probably bee thought to have the name from him, as this which he bought, and so was his proper possession. Thus Rab. Kimchi saith also in generall, that it was some place where Israel dwelt: and Masius a mountaine by Samaria, but he will have it so called from the ten Tribes, go∣ing afterwards by the name of Israel, who held this mountaine; but then it should not have been so called at the writing of this book, but long after one∣ly. Of the mountaine of the height of Israel wee read afterwards, Ezek. 17. 23. and 20. 40. but that is nothing to the giving of light into this. Calvin re∣jecting * 1.381 all particular explications here, holdeth that nothing else but the mountaines in generall now possessed by the Israelites are meant, by a word collective, being called together the mountaine of Israel. But because the moun∣taines are here reckoned apart, and then this mountaine of Israel, that cannot stand; yet because, v. 21. wee read of all the mountaines of Judah, and the mountaines of Israel, the mountaine of Israel may be here so called by anti∣cipation, the mountaines being meant, which were afterwards proper to the ten Tribes, as by the mountaines first named those in the lot of Judah and Ben∣jamin.

Even from mount Halak that goeth up to Seir, unto Baalgad in the valley of Le∣banon * 1.382 under Hermon. For mount Halak, the Vulg. Latine hath, part of the mountaine, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a part; and Aquila hath it, a monte dividente, the Chaldee and Tygurine interpr. a monte divisionis; Symmachus a monte Levi; Vatablus and Masius, a monte glabro; the Septuagint, as if it were a proper name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That rendring it glaber, smooth, is followed by Junius, * 1.383 and seemeth to be best, as answering to Seir, rough, abounding with bushes and trees, whereas this beginning of it was without them, and so smooth, nei∣ther doe I any where find Halak, put for a proper name. Seir was on the South where the Edomites dwelt; and Baalgad Northward, being a City beneath mount Libanus, see Ch. 13. 5. of Hermon see before, v. 3. So that here is set forth the longitude of the Countrey taken from the South to the North, as before the latitude from the East to the West, v. 16. the circuit of this conquest, saith H. Bunting was 280 miles. But all these parts were not subdued at once, for it is added, Joshua made warre a long time with these Kings. How long a time this * 1.384 was, may be gathered from the age of Caleb, Ch. 14. 6, 7. For hee was 46 years old when hee was sent to view the Land, and the Warres being ended, 85 years old. Now before his going out at that time, one yeer, and somewhat more was spent of the 40, which they wandred in the wildernesse, which being added to the 5 above 80, maketh 6 yeares and upward; so that the Warres lasted 6 yeares and somewhat more. This delay was not made for want of power in * 1.385 God to give them the whole Land instantly, but partly to exercise their faith, and to make it the more evident that God fought for them; and that the Coun∣trey being long in subduing, they might be more affected with the benefit; and partly, lest all being subdued at once, the wilde beasts should multiply upon them in such places as they had not yet people enough to inhabit, as was said before, Deut. 7. 22. to this effect Calvin. But at length all these Kings and * 1.386 their Cities were destroyed: for it is noted that none of them made peace with Joshua, saving the Gibeonites, but were hardened to come to fight against him, that they might all bee cut off. If it be objected here, their seeking of peace [Obj.] had been vaine, seeing they were all destined to the sword for their abominable sinnes: and therefore hardening seemeth not rightly to be imputed to them as a fault. To this Calvin answereth, that the scope of this place is not to taxe them, but to shew how the Lord by his singular providence tooke away all im∣pediment, and so made way for the execution of his judgement appointed. For if any had submitted themselves, this must needs have bred some demurre

in the Israelites what to doe, but they all contrariwise comming madly to War against them; and so being destroyed, there was no shew of cruelty, but a most just execution done upon them. But I thinke rather, as was said before touching the Gibeonites, if any City else had submitted it selfe, and turned to God as the Gibeonites did, it might have been preserved. And therefore their not yeelding is noted, as comming from a just judgement, God giving them over for their sins to this obduration, and so to destruction, as he had done to Pharaoh and his Egyptians.

Then came Joshua and cut off the Anakims from the mountaines, from * 1.387 Hebron, Debir, and Anab, and all the mountaines of Judah and Israel, &c. Of the Anakims see before, Numb. 13. 23. They were Gyants, which in the taking of these Cities, Ch. 10. happily saved themselves hitherto in some Forts which could not so easily be overcome; and therefore to avoid delayes, being hither∣to let alone, whilst Joshua was busied in his Warres in the North parts; now they being ended, hee commeth against them, and cutteth them all off also: so that those words, Ch. 10. 37. Hee left none remaining, are to bee understood, not as if all without exception had been destroyed at the first, but partly then, and partly now. Of Anab nothing was said before, but it was a City not farre from the other two in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15. 50. Out of all these Ci∣ties, and out of the mountaines of Israel all the Anakims were destroyed, that is, out of all the Land, called henceforth the Land of Israel, as is expressed, v. 22. There were none of the Anakims left in all the Land of Israel, onely in Gaza, * 1.388 Gath, and Ashdod there remained: these were Cities in the Philistims Countrey neare the Sea, which the Israelites could never subdue.

So Joshua tooke the whole Land, &c. How can this bee verified, seeing Ch. 13. * 1.389 it is said, much Land yet remained to be possessed, and Judg. 3. 2. Answ. Calvin [Qu.] resolveth this, by saying, according to the next words, as the Lord had said unto * 1.390 Moses; that is, not all the Land promised without exception, but all which was needfull for the present, that the people of Israel which then were, might have competent possessions for their use; for to this effect the Lord had spo∣ken Exod. 23. 29. Moreover, it may bee said, according to others, that Joshua tooke all the Land which hee attempted to take; and the forces of the enemies were so broken by him, that in the places remaining untaken, there was no such power to resist, but that they might easily have been taken afterwards, if the people had persisted in obedience to God. The reasons why some parts still remained unconquered, besides that before going of the beasts multiply∣ing, were two, Judg. 3. 2, 4. 1 That they might bee exercised with Warre in after times. 2 That by them the Israelites sinning might be scourged, and li∣ving amongst them proved, whether they would bee drawn to idolatry. And the Land rested from Warre; that is, as Lyra hath it, from generall Warres, but particular Tribes, and men made Wars, as is afterwards shewed.

CHAP. XII.

HEre is 1. a capitulation made of the Kings, and their Cities and borders on * 1.391 the other side of Iordan subdued by the Israelites under the leading of Mo∣ses, of which see before, Deut. 2. & Ch. 3. For there bee the same bounds of both their Lands in generall, Deut. 3. 8. From the river Arnon to mount Hermon. And in particular of the Kingdom of Sihon, Numb. 21. 24. From Aroer upon Arnon to the river Jabbok: But here it is a little more fully described, From the middle of the River, that is, the river Arnon, and half Gilead, and the parts given in possession to the Reubenites and Gadites, Deut. 3. 16, 17. are here shewed to have been of the Kingdom of Sihon. The plain also, and Jordan, and the coast thereof from Cinneroth to the sea of the plain, even the salt Sea under Ashdoth Pisgah eastward; of all which see upon that place. Touching the other Kingdom, viz. of Og, he is said to have dwelt in Ashteroth and Edrei, Deut. 1. 4. at Ashteroth in Edrei, Iosh. 13. 12. he reigned also in Bashan and Salcah, and Mount Hermon to the border of the Geshunites, and

of the Maachathites, and half Gilead, &c. Of all these, see before upon Deut. 3. 10. 14. but onely Mount Hermon, in part of which onely it seemeth that hee reigned, it being the bound of his Kingdome, and part being possessed by the Canaanites was taken by Joshua, Josh. 11. 17. thus some: But by that which is said Josh. 11. 17. and v. 3. The Canaanites that dwelt under Mount Hermon; it appeareth rather that they possessed no part of this Mount, but the valley near unto it; and that all Hermon was taken and given away by Moses, is plainly affirmed, Ch. 13. 12. All this being taken by Moses, was given to the Reubenites, Gadites, &c. as is further shewed, Deut. 3. 14, 15, &c. Now all these Conquests, and those of Joshua are here briefly propounded in one view together, saith Ferus, that the people of Israel might the better take notice of the mighty Acts * 1.392 which the Lord had done for them, according to his promise long before made [Note.] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and after to Moses and Joshua, and the more con∣fidently beleeve in him, and obey and serve him for all time to come. For it seemed sometime impossible to the children of Israel, that so many, and so strong Cities and people should bee subdued unto them; wherefore this being now done, there was great reason why they should not bee doubtfull, but con∣fident touching the performance of all other promises for ever hereafter. And the same ground of faith should wee build upon for all promises of the Chur∣ches prevailing at last, of Christs second comming, &c. because all things hi∣therto promised, which were as hard to be beleeved, have been accomplished in their due times.

Here 2 is a capitulation made of the Kings on this side Jordan smitten by Joshua, * 1.393 whose Countreys are described and bounded, as before, Ch. 10. 40. & Ch. 11. 16 The King of Jericho one, the King of Ai one, &c. This tract of ground taken by Jo∣shua, * 1.394 saith H. Bunt. was 160 miles long, from Baalgad to mount Seir, & 28, or 32 miles broad. And touching the fifth King of Jarmoth here numbred, he saith, that his name was Perkam, and that Jarmoth was 20 miles from Jerusalem westward, but he is called Piram, Ch. 10. 3. The 8 King of Gezer, hee calleth Horam, so also Ch. 10. 33. hee is called: Gezer was 16 miles from Ierusalem westward, in the tribe of Dan. Gedar the seat of the 10 King, was 14 miles Westward from Ierusalem, in Iudah. Harmah of the 11 King, 40 miles from Ierusalem, upon the borders of Arabia deserta Southwest, in Iudah also. Arad of the 12 King, 22 miles from Ierusalem Southward. Tappuah the seat of the 17 King, not farre from Iordan and Iericho. Hepher the seat of the 18 King, 6 miles Northward from Ierusalem. Aphek the seat of the 19 King, 44 miles from Ierusalem North∣ward, within 2 miles of Iezreel. Lazaron of the 20 King, 18 miles Northwest from Ierusalem. Nadan of the 21 King, 14 miles Northwest. Simron of the 23 King, 68 miles from Ierusalem Northward, and neare Nazareth. Achsaph of the 24 King, 88 miles Northward in the tribe of Asher. Taanach of the 25 King, 44 miles from Ierusalem, and 6 from Iezreel. Megiddo of the 26 King, 4 miles from Taanach. Iokneam of the 28 King, 27 miles from Ierusalem Northward in the tribe of Zebulun. Dor of the 29 King, 48 miles from Ierusa∣lem North: upon the Sea coast, between the hill Carmel, and Cesarea Stratonis. Gilgal of the 31 King, was neare Iordan. Tirzah of the 31 King, 24 miles from Ierusalem in Manasseh. Thus hee of most of these Kings, of the rest hee saith no more then is in the History of Ioshua, Ch. 10. Ch. 11. and Ch. 12. But whereas hee saith, the Gilgal of the 30 King was that neare Jordan, be∣tween it and Jericho, this is most improbable, because there was no City thus called before, but upon occasion of the foreskins there cut away, as is shewed upon Josh. 5. neither doe wee read of any King there to be cut off, but of the people of Israels comming to it the same day that they passed over Jordan, and pitching there, which they could not have done so quietly, if it had been before inhabited by the enemy. Moreover, this King is called the King of the Nations of Gilgal, arguing, that he had divers peoples under his dominion. Masius * 1.395 following one Copy of the Sept. for Gilgal hath Galilee. But although Galilee bee called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it is no where called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that exposition therefore falleth, and so must remain uncertain where this Gilgal was.

CHAP. XIII.

HEre the Lord biddeth Joshua to divide the Land of Canaan to the 9 tribes * 1.396 and an halfe, and to deferre no longer, although all that was to be di∣vided, was not yet conquered and taken, because hee was now old and had not long to live, and by him the Land was to be divided before his death; and the parts yet untaken are reckoned up. In that God telleth Joshua that hee was old, and Abraham is singularly spoken of before, that he was an old man, Gen. 25. 8. Ferus noteth Joshua to have been hence commended, but not simply because * 1.397 he was old in yeares, but in wisdome and good manners. How old he was at this time, is not said, but Ch. 24. when hee dyed, that he was 110 yeares old, happily he was now 100. It seemeth, that after the Land conquered, and a quiet abode there obtained, Joshua went not by and by to dividing the Land, but waited till he had direction from the Lord so to do. In all things hee was guided by the Word of God, as every of us also ought to be.

The Land not yet taken, is said to be all the borders of the Philistims, and all * 1.398 Geshuri, &c. For all the borders, the Vulgar Latine hath all Galilee; but this is plainly an errour, as the Jesuite himselfe confesseth, because the word signify∣ing * 1.399 borders, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is Galilee, whereupon some have thought Galilee to bee here meant, and so have written it. But Galilee was taken before Ch. 10. for Hazor and Kadesh there spoken of, were in the lot of Naphtali, and Simron in that of Zebulun, both which tribes were placed in Galilee, Ch. 19. & Ch. 20. 7. In describing the borders of the Philistims he saith, there were five * 1.400 Lords of them, viz. of the Gazathites, Ekronites, Asbdothites, Eshkalonites, Gi••∣tites; these last having their name from Gath, of a King whereof we read after∣wards, 1 Sam. 27. 2. Of most of these places, and where they lay, see before, Ch. 11. 22. Touching Geshuri, see Ch. 12. 5. and Deut. 3. 14. From Sihor which is before Egypt, to the borders of Ekron northward. This is not the description of the land of Geshuri, as it may seem, but of the Philistims Countrey, the Lords whereof are immediately after numbred. For Sihor, the Vulgar Latine hath a troubled River, according to the signification of the word; but what River is hereby meant, divers think diversly; some, that it is not Nilus, but another Ri∣er mentioned, Gen. 15. 18. lying nearer to the Land of Canaan, and Amos 6. 14. * 1.401 called the River of the Wildernesse. Junius saith, it is thought by some to bee a River, which comming through Arabia Petraea, floweth into the marish Sir∣bouis, and divideth Egypt from the promised Land: but hee following Epipha∣nius, judgeth it to be the River Rinocorura. Calvin rendreth it Nilus, and for * 1.402 Nilus it is taken by many others; not that the land of Canaan extended to E∣gypt where Nilus lay; but because there was nothing but a vast and unhabita∣ble Wildernesse between it and Canaan Southward, so that it may be said, from this River, because there was no more land habitable between Canaan and it; their reason, because Nilus is the most noted troubled River, for the black sli∣mie stuffe which it bringeth with it, and Jer. 2. 18. it is plainely called by this name Sihor: and because according to the phrase here used in Hebrew, upon the face of Egypt, Nilus overfloweth that Land. And to this doe I subscribe. This is the length of the Philistims Countrey, lying from the South to the North, as the land already conquered, lay from Jordan on the East, to the West. Whereas it is added, which is counted to the Canaanite, whereby it may seeme not to bee of the Philistims Countrey. It is answered, this approveth it rather to bee out of the Canaanites possession at this time, but counted their Countrey, although possessed by the Philistims, because otherwise it would rather have been said, this was also the Canaanites Countrey: But it is said to be counted to the Canaanite, to intimate the right that the Israelites had to it, to whom God had promised onely the land of Canaan, that is, of his children, and not the land of any of Hams other Sonnes. Although then the Phili∣stims now held this tract of ground, yet it was first the Canaanites, and by the Philistims taken from them, as is shewed, Deut. 2. 23. to the borders of Ekron on

the North; for this was the furthest Northward of all the Philistims domini∣ons, as Gaza was the most southerly, which is first numbred, so Calvin, who * 1.403 rendreth it Aza, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not pronounced, so likewise Junius. Five Lords of the Philistims; Hebr. five Lordships, and thus Calvin and Iunius also tran∣slate it, and this reading standeth with better sense: and for Gazathites, in the singular number is the Gazathite, that is, the Gazathite Lordship, and likewise of the rest. But besides these, the Avites are added, these were the old inha∣bitants of this Countrey, Deut. 2. 23▪ and it seemeth hereby, that some of them dwelt still therein, although they had no rule, as the Philistims had, but were under them. These words, and the Avites, are by the Vulgar Latine left out here, and placed in the next verse thus, But to the South are the Evites, all the Land of Canaan. This is against the Hebrew verity, wherein it followeth and on the South all the Land of the Canaanites; the Avites being added, v. 3. as in our * 1.404 Translation. The Septuagint for further explication have all the Land of the Canaanite from Gaza. For the South, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 teman, which word the Septuagint retaine, and Teman was a Royall City in Idumea, South from Ca∣naan, which is the reason why it is rendred South. And Mera that is beside the Sidonians unto Aphek: Hebr. Marah of the Sidonians, or Meara, which is of the Sidonians, as Calvin rendreth it word for word. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a denne, and so it is rendred by the Chaldee, and Arias Montanus, and not as a proper name; but Ierome and Pagninus make a proper name of it; and Iunius calleth it Mago∣rah, * 1.405 saying, that it is a River lying under Libanus, between Zidon and Bery∣••um, referring for this to Pliny, lib. 5. c. 20. Adricomius saith, that there was an admirable, and inexpugnable den in Sidon, which seemeth to bee most probably here meant, this denne, as a place of greatest strength, being put for the whole Countrey of Sidon. Aphek was a City where the lot of the tribe of Asher lay, Ch. 19. 30. but the Asherites could not expell the inhabitants thereof, Iudg. 1. 31 There was also another Aphek in the tribe of Iudah, Ch. 15. 53. and of this it is spoken againe, 1 Sam. 4. 13. of one of these the King was slaine, Ch. 12. 18. but if it were of this, the City held out still, and was not taken. Unto Aphek is added also to the borders of the Amorites, which borders, what they were, is uncertaine. Masius will have them to bee those on the other side of Iordan. Tostatus the Philistims, but without all colour of reason. Bonfrerius, some A∣morites * 1.406 dwelling Westward, but uncertaine where: to me it seemeth, that it was some place beyond Aphek, held still by the Amorites, because it is said, unto A∣phek unto the borders of the Amorites.

And the land of the Giblets; the Vulg: annexing this to the former hath it, and the confines thereof, but erroneously; for although 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a confine, yet * 1.407 that word is not here used, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the name of a City, Psal. 8. 3. from whence the inhabitants are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Giblites, 1 Kings 5. ult. Ezek. 27. 9. and if it be rendred confines, here were a redundancy, because the borders were mentioned before. It was a City then from whence this name commeth, and that in Phenicia, neare to Tyrus and Sidon, called Gebal, as both Jerome and Adri∣comius consent, and may be gathered in the places forecited. And all Lebanon towards the Sun rising, from Baalgad under mount Hermon, to the entring in of Ha∣math: unto Libanus Ioshua had taken, Ch. 11. 17 and to Baalgad under Hermon, but Libanus it selfe remained yet untaken to Hamath, which Hamath was a City northward from Libanus, inhabited by the Canaanites, even in Davids time, 2 Sam. 8. 9. This same is repeated againe, Iudg. 3. 3. with the reasons why they were left untaken.

All the Inhabitants of the hill Countrey from Lebanon to Misrephothmaim, and the Sidonians, &c. Of Misrephothmaim, see before, Ch. 11. 8. There was beyond * 1.408 Libanus to this place, Antilibanus, having divers mountaines, even to the Sea, and a Countrey called Abylene, Luke 3. 2. The Sidonians are here againe na∣med, that it might not be thought, that no more belonging to them was unta∣ken, then Mearah their strong denne. All these parts hitherto holding out, God promiseth to cleare, saying, Them will I drive out before the children of Israel onely divide thou it by lot, &c. This promise was conditionall, if the people should continue in obedience, Exod. 23, 22. 23, &c. but because they did not,

this was never performed, for the Countrey of the Philistims, and Phoenicians, and Libanus were never possessed by the Israelites, although in the time of David and of Solomon they were made Tributaries; yet Joshua must divide them to the nine Tribes, and a halfe of Manasseh, the other halfe with the two of * 1.409 the Reubenites and Godities, having their parts already on the other side of Jordan from Aroer, that is upon the banke of the River Arnon, &c. of these limits see before Ch. 12. 2. and all the plaine of Medeba unto Dibon, of these two see Numb. 21. 30.

And all the Cities of Sihon which Reigned in Heshbon, to the border of the Chil∣dren * 1.410 of Ammon; that is, to the River Iabbok, Ch. 12. 2. for that was their border of Heshbon, see Numb. 21. 30.

And Gilead, Ch. 12. 2. balfe Gilead unto Iabbok, for Gilead was not onely * 1.411 that under Sihon, but also beyond Iabbok, the limit of his Kingdom, to the border of the Geshurites and Maacathites, see Ch. 12. 5. and all mount Hermon, Bashon, and Salcah, see also Ch. 12. 5.

And all the Kingdom of Og, &c. see Ch. 12. 4. * 1.412

But the children of Israel expelled not the Geshurites and Maachathites, &c. this is added because it is said before, that they possessed to their borders, lest it should bee thought that they were now destroyed. Only to the Tribe of Levi * 1.413 hee gave no inheritance, &c. This is added that the Levites might bee content, al∣though they were neglected in this division, partly because it was done, as Moses had appointed, who was of their owne Tribe; & partly because they had a better part, viz. the sacrifices of the Lord, the tenths and other offerings being also un∣derstood, from Numb. 18. and other places in the Books of Moses. After the * 1.414 description of the Land in generall, given to the two Tribes and an halfe, now follow their parts in particular. First, to Reuben from Aro••r, and the City * 1.415 in the midst of the River, and all the plaine by Medeba. And Heshbon, Dibon, Bamoth-Baal, &c. Of Dibon it is said, Numb. 32. 34. that it was built by Gad, [Qu.] how then is it here ascribed to Reuben? To this Iunius and others answer, that it * 1.416 was a bordering City between Reuben and Gad, and so common to them both. In like manner Heshbon, which is here reckoned to Reuben, and Numb. 32. 37. is said to bee of Gad, Ch. 21. 39. because in the confines of either Tribe. Of the other Cities, or most of them, it was spoken before, Numb. 32. 35, 36, 37. &c. and Iosh. 12. 3.

All the Kingdom of Sihon, whom Moses smote with the Princes of Midian, &c. * 1.417 This was not done all at one time, but first Sibon was slaine, Numb. 21. and after, Ch. 31. these Princes of Midian, there called Kings, but here Princes and Dukes of Sibon, happily because they were Tributaries to him.

Balaam also, &c. Of whom, see Numb. 31. 8. * 1.418

Here the part of Gad is described, their coast was Jazer, and all the Land of Gi∣lead, &c. Of Iazer, see Numb. 21. But whereas all Gilead is here reckoned to Gad, v. 31. halfe of it is reckoned to Manasseh, and likewise Numb. 32. 40. To this, I know not what better may bee said, then that divers Regions were cal∣led Gilead, so the tribe of Gad may bee said to have had all one Gilead, and Ma∣nasseh another. For Sibon, whose Land Gad possessed, had not all which was called Gilead, but half of it, Ch. 12. 2. the other part, or the other Gilead which the Manassites possessed, was of the kingdom of Og, as is expressed, v. 30. The Ga∣dites then held all the Land of Gilead that was Sihons, and the Manassites all that of Og. And half the Land of the children of Ammon, &c. That is, which Sibon King of the Amorites had before taken from them, Numb. 21. 26. for with the Ammonites land they were forbidden to meddle, Deut. 2. 16. neither did they take ought thereof, Iudg. 11. 15. Ʋnto Aroer that is before Rabbah. Aroer was upon the River Arnon; Rabbah the chief City of the Ammonites, still in their * 1.419 possession, but afterwards subdued by David, 2 Sam. 12.

From Heshbon to Ramoth Mizpeh, otherwise called Ramoth Gilead, Ch. 20. 8. * 1.420 as Debir is also called Kiriathsepher, Ch. 15. 15. Of other Cities, see Numb. 32. This part also extended to Iordan eastward, where it met with the part of Reu∣ben, * 1.421 and to the Sea of Cinneroth.

Here the part of the halfe Tribe of Manasseh is described, From Mahana∣im * 1.422 all Bashan, all the Kingdome of Og, and all the Townes of Jair, &c. Of this Kingdom, see Deut. 3. 13, 14, 15 and how it was given to half Manasseh, and of the Towns of Jair, Num. 32. 40. Whereas, v. 31. it is said, to the children of Machir * 1.423 the son of Manasseh, even to the one half of them; it is to be understood, that the chil∣dren of Machir alone made all the Tribe of Manasseh; for he had none other sonne; see Numb. 26. 29. so Bonfrerius. But who so shall see into 1 Chron. 7. 14. * 1.424 may thinke that there were more sonnes of Manasseh, and Deut. 3. 15. Numb. 32. 40. Gilead onely is given to Machir, and therefore that there were other families of Manasseh to possesse the rest of Ogs Kingdome, viz. Bashau and Ar∣gob. But here Gilead, Ashteroth and Edrei are said to bee given to the children of Machir, to half of them, because many Families came of him, a part of which received possessions on this side Jordan, see Josh. 17. 1. but there it is commemorated, that Machir had Gilead and Bashan given him, and therefore not Gilead alone, as it might seem by the places before cited. To conclude then, if Machirs children, yea, halfe of them, had all the kingdome of Og, and yet a lot remained to be received by them on this side Jordan, either they were all that came of Manasseh, or so many, that the rest in comparison of them were very few. And if they were all, these other sonnes said to be of Ma∣nasseh, Josh. 17. 2. and 1 Chron. 7. 14. were not his immediate sonnes, but Grandchildren by Machir. And indeed Joshua saith, that they came of Gile∣ad, * 1.425 Machirs son, for the names differ not from Numb. 26. 31. but onely for Jeezer, Joshua hath Abiezer. Here it is remembred againe, that to Levi, Moses gave none inheritance, but a new reason is added, for the Lord was their inhe∣ritance, yet more abundantly to satisfie them, as was said, Numb. 18.

Mystically, Joshuah dividing inheritances to the children of Israel, figured * 1.426 out Jesus, who distributeth gifts to his faithfull people, both which now they * 1.427 possesse, and which yet they attaine not unto, but shall afterwards inherit in Heaven, gifts of grace here, and of glory hereafter. Secondly, as those Lands yet untaken, were not to bee possessed, but upon condition of persevering in o∣bedience; so hee onely that endureth to the end shall bee saved. Thirdly, as Joshua tooke not this honour to himselfe, but being called to it; so Jesus. Fourthly, as all the Tribes had not inheritances in Canaan, but some being ta∣ken with the love of Bashan and Jaazer, on the other side of Jordan; so all Christian people have not inheritances in the heavenly Ganaan, for they that love the world, have their portion onely in this life. Fifthly, as some had greater parts then others, for Judahs portion exceeded any of the other Tribes; so in heaven there be divers degrees of glory.

CHAP. XIV.

HEre Ioshua proceedeth to declare, how the Land of Canaan was divided to the 9 Tribes and halfe, saying, These are the Countreys which the children * 1.428 of Israel inherited in the Land of Canaan, &c. but by and by speaking something that was necessary for preparation to this division, as who were the dividers, and how there could be 9 Tribes and an halfe, when as two and an halfe had received their parts on the other side Iordan, and there were but 12 in all, and the Tribe of Levi had no part; viz. by saying, that the children of Ioseph were two Tribes, Manasseh and Ephraim, v. 14. After this hee interrupteth the course of his History, till the 15 Chap. by telling of Caleb, how he came in for Hebron, and then prosecuteth this History of the Division againe, Ch. 15. The first words then, These are the Countreys, &c. are to be understood of the Coun∣treys, the Division whereof followeth, Ch. 15. and all that followeth in this Chapter, as comming in by a Parenthesis. Wherefore Bonfrerius is in an er∣rour, * 1.429 in taking them to be spoken of the Countreys divided to the two Tribes and an halfe, Ch. 13. as an Epilogue of all that is said there. And Lyra and Calvin are rather to be followed, who referre them to the Division following,

as I have here done. Whereas Eleazar the High Priest is joyned with Joshua, and the Princes in dividing the Land, this was done, as God had appointed, Numb. 34. 37. and as here, so there Eleazar is named before Joshua. Touching the reason rendred, v. 4. why the tribe of Levi had no part; For the sonnes of Jo∣seph were two Tribes; the Vulgar Latine hath, in eorum locum successerunt filii Joseph in duas tribus divisi, and is therefore excepted against by Masius; but the * 1.430 meaning is nothing else but that these two Tribes comming of Joseph, made up the number of 12, although Levi were left out in the partition, and amongst 12 and no more, all must be divided, therefore Levi could have no part, seeing Manasseh and Ephraim, the two sonnes of Joseph were expresly constituted two * 1.431 Tribes by Jacob, Gen. 48. so Lyranus. Calvin moveth a question touching the men appointed to divide the Land, seeing the division was to bee made by lot, * 1.432 how they could be said to divide it? and answereth, that when the lot had assigned the Countrey to each Tribe, where it should be, these men were to con∣sider the number of people in the Tribe, if the part falling to any were too little, to inlarge it, if too great, to take some away, and to give it to another that wanted, see Numb. 26. 52.

Then came the children of Judah to Joshua in Gilgal; and Caleb the sonne of Je∣phunneh * 1.433 the Kenezite said to him, Thou knowest the thing that the Lord said to Mo∣ses, &c. Here, before the division amongst the Tribes made by lot, Joshua brea∣keth off the course of that History a while, and telleth first of Calebs comming, and the men of Judah in his behalfe, to require Hebron, as Moses had long agoe promised unto him. This promise is not any where so particularly set forth, but Numb. 14. 24. it is said by the Lord in generall, Him will I bring into the Land whereinto hee went, and his seed shall possesse it: and Deut. 1. 36. Lyra following * 1.434 the Hebrews, that are ready to vent their owne imaginations, saith, that Caleb being in Canaan with the other searchers, perceived that they would disswade the people from attempting the conquest of that Land, went alone into He∣bron, and prayed that God would strengthen his heart, that he might not con∣sent with them in that wickednesse, wherefore at his returne, hee constantly cleaving to the Lord, Moses sware unto him that it should bee his inheritance. But it is more probable, that Hebron being a place of note for the Gyants inha∣biting there, by the sight of whom the other searchers were terrified, but Caleb trusting in God, doubted not but to prevaile against them; Moses hereupon sware to him in private, no more bcing present to heare it but Joshua, that hee should have it for a possession: and therefore he saith to Joshua, Thou knowest what the Lord said to Moses concerning me and thee in Kadesh barnea. And v. 9. Moses sware on that day, Surely the Land whereon thy feet have troden shall be thine in∣heritance and thy childrens for ever; expressing doubtlesse this Hebron to be the land in particular, being famous for the buriall of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob there. * 1.435 And now Caleb and the men of Judah come with him to desire the performance of this promise, not out of ambition, as Ferus noteth, but that the truth of * 1.436 God in his promises might the more notably appeare, that others might bee incouraged constantly to follow the Lord, as Caleb had done. For two things he declareth here, had been promised unto him; the one, that hee should live, and come into the promised Land, all others from 20 yeares old and upward being cut off before that time for their rebellion; the other, that he should have Hebron for an inheritance. The first, he sheweth, was abundantly performed, for he did not onely live, but being now 85 yeares old, was as able to goe to Warre as at 40, which availed not a little to Gods glory. The other he now desireth to have performed unto him, that God might appeare to bee true in e∣very thing. And to shew his ability still for the Warre, and that hee had yet the same confidence in God to overcome the mightiest Gyants, he saith, v. 12. Thou heardest in that day, that the sonnes of Anak were there: if so bee the Lord will bee with me, then I shall bee able to drive them out. And this hee is shewed to have done, Ch. 15. 14. for although the Anakims that held it before, were cut off by Joshua, Ch. 11. 21. yet others remained in the mountaines hitherto unexpelled or came thither againe out of the Philistims Countrey, wherein onely it is said

that some of them were Ch. 11. 22. Touching the name of Caleb, the sonne of Iephunneh the Kenezite: Iephone, saith Lyra, some expound divertens, holding it * 1.437 to bee an Appellative, and not a proper name; and that hee was so called, because hee turned himselfe from the evill counsell of the other searchers; some prudent, and seeing, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but Jephunneh certainly was the proper name of Calebs father, 1 Chron. 4. 15. Indeed hee is not mentioned, 1 Chron. 2. 9. where Chelubai, which probably was this Caleb, is numbred a∣mongst the immediate sonnes of Hezron, the sonne of Pharez, the sonne of Ju∣dah. But Caleb by the very name used, is mentioned both v. 18. and v. 42. here he is said to be the brother of Jerhameel, who is said to bee the first borne of Ez∣ron, v. 25. and this Chaleb is said to have had a daughter called Achsah, v. 49. of which daughter of this Caleb in question, see Josh. 15. 16. Of Caleb the sonne of Jephunneh yet we read not, till 1 Chron. 4. 15. which maketh it questionable, whether there were not more Calebs; and touching this man, the sonne of Je∣phunneh, whether hee came of Hezron, or no; although Lyra saith, that it is constantly to be held that he came of Hezron, who had also another name, Je∣phunneh. But because Calebs age doth not agree, this must be left as uncertain, yet not so much for that, as for the name Jephunneh, because Pharez being very young when they came into Egypt, might beget Hezron 80 yeares after, and he at 80 might beget Caleb, unto which Calebs age of 40 at the going out of Egypt being added all together, make 200 yeares. Moreover, why Caleb is cal∣led the Kenezite, is a great question, but Lyra also resolveth it, according to the Hebrews, thus; Jephunneh being dead, the mother of Caleb, his widow, mari∣ed with Kenez, from whom, because he brought him up, he was thus called. Some thinke that Kenez was the father of Jephunneh, and so one brother of his was properly thus called, Josh. 15. 17. Some that he was so called from some * 1.438 exploit that he did. But nothing can herein be said certainly.

And Joshua blessed Caleb, and gave him Hebron, &c. Hee blessed, both by * 1.439 publishing his deserved praises; and as a man of God, praying for his good successe in attempting to take this place againe, and to expell the Anakims thence. But because Hebron was one of the Cities given to the Levites, Josh. 21. [Qu.] 11, 13. it may be demanded, how Caleb had it to him and his for a possession? They had onely the houses to inhabit in, and the Suburbs, but hee all the lands * 1.440 about; his goodnesse in this appearing, that when he had obtained it, as a sin∣gular reward of his faith and prowesse, yet he was content to give part back againe to the Priests, and to be a City of refuge, Ch. 20. 7.

And the name of Hebron before was Kiriath-arba, who was a great man amongst * 1.441 the Anakims. Kiriath-arba, signifieth the City of Arba, the father of Anak, Ch. 15. 13. The Vulgar Latine for these words, who was a great man, hath Adam maximus inter Anakim ihi situs est. Whereupon many have held it to be called Kiriath-arbah, for the buriall of foure there, Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; but this is a most erroneous reading, as the Jesuites themselves acknowledg; but of this conceit it see more, Gen. 23. 2. And the Land rested from Warre: this is repeated againe, from Ch. 11. 23. to shew, that they might now freely goe a∣bout this division of the land, because the enemies were now quiet, and none durst make head against them, to interrupt them herein.

Mystically, saith Origen, by Caleb, who had a possession given him before all * 1.442 others, understand the heart, for Caleb signifieth, as the heart: and Jephunneh, whose sonne he is said to be, converting himself, the heart then turned from evill to good, shall surely have a possession in the heavenly Canaan, and bee blessed.

CHAP. XV.

HEre is shewed, that by a singular providence of God, the lot came first up for Judah, and that in a most eminent and fruitfull place, and very large, that the prophesie of Jacob touching Judah his preference might appeare to * 1.443

come from God, this his prelation in his part, being a praeludium of his future eminency in the Kingdom.

Amongst all the Tribes, Judah hath his part in the Land of Canaan first, saith Lyra, because that was the Kingly Tribe, and Joseph next, Ch. 16. because * 1.444 he came into the place of the firstborne Reuben, who was dis-inherited, Gen. 49. Touching Judah, his part is described by the 4 sides, the south, the east, the north, and the west. For the first, it is said, The wildernesse of Zin, was his * 1.445 uttermost part southward; to shew, that his lot lay most southerly of all the land of Canaan, see Numb. 34. 3. and this was nearest to Egypt where this tribe was placed, as being most warlike to resist the Enemy. And the South border was * 1.446 from the shoare of the salt Sea, &c. This was the dead Sea, lying in a corner, where the South and the East part met, and hence they began to measure to the west, all the coasts by which they went along, being said to be southward. For the se∣cond side, viz the east, The East border was the salt Sea, even to the end of Jordan, &c. * 1.447 that is, where Jordan entreth into the salt, or dead Sea: and here it is to bee conceived, that the line of measuring went northward, this being a description of all the east side, even to the north. For the third, viz. the north side, v. 7. And the border went up toward Debir, and from the valley of Achor, and so north∣ward, * 1.448 &c. and the goings out thereof were at Enrogel. This En, or fountaine of Rogell, was neare Jerusalem, 2 Kings 18. being a fountaine, or water where * 1.449 Fullers washed their cloaths, from whence it had this name Enrogel, the Fullers pool, or well; so the Hebrews.

And the border went up by the valley of the son of Hinnom, unto the southside of the * 1.450 Jebusite, the same is Jerusalem. In this part on the north, the lot of Judoh was divided from the lot of Benjamin, for it came home to Jerusalem, but Jeru∣salem it selfe fell to the lot of Benjamin, where the Temple was afterwards built, but by it went up the northside of Judah from east to west.

And the West border was to the great Sea, &c. This was the Mediterranean Sea, * 1.451 where the west side, and the north met, and this was the utmost part of the Land of Canaan westward; so that the whole length of that Land, from the south to the west, fell to Judah. Here againe the gift of Hebron to Caleb is * 1.452 repeated, being shewed to lye within the lot of Iudah; and hee is said to have expelled the three sonnes of Anak thence. But this is not to bee conceived * 1.453 now to have been done; for both this, and that of Othniel taking Kiriath-sepher, &c. were done after the death of Joshua, Iudg. 1. 9. and therefore they are here put downe by anticipation, as Expositors generally agree, being inserted by some other man; that Calebs faith in God to drive out the Anakims, and to take this place, might soon appeare to the Reader not to have been vaine, and hee might not be left to seek farre off for the fulfilling of the thing given and hoped for, as touching the actuall enjoying thereof, Ch. 14. But there it is said, that the tribe of Iudah went up against Hebron, and slew the 3 sonnes of Anak, this being ascribed here to Caleb, with whom they went, as the chief in that expedition.

Here the Cities of Iudah lying south, and so about Hebron the possession of Caleb, are first reckoned up by name, and then are summed up, v. 32. twenty * 1.454 and nine; but if wee count them one by one, we shall finde 37, the reason of this difference yeelded by the Rabbins, is, because eight of them were againe ta∣ken * 1.455 away and given to the Simeonites, as may bee seen, Ch. 19. and so 29 onely remained to Iudah. Masius and Serrarius thinke, that the walled Cities onely * 1.456 are put in to the summe; but together with them Villages also are reckoned, when they are counted one by one. But this last seemeth not to bee so proba∣ble, because Villages are spoken of, as pertaining to these Cities.

The second numeration of their Cities here followeth in the valleys, about which also the summe differeth from the number mentioned, for they are 15, * 1.457 but are summed up 14, v. 36. this, saith Lyra, was, because one was called by two names, Tappuah and Enam, v. 34. The third numeration of 16 Cities, and * 1.458 the fourth of 9 Cities, v. 44. and the fifth of 11 Cities, v. 51. and the sixth of 9 Cities, v. 54. and the seventh of 10 Cities, v. 57. and the eighth of 6 Cities,

v. 59. and the ninth of 2 Cities, v. 60. and the tenth of 6 Cities, v. 62. doe all agree. But out of these were subtracted to the Danites, Eshtaol and Garea in the second numeration, and to the Simeonites, Ether, and Asan in the third, Ch. 19. So that the whole number reckoned up, besides those deducted, was of 118 Ci∣ties with their Villages, and yet these were not all, for Ekron, Ashdod, and Gaza of the Philistims, v. 45, 46. under which the other two Lordships also are to bee understood, are not summed up, because in the enemies hands. But Ekron was given afterwards to the Danites; and as Iosephus hath it, Gath and Azotus, Asca∣lon * 1.459 and Gaza onely remaining to Iudah. Moreover, Ch. 21. 14, 15, 16. Estemo, Holon, and Bethshemesh given to Levites are omitted here; and Bethlehem said to be of Iudah, Iudg. 19. 1. and unto it, upon v. 59. ten Cities more are added in the Septuagint Translation, Theco, Phagor, Etham, Culon, Tamai, Soris, Carim, Gallim, Bather and Manocho, all which are here left out, which Ierome conjectu∣reth * 1.460 to have been done through the malice of the Jewes, razing them out of the Hebrew, that it might not appeare, that Iesus came of the Tribe of Iudah.

Touching Lachish, v. 39. Lyra noteth noteth, that it was a diverse City from * 1.461 Lachish taken by the Danites, Iudg. 18. for this stood southward, that north, and differed in the name being called Laish.

Touching Kiriath-Sannath, which is Debir: this was the City before called Kiriath-sepher, that is, Civitas literarum, and Debir, verbum vel eloquentia. Ki∣riath-Sannath, * 1.462 civitas acuminis, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth acuere, to sharpen, and in the Syriack tongue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 docte, vel acute dicere. It is thought to have had this name, because it was an Academy of the Canaanites, wherein were Schooles of Lear∣ning.

Touching the City of Salt, v. 62. it was neare the Sea, most probably having * 1.463 the name from Salt made there, and not the same with Bethshemesh, civitas solis, as some have thought.

As for the Iebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah could not * 1.464 drive them out, &c. Jerusalem is called also Jebus, Judg. 19. 10. from whence, saith Lyra, the Iebusites had their name, being of the posterity of Abimelech King * 1.465 of Gerar, with whom Abraham had made a Covenant, Gen. 21. the time of which was not yet expired. Wherefore they held their one Fort still, even till Davids time, who expelled them, but by reason of that Covenant, they * 1.466 could not yet be expelled. Calvin ascribeth the not expelling of the Iebusites, to * 1.467 the sloath of the Israelites, although Jerusalem was the most holy place of all the Land, and the most excellent, that sanctified all the rest, and was the glory of all, yet they through their owne negligence, and love of ease, forbeare to fight with the Iebusites, in the strong Fort of Zion therein: so that this is spo∣ken to their reproach, they could not expell them, because they laboured not to doe it, being content with some part of the City, and leaving the rest to the Enemy: for which cause it is said, That the Jebusites dwelt in this city with the chil∣dren of Judah to this day; that is, the men of Iudah in one part, and they in ano∣ther. For there being nothing yet to hinder Gods favour and help from them, if they had attempted the expulsion of these Iebusites, they should certainly have effected it. But I can see no reason why the not possessing yet of all parts of Ierusalem, should be ascribed to the negligence of Iudah, for then some such thing should have been intimated, and it would not have been said, they could not expell them. The Fort of Zion, which they held was high, and most strong by nature, and unaccessible; and therefore it is rather to be held, that God would not yet help them in the expelling of it, reserving that so difficult a worke to another Worthy, even David, whom hee would raise up after∣wards, and make famous by this exploit, permitting the Iebusites to live here still, as other of the Israelites enemies in other places for their tryall, as is said, Iudg. 3. 1, 6. especially, seeing they had for the present houses and land enough to dwell comfortably in, till they should bee more multiplyed. For that of Lyra, ascribing the Iebusites dwelling here still, to an old Covenant made by Abraham, as hee hath it from the Rabbins, so it may well be suspected as a tale

of their owne coyning: for how may it appeare that they came of Abimelech, sith the Jebusites are commonly reckoned as one of the seven Peoples desti∣ned to destruction? and if they were included in the Covenant, and this Cove∣nant was not yet expired, how shal we know that it expired so soon as David was King? Iudg. 1. 21. and that which is said here of the children of Iudah, is said of the Benjamites, but before that, v. 8. The children of Judah had fought against Jerusalem, and taken it, and smitten it with the edge of the sword, and set the City on fire. If it be here demanded, how could the men of Iudah dwell here, [Qu.] and the Benjamites also? Answ. The south part of the City was within the lot of Iudah, but the north part belonged to Benjamin, and herein the Temple stood, and it was the farre greater part, see Ch. 18. 28. If it bee further de∣manded, [Qu.] how it it said here, the children of Iudah could not expell the Iebu∣sites out of Ierusalem, when as Iudg. 1. 8. it is said, they had taken the City, &c. Answ. In part they had taken it, and destroyed the inhabitants, but in part they had not, viz. in that part, where the Fort of Zion stood. And this ta∣king * 1.468 of it, saith Josephus, was after the death of Joshua. But happily being ta∣ken as Hebron and Debir in Joshua his time, the enemies re-possessed it againe, and were afterwards againe destroyed.

Mystically, by the Iebusite dwelling still in Ierusalem, saith Origen, understand * 1.469 the wicked in the Church; for the Tares cannot be separated from the Wheat til the last day. The Iebusite signifieth one treading under foot, they then, that with dogs and swine tread holy things under their feet, be the Iebusites in the Church, to expell whom, we must endeavour more and more unto the end.

CHAP. XVI.

HEre is described the lot of the children of Ioseph: first, in generall, and then Ephraims part in particular. Their east limit was Iordan, and their * 1.470 west Bethoron and Gezer, to the Mediterranean Sea. Whereas it is said, v. 2. And goeth out from Bethel to Luz; it may be demanded how this could be, seeing the same City which was Bethel, was before called Luz, Ch. 18. 13. Answ. Bethel where Iacob lodged, Gen. 28. was neare unto the City of Luz, and was built after it, and then both being joyned together, had the name of Bethel; the go∣ing out then from one to the other, was from one part of the City to the o∣ther, distinguished by these two names. Touching the part of Ephraim in particu∣lar, * 1.471 the border thereof was Ataroth-Addar, unto Bethoron the upper, eastward, &c. And the separate Cities of the children of Ephraim, were amongst the inheritance of * 1.472 the children of Manasseh, &c. that is, as Lyra hath it, the line of the division reaching sometimes into the lot of Manasseh, and fetching a compasse to in∣clude * 1.473 here a City, and there a City, lying within Manassehs lot, if the line of his lot be carryed straight from east to west, see Chap. 17. 8, 9, 10. Lastly, it is * 1.474 noted, that they drave not out the Canaanites in Gezer, one of their bordering Cities, but they served them under Tribute, which is generally held to have been a blemish to Ephraim, in that they would bee compounded withall for gaine, and not destroy all who were appointed to the sword, when as the Lord had given so strait a charge to make no Covenant with them, but utter∣ly to root them out. The same fault is noted to have been in the children of Manasseh, Ch. 17. 13. This is by Origen Allegorically applyed thus; the Canaan setteth forth the Flesh, the Israelite the Spirit, which when it commeth to * 1.475 bee strong, bringeth the Flesh under, but cannot utterly expell it in this life.

CHAP. XVII.

HEre is set forth the part of the halfe Tribe of Manasseh, in which, although it were lesse, more is written: 1. Because the lot of the other halfe on the

other side of Jordan is again re-counted. 2 The families comming of Ma∣nasseh, * 1.476 which had possessions on this side Jordan are numbred, first the males who were six; then the females, the daughters of Zelophehad, who had no sons, * 1.477 and they were five. 3. Their request, according to the order made by Moses, is recited from Numb. 27. 4. Their lot is described, v. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. together with the Lands of Ephraim, where they lay within it. 5. Both these Tribes doe jointly complaine that their lot was too little for them, and Joshua * 1.478 alloweth them to take in the woods of the Canaanites and Perizzites, and to cut them downe, adding words of incouragement against the feare of the E∣nemies power. For the first of these, Manasseh is said to be the first born of Jo∣seph, * 1.479 to intimate the reason why he being none of the sons of Jacob, yet had the lot of a Tribe, as also Ephraim his other son, for Jacob had made both these * 1.480 as his owne sons, two Tribes, as was touched before, Ch. 14. 4. And although Ephraim was by Jacob preferred before Manasseh, the younger before the elder; yet because Manasseh was the first borne, he had an inheritance in part first on the other side Jordan. Moreover, it is added, For Machir the first borne of Ma∣nasseh, but Ch. 13. 31. he is mentioned as the onely sonne of Manasseh, and halfe his children are put for the halfe Tribe of Manasseh, of which see upon that place. And Machir is called the father of Gilead, whose children onely are recited, v. 2. as the children of Manasseh; whereby it seemeth, that as Manasseh had onely Machir to his sonne, that had issue living till now, so Machir had onely Gilead. Touching Jair said to be the son of Manasseh, Numb. 32. 41. it is to be understood, that he came of a daughter of Machir by Ezrom, of the tribe of Judah, 1 Chron. 2 21. and thus onely hee is called his son, as all that come of a mans children, are called his children.

But it is added, Because Machir was a man of Warre, therefore hee had Gilead [Qu.] and Bashan. In what Warre could he shew his valour, seeing hee must needs bee dead long before that the children of Israel came to make any Warres? Answ. It is most probable, that he fought manfully against the men of Gath, who are said to have come downe to take away their cattell whilst they lived in Eg. pt, 1 Chron. 7 21. and for that he had this commendation. Or by Ma∣chir we may understand the Machirites comming of him, who had done wor∣thy service in the Warres on the other side of Jordan: for thus Machir is spo∣ken of, Numb. 32. 40. when the Machirites are meant. Touching Gilead, the sonne of Machir, although all the other families reckoned up, v. 2. came of him; yet those on the other side of Iordan were peculiarly called Gileadites, be∣cause they inhabited Gilead, and were the children of Gilead also; wherein the Divine providence is to be noted, as directing it so, that Gilead should have the land of Gilead.

Touching the second and third, enough hath been said already, upon Numb. 26. 30, 31. and Numb. 27. onely, v. 5. because it is said, there fell ten portions * 1.481 to the sonnes of Manasseh: it may bee demanded how this could bee, seeing [Qu.] they were but six families? Answ. They had but six greater portions onely, for each family one: but of that part which fell to the family of Hepher, whose son Zelophehad, had no sons, but five daughters, five lesser parts being made, they were all together ten. If it be said, thus by subdivisions in other families also these portions were not ten onely, but twenty or thirty. It is answered, the Princes that were over the divisions, made not subdivisions for others, but one∣ly for these women who were not so able to manage such a businesse, others, that came of other families, who were men, being left to agree amongst them∣selves in their subdivisions, because God had set downe a speciall order for those women in the time of Moses. And therefore these portions, although but parts of a portion, are numbred here together with the whole portions, set out by Joshua, Eleazar; &c. and not any other afterwards divided by o∣thers.

And the rest of Manassehs sonnes had the Land of Gilead: that is, on the o∣ther * 1.482 side of Jordan. For the fourth, viz. the description of the lot of this halfe tribe of Manasseh. First, it is shewed, how it went on the right hand, * 1.483

that is, south to Entappuah, that is, the fountaine of Tappuah, but the City of Tappuah went to Ephraim, being taken out of the lot of Iudah, as was noted upon Ch. 14. 34. But before this, it is said, the coast of Manasseh was from Asher to Michmetha, where by Asher the tribe is not to be understood, but a Ci∣ty so called, as Bonfrerius saith: but because, v. 10. Manasseh and Ephraim are * 1.484 said to meet together in Asher on the north, and in Issachar on the east; it is ra∣ther to bee held, that by Asher here the tribe is meant, for the measure procee∣ded to the south, and therefore began at the north, towards the lot of Asher. Yet Asher is put downe here by anticipation, because he had no lot, till after∣wards in Shiloh, Ch. 19. Next the River dividing Manasseh from the Cities of Ephraim, is spoken of, the River Kana, on the south of which lay the separate * 1.485 Cities of Ephraim before spoken of, Ch. 16. and Manasseh on the north, both being bounded by the Sea and by Asher and Issachar, north and east. Lastly, it is shewed that Manasseh had Cities within the lot of both those Tribes, Bethshean, * 1.486 Ibleam, Dor, Endor, Taanach, and Megiddo, that is, being contiguous to both these Tribes, his lot extended in divers places into them, so Lyra. Whereas in * 1.487 concluding, it is added, after this capitulation of six Cities, even three Countreys; the Vulgar Latine hath, and the third part of the City Nopheth: so also the Sept. and Hebr. it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being rendred verbatim, the third of a Province; and it seemeth to me, that the meaning is, these six Cities were the third part of a Countrey, and not three Countreys; nor, that Manasseh had besides them the third part of another City or Countrey, because in the Hebr. it is not, and the third part, but the third, &c These words being added for further explication, how much the foresaid Cities and their Villages amounted to, being conside∣red together. And it agreeth not, when six Cities have been mentioned, to adde, even three Countreys, for why should the three last be summed up more then the former?

Touching the fifth, the children of Joseph complaine that their lot was too * 1.488 little for them, saying to Joshua, That hee had given them but one part, and yet they were so increased by Gods blessing, that one would not suffice them. The meaning is, that they had too small a part, considering their multitude, for even the halfe Tribe of Manasseh alone, is said to have ten parts, v. 5. And this part containing many more by subdivisions; it is not meant, was too little for quantity of ground, but because much of it was Woody, and held by the Canaanites. Wherefore Ioshua biddeth them, according to the power that they had through their multitude, to take courage to them, and to cut downe the Woods, and to expell the Canaanites, Perizzites, &c. and so to inlarge their ha∣bitations, not meaning yet, that they should cleare the ground, and take in possession any more then that allotted unto them. Some think that there is an Allegory in the word Woods, the Canaanites, Perizzites, and Gyants possessing * 1.489 those parts, being meant hereby, who as woods overgrowne, made them hor∣rid and unhabitable for them: and that by cutting downe, is meant the cut∣ting of them off by little: But I see no reason to goe from the literall sense. He addeth, If mount Ephraim be too little for thee: that is, the Countrey assigned now to Ephraim, and already possessed, which was full of mountaines; where∣by it should seeme, that the tribe of Ephraim was the chiefe in this complaint: but both tribes are spoken of, as comming together, and complaining of a wrong, as if they had been unjustly dealt withall; saying, that they had but one part, that is, as Calvin hath it, the lot but of one Tribe, when as they were * 1.490 one and an halfe. But this complaint was unjust; for although their parts lay together, yet by the descriptions going before it appeareth, that they had two, onely they made account, that the Land yet possessed by the enemy was no∣thing to them; whereas in the dividing of it to them, it was meant, that they should by military prowesse subdue the enemies, and take in that also, as others of their brethren did. Wherefore Joshua shapeth them an answer according∣ly, to stir them up from this sloath and pusillanimity, taking advantage of their own words, that they were much people.

They reply, that mount Ephraim was not sufficient, and that the Canaanites * 1.491

dwelling in the valleys, had Chariots of iron, both in Bethshean and Jezreel. Bethshean was within the lot of Manasseh, v. 11. but Iezreel a valley inhabited by the Canaanites, in the lot of Issachar, Ch. 19. 18. and because Bethshean lay into Issachar; it may be conceived, that the valley of Iezreel was upon the bor∣der, and so neare at hand to oppose and fight against them, if they should goe up to the woods, for these valleys lay about in their passage, and here were the iron Chariots which they so much feared. These Chariots were thus called, because they had sharp irons fixed to them before, and on the sides, upward and downward like speares, and swords, and hookes; so that the horses running with them, all that stood or lay in the way were cut in pieces and slaughtered hereby: Thus Q. Curtius and Livie and others describe the iron Chariots of Antiochus and Darius, which they used in their Warres; and it is most proba∣ble, that these of the Canaanites were like unto them; so that one man driving such a Chariot, could fight herewith, and destroy many. But against these Jo∣shua * 1.492 encourageth them, promising that they should have power to drive them out, and possesse their mountaines, and the out goings thereof, that is, the plaine places in the way, notwithstanding their power and preparations.

CHAP. XVIII.

HEre first is recorded the setting up of the Tabernacle in Shiloh. Where∣as * 1.493 hitherto it had remained in Gilgal, and so the Campe lay about it: this remove was 12 miles, and almost within 4 miles of Jerusalem. Shiloh, say Ly∣ra and others, was in the Tribe of Ephraim, of which tribe Joshua was. But how this may be gathered, I cannot tell, seeing it is no where set downe in what tribe it stood. Onely upon Ch. 9. 3. it hath been already shewed to have beene the same with Gibeon, which was in the lot of Benjamin, v. 25. and a City gi∣ven to the Levites, Ch. 21. 17. as it is said of Shiloh. And if so, the Gibeonites that were to serve about the wood and water for the Tabernacle, might most conveniently performe this office. Touching the direction that Joshua now had to remove the Tabernacle hither, although it bee not expressed, yet doubt∣lesse hee did it not without direction from the Lord, because this was a thing often spoken of, that it should bee set in the place that the Lord should choose. And here it stood till Samuels time, 1 Sam. 4. which was above 300 years: Lyra * 1.494 saith, till it was removed from thence to Nob. But we read no where of any such remove, but onely that Nob was a City of Priests, and that David came to * 1.495 Abimelech the High Priest there. The onely thing that we read of the remove of the Arke from Shiloh, is, that it was carryed from thence against the Philistims, 1 Sam. 4. and there taken by the Philistims and carryed away, and afterwards sent back againe to Bethshemesh, Ch. 6. and from thence to Kiriath-jearim, Ch. 7. to the house of Abinadab, where it remained 20 yeares, then David is said to have fetcht it from the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, 2 Sam. 6. and Ʋzzah be∣ing smitten for touching it, hee durst not carry it any further, but left it at the house of Obed-Edom three months, and then fetcht it into Zion. In all which re∣moves, no mention is made of Nob; but Lyra upon 1 Sam. 7. saith, that from Beth∣shemesh the Arke was carryed to Kiriath-jearim, and not immediately thence to the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, but first to Mizpeh, then to Gilgal againe, after that to Neb, and from thence to the house of Abinadah, as hee gathereth out of the Hebraic. quaestion. and all this not without some ground in the sacred History; for Kiriath-jearim was a City of the Gibeonites, and Samuel judged the people in Mizpeh, and in Gilgal the Kingdom was renued, 1 Sam. 11. 15. and in Nob was the High Priest and Ephod, and Shewbread, although no men∣tion bee made of these removes. For the time when they removed the Taber∣nacle from Gilgal to Shiloh, here is nothing expresly said, but it is generally held to have been seven yeares after their comming into the land of Canaan, be∣cause it is said, The Land was subdued before them, which was not in lesse time; but the Rabbins say, that it was done 14 yeares after their entrance, but this a∣greeth

not with Calebs age, and the account made before hereby.

The Tabernacle being set up, Joshua reproving the seven Tribes that had * 1.496 not yet received their parts for their slacknesse in going about it, and to expell the Canaanites, who yet, though subdued, lived there, where they should in he∣rit, exciteth them to send out men to describe and part it, that hee might there before the Lord cast lots for them. Whereby is intimated, that their remisnesse and backwardnesse in going not to take their lots, but to drive out the enemies * 1.497 was the cause of this delay, and that the division begun in Gilgal went not for∣ward, but was intermitted, till this comming to Shiloh, which some thinke was a yeare, but the Rabbins 7 yeares, although against all probability. By this sending out of new measures, three of a Tribe, it may seeme, that some cause of their delay was, for that they did not think the former measurers to have sufficiently done their office, wherefore others are sent to view all things better, and to make a new description of those Lands where they should have their parts; and the cause of this suspition might be, for that in the lot of Judah al∣ready taken, there was so much land more then sufficed, that the Simeonites had divers Cities out of it, &c. Now then Joshua alloweth them to choose three * 1.498 men out of each Tribe, and to send them to describe it anew, that is, as is most probable, and the words sound, out of the seven Tribes onely, being all toge∣ther in number 21. These are appointed to divide the Land into seven parts, * 1.499 and to returne to Joshua, that lots might be cast for them; Judah, and the chil∣dren of Joseph, that had received their parts, the one southward, and the other northward being confirmed therein. The Vulg. Latine, for these words, v. 6. Ye shall describe the Land into seven parts, hath it, the middle Land betwixt these yee shall divide into seven parts: as if the seven Tribes that were yet to receive their parts, should all lye in the middle betwixt Iudah, Ephraim, and Manasleh, whereas it is certaine, that a great part of that Land lay more north; therefore that tran∣slation is corrupt, as the Jesuite himself acknowledgeth, and that hee hath no∣thing * 1.500 to say in the defence thereof.

Here the reason is further expressed, why the division should bee made but * 1.501 into seven parts, viz. because the Levites were to have no part; and as two Tribes and an halfe already spoken of had received their parts on this side Jordan, so two Tribes and an halfe had received their on the other side.

Whereas it is said of the Levites, The Priestheod of the Lord is their inheritance: hereby is meant, that the profits belonging to the Priests and Levites were theirs. Ʋ. 11. The divisions being made by those that were sent, and set down * 1.502 in a Book, now lots are cast before the Tabernacle, and Benjamin hath the first between Judah and Joseph. How long the measurers were in surveying, before their returne, is not recorded, but Iosephus saith that they were seven moneths. The north border of Benjamin was the same with that of Ephraim, from Ior∣dan * 1.503 eastward, to the Sea west. Here, beside Luz or Bethel, v. 13. mention is made of Bethaven, a City neare unto it, by which name, for the idolatry set up there afterwards by Ieroboam, Bethel was inveighed against, Hos. 4. 5, 10. Here * 1.504 the south border followeth, which was the north of Iudah, of which see Ch. 15. And then the Cities of this lot are numbred, first twelve, then fourteen, so that * 1.505 it was very small, whereupon it is sometime called little Benjamin; although the quantity of ground was little, yet it was most fruitfull, and lay most safe∣ly; and this Tribe had the honour of the first lot amongst seven, and of the holy City Ierusalem, and Temple, and lay neare to his brother Joseph. But neither were these all the Cities of Benjamin, for Chap. 21. 18. mention is made of two more, Anathoth and Almon. The double numeration first of 12 Ci∣ties, then of 14, seemeth to be, because the former lay eastward, and the latter west.

CHAP. XIX.

THE second lot here is shewed to have been of the children of Simeon, and * 1.506 this was within the lot of Iudah, which had too much. Thus the prophe∣sie

of Iacob was verified, I will sealter them in Iacob and divide them in Israel * 1.507 Wherefore it was not without a singular providence, that the first dividers were suffered to erre so farre as to make the part of Judah so much more, then would suffice for them, and the desire of doing according to equity, ap∣peared in the Princes set over the division, in that they so readily yeelded to correct this errour being manifested, and of the men of Judah, that they withstood it not, having already the possession, but readily yeelded a part to their Brethren, necessity requiring it, for so much as the Land remaining would not otherwise have sufficed for the rest of the Tribes. The Rabbins * 1.508 say, that the men of Judah tooke it ill, that Simeon had so many of their Ci∣ties, and therefore in Davids time they were againe expelled, which they ga∣ther from 1 Chron. 4. 31. where it is said, they dwelt in these Cities, till Da∣vids time. But it is not said that then they were driven out, neither would it have stood with Davids piety herein to have gone against Gods decree. Whereas their inheritance is said to be within the inheritance of Judah, the vulgar Latine hath it in the midst of the inheritance. But it was rather in their confines, for Beershebah here first named was furthest south, for which cause when the length of the land is set forth by the extreme parts, it is commonly said, from Dan to Beershebah. Beershebah and Shebah, which may seem to be two, * 1.509 are but one City, named by both these names, otherwise they were not 13 on∣ly, as they are summed v. 6. but 14. Wherefore 1 Chron. 4. 28. when the Ci∣ties of the Simeonites are counted over again, Beershebah onely is named. Of these Cities of the Simeonites, there are two numerations. First, of 13. to v. 6. Secondly, * 1.510 of foure, v. 7. Which are thus distinguished from the other, because those had wals, but these not, as may be gathered from 1 Chron. 4. 32. where * 1.511 they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 villages. And all this lot is said to have lyen south. The third lot was of Zabulun, who came of the same Mother Leah, with Issachar, and was the yonger brother, yet here he is placed in his possession be∣fore him. Of this Tribe Jacob had said before, that hee should dwell at the ha∣ven * 1.512 of the Sea, and towards Sidon, and accordingly here it is said, their border went up towards the Sea, v. 11. and reached to the river, which is before Jokneam. Which is thought to be towards the border of the Sidonians, and the Rivers * 1.513 name is by Geographers, called Pagis or Belus, having sand, of which glasse was made. But this lot could not goe close up to the Sea, but neare it, because part of Asher lay betweene, but it is held to have extended to the Sea of Gennesareth. For the Cities of this Tribe, they are summed up 12, but it * 1.514 is hard to determine which they were, because 16 or 17 are named, out of which the rest must be cast, as to which this lot reached onely, but inclu∣ded them not.

The fourth lot was of Issachar, whose Cities are said to be 16, but no di∣scription * 1.515 of this lot is made by the quarters of the World, happily because it lay betweene Zabulun and Manasseh. Iezreel the first City here named is by Adricomius placed in Manasseh, because Ch. 17. 16. it is mentioned in describing * 1.516 that lot, but as was there shewed, it is not spoken as lying therein, but onely very neare it. In Jezreel the Kings of Israel afterwards dwelt sometime, 1 King. 21. 1. Although in Samaria was their chiefe seat. Thabor here as∣cribed to Issacha••, is said to be in Zabulun, 1 Chron. 6. 77. wherefore it seemeth to have been betweene them both; one Tribe holding one part, and ano∣ther the other part. Bethshemesh is also ascribed to Judah, Ch. 21. 16. but it was a∣nother City of the same name. The Cities here named seemed not to be all, that fell to Issachar, for Dabereth, and Jaramoth are also ascribed to Issachar Ch. 21. 18. and Avem; 1 Chron. 6. 73. But Jaramoth is supposed by some to be the same with Ramoth; and Avem-Engannim.

The fift lot was of Asher, consisting of 22 Cities, this lot lay furthest north∣ward * 1.517 of all others to the sea; and southward extended to Manasseh, as was touched, Ch. 17. 10. It is described first by the west which way it reached to * 1.518 Carmel, and to Sihor-Libnah, this Carmel was a mountain by the Sea, and not the City Carmel before ascribed to Judah of which mention is made

1 Sam. 25. 2. Nabal had possessions there. Sihor-Libnah, the Septuagint call Sihor & Lab••n••h, and some contend that they were two Cities; because Sihor signifieth black, and Libnah white. Many hold it to be one City, otherwise called Ptolemais. Secondly, this lot is described by the east, and turneth towards * 1.519 the Sun rising to Bethdagon, that is, the house of Dagon, the idoll of the Phili∣stims, which had the name from a fish; it had the face of a young man, but downward it was like a Fish. Thirdly, by the north, and reacheth to Zebulun, and to the valley of Jephtahel towards the north, &c. Of Jephtahel see before, v. 14. Here also Chabul on the left hand setteth forth the north.

Hamon here mentioned to Asher is said to belong to Nephtali, 1 Chron. 6. 76. * 1.520 and Rahab, v 75. but they were other Cities of the same name. Kana, was Kana the great in Asher, for there was another Kana in Zebulun, called the les∣ser, where Christ turned water into wine. For the number of 22 Cities, it is to be thought that they were not all which Issachar had, for Abdon is also ascri∣bed * 1.521 to Issachar. Ch. 21. 30.

The sixth lot was of Nephtali, and here the measure beginneth againe east∣ward * 1.522 at Iordan, and then it proceedeth westward, and southward. On the east were five Cities, Heleph, Allon, Adami-Nek••h, Iabneel, and Lakum: So Masius, Magallianus, and Adricomius. But Bonfrerius will have them to lye in the north, and to reach to Iordan on the east; because their goings out are said to be at Iordan, and the north should otherwise alone bee left undescribed. 2. It proceedeth to the west and south, Zebulun lying on the south, and Asher on the * 1.523 west, and Iudah. Their Cities were 19, but all the names in this description are 23; but some either were no Cities, but other places of note, or else foure of them were but Villages.

The seventh Lot was of Dan, described only by his Cities, wherof some are fa∣mous; * 1.524 as, Zorah & Eshtaol, where Samson lived, and Timnathah, from whence Sam∣son took a wise of the Philistims, & Ekron held by the Philistims being one of their five Lordships, which foure were within the lot of Judah, but taken out for the Danites. Gath-rimmon also, if hereby Gath be meant, as Masius thinketh, was ano∣ther * 1.525 Lordship of the Philistims. Lastly, Iapho, since called Ioppe, is a Sea town of great note to this day, for here they arrive, that travaile from hence to the holy Land, so that this lot lay neare the Sea, and was much disquieted by the Phili∣stims, their neare neighbours, who held much of their Land from them.

And the coast of the children of Dan went out too little for them; therefore they went * 1.526 to fight against Leshem, &c. The words here are thus rendred in the Vulgar Latine, & ipso fine concluditur, this being referred to Iapho before spoken of. But Hebr. it is, The coast of the children of Dan went out from them; that is, saith Masius, they going out and conquering further then this their lot, as * 1.527 is immediately shewed. Ʋatablus, a part of the lot assigned to them was held from them; therefore they went out and fought against Leshem. And this is rather to be approved.

Leshem, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, was the same with Laish, Judg. * 1.528 18. where the taking of it, and the new naming of it Dan, is set forth, but here it is spoken of by anticipation, as that of Calebs taking Hebron before, Ch. 15.

Joshua, after all these divisions ended, hath Timnath-Serah in mount Ephra∣im * 1.529 given to him, as he desired; and this is said to have been done according to the Word of the Lord. But it is no where expressed that the Lord made any such order; onely whereas Caleb said before, Chap. 15. Thou knowest what the Lord said to Moses concerning mee and thee in Kadesh-barnea; it may be gathered, that as Hebron was appointed then to Caleb, so it was promised, that Joshua for his constant cleaving to the Lord, should choose him a possession.

And herein the modesty of Joshua appeared, that hee distributed possessions to all the people, before that he demanded a possession for himselfe, when as hee was the Prince over all: wherein, he may be an example to other Princes and Rulers, to intend more the welfare of the people under them, then their owne private benefit; and he did notably typifie our Iesus, who neglected him∣selfe to inrich us with possessions in the Kingdome of Heaven. Timnath-Serah

is also called Timnath-Cher••s. Iud••. 2. 9. the first is by some rendred the image of superfluity, by some, the image of corruption: The second, the image of the Sunne; Ierome saith, that Paula admired, that Ioshua, who distributed to all * 1.530 their possessions, chose unto himselfe so rough and mountainous a place; wher∣by it seemeth, that he was not led by covetousnesse in this his choice, but con∣tented himselfe to have a City in any place amongst those of his Tribe, and that not ready built, but in the ruines, for hee built a City here. This City was but six miles from Ierusalem, and was not that Timnath before mentioned in Dan, * 1.531 as some have erroneously held, saying, that it was that Timnath from whence Samson took a wife.

Here is the Epilogue of all the divisions, which is added, the more to ratifie * 1.532 them, as being made by Eleazar and Ioshua, &c. before the Lord in Shiloh, that there might never more bee any contention amongst the Tribes about their bounds.

CHAP. XX.

HEre Ioshua is commanded to put in execution what was before ordained, * 1.533 Numb. 35 and Deut. 19. viz. to separate three Cities of Refuge on this side Iordan; as three had been before separated on the other side, which are named, Deut. 4. 41. Calvin gathereth from hence, because Ioshua was called upon by the * 1.534 Lord, and so stimulated to doe this, before hee did it, that there was a faulty remisnesse in him about so necessary a duty for the keeping of the land from the pollution of bloud. But I thinke rather, that Ioshua who did all things at the word of the Lord, stayed onely till God should appoint the time, and then hee did it with all readinesse, which was rather to bee commended then taxed in him. Moreover, it is here againe briefly repeated, who should have the be∣nefit of fleeing to these Cities, and in what manner: all which hath been al∣ready more largely set forth and treated upon, Numb. 35. and Deut. 19. so that I shall not need to adde any more here, either for exposition, or collections, mo∣rall or mysticall, because the Reader may find these things abundantly perfor∣med there.

The three Cities appointed on this side Jordan, were, Kedesh in Galilee in mount Naphtali, Sechem in mount Ephraim, and Kiriath-arba, that is Hebron, in Judah. * 1.535 The first in the north, and the last in the south part of the Land, and the middle City between them both, that in what part soever blood should be shed una∣wares, the manslayer might have a City of Refuge not farre off to flee unto: thus graciously the Lord provided for the protection of the unwitting offender, although in the case of bloudshed, which otherwise hee so much abhorred. Of Calebs goodnesse in yeelding his Hebron to bee one, I have already spoken upon, Chap. 18. 6, 7.

CHAP. XXI.

HEre the children of Levi come and require Cities to be given unto them, as the Lord had appointed by Moses, and have 48 Cities with their Sub∣urbs out of all the Tribes, as was appointed, Numb. 35. six of which, were the Cities of Refuge before mentioned. So that the Levites had not Cities, as the other Tribes all together, but in every part of the Land, that there might bee * 1.536 some in every Tribe to teach the laws of God, and to judge righteously: and that it might not be thought, that the Worship of God, and the maintenance of his Ministers pertained to one place onely, but to them all. For no Kingdom or County can prosper and stand, unlesse the Worship of God be therein main∣tained.

Mystically, by the dispersing of these into all the Tribes, Jesus his sending out of his Apostles into all the world was set forth; so Ferus. In that 48 Cities

with their Suburbs were given to Levi alone, it appeareth that all the Cities of * 1.537 each tribe in the Catalogues before going were not mentioned, but many omit∣ted, because otherwise there had been no due proportion kept in taking out thus many for one small tribe, seeing Zebulun had but 12 Cities, Issachar but 16, and Nephtali but 19. Thus Calvin, who also thinketh that no due order is ob∣served in setting down this done to the Levites; but that it was before the Cities of Refuge set out, seeing they were some of the Levites Cities; and hee also taxeth it as a fault, that the tribe of Levi had no Cities given them, till they re∣quired them, and urged the commandement of God for it; but he saith it was a fault of neglect, not of wilfulnesse, for being put in mind of the Word of the Lord, they presently yeeld them Cities, as was appointed. I thinke rather, as Joshua had no possession given him till he required it, and Caleb before that, so it was by course expected that the Levites should require Cities, before that they were given to them, and this they could not doe, till the foregoing divisions finished; neither doe I see any reason why this relation should be thought to bee set downe out of order. For all the lots of tribes being set out the what was more necessary immediately to bee next done, then to provide for the preservation of the innocent, by appointing Cities of Refuge? which if it had been delayed till all the Cities of the Levites had been set out, happily some might, before this could have been done, have perished unjustly by the revenger of bloud, for want of a city of Refuge.

In distributing these 48 cities of the Levites, a fourfold distinction is made * 1.538 1 Of the sonnes of Aaron. 2 Of the rest of the sonnes of Kohath. 3 Of the sonnes of Gershom. 4 Of the sonnes of Merari. For of Levi came three families, of the Kohathites, Gershonites, and Merarites; and the Kohathites were againe di∣vided into two, the sonnes of Aaron who were the Priests, and the rest of the sonnes of Kohath, who were Levites, see Numb. 3, and 4. Aarons sonnes had 13 cities in Judab, Simeon, and Benjamin, which fell to them by lot, by a singu∣lar providence, that they might be near to the place where they should do their service. If it bee demanded, why they had not Jerusalem, where the Temple [Qu.] was afterwards built? Answ. That was the chiefe city, and to be the seat of the Kingdom; and therefore must needs be reserved for other inhabitants, and God would have his Ministers content with meaner and smaller cities.

This verse setting forth the cities given out of Reuben is wanting in the Ma∣soreths Bible, and in some Latine copies, but it is in all other Hebrew copies; and * 1.539 if it be out, the number of 48 cities would not bee compleat. How great the Suburbs of the Levites cities were, see Numb. 35.

And the Lord gave to Israel all the Land which he sware to their Fathers and they possessed it, &c. This may seem not to have been so, because it is said before, Ch. * 1.540 13. 1. there remained very much Land yet to bee possessed; and of Epbraim, and Ma∣nasseh, and Judah, &c. that they could not expell the enemy out of their pos∣sessions, so likewise Judg. 4. 1. But it is to bee understood that although much was held still by the enemy, yet all was given to them, and divided amongst them, and they possessed so much as they yet needed, neither doe wee read that they attempted to take any more, but God was alwayes still assistant unto them, so as that they tooke it, and drave out their enemies so long as they per∣sisted in obedience. Some hee would not yet have them to take in possession, because they were not yet able to people it, as is expressed, Exod. 23. and some they tooke not through their owne default, because either they were slack and timerous to goe and fight for it, or led by covetousnesse to bee compounded with for Tribute, against the expresse charge divers times given unto them. And thus the 44 verse is also to bee understood, there stood not an enemy before * 1.541 them, but the Lord delivered them into their hands; that is, of all that they went a∣gainst, and they had rest round about: because the enemies still remaining durst not rise up to warre against them in that Land; and the Edomites, Ammonites, and Moabites about them were taken with such feare of them, that none inva∣ded them. Here was then a notable type indeed of the everlasting rest to come to all the people of God, to which Jesus shall bring them, all their ene∣mies

being subdued, and they being put in possession of the mansions provided for them in their Fathers house.

For the last words, there failed not ought of any good thing which the Lord had * 1.542 spoken, &c. St. Augustine saith, it is to be understood, that although all was not now performed, yet it failed not, because in Solomons dayes, not onely se∣ven, but eleven Nations spoken of, Gen. 15. were all brought under, from the River of Egypt to the great River Euphrates. And againe, nothing failed of all that was spoken, because all the promises of good were conditionall, if they continued in obedience, which they not doing, although they could never ex∣tend their bounds so farre, yet nothing sailed. Moreover, in speaking upon that, There was not a man that could stand before them: hee saith, it may bee un∣derstood, whilst they made Warres jointly together, before the divisions were made to the severall Tribes.

CHAP. XXII.

HEre is shewed first how Joshua dismissed the two Tribes and an halfe to * 1.543 their possessions on the other side of Jordan, praising them for their obe∣dience, and doing hitherto as they had promised, in helping their brethren constantly so long a time in the conquest of Canaan, till all was subdued; and he adjoyneth exhortations to feare God, and blesseth them at their departure, remembring the rich spoiles of the enemies, that they now went home laden withall, willing them to divide them amongst their brethren. The time when this was done, is not set downe but onely in generall, when their brethren had rest; and the foresaid divisions of the Land were made amongst them; but by that which was said before upon Josh 11. 18. it may be gathered that it was af∣ter seven yeares since their comming over Jordan. Comestor saith, fourteen years, * 1.544 but without all ground. Their love and constancy in doing for their brethren, is worthy our imitation, saith Ferus, who are every man for himselfe, and re∣gard * 1.545 not the good of one another. Whereas Joshua chargeth them to walke in the commandements of the Lord, and in his Law: Lyra distinguisheth be∣twixt them, saying, the first setteth forth precepts morall, and the second judi∣ciall * 1.546 and ceremoniall. And he blessed them by a solemne praying for good un∣to them, as Aaron was appointed to blesse the people, Numb. 6. 23. Whereas v. 7. a commemoration is made of the half Tribe of Manasseh receiving their inheritance on the other side of Jordan, and halfe in Canaan, this was done be∣cause, * 1.547 v. 1. mention was made of the half tribe dismissed; if any man should aske why halfe a tribe was sent away, and what became of the other halfe? * 1.548 here the reason is rendred. Touching the charge of dividing the spoiles a∣mongst their brethren, some think that this was no command, but an exhorting of them so to doe, to prevent envie; thus Calvin. But herein I prefer Tostatus, * 1.549 Masius, &c. affirming it to bee a command: For although they that were left at home, fought not, as these did, yet they stood to defend their Confines, if any enemies should in the meane season have come against them. And Mo∣ses had before given an example of dividing with those that stayed by the stuffe, Numb. 31. and this was alwayes followed afterwards, they that went to the Warre had one halfe, and the rest, although many more, the other halfe a∣mongst them; wherein consideration was had of the labour and hazard of the one more then of the other.

The two tribes and an halfe being returned, set up an Altar neare Jordan, at which the other Tribes hearing of it, were through zeale moved to great indig∣nation * 1.550 against them, supposing that it had been made to offer Sacrifices there∣upon, and assembled together to goe to warre against them. But first they send Phinces and ten Princes with him, to see what they had done. These first re∣prove them as falling away from the Lord; but the two Tribes and an half an∣swering, that it was not made for Sacrifice, but for a witnesse, that although they were separated by the River Jordan from the other Tribes where the Ta∣bernacle

was, yet they also belonged to the Lord, lest their children in time to come, should be discouraged by their children from following the Lord: they were fully satisfied, and so was the whole Congregation, when at their returne this was related unto them, and they praised God for their good intention. This fact of the two Tribes and halfe is praised by Ferus, * 1.551 for the care herein shewed of their posterity, that they might be upheld in the true Religion. But Calvin censureth it, because they did it without first * 1.552 consulting with the High Priest, and the rest of the Congregation on this side Jordan, whose advice they should have used herein: and because, how∣soever their intention was good, yet they knew not what an occasion of scandall it might be afterwards. But their care of their posterity certainly was commendable, and would be imitated by all Christian people: how∣soever the circumstance of doing this, no consultation being before had, is no way justifiable. This Altar is said to have been set up in the borders of Jordan, in Canaan, and that it was very great to see to, the vulgar Latine of infinite greatnesse, hyperbolically. Hereby it appeareth that it was not built on the other side Jordan, but on this side, which was the Land of Canaan, * 1.553 wherefore Josephus erred in saying, that they set it up, when they had passed over Jordan, for they did it before, when they were now come to Jordan. And they made it of such a vast greatnesse, that it might be seen afarre off, on both sides of the River.

For the peoples assembling themselves together to fight against them, for * 1.554 this, it was out of zeal to Gods Commandements, whereby it was provided, that there should be but one Altar for all Israel, Exod. 20. 24. Deut. 12. 5, 6. for they thought that they would offer sacrifice here-upon to the Lord, or * 1.555 else leaving him, serve Idols here. And if a City revolted to Idolatry, they were commanded to destroy it, Deut. 13. This zeale of theirs was partly com∣mendable, * 1.556 and by us to be imitated, in that they would not indure in any, [Note.] although most deare unto them, and to whom they had beene oblieged so much for their constant helping them in their warres so long a time, any corruption in religion: for such zeale should every of us have for God, as our places and callings will permit. And partly it was preposterous, because they should first have sent to know the truth, and not so tumultuously first come together, the intent not being known, see Deut. 13. 14. Thou shalt search and make diligent inquiry.

For the Princes sent, Phinees is particularly named, because of his zeale * 1.557 for God shewed Numb. 25. and for this Moses had sent him as chiefe be∣fore against the Midianites; the ten Princes sent with him were according to the number of the nine Tribes and halfe. These come together unto them, * 1.558 and begin with reproofe, as if they had certainly built this Altar with a minde to rebell against God. And they put them in minde of the sinne not long agoe committed in Peor, saying, Is the iniquity of Peor too little for us, * 1.559 from which wee are not cleansed, untill this day, &c? The vulgar Latine, Is it a little matter, that ye have sinned in Bethpeor, the staine of which remaineth in you unto this day? But in the Hebrew it is as before, as Lyra also noteth, argu∣ing * 1.560 against the Latin Translation: for that the Prince slaine then Numb. 25. was not of the Reubenites or Gadites, but of Simeon. From which wee are not cleansed to this day, that is, so as not to have more judgements executed upon us anew for it, if wee provoke God anew by sinning againe in like manner. For although Phinees is said then to have turned Gods wrath away, yet it is not meant so, but being provoked againe, hee would bee ready againe to pu∣nish that sinne over againe together with this. Or, wee are not cleansed, is to bee understood with Calvin both in respect of judgements, and the slaine * 1.561 thereof yet remaining, because it was so fresh in memory. Againe, they offer unto them, if they thought the Land of their possession uncleane with∣out an Altar, to give them Land out of their possessions, where the Lords Tabernacle was, alledging the example of Achan, who alone sinned, but * 1.562 wrath came upon all the Congregation, so that they might much more

feare, if for the sinne of one secretly committed there came wrath upon all, that if they should suffer this, which was a sinne of many, and that open∣ly committed: wrath should much more burne against them all. Hereby it ap∣peareth [Note.] how well they profited by former corrections, wee being by their example taught to have Gods judgements likewise in minde, to make us the more watchfull against sinne, for all time to come. The Rubenites and Ga∣dites, * 1.563 &c. hearing what was laid to their charge, answer with much pas∣sion; and for the clearing of themselves from this foule imputation: appeale to God, and then tell the true cause of their setting up this Altar, as is a∣foresaid; whereas v. 22. it is said, save us not this day, as if they spake thus * 1.564 to the Israelites, it is plainly in the Hebr. of the Lord, let not him save us.

This their answer being heard by all the Congregation, they praised God, * 1.565 that these two Tribes and halfe were cleare from the sinne, of which they had thought them guilty. And in token, that this Altar was built for no * 1.566 other end, but to be a witnesse, that they which dwelt beyond Jordan, had right to bring their sacrifices to the Altar in Canaan, they called it Ed, that is witnesse. Ferus hereupon gathereth, that things done to a good end in * 1.567 the Church of God ought not to be abolished, but if they be abused, the abuse is to be corrected, and they suffered still to remain, and such he saith, are singings, festivals, and images, and fasts, which were ordained for a good end. But when the Image of the Brazen Serpent, which at the first was set up for an excellent end, was abused to Idolatry, Hezekiah uttery abollisht it and is commended therefore.

CHAP. XXIII.

HEre Joshua being grown old, and so making account, that the time of his departure was at hand, assembleth all Israel, and warneth them to feare God and to serve him constantly, promising, that if they did so, hee would expell the rest of their enemies from before them, and give them the lands, which were already divided unto them; but if not, no more of them should be driven out, but they should remaine, as snares and trappes unto them, and scourges in their sides, and thornes in their eyes, if they had any fami∣liarity with them, or made any marriages with them; or served their gods. And this speach was had after a long time of peace, whereupon Ferus no∣teth well, that as warre is dangerous to the body, so is peace to the soule, and * 1.568 this Joshua prudently seeing into, seeketh to preserve them here-from by this admonition. And thus ought the Ministers of Gods Word to warne the peo∣ple, [Note.] and to seeke to keepe them in the right way by promises and threatnings from time to time. And it is the part of a good Governour, as Calvin no∣teth to take care, as Joshua did of the good of his Subjects, that they may * 1.569 doe well and prosper after his death, wherefore Moses also did thus before, and Peter likewise, 2 Pet. 1. 15. whereas Joshua is said to have called all Is∣rael▪ and then the Heads and Elders are mentioned in particular, this last seemeth to bee exegeticall, the meaning being, that these were all Israel re∣presentative, whom hee called together, and such voluntaries, as would come with them, for he could not assemble and speake to all together. To what place they were called, is not expressed, but the next assembling of them was in Shechem, Ch. 24. 1. Some conjecture the place to be Tinnath-serah, where he dwelt, and some Shiloh, where the Tabernacle was, which is the most * 1.570 probable, because such holy exhortations were wont to be before the Lord, who is said to have dwelt in his Tabernacle. For the time, it is uncertain, onely it is said when Israel had rest now a longtime, and Joshua was very aged, the number of whose yeares are said to be an 100, Ch. 24. 29. but at what age he entred into Canaan, and so what yeare after this hee dyed, is not expressed, but in the Hebrewes Chronicle, called Seder-Olam, it is said 28 yeares, Josephus. 25 yeares, and Euseb. 27 yeares, and Adrichomius 7, and o∣thers

make some more, some fewer. And it is no marvaile that Writers * 1.571 are so diverse hereabout, seeing the yeares that onely give light into this matter, be those 480 mentioned 1 Kings 6. 1. which are said to have pas∣sed since the comming of the Israelites out of Egypt, to the fourth yeare of Solomons reigne; and it cannot certainely bee found out, how these yeares are to be reckoned to make an exact account to a yeare, that other severall summes being deducted, the remainder may bee counted to Jo∣shua his government, because that before any Judge arose after Ioshua, it is said, that the people served God all the dayes of the Elders that over∣lived * 1.572 Ioshua; but afterwards, they sinning, were spoyled by their Ene∣mies, and then crying to God, Othniel was raised up to save them; and how long it was after Ioshua his death to this, is uncertaine. Whereas, v. 8. they are forbidden to mention the names of their Gods, the meaning * 1.573 is, that they should make no honourable mention of them, by calling them to witnesse in swearing, or by calling upon them, as is here further ex∣pressed.

CHAP. XXIV.

HEre againe Joshua yet living, to shew his sollicitude for the peoples good, assembleth them in Sechem before the Lord, and maketh his last exhorta∣tion to them. Calvin thinketh this assembling of them, to bee the same with * 1.574 that, Ch. 23. and that here is onely set forth how he dealt with them more at large. And Comestor joyneth this and that together as one. But Lyra and Ferus, * 1.575 and others hold it to have been done at another time, when Ioshua was yet nea∣rer the time of his death, and the History seemeth to make it plaine that it was so. But why did he assemble them in Sechem, seeing the Tabernacle was in [Qu.] Shiloh? Answ. The Arke was at this time brought thither, that the people stan∣ding before it, might be moved with the more reverence, and the more careful∣ly keep the Covenant now to be renewed. For the standing place of it was in Shiloh, where the Tabernacle was, but now it seemeth that the Arke was in Sechem; for when a great stone was set up there for a remembrance of this re∣newed Covenant, it is said to have been set up by the Sanctuary, v. 26. and Jo∣shua wrote this Covenant there in the book of the Law, which book was kept in the side of the Arke, Deut. 31. 26. One Sept. Copy for Sechem here hath Shi∣loh, but all others Sechem. Some thinke Sechem and Shiloh to be all one, but they are deceived; for Sechem was 36 miles from Ierusalem, and Shiloh but 4, see * 1.576 Ch. 18. Sechem was neare to mount Ephraim, where Ioshua dwelt and in mount Gerizim, where the blessings and curses had been read, Iosh. 8. 33. wherefore they are in this place now specially assembled.

Your Father dwelt on the other side of the flood, &c. that is, of Euphrates in Chal∣dea, * 1.577 and they served other Gods, of this see Gen. 11. & 12. To move them the more to obedience, hee recounteth Gods benefits towards them, and beginneth with Terah and Abraham, shewing what they were, and what his singular favour was to Abraham, I multiplyed his seed, saith he, and gave him Isaac; that is, first causing Isaac to come of him, and of Isaac Jacob, whose seed was so multiplyed. The * 1.578 benefits recounted are 13, as Ferus numbreth them. But how is it said, v. 11. The men of Jericho fought against you, when as they kept within their walls, till that * 1.579 they were miraculously throwne downe? Answ. Because they prepared to fight, and fortified their City against them.

And I sent the bornet before you, which drove them out; of this promised, see Exod. * 1.580 23. 28. and how it is to be understood. This thing, although we read not of it before, as performed according to the Letter, when they subdued the Kings of the Amorites, Numb. 21. yet here it is shewed to have been done, and that they subdued them not with their sword and their bow.

The foundation of remembring Gods benefits being laid, he now exhorteth * 1.581 them therefore to feare God, and to serve him, and to put away the strange

Gods which their Fathers served beyond the flood, and in Egypt, whereby hee discovereth a thing not hitherto touched, that they sinned by idolatry in Egypt, whereby the grace of God is yet more magnified towards them. In bidding them to put away the strange Gods, it may seem to be intimated, that they had such still amongst them, and much more, v. 23. But their former zeale shewed, Ch. 22. and the commendation given them, Ch. 23. 8. make to the contrary, as * 1.582 Augustine reasoneth at large. And if so, the meaning then is, turn not to strange Gods any more, for they which turne not to them, but abhorre them, put them from them. So likewise Calvin. Yet some hold, saith Lyra, that some of them * 1.583 had idols at that time, which they brought with them out of Egypt, applying hitherto that of Amos 5. 26. recounted againe by Stephen, Acts 7. But this see∣meth not to be so, because then upon this Covenant making, there would have been some mention of their putting away of these Gods. Wherefore Augustine concludeth, that their erroneous imaginations touching God in their hearts, were their false Gods, which hee would have them to put away, and to con∣ceive rightly of him, which who so doth not, serveth false Gods, although hee hath no idols made with hands.

If it seemeth evill to you to serve the Lord, choose you this day whom yee will serve, * 1.584 &c. This is not spoken to set them at liberty to serve God or idols, but know∣ing that yet they were generally bent to serve the Lord, hee useth this rhetori∣call passage to draw from them a voluntary profession to serve God, that having publikely professed this, they might be the more obliged, and so moved thus to doe with perseverance. Moreover, he addeth his own example to move them, saying, I and my house will serve the Lord: and it worketh with them according∣ly, v. 16, 17. He gave them their free choice, saith Ferus, to shew that the ser∣vice * 1.585 of God should not bee coact, but free and voluntary. Hee did it but as Moses, set before them the way of life and of death, that they might choose which to enter into. Hee saith, If it seemeth evill, &c. because of the great charge of Sacrifices, and the many Rites about the service of God, as Lyra hath it.

And Joshua said to the people, Ye cannot serve the Lord, for hee is an holy God, &c. * 1.586 Neither was this spoken to discourage them, but that resolving to serve God, they might the more seriously consider of it, and so serve him, as to put away all sinne and idolatry, which no way agree, but are intolerable in his servants. For Joshua knew well enough, as Moses before him, the perversenesse of their disposition, and therefore hee seeketh all wayes to stimulate them to their du∣ty, and so he bringeth them the second time to professe his service, v. 21. and the third time, v. 24 and then hee maketh a Covenant with them, v. 25. * 1.587 Whence note, that it is no easie matter to serve the Lord resolvedly indeed, without mingling the service of sinne with his service, which hee will by no [Note.] meanes endure. In making this Covenant, there is no mention made of any solemne Rites used, as Exod. 24. yet Comestor saith, that water was poured out to intimate, that God would so spill them, that they should never bee gathe∣red * 1.588 up again if they brake this Covenant; but seeing the Scripture saith no∣thing of any Rite, it is best to leave this undetermined: it is most probable that the Old Covenant being now onely renewed, there were none but solemne protestations onely, and the writing hereof in the booke of the Law, and the setting up of a stone there for a monument, as followeth, v. 26. The booke * 1.589 of the Law was Deuteronomie, which was written by Moses, and kept in the side of the Arke, Deut. 31. 24. The stone is said to bee set up for a witnesse, under an Oake by the Sanctuary, that is, neare the place where the Arke stood for the present, for the planting of trees by the Sanctuary, where the stan∣ding place of it was, is forbidden, Deut. 16. 21. A great stone is a most dura∣ble thing, and therefore this is set up to continue for many ages, as before up∣on mount Ebal, the Law was written upon stones, Josh. 8. 32, 33. and the Chaldee Paraphrast speaketh of this stone, as having these things written up∣on * 1.590 it for a memoriall, being therefore called a witnesse, v. 27. and said to have heard all these words, which some apply to them, saying, yee have heard: where∣as

it is Hebr. it hath heard, because they thought it absurd that hearing should be applyed to a stone. But it is thus spoken by a Prosopopeia, as Moses biddeth the Heaven and the Earth to heare, Deut. 32. and Esa. 1. 2. Jer. 2. 12. And all things have hearing and speech for God, and against his rebells. Augustine * 1.591 thinking it unreasonable, that hee should say, that stone heard, expoundeth it Allegorically of Christ the chiefe stone in the spirituall building; for hee heard, and shall testifie against the rebellious Jewes; and this stone, saith hee, was under a tree, although hanged upon a tree, because through his humi∣lity he submitted himselfe to this, and hee calleth the tree terebinthus, from whence an humor commeth that is sanative, shewing the vertue that flow∣eth from Christ hanged upon a tree. Jerome and the Septuagint also call it terebinthus. Lastly, Augustine examining the reason why Joshua amongst all his admonitions, saith nothing in reproving them for permitting the Canaanites to dwell amongst them, whom they were so strictly charged to destroy utter∣ly, yet they suffered them to live, and tooke tribute of them; Hee resolv∣eth, that it was a sinne of infirmity, the people not being of courage e∣nough to prosecute their Victories begun under Joshua his government, or because they were weary of so long continued Warres; wherefore, as Paul saith, At my first defence no man stood to me, the Lord lay it not to their charge: so this was not imputed to them, but in mercy par∣doned.

Here Joshua dyeth, and is buryed in his inheritance of Timnah-serah, on the north side of the hill Gaash. This is againe commemorated, Judg. 2. 9. but * 1.592 for Timnath-serah, there is Timnath-heres, see what was noted upon this before, Chap. 19. 50. his age is set downe also, 110 years. The hill Gaash most pro∣bably was an hill upon mount Ephraim, and not a distinct place from it, so Jerome and Adricomius; Jerome noteth here, that Joshua being dead, no men∣tion * 1.593 is made of mourning for him, as when Moses dyed, to intimate mysti∣cally, that under the Gospel, the happinesse to come to the faithfull being more clearely opened, wee should not mourne, but rejoyce when the faithfull servants of God dye. And it may bee added, in that no man knew of the Sepulchre of Moses, but Joshua his Sepulchre is notified, that wee might hereby bee admonished to seeke to Jesus for justification, but not to the Law, which if wee doe, wee shall surely never finde it, as the body of Moses, who gave the Law, could never bee found by any af∣ter his death.

And Israel served the Lord all the dayes of Joshua, and all the dayes of the El∣ders that overlived Joshua, &c. Here is the great commendation of the servant * 1.594 of God, Joshua, by his godly care the people were contained in obedience, an example worthy the imitation of all Christian Princes. The Elders overliving Joshua were Caleb and Eleazar, and divers of the Levites; for all the other El∣ders dyed in the wildernesse; this same is repeated, Judg. 2. 7. and v. 10. and al∣so all that generation was gathered to their fathers, and another generation rose after them, which knew not the Lord, &c. How long these Elders who are called that generation, lived after Joshua, it is uncertaine, but by computing the times fol∣lowing unto Solomon, it appeareth that it was not many yeares. For Solomon * 1.595 began to build the Temple 480 yeares after their comming out of Egypt, the 4 yeare of his reigne, unto which time, if we reckon to Othniel the first Judge after Joshua, 40 yeares, Judg. 3. 11. to Ehud 80 yeares, v. 30. to which Sham∣gars time may also be counted; to Deborah 40 yeares, Judg. 5. ult. to Gedeon 40, Judg. 8. 28. to Abimelech 3, Ch. 9. 22. to Tolah 23, Ch. 10. 2. to Jair 22, v. 3. to Iephthah 6, Ch. 12. 7. to Ibzan 7, v. 9. to Elon 10, v. 11. to Abdon 8, v. 14. to Samson 20, Ch. 15. ult. to Eli 40, 1 Sam. 4. 18. to Samuel and Saul 40, for they are put together, Acts 13. 21. to David 40, 1 King. 2. 12. to Solomon 4. all together make 423, unto these adde Moses 40, and the whole is 463: so that here were but 17 yeares for Joshua and the Elders that overlived him. I have followed, I confesse, another reckoning, Acts 13. 21. making the yeares of the Judges many more, as Melchior Canus doth, adding to the yeares

of the Judges, the yeares of their oppressions by divers enemies; but now see∣ing that that account can no way be reconciled with 1 Kings 6. 1. I rather sub∣scribe to them that bring those oppression times under the years of the Judges, for although thus counted they make but 377, yet 17 of Joshua and the Elders being added, and 40 of Moses, the whole is 434 to the end of the Iudges, so that it might well bee said about 450 yeares. V. 32. The bones of Joseph * 1.596 carryed from Egypt, Gen. 50. Exod. 13. are buryed in Sechem, bought by Jacob, Gen. 33. 19. and given to Joseph, Gen. 48. 22. This most probably is spoken of here, out of time, for it was done before, but is now mentioned, because Shechem was last spoken of, ver. 33. Eleazar dyeth, and is buryed in an hill belonging to Phinees his sonne, that was given him in mount Ephraim. It is said now to belong to Phinees, because it was his when his Father was dead. It is said to have been given him, because the High Priest had that place extraordinary, for the Priests had nothing in Ephraim, see Chap. 21.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Schol. Hist.
• * 1.2

  Hugo Card.
• * 1.3

  Iunius.
• * 1.4

  Calvin.
• * 1.5

  V. 1.
• * 1.6

  Scholast. Hist. Lyra. Ferus.
• * 1.7

  Lyra. Hugo Cardin.
• * 1.8

  Ferus.
• * 1.9

  V. 2. Lyra. Hugo Card.
• * 1.10

  Schol. Hist.
• * 1.11

  Ferus.
• * 1.12

  V. 3.
• * 1.13

  Lyra.
• * 1.14

  V. 4.
• * 1.15

  V. 6.
• * 1.16

  V. 7.
• * 1.17

  Calvin. V. 8.
• * 1.18

  V. 9.
• * 1.19

  Masius.
• * 1.20

  Hebraei.
• * 1.21

  Serrarius.
• * 1.22

  Hugo. Carpin
• * 1.23

  Calvin, Iunius.
• * 1.24

  Masius, Pagnin. Chald.
• * 1.25

  V. 10, 11.
• * 1.26

  August. qu. 2. in Josh.
• * 1.27

  Lyra, Calvin.
• * 1.28

  And. Masius.
• * 1.29

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.30

  V. 12.
• * 1.31

  V. 14.
• * 1.32

  Calvin.
• * 1.33

  V. 16. 17.
• * 1.34

  V. 18.
• * 1.35

  Nic. de Lyra. The mystery.
• * 1.36

  Ferus.
• * 1.37

  V. 1.
• * 1.38

  Rabbini.
• * 1.39

  Hieronym. Tostatus.
• * 1.40

  And. Masius.
• * 1.41

  Calvin.
• * 1.42

  V. 2.
• * 1.43

  Ferus.
• * 1.44

  V. 3.
• * 1.45

  V. 4, 5. V. 6.
• * 1.46

  Rabbini.
• * 1.47

  Lyra.
• * 1.48

  Hieronym. Orig. Chrysost. &c. Tostat. qu. 30.
• * 1.49

  Aug. ad Consen∣tium. lib. de M••ndaci••, c. 20.
• * 1.50

  C. 21. Quisquis esse aliquod ge∣nus mendacii, quod non sit pec∣catum putaverit, decipit seipsum turpiter, cum honestum se pu∣tat esse decepto∣rem aliorum. Plato lib. 3. de Repub. Calvin.
• * 1.51

  Ferus:
• * 1.52

  Matth. 1.
• * 1.53

  Heb. 11. 31. Jam. 2. 25.
• * 1.54

  Calvin.
• * 1.55

  V. 6.
• * 1.56

  V. 7.
• * 1.57

  Lyra.
• * 1.58

  V. 8.
• * 1.59

  Lyra.
• * 1.60

  V. 9.
• * 1.61

  Calvin.
• * 1.62

  V. 10, 11.
• * 1.63

  V. 12, 13, 14.
• * 1.64

  Calvin.
• * 1.65

  V. 15.
• * 1.66

  Lyra.
• * 1.67

  Act. 9. 25.
• * 1.68

  Calvin.
• * 1.69

  V. 16.
• * 1.70

  Masius
• * 1.71

  Adricomius.
• * 1.72

  V. 17, 18, 19.
• * 1.73

  V. 20, 21.
• * 1.74

  Tostatus qu. 55, 56.
• * 1.75

  V. 23, 24.
• * 1.76

  The Mysterie.
• * 1.77

  Lyra.
• * 1.78

  Glosse Ordin.
• * 1.79

  Esa 542 Di∣lata locum ten∣torii tui, &c.
• * 1.80

  Ferus.
• * 1.81

  Acts 21.
• * 1.82

  V. 1.
• * 1.83

  V. 2, 3.
• * 1.84

  Lyra.
• * 1.85

  V. 4.
• * 1.86

  Numb. 10. 2, 17
• * 1.87

  Aug. Qu 3. Tost. Qu. 1. 6. Masius
• * 1.88

  V. 5.
• * 1.89

  Ferus.
• * 1.90

  V. 6.
• * 1.91

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.92

  V. 7.
• * 1.93

  V. 8.
• * 1.94

  And. Masius.
• * 1.95

  Serrarius.
• * 1.96

  Lyra.
• * 1.97

  Tostatus.
• * 1.98

  V. 9.
• * 1.99

  Lyra.
• * 1.100

  V. 10.
• * 1.101

  V. 11, 12.
• * 1.102

  V. 13.
• * 1.103

  A. Masius.
• * 1.104

  V. 14, 15, 16
• * 1.105

  Aug. Qu. ••.
• * 1.106

  Levit. 22.
• * 1.107

  Deut. 16.
• * 1.108

  Adricomius.
• * 1.109

  The Mysterie. Ferus.
• * 1.110

  1 Cor. 13.
• * 1.111

  Origen. Hom 4.
• * 1.112

  Ferus.
• * 1.113

  Ferus.
• * 1.114

  V. 2, 3.
• * 1.115

  Exod. 12. 26. & 13. 14.
• * 1.116

  V. 7. August. qu. 4.
• * 1.117

  V. 9.
• * 1.118

  Lyra.
• * 1.119

  Calvin.
• * 1.120

  V. 10.
• * 1.121

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.122

  Masius. R. David Kim∣chi Calvin.
• * 1.123

  Ferus.
• * 1.124

  Heb. 2. 18.
• * 1.125

  V. 11.
• * 1.126

  V. 12.
• * 1.127

  V. 14.
• * 1.128

  V. 16, 17.
• * 1.129

  Lyra.
• * 1.130

  V. 19.
• * 1.131

  1 Sam. 11.
• * 1.132

  Ioseph. lib. 5. de bell. Iudai. c. 1. Hieron. in loc. Hebr.
• * 1.133

  V. 20. V. 21, 22.
• * 1.134

  Calvin.
• * 1.135

  The mystery.
• * 1.136

  Origen. Isidor.
• * 1.137

  Ferus.
• * 1.138

  1 Cor. 9.
• * 1.139

  V. 1.
• * 1.140

  Rom. 8. Jam. 4. 7. 1 Pet. 5. 9.
• * 1.141

  Lyra.
• * 1.142

  V. 2. V. 4, 5.
• * 1.143

  Calvin.
• * 1.144

  Ʋasquez in 3 Part. Disp. 164. c. 2. A. Masius.
• * 1.145

  August. qu. 6. Schol. Historia.
• * 1.146

  Hieron. in Gal. 6 Theod. qu. 2. in Josh. Damas. lib. 4. de side, c. 26.
• * 1.147

  Lyra, Tostatus, Masius, Tho. A∣quin. part 3. qu. 7. art. 4.
• * 1.148

  1 Cor. 10. 1, 2.
• * 1.149

  Ferus.
• * 1.150

  Theod.
• * 1.151

  Catul. Carm. de Berecinthia.
• * 1.152

  Calvin.
• * 1.153

  Ferus.
• * 1.154

  Col. 3. 5.
• * 1.155

  Joh. 13.
• * 1.156

  V. 9.
• * 1.157

  Lyra.
• * 1.158

  Hugo Cardin.
• * 1.159

  Ferus.
• * 1.160

  Calvin.
• * 1.161

  V. 10.
• * 1.162

  V. 11.
• * 1.163

  V. 12.
• * 1.164

  Calvin.
• * 1.165

  V. 13.
• * 1.166

  Ferus.
• * 1.167

  1 John 4. 1. V. 14.
• * 1.168

  Ephes. 6. 12.
• * 1.169

  Gen. 17. •• Sam. 7.
• * 1.170

  V. 15.
• * 1.171

  Calvin.
• * 1.172

  Lyra.
• * 1.173

  Masius
• * 1.174

  The Mysterie. Ferus.
• * 1.175

  Numb. 9.
• * 1.176

  1 Cor. 13.
• * 1.177

  Matth. 21.
• * 1.178

  Numb. 13.
• * 1.179

  Glosse Ordin.
• * 1.180

  Origen.
• * 1.181

  V. 1, 2.
• * 1.182

  V. 3, 4.
• * 1.183

  Ferus.
• * 1.184

  Masius Chal. paraphra. Calvin.
• * 1.185

  Lyra.
• * 1.186

  V. 20.
• * 1.187

  Rabbini.
• * 1.188

  V. 17.
• * 1.189

  V. 18.
• * 1.190

  V. 19.
• * 1.191

  V. 21.
• * 1.192

  Ferus.
• * 1.193

  V. 26.
• * 1.194

  Calvin.
• * 1.195

  The mystery.
• * 1.196

  V. 1.
• * 1.197

  Deut. 24. 16.
• * 1.198

  August qu. 8. in Josh.
• * 1.199

  Calvin.
• * 1.200

  Ferus.
• * 1.201

  Joh. 12. Lyra. Matth. 27. 44.
• * 1.202

  Calvin. V. 2.
• * 1.203

  Lyra.
• * 1.204

  Gen. 12. 8.
• * 1.205

  Calvin.
• * 1.206

  Ferus.
• * 1.207

  Judg. 20.
• * 1.208

  V. 5.
• * 1.209

  Lyra.
• * 1.210

  Adricomius.
• * 1.211

  V. 6. 7. 8
• * 1.212

  Ferus.
• * 1.213

  V. 9. Calvin.
• * 1.214

  Lyra.
• * 1.215

  V. 10.
• * 1.216

  Ferus.
• * 1.217

  Lyra.
• * 1.218

  V. 13. Exo. 19. 10, 15
• * 1.219

  Lyra.
• * 1.220

  Calvin.
• * 1.221

  V. 14.
• * 1.222

  V. 15.
• * 1.223

  R. Solomon.
• * 1.224

  Lyra.
• * 1.225

  1 Sam. 14. Jon. 1. 7. 1 Sam. 10. Acts 1. Prov. 16. 33. Prov. 18. 18.
• * 1.226

  V. 16.
• * 1.227

  V. 17. Hugo Cardin.
• * 1.228

  V. 18.
• * 1.229

  V. 19.
• * 1.230

  Jer. 23.
• * 1.231

  Ferus.
• * 1.232

  Calvin.
• * 1.233

  V. 21.
• * 1.234

  V. 22.
• * 1.235

  And. Masius.
• * 1.236

  Ferus.
• * 1.237

  Calvin.
• * 1.238

  V. 22, 23.
• * 1.239

  V. 24.
• * 1.240

  V. 25, 26.
• * 1.241

  Calvin.
• * 1.242

  Lyra.
• * 1.243

  Hugo Card.
• * 1.244

  Calvin.
• * 1.245

  Ferus.
• * 1.246

  V. 26.
• * 1.247

  The Mysterie. Origen.
• * 1.248

  Isidor.
• * 1.249

  V. 1, 2.
• * 1.250

  Calvin.
• * 1.251

  Lyra.
• * 1.252

  August. si quis bellum justum susceperit, utrum aperta pugna vincat, an ex insidiis, non re∣fert ad justitiā. Ferus.
• * 1.253

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.254

  V. 3, 4. V. 9.
• * 1.255

  V. 12.
• * 1.256

  R. Solomon. Calvin, Masius.
• * 1.257

  Scholast. Hist. Lyra.
• * 1.258

  V. 14, 15, 16. &c.
• * 1.259

  V. 18.
• * 1.260

  Calvin.
• * 1.261

  V. 26.
• * 1.262

  Exod 17.
• * 1.263

  Joseph. Theod. Lyra.
• * 1.264

  V. 17.
• * 1.265

  V. 19.
• * 1.266

  V. 20.
• * 1.267

  V. 25.
• * 1.268

  Masius. Tostatus.
• * 1.269

  V. 28.
• * 1.270

  V. 29.
• * 1.271

  The Mysterie. Ferus.
• * 1.272

  V. 30.
• * 1.273

  Deut. 27. 14. Numb. ••. 23. V. 33, 34.
• * 1.274

  V. 1, 2.
• * 1.275

  Calvin.
• * 1.276

  V. 3.
• * 1.277

  H. Bunt. Patri∣archs Trav.
• * 1.278

  Borchard. Adricomius.
• * 1.279

  Ferus.
• * 1.280

  Calvin.
• * 1.281

  Deut. 20 15. 16.
• * 1.282

  Lyra.
• * 1.283

  Ferus.
• * 1.284

  Deut. 20. 16, 17.
• * 1.285

  ch. 11. 19.
• * 1.286

  Exod. 23. 22.
• * 1.287

  August. qu. 13. Josh Tostat. Masius.
• * 1.288

  Ambros. offic. li. 3. c. 10. Lyra, Gratian. qu. 22. c 4. 1 Sam 25. Hugo Cardin,
• * 1.289

  V. 14.
• * 1.290

  V. 23.
• * 1.291

  Calvin.
• * 1.292

  Ferus.
• * 1.293

  The Mystery.
• * 1.294

  Origen.
• * 1.295

  Isidor.
• * 1.296

  Ferus.
• * 1.297

  Gal. 6. 14.
• * 1.298

  V. 1, 2.
• * 1.299

  V. 3. V. 5.
• * 1.300

  V. 8, 9, 10, 11.
• * 1.301

  Comestor Hyra∣nus, &c.
• * 1.302

  Calvin.
• * 1.303

  Ferus.
• * 1.304

  2 Tim. 3. 12.
• * 1.305

  Psal. 82.
• * 1.306

  The mystery.
• * 1.307

  Calvin.
• * 1.308

  V. 10.
• * 1.309

  H. B. Patriarchs Travailes.
• * 1.310

  2 Chron. 8. 5.
• * 1.311

  V. 11.
• * 1.312

  Euseb. Hist. lib. 5 c. 5. Tertull. ap. l. ••. 5.
• * 1.313

  V. 12.
• * 1.314

  Calvin.
• * 1.315

  Lyra.
• * 1.316

  August. lib. 22 de Civit. c. 8. Ferus.
• * 1.317

  Isai. 38. 8.
• * 1.318

  Schol. Histor. Lyra. Serrarius
• * 1.319

  Tostatus. Magalianus. Bonfrerius.
• * 1.320

  Euseb. de locis Hebr.
• * 1.321

  Turpin. de vita Caroli magni, c. 28. Lib. 2. de vitis patrum. Lib. 6.
• * 1.322

  V. 13.
• * 1.323

  Tostatus.
• * 1.324

  Iunius.
• * 1.325

  Calvin. Deut. 32. 15. Ch. 33. 26. Lyra.
• * 1.326

  A Masius
• * 1.327

  The Mysterie. Origen.
• * 1.328

  Psal. 2.
• * 1.329

  V. 15. Lyra.
• * 1.330

  V. 13. V. 14, 15.
• * 1.331

  V. 16, 17. &c
• * 1.332

  V. 21.
• * 1.333

  V. 22, 23, 24.
• * 1.334

  V. 25, 26.
• * 1.335

  Calvin.
• * 1.336

  Zonar. tom. 3.
• * 1.337

  Calvin.
• * 1.338

  V. 28, 29. V. 32.
• * 1.339

  The Mystery. Origen.
• * 1.340

  Rom. 6 12, 14.
• * 1.341

  H. B. Patri∣archs travailes.
• * 1.342

  V. 33.
• * 1.343

  V. 34.
• * 1.344

  V. 36.
• * 1.345

  Lyra.
• * 1.346

  V. 38.
• * 1.347

  V. 40.
• * 1.348

  Numb. 34. 4. Josh. 15. 3. Josh. 15. 51.
• * 1.349

  V. 1, 2.
• * 1.350

  Ferus.
• * 1.351

  The Mystery.
• * 1.352

  H. B. Patri∣archs travailes.
• * 1.353

  V. 2.
• * 1.354

  V. 3.
• * 1.355

  Adricomius.
• * 1.356

  V. 4.
• * 1.357

  Josephus.
• * 1.358

  V. 5. H. B. Patriarkes travailes.
• * 1.359

  Ioseph. lib. 1. c. 1 de Bell. Iud. Ioseph. lib. 5. c. 6. Antiq.
• * 1.360

  V. 6.
• * 1.361

  Lyra.
• * 1.362

  Calvin.
• * 1.363

  Ferus.
• * 1.364

  2 King 6. Zechar. 2.
• * 1.365

  The Mysterie.
• * 1.366

  Lyra.
• * 1.367

  Calvin.
• * 1.368

  2 Chron. 18. V. 7. 8.
• * 1.369

  Ioseph. lib. c. 6. Antiq.
• * 1.370

  H. B. Patriarkes travailes.
• * 1.371

  Lyra.
• * 1.372

  Vatablus. Pagninus. Masius.
• * 1.373

  V. 9.
• * 1.374

  V. 10, 11, 12.
• * 1.375

  Tostatus
• * 1.376

  Ioseph. lib. 5. c. 6. Antiq. V. 15.
• * 1.377

  V. 16.
• * 1.378

  Benfrerius.
• * 1.379

  Cajetan. Salianus.
• * 1.380

  Joh. 4.
• * 1.381

  Calvin.
• * 1.382

  V. 17.
• * 1.383

  Junius.
• * 1.384

  V. 18.
• * 1.385

  Calvin.
• * 1.386

  V. 19, 20.
• * 1.387

  V. 21.
• * 1.388

  V. 22.
• * 1.389

  V. 23.
• * 1.390

  Calvin.
• * 1.391

  V. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.
• * 1.392

  Ferus.
• * 1.393

  V. 7, 8, 9, 10.
• * 1.394

  H. Bunt. Patri∣archs Trav.
• * 1.395

  Masius.
• * 1.396

  V. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
• * 1.397

  Ferus.
• * 1.398

  V. 2.
• * 1.399

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.400

  V. 3.
• * 1.401

  Schol. Hist. Cajetan. Iunius.
• * 1.402

  Calvin, Lyra, Masius, Tigurini interpr. R. So∣lom. Chimchi, &c.
• * 1.403

  Calvin. Iunius.
• * 1.404

  V. 4.
• * 1.405

  Iunius. Adricomius.
• * 1.406

  Masius. Tostatus. Bonfrerius.
• * 1.407

  V. 5.
• * 1.408

  V. 6.
• * 1.409

  V. 7, 8, 9.
• * 1.410

  V. 10.
• * 1.411

  V. 11.
• * 1.412

  V. 12. V. 13.
• * 1.413

  V. 14.
• * 1.414

  V. 15, 16.
• * 1.415

  V. 17.
• * 1.416

  Iunius. Masius.
• * 1.417

  V. 21.
• * 1.418

  V. 22. V. 24, 25, 26.
• * 1.419

  Hieronym. de lo∣cis Hebr.
• * 1.420

  V. 26.
• * 1.421

  V. 27.
• * 1.422

  V. 29. V. 30.
• * 1.423

  V. 31.
• * 1.424

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.425

  V. 33.
• * 1.426

  The Mysterie.
• * 1.427

  Ferus.
• * 1.428

  V. 1.
• * 1.429

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.430

  Masius.
• * 1.431

  Lyra.
• * 1.432

  Calvin.
• * 1.433

  V. 6.
• * 1.434

  Lyra.
• * 1.435

  Gen. 23. 19.
• * 1.436

  Ferus.
• * 1.437

  Calvin.
• * 1.438

  Bonfrerius. Calvin.
• * 1.439

  V. 13.
• * 1.440

  Josh. 21. 12.
• * 1.441

  V. 15.
• * 1.442

  The Mysterie. Origen.
• * 1.443

  Gen. 49.
• * 1.444

  Lyra.
• * 1.445

  V. 1.
• * 1.446

  V. 2.
• * 1.447

  V. 5.
• * 1.448

  V. 7.
• * 1.449

  2 King. 18. 17.
• * 1.450

  V. 8.
• * 1.451

  V. 12.
• * 1.452

  V. 13, 14.
• * 1.453

  V. 16, 17.
• * 1.454

  V. 21. V. 32.
• * 1.455

  Rabbini.
• * 1.456

  Masius. Serrarius.
• * 1.457

  V. 33.
• * 1.458

  Lyra.
• * 1.459

  Ch. 19. Josephus.
• * 1.460

  Hieron, in Mich. 5.
• * 1.461

  V. 39.
• * 1.462

  V. 49.
• * 1.463

  V. 62.
• * 1.464

  V. 63.
• * 1.465

  Lyra.
• * 1.466

  2 Sam. 5. 7.
• * 1.467

  Calvin.
• * 1.468

  Ioseph lib. 5. Antiq c. 2.
• * 1.469

  The Mysterie. Origen.
• * 1.470

  V. 1, 2, 3. 4.
• * 1.471

  V. 5.
• * 1.472

  V. 9.
• * 1.473

  Lyra.
• * 1.474

  V. 10.
• * 1.475

  Origen.
• * 1.476

  V. 2.
• * 1.477

  V. 3.
• * 1.478

  V. 14, 15.
• * 1.479

  V. 1.
• * 1.480

  Gen. 48.
• * 1.481

  V. 5.
• * 1.482

  V. 6.
• * 1.483

  V. 7, 8.
• * 1.484

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.485

  V. 6.
• * 1.486

  V. 11.
• * 1.487

  Lyra.
• * 1.488

  V. 14, 15.
• * 1.489

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.490

  Calvin.
• * 1.491

  V. 16.
• * 1.492

  V. 17, 18.
• * 1.493

  V. 1. H. B. Patri∣archs travailes. Lyra.
• * 1.494

  Lyra.
• * 1.495

  1 Sam. 21 & 22
• * 1.496

  V. 2, 3.
• * 1.497

  Calvin.
• * 1.498

  V. 4.
• * 1.499

  V. 5, 6.
• * 1.500

  Bonfrerius.
• * 1.501

  V. 7, 8.
• * 1.502

  V. 11.
• * 1.503

  Ch. 16. 7, 8.
• * 1.504

  V. 15.
• * 1.505

  V. 21.
• * 1.506

  V. 1, 2, 3, 4, &c.
• * 1.507

  Calvin. Gen 49. 7.
• * 1.508

  Rabbins.
• * 1.509

  V. 2.
• * 1.510

  V. 7.
• * 1.511

  V. 8. V. 10.
• * 1.512

  Gen. ••9. 13.
• * 1.513

  Masius.
• * 1.514

  V. 15.
• * 1.515

  V. 17, 18.
• * 1.516

  Adricomius.
• * 1.517

  V. 24.
• * 1.518

  V. 26.
• * 1.519

  V. 27.
• * 1.520

  V. 28.
• * 1.521

  V. 30.
• * 1.522

  V. 32, 33.
• * 1.523

  V. 34. V. 38.
• * 1.524

  V. 40. Judg. 18. 2 V. 41, 43.
• * 1.525

  V. 45.
• * 1.526

  V. 47.
• * 1.527

  Masius. Vatablus.
• * 1.528

  Lyra.
• * 1.529

  V. 50.
• * 1.530

  Hieron. Epitaph Paulae.
• * 1.531

  H. B. Patri∣archs travailes.
• * 1.532

  V. 51.
• * 1.533

  V. 1, 2, 3, 4.
• * 1.534

  Calvin.
• * 1.535

  V. 7.
• * 1.536

  Ferus.
• * 1.537

  Calvin.
• * 1.538

  V. 4, 5.
• * 1.539

  V. 36.
• * 1.540

  V. 43.
• * 1.541

  V. 44.
• * 1.542

  V. 45. Augustine.
• * 1.543

  V. 1, 2, 3, 4. &c.
• * 1.544

  Schol. Hist.
• * 1.545

  Ferus.
• * 1.546

  Lyra.
• * 1.547

  V. 7.
• * 1.548

  V. 8.
• * 1.549

  Calvin. Tostatus. Masius.
• * 1.550

  V. 9. 10.
• * 1.551

  Ferus.
• * 1.552

  Calvin.
• * 1.553

  Lyra. Josephus.
• * 1.554

  V. 11, 12.
• * 1.555

  Lyra.
• * 1.556

  Calvin.
• * 1.557

  V. 13, 14.
• * 1.558

  V. 15.
• * 1.559

  V. 17.
• * 1.560

  Lyra.
• * 1.561

  Calvin. V. 19.
• * 1.562

  V. 10.
• * 1.563

  V. 21.
• * 1.564

  V. 22.
• * 1.565

  V. 32, 33.
• * 1.566

  V. 34.
• * 1.567

  Ferus.
• * 1.568

  Ferus.
• * 1.569

  Calvin. Note.
• * 1.570

  Rabbini. Masius.
• * 1.571

  Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 5. c. 1. Euseb. in Chro∣nico.
• * 1.572

  Judg. 2 7.
• * 1.573

  V. 8.
• * 1.574

  Calvin.
• * 1.575

  Schol. Histor. Lyra. Ferus.
• * 1.576

  H. B. Patri∣archs travailes.
• * 1.577

  V. 2.
• * 1.578

  V. 3.
• * 1.579

  V. 11.
• * 1.580

  V. 12.
• * 1.581

  V. 14.
• * 1.582

  Aug. Qu. 29. in Iosh.
• * 1.583

  Calvin. Lyra.
• * 1.584

  V. 15.
• * 1.585

  Ferus.
• * 1.586

  V. 19.
• * 1.587

  V. 21. V. 24, 25.
• * 1.588

  Schol. Histor.
• * 1.589

  V. 26.
• * 1.590

  Chal. paraphr. V. 27.
• * 1.591

  August. qu▪ 30. in Josh. The Mysterie.
• * 1.592

  V. 29, 30.
• * 1.593

  Hyeronym. The Mystery.
• * 1.594

  V. 31.
• * 1.595

  1 Kings 6. 1.
• * 1.596

  V. 32.