Monarchy or no monarchy in England. Grebner his prophecy concerning Charles, son of Charles, his greatnesse, victories, conquests. : The Northern Lyon, or Lyon of the North, and chicken of the eagle discovered who they are, of what nation. : English, Latin, Saxon, Scotish and Welch prophecies concerning England in particular, and all Evrope in generall. : Passages upon the life and death of the late King Charles. : Ænigmaticall types of the future state and condition of England for many years to come. / By William Lilly ...

SEVERALL OBSERVATIONS upon the LIFE and DEATH of CHARLES late King of ENGLAND.

CHARLES STUART, late King of Eng∣land, was borne at Dumferlin in Scotland, about fifteen miles from Edinburgh, 19. Novemb. 1600. he lived 48. yeares and about 72. dayes: He died in the beginning of his Climactericall yeare,* 2.1 fatall many times where killing dire∣ctions in the Nativity threaten. Severall Characters are given of him; some do too much magnifie him, others as much vilifie him:* 2.2 He was well educated by his Father under carefull Tu∣tors, men of great knowledge in all manner of qualities, fit for education of Princes; and came to the Crowne being aged 24. yeares and about 4. monthes, even in the flower of his age; of his infancy we have little to mention, onely he was noted to be very wilfull and obstinate by Queen Ann his Mo∣ther,* 2.3 and some others who then were about him; his Mother being told he was very sick and like to dye, sayd, He would not then dye, or at that time, but live to be the ruine of him∣selfe, and the occasion of the losse of his three Kingdomes, by his too much wilfulnesse: A sad prediction from a Mother, who most intirely loved him, but it proved very true in the sequell. Some affirme she had that foresight of his conditions from a stranger, who had not onely great judgement in Nati∣vities,

but in the more secret learning; others that one English a Scott informed her thereof first.* 2.4 Queen Ann may be thought to have the spirit of Prophecy in judging so rightly on her Son and Daughter; for she so much scorned and undervalued the Palsgrave for a Husband unto the Lady Elizabeth, that in most of her language after and before the marriage, she would call her Goodwife Palsgrave, a name and title she thought good enough for any Woman should marry that dull and unfor∣tunate Man; and indeed her feares and predictions proved most true. The old Scotish Lady his Nurse was used to affirme as much, and that he was of a very evill nature even in his in∣fancy; and the Lady, who after tooke charge of him, cannot deny it, but that he was beyond measure willfull, and unthankfull; Yet while he was young,* 2.5 he followed his booke seriously, which his elder Brother Prince Henry could not in∣dure, and therefore King James would frequently blame Prince Henry with the neglect of his booke, and tell him how his Brother Charles followed it; whereupon the Prince would re∣ply, when that he himselfe should be King, he would make his Brother Charles Archbishop of Canterbury.* 2.6 And to speake truly of him, he had many singular parts in nature; he was an ex∣cellent Horseman, would shoot well at a marke, had singular skill in Limming and Pictures, a good Mathematician, not unskilfull in Musicke, well read in Divinity, excellently in History, and no lesse in the Lawes and Statutes of this Nation; he had a quick and sharpe conception, would write his mind singularly well, & in good language and style, onely he loved long Parenthesis; he wouId apprehend a matter in difference betwixt party and party, with great readiness••, and methodise a long matter or Contract it in few lines; in so much as I have heard S^r. Robert Holborne oft say,* 2.7 He had a quicker con∣ception, and would sooner understand a Case in Law, or with more sharpnesse drive a matter unto a head, than any of his prive Councell; insomuch, that when the King was not at the Councell Table, S^r. Robert never cared to be there. He had also amongst other his speciall Gifts, the gift of patience, inso∣much, that if any offered him a long discourse or speech, he

would with much patience, and without any interruption or distaste, heare their speech or story out at length; but then he would expect the same Civility from others.* 2.8 He was a great ad∣mirer of his Queen (if he dissembed not) very uxorious, seldom denying her any request, and for her sake was very civill to the old Queen of France her Mother; the height of his affe∣ction unto the Queen, fully you may perceive in those trans∣cendent expressions of his,* 2.9 in Letters sent unto her, the Cop∣pies whereof were intercepted at Naseby, and since printed; his conclusion being allwayes:

Thine Eternally, or, Farewell Deare heart.

He communicated his weightiest & most private designs un∣to her, nay there was very little of any moment, but she was advised with concerning it; and yet, what reason the Queen knew to the contrary,* 2.10 I could not learne, but she more than once twitt him in the teeth with dissembling, &c. A quality which indeed he was as sufficiently Master of as any Man li∣ving, and which questionlesse he had partly from his Father, and partly from the Climat he was borne in, viz. Scotland. An indulgent Father,* 2.11 carefull, if not too too Covetous to have provided patrimonies for his Children; for he would often say, when some beggerly Courtier propounded a Monopoly or Project unto him, affirming it would produce unto his Coffers so many thousand pounds a yeare, or much increase his re∣venue; he would presently send for the Judges, or some of his Councell at Law, and if they affirmed and consented he might by Law grant the thing desired, he often would say, he knew no reason, but that he might grant the matter in question, sith the thing it selfe was just and lawfull, for he had many Children to provide for.* 2.12 Before the Warres he was a great enemy to bloodshed or wilfull murther, insomuch, that when one Stamford had in an insurrection in Fleetstreet killed a Man, he could by no meanes be drawne to signe a pardon unto him, though Stamford had been Buckinghams favorite and Countryman, and very great intercession had been made unto him for his Pardon. Where he once really affected, he

was ever a perfect friend;* 2.13 witnesse his continuance of affe∣ction unto all Buckinghams friends after his death, yea untill his owne last decay of fortune. He was a great lover, if not too much, of the Clergy, and highly advanced them,* 2.14 insomuch as under him they grew first insolent, and then saucy; and in∣deed his indulgence unto them did in part procure unto himselfe the peoples hate. Whether his indulgence unto the Clergy, proceeded from a religious affection rather to advance the wayes of righteousnesse or Gods cause, than his owne pri∣vate designes, it hath been by many controverted; but by ju∣dicious men adjuged, that his owne Selfe-ends were therein more sought after than Propagating the Gospell; so that he served himselfe by pretending to advance the Clergy: He erred extreamly in this one businesse, when divers godly Chri∣stians in Norfolke delivered him a Petition against the Tyrant Wrenn their Bishop, he sent for Wrenn, and bad him answer it.* 2.15 Novelties in Doctrine he hated as much as in Ceremony. He loved not greatly the antient Nobility or Gentry of this Na∣tion, but did rather prefer Creatures of his owne or Fathers making. How much he loved any of the Nobility or Gentry, but for his owne ends, he made it plainly appeare at Oxford, where he procured sundry of the English Nobles, and many Gentlemen Members of the House of Commons, to recede from the Parlament at Westminster, and convene at Oxford where him∣selfe was; and after, that this Mock Parlament to satisfie his desire had convened and assembled, done what they could, and thereby engaged their Persons and Estates for him,* 2.16 yet because they would not in all things comply with his ty∣rannicall humour, in a letter of his unto the Queen, he com∣plaines of them unto her, and sayd, he was so troubled with a Mungrell Parlament, he could do nothing, &c. This scornfull Epithite or Badge of disgrace, was all the reward any of those unfortunate Gentlemen had from him; but it was just they should be so payd their wages, that in so trayterous a way deserted the Parlament at Westminster, which sitts to this day, &c. He cared not much for the Common-Law,* 2.17 or very much for the Long Gown men; he learned that disaffection of his from

his Father Jemmy, who could not indure the Lord Chiefe Justice Cooke, because he ever sayd, the Prerogative was bounded by Law, and was limitable; but that excellent Patriot was worsted for his deare affection to his Country by Egerton the Chancel∣lour, who maintained the contrary, and was worthily as well rewarded by the old Scott for his labour, Jemmy taking the great Seale from him before he was dead, yea in a disgracefull manner.* 2.18 The Commonalty of England he neither cared for, tooke much notice of, or much disrespected, holding this opi∣nion onely, because he was their King, they ought in duty to serve him.* 2.19 The Citizens of London though they much cour∣ted him with their flatteries and large guifts, and in his latest extremities releeved him with considerable sums of money, yea even at Oxford in Soape Barrells, yet he slighted them, thought them ever too rich, and intended for them a severe revenge; had he ever mastered the Parlament, he was advised, by one I well knew, to have demolished halfe the City; what he would have done had he been victorious, God knows: He would often say, it was the Nursery of the present Rebellion, for so he called the Wars, &c. and that the body of the City was too large for the head; I have heard it from the mouthes of ma∣ny very worthy Gentlemen, whose hap it was to serve him in the late Wars, that they did beleeve, had he, viz. the King by Armes conquered this Parlament,* 2.20 he would have proved the greatest Tyrant the English Nation ever had to rule over them, and therefore they did still pray for a reconcilement betwixt Parlament and Him, but could never indure to heare he should conquer our Armies, &c. And so much in a manner dropt out from the mouth of Rupert,* 2.21 who giving command for executing some things contrary to the Lawes, and being acquainted with his mistake, Tush quoth he, we will have no more Law in England henceforward but the Sword. He had a naturall imperfection in his speech,* 2.22 at sometimes could hardly get out a word, yet at other times he would speak freely and articulatly; as the first day of his comming before the high Court of Justice, where casually I heard him, there he stammered nothing at all, but spoke very distinctly with

much courage and magnanimity. As a Man he had his im∣perfections, for he was very covetous and gripple,* 2.23 and sparing of his treasure, (qualities nothing commendable in a King) & if at any time liberall, it was rather to the undeserving or boysterous fellowes than well meriting; by how much the more humbly any made their adresses unto him, by so much the more was he imperious, lofty, and at a distance with them; whereupon it most an end happend, that the impudent and bold were rewarded, and the vertuous slighted,* 2.24 which imperfection of his inforced a bold spirited Courtier to say, there was no way to get any Boon from him, but by impudence and Cajo∣ling him with unbeseeming language. Yet he himselfe was never obscene in his speech, or affected it in others. I have onely met with or taken notice of two passages, which argue him guilty of unbeseeming language; first, in all or most of his letters unto the Queen, he tearmes the Parlament Rebells,* 2.25 though they were Lawfully convened, and not dissolved or to be dissolved without their owne consent; but time and their Victories acquainted him with more civill language, and taught him to style them a Parlament. In an other Letter of his unto her, he calls the Lord Generall Fairfax, who was then the Parlaments Generall, their Brutish Generall; a most unci∣vill Terme and Epithite to bestow upon so brave a Man, so civill, so valiant, and so much a Gentleman as Fairfax was and is; assuredly the Progenitors of the Lord Fairfax were Gentlemen,* 2.26 and of good estates, then and at what time the Ancestors of the Stuarts, were but poore Stewards unto a family in Scotland; and what a preferment it is now, or was some three hundred yeares since to be Bailiff or Steward unto a Scotish Family, let the whole World judge, for this was the true originaIl of the rise & growth of the Family of Stuarts and no other,* 2.27 though since by marriage they came to be Kings of Scotland, (as their owne Chronicles relate.) He did not greatly Court the Ladyes, nor had he a lavish affection unto many; he was man∣ly and well fitted for Venerious spoarts, yet rarely frequented illicite Beds; I do not heare of above one or two naturall Children he had, or left behind him. He had exquisite judg∣ment

by the eye and Physiognomy,* 2.28 to discover the vertuous from the wanton; he honored the vertuous, and was very shye and choice in wandring those wayes, & when he did it, it was with much cautiousnesse and secrecy; nor did he prostitute his af∣fection, but unto those of exquisite persons or parts; and this the Queene well knew; nor did she winke at it. Hee had much of Selfe-ends in all that he did,* 2.29 and a most difficult thing it was to hold him close to his own promise or word; he was apt to recede unlesse something therein appeared compliable either unto his owne will, profit or judgement; so that some foraigne Princes bestowed on him the Character of a most false Prince,* 2.30 and one that never kept his word unlesse for his owne advantage. Had his judgment been as sound as his con∣ception was quick and nimble, he had been a most accom∣plished Gentleman; and though in most dangerous results and extraordinary serious consultations and very materiall, either for State or Commonwealth,* 2.31 he would himselfe give most solid advise and sound reasons, why such or such a thing should be so, or not so; yet was he most easily withdrawne from his owne most wholesome and sound advice or resolu∣tions, and with as much facility drawne on inclined to embrace a farre more unsafe and nothing so wholesome a Counsell. He would argue Logically, and frame his arguments Artificially; yet never almost had the happinesse to conclude or drive on a designe in his owne sence, but was ever bafled by meaner capacities.* 2.32 He feared nothing in this World, or disdained any thing more than the Convention of a Parla∣ment, the very name was a Buggbeare unto him; he was ever refractory against the summoning of a Parlament, and as wil∣lingly would embrace an opportunity to break it off; this his aversnesse being well knowne to some grave Members, they contrived at last by witt & the necessity of the times, that his hands were fast tyed up in granting a Trienniall sitting,* 2.33 or a perpetuity as it were unto this present Parlament, a thing he oft blamed himselfe for subscribing unto, & as oft those who importuned him thereunto. And therefore I wonder at that passage of his, (if it was his, which I doubt of) in that booke

published under his name and called his Portraiture,* 2.34 wherein he maintaines this Parlament was called as much by his owne choyce and inclination, as advise of others; whereas it is manifestly knowne even unto all, it was onely necessity and the importunity of the English, who would not fight with the Scotts, and this onely cause was it which gave occasion for calling of this Parlament: The Scotts at that present being pos∣sessed of Newcastle: For the booke it selfe,* 2.35 it maintaines so many Contradictions unto those things manifested by his owne Letters under his owne hands unto the Queen, that I conceive the most part of it Apocrypha; the Meditations or Psalmes wholly were added by others; some loose Papers he had, I do well know, but they were nothing so well metho∣dised, but rather Papers intended after for the Presse, or as it were a Memoriall or Diary, than such a well couched peece and to so little purpose. But it is answered by the learned Milton. He was seldome in the times of War,* 2.36 seen to be sorrowfull for the slaughter of his People or Soldiers, or indeed any thing else, whether by nature or custome his heart was har∣dened, I leave for others to judge. When unfortunately the Parlament had lost some of their men in the West at Marlborough,* 2.37 and the Devizes, and they brought in a miserable condition without hose or shooes, or scarre clothes, into Oxford as a Triumph, he was content to be a Spectator of their calami∣ties, but gave neither order for their reliefe, or commands for ease of their sufferings, nay it was noted by some there pre∣sent, he rejoyced in their sad affliction: So afterwards,* 2.38 when Hambden was wounded, or neere that time in Buckinghamshire, it happened a very valiant Soldier of the Parlaments side to be taken, stript stark naked, his body being shot in many places, and his shoulder broke, this poore soule in this condition and pickle, was set on a poore leane Jade, and brought as a triumph before the King, where he stood accompanied with many Nobles; it would have pittied any ones heart, to have heard how this poor man was reviled and upbraided by lewd people, even as he passed close by the Kings presence, who nei∣ther pittied the man, rebuked the unruly people, or gave order

for cure of his wounds; but God cured the Soldier instantly, for he died ere he was 40. paces from the Kings presence, and notwithstanding the misery of the man, and sharpnesse of his wounds,* 2.39 yet was the greatnesse of his spirit and courage so undanted, that he rode very upright upon the poore Jade, nothing danted either at his owne present condition, or pre∣sence of the King; it was observed, that a lewd Woman, as he past by, calling him Rebell, he onely lookt sternly at her, and sayd,* 2.40 you Whore; some Nobles seeing the hard heartednesse of the King upon this sad accident, and how little he valued those who either fought for or against him, upon this meere occasion, deserted him, and came for London, &c.

Even the lookes and gestures of Princes are observed you may see, & severall either good or ill Constructions grounded thereon.* 2.41 He was observed in his diet to feed heartily, and would drink Wine at meales freely, but not in excesse; He was rather violent than moderate in excercises, when he walked on foot, he rather trotted than paced, he went so fast. He was nothing at all given to luxury,* 2.42 was extreme sober both in his food and apparell, in the latter whereof he might rather be sayd to go cleanly and neat, than gaudy or riotously; and as to the forner, he rather loved sober, full and substantiall dishes, than Kickshawes, which the Extravagant Nobles feed for their wantonnesse sake; though many times ere they are satisfied with curiosities in diet, their estates lye pawned for them.* 2.43 In the generall he was not vitious, & yet who ere shall say he was vertuous extremely erres, he was a Medly betwixt vertue and vice: He was magnificent in some measure, and was the onely cause of the building that miracle of Ships called the Royall Soveraigne,* 2.44 and when some of his Nobles ac∣quainted him with the vast charge thereof, he replied, why should not he be admitted to build that Ship for his owne pleasure, and which might be upon occasion usefull for ser∣vice of the Kingdomes, as well as some Nobles prodigally spent their Patrimony in riotous and ungodly courses, nothing ei∣ther for their Credits or reputations,* 2.45 or any way beneficiall to the Kingdome. It was wisely sayd of him at that time, Every

man had his proper vanity, and that was his, if the people accounted it so. He was ill thought of by many, especially the Puritans then so called, for suffering the Chappell at Sommerset-house,* 2.46 to be built for the Queen, where Masse was publiquely sayd: Yet was he no Papist or favored any of their Tenents, nor do I remember any such thing was ever objected against him: My selfe was once there to gaz••, whilest the Priest was at high Masse, the Sexton and others thrust me out very uncivily, for which I protested never to come there again.

The Actions of Kings and Princes are lookt upon with ma∣ny eyes, whereof some ever prove either squint or purblind: So long as we live in this World, our conversation cannot be with Saints, but with the Sonnes of Adam, who ever smell of some corruptions.* 2.47 Many also have blamed him for writing unto the Pope, when he was in Spain; others think ill of him for the many Reprieves he gave unto seminary Priests, and M^r. Prinn sweates to purpose in aggravating his offence thereby. Why he might not as well in a civill way write unto the Pope, as write and send his Embassador to the great Turk, I know not; & for his mercy to those Priests, who had not occasioned Re∣bellion in his Dominions, truly Charity bids me to make rather a good than ill Construction. And were not the Common-Law of this Nation more in force than that Canon of Scripture, those things could not be justified, putting men to death for Re∣ligion, or taking Orders beyond Sea, &c.

He was ambitious and disdained in his youth to match with any of the English Ladies,* 2.48 and therefore upon hopes of a marriage with the present King of Spaines Sister, Monday the 17^th Feb. 1622. he set forward for Spain, went first into France, and from thence with his high thoughts passed the Moun∣taines; neither had he successe in the marriage desired, or did he get honour by that journey; although most magnifi∣cently entertained in Spain, some private disgusts happened there and in that voyage, insomuch as he never, after his re∣turne into England, much cared for the Spaniard, which he made publiquely knowne in severall yeares of his reigne: He was accompanied to Spain with the Duke of Buckingham, one

whom formerly he extremely hated,* 2.49 but after that journey as extremely fancied, being his onely great favorite. People generally were nothing satisfied with that his journey under∣taken so rashly;* 2.50 yet many sober men judged very well of the marriage it selfe, and th••se did publiquely averre, the Spaniard was rich, and a brave man, would not be troublesome unto us with unnecessary visits, would ever bring gold in his pockets; was a people, with whom the English Merchants had a great and rich Trade, and with whose naturall conditions the English did pretty well Sympathize; and for the Infantas strict∣nesse in the Roman Religion, there was by many prudent men very little question made, that it would produce any ill to this Nation, which now had been Protestant above 60. yeares; & they did also consider that the Prince was very surely ground∣ed in his owne Protestant faith, & that the Common-Law would well provide for the multiplicity of Priests, who might pre∣sume to come upon her account. The 27^th of March, being Sunday 1625. King James died.* 2.51 All that whole yeare a most furious plague afflicted the City of London, there dying above fifty thousand people, amongst those, whose misfortune it was to abide in the City, during that pestilent Contagion, my selfe was one, and therein beheld Gods great mercy unto me, being nothing at any time visited, though my conversa∣tion was daily with the infected: And I do well remember, this accident, that going in July 1625. about halfe an houre after six in the morning to S^t. Antholines Church, I met onely three persons in the way and no more, from my house over against Strand-bridg till I came there, so few people were then alive, and the streets so unfrequented.

* 2.52In June 1625. Marie, daughter of Henry the fourth, King of France, came over, and was married to the King the same Month:* 2.53 Severall Constructions were made upon this mar∣riage with France, and many disputations in private were had, whether she or the Infanta might have been better for this Na∣tion, however the Parlament, in regard of the sicknesse, was translated to Oxford 1^o. August. 1625. and the 12^th of the same dissolved; there are two main reasons given for its disso∣lution,

one was, because the Duke of Buckingham,* 2.54 his owne fa∣vorite, should not be questioned concerning King James death; and the second was, his Majesty made severall proposi∣tions unto the people, which they would not consent unto: That King James was really and absolutely poisoned by a Plaster,* 2.55 applied by Buckinghams Mother unto King James his stomack was evidently proved before a Committe: But whether Buckingham himselfe, or the late King, was guilty ei∣ther in the knowledge of, or application of the Plaster, I could never learne, many feared the King did know of it, and they gave this reason; because when the Parlament did order to question Buckingam for it, and had prepared their Charge or Articles, to present against him in the House of Lords, and to accuse him thereof, His Majesty, contrary to all expectation,* 2.56 and as in affront of both Houses, and in the Ʋpper-house, when the Articles came up, gave Buckingham his hand to kisse, carried him away with him, &c. This Action lost him the present Parlaments affections; even the most sober of his friends held him very much overseen to deny a Parlament justice in any matter whatsoever, but in matter of poyson, and the party poysoned being his Father, in that to prohibit a due course or a legall proceeding against the party suspected, it was to deny Justice with a refractory hand. But at that time he was lustly and young, and in his infancy of Convening Parlaments, thought to make himselfe sure ever after, or to master the Commons of England. There is no pen, ho•• able soever, can take off the blemish that will ever hang on him, for falling out with his Parlament, because they questioned, how and by what meanes his Father came to his death.

The second of February 1625. he was Crowned at West∣minster, William Laud altered ••he old Coronation oath,* 2.57 and framed an other new, and in March following was a Parlament againe summoned,* 2.58 and therein Mountague questioned for Popish & Ar∣minian Tenents; and Buckingham was againe also put to it by the Commons. In time of this Parlament he sent for the Bishops, & blamed their backwardnesse, for that they did not informe him, how he might promote the cause of the Church: Indeed,

he did well know what fawning Jacks most of them were,* 2.59 and how easily he might with hopes of profit winne them to his side, they made up a good part of the House of Lords in num∣ber; here again the houses of Parlament were troubled with Buckingham and Bristoll,* 2.60 who was the wiser man of the two, but had least friends, these framed bills & accused each other of Treason; at that time most men pittied Bristoll, and thought him ill rewarded for all his service in Spain, for it was con∣ceived he acted not but according to commission. In this Par∣lament he committed S^r. Dudley Diggs,* 2.61 and S^r. John Elliot, Members of the House of Commons, because they most rigo∣rously had mannaged an accusation against Buckingham: An high affront it was to the Parlament, & a great breach of Pri∣viledge to commit a Member of that House, without the House consent; that matter was much resented and very ill taken; by those and other his high miscarriages unto both Houses, they began to mistrust him, many gave sad conjectures of his actions, and thought that in the end he would either have or lose all. June 15. 1626. he dissolves the Parlament,* 2.62 onely because they should not prosecute Buckingham. An ar∣gument of sound affection unto his favorite, to hazard the love of millions onely for him, but a deepe imprudence and high oversight, to slight a whole Nation for love onely of one Man, and he but of yesterday, or a new Creature, of but his Fathers meere stamping, and his owne continuing.

* 2.63It was in August this yeare, that Tilley overthrew his Unkle the King of Denmark in a pitcht field, how the King carried the businesse with his Unkle, or what treasure he promised to supply him with, and did not performe, I know not, sure I am the old King, after this fight could never indure our King, but would sweare he indeavored what in him lay to make him lose his Kingdome; this I had from the mouth of D^r. M. who heard the King of Denmark speake what I write.

* 2.64In Anno 1627. he set forth Men and Ships to the Isle of Re in France, under the conduct of Buckingham, we lost our best Men in that scurvy designe, who were no better than but∣chered by the French, through the indiscretion of some that

had principall command therein;* 2.65 but give me leave before I proceed further, to relate what I had from the mouth of a eminent Collonell, imployed in that succeslesse expedition, and one of the Councell of Warre, and a sworne enemy to the Duke, Buckingham I well know was extremely blamed about the losse of our Men, the day of their retreat unto the Ships: The matter was thus carried, the night before the Retreat, the Duke called a Councell of Warre,* 2.66 and there shewed them the necessity of their Retreat the next day, and that himselfe in Martiall discipline being wholly unexperienced, he left the mannaging of the next dayes Action to the ordering of the Councell of Warre,* 2.67 offering the service of his owne person unto any hazard what ever as farre as any private Soldier. The Councell committed the mannagment of their Retreat by a free consent unto old S^r. William Courtney, a heavy dull covetous old Man, who having been 20. or 30. yeares a private Captaine in Holland, was by S^r. John Burrows meanes made Collonell in that expedition, and Burrows being now dead, and Courtney the oldest Collonell,* 2.68 it was referred unto him how with safety to bring off our men, but he either through want of judgment or forgetfulnesse, having not sufficiently pro∣vided for security of our Reare, our men were most unfortu∣nately many of them cut in peeces, and had not S^r. Pierce Crosby with 800. Irish made good the Retreat,* 2.69 all our men had been lost; Courtney himselfe fell into a Salt-pan in the defeat, and was saved by meanes of his man Anthonies, crying, Oh save my Captaine, but the poore fellow lost his owne life, and saved his Masters.

A bullet by chance, during their stay in that Island,* 2.70 was shot at the sayd Courtney, and he having a peece of Gold, of 21. shillings price in his fob, the bullet light there, bent the Gold, and so he was preserved; Courtney at his returne shewed me the Gold and told me the story. The King hearing of our losse at the Isle of Re, & landing of the Duke,* 2.71 in stead of being angry at the losse of so many gallant Men, or calling him to account, sent to comfort the Duke, desiring that he should not be troubled at the losse, for the chance of Warr was casuall.

* 2.72And now we are speaking of Rochell, let me acquaint the World, that his Majesty was the sole cause of its losing, for he lent the King of France eight or ten of his owne Navy, by which meanes the Rochellers Ships were sunke and destroyed, who before were ever able to releeve themselves with their owne Ships, against all opposition the Kings of France could make.* 2.73 And that it may appeare, he willingly lent these Ships unto the French, and was not forced unto it by Bucking∣ham, as many have affirmed; I will relate this passage, perhaps not vulgarly knowne. S^r. John Pennington, being Vice-Admi∣rall, had commission to carry eight or more Royall Ships into France, when he arrived there the French acquainted him the Ships were to serve the French King against the Rochellers, and if that he the sayd S^r. John would serve in that employ∣ment,* 2.74 he should be honorably rewarded, but this gallant Man being truly English scorned the proffer, and utterly refused the employment, and ere he would resigne the Ships unto the French, came privatly himselfe to the King, and informed the King of the French intentions against Rochell, but the King sayd onely thus much: Pennington go and deliver your Ships, and leave them in France, and then gave him a particular or private Warrant under his owne hand for his discharge, &c. He had much a do to get his Ships again from the French, and then was inforced to send S^r. John Pennington amongst the French, who seized above hundred French Ships, and kept them untill ours were delivered; one thing is observable, that we had onely two saylors assisted against Rochell in our Ships and no more; this I relate in honour of the Sea-men.

* 2.75The destruction of Rochell is wholly layd upon our Kings score, as well and justly it may be to his eternall dishonour and blemish; for had he not furnished the French with Ships, Rochell could not have been taken as it was: And verily I beleeve the sad groanes and miseries of those poore Protestants, powred out unto Allmighty God in their hight of calamities against our King, were extreme instrumentall in hastening downe the anger of God against the late King. However this Action of his, lost him the love of the Protestant Princes in all

parts of the World, and his owne Subjects could after that Action never well brooke him, but daily were alienated in their affection from him, supposing him either not well grounded in the Protestant-faith, or else a meere state Jugler and no other. I know some have accused Buckingham, to be instrumentall about the lending those Ships, its possible he was: However in March 1627. a Parlament was summoned,* 2.76 againe Buckingham articled against, and in June prorogued untill October, after in March dissolved,* 2.77 because William Laud was remonstrated against by the Commons, his ruine laboured; there were also Articles exhibited against Buckingham in the Parlament, but the later of the two, viz. Buckingham,* 2.78 was stabd the 23. of August 1628. he being ready to go unto Sea for re∣liefe of Rochell, then besieged. Many complained of the King in this his various Action about Rochell, viz. in first ayding the French to destroy the Rochellers Ships, then to take part with them against the King of France, but to no purpose, some therefore compared him to a Black Witch, whom they say can bewitch and hurt Cattle, but hath no ability to cure them again, it was an act of great inconstancy and much dishonour to himselfe and whole Nation, though the Nation had no hand in it.* 2.79 When first the news was brought unto the King of Buckinghams death, he was at a Sermon, or in a Church, or at ser∣vice; he did not seem much troubled at the news, but stayed out the Sermon with much patience, onely gave Maxwell pre∣sent directions to seize the Dukes Cabinet, wherein his Letters and private instructions were. All men generally, except a few Court Parasites, were glad of Buckinghams death, yet no∣thing was bettered in the Court or Common-wealth after his death, which moved many to affirme, that all the misgovern∣ments in the Realme, proceeded not from Buckinghams ill ad∣vise, but most from the corrupt and depraved nature of the Kings owne haste. Syth I am upon the death of Buckingham,* 2.80 I shall relate a true story of his being admonished often of the manner of his death he should dye, in this manner.

An aged Gentleman, one Parker as I now remember, having for∣merly belonged unto the Duke,* 2.81 or of great acquaintance with

the Dukes Father,* 2.82 and now retyred, had a Daemon appeared se∣verall times unto him, in the shape or image of S^r. George Vil∣liers the Dukes Father; this Daemon walked many times in Par∣kers bed-Chamber without any action of terror, noyse, hurt, or speech, but at last one night broke out into these words: M^r. Parker,* 2.83 I know you loved me formerly & my Son George at this time very well, I would have you go from me, you know me very well to be his father old S^r. George Villiers of Leicester∣shire, & from me acquaint him with these & these particulars, &c. and that he above all refrain the Counsell & Company of such and such, whom he then nominated, or else he will come to destruction, and that suddenly. Parker did partly, though a very discret Man, imagine he himselfe was in a dream all this time, & being unwilling to proceed upon no better grounds, forbare adressing himselfe to the Duke,* 2.84 for he conceived if he should acquaint the Duke with the words of his Father, & the manner of his appearance unto him, (such apparitions being not usuall) that he should be laughed at, and thought to dote being he was aged; some few nights passed without further trouble to the old Man, but not very many nights after, old S^r. George Villiers appeared again,* 2.85 walked quick and furiously in the roome, seemed angry with M^r. Parker, and at last sayd: M^r. Parker, I thought you had been my friend so much, and loved my Son George so well, that you would have acquaint∣ed him with what I desired, but yet I know you have not done it; by all the friendship that ever was betwixt you and me, and the great respect you beare my Son, I desire you to deli∣ver what I formerly commanded you unto my Son: The old Man seeing himselfe thus sollicited in this manner, promised the Daemon he would,* 2.86 but first argued it thus, that the Duke was not easy to be spoke withall, and that he would account him a vain Man to come with such a message from the dead; nor did he conceive the Duke would give any credit unto him; whereunto the Daemon thus answered: If he will not beleeve you have this discourse from me, tell him of such a secret (and named it) which he knows none in the World ever knew but my selfe and he. M^r. Parker being now well satisfied, that

he was not asleepe, or that the Apparition was a vaine Delu∣sion, tooke a fit opportunity therefore,* 2.87 and seriously ac∣quainted the Duke with his Fathers words, and the manner of his Apparition. The Duke heartily laughed at the relation,* 2.88 which put old Parker to a stand, but at last he assumed ••ou∣rage and told the Duke, that he acquainted his Fathers Ghost with what he now found to be true, viz. scorne and derision, but my Lord sayth he, your Father bad me acquaint you by this Token, and he sayd it was such, as none in the World but your two selves did yet know;* 2.89 hereat the Duke was amazed and much astonished, but tooke no warning or notice thereof, keeping the same Company still, advising with such Coun∣sellors, and performing such Actions as his Father by Parker countermanded. Shortly after,* 2.90 old S^r. George Villiers in a ve∣ry quiet but sorrowfull posture, appeares againe unto M^r. Parker, and sayd: M^r. Parker, I know you delivered my words unto George my Son, I thanke you for so doing, but he slighted them, and now I onely request this more at your hands, that once again you repaire unto my Son, and tell him, If he will not amend, and follow the Counsell I have given him, this Knife or Dagger (and with that he pulled a Knife or Dagger from under his gowne) shall end him, and do you M^r. Parker set your house in order, for you shall dye at such a time.* 2.91 M^r. Parker once more engaged, though very unwillingly, to acquaint the Duke with this last message, and so did, but the Duke desired him to trou∣ble him no further with such messages and dreames, told him he perceived he was now an old Man and doted, and within a month after meeting M^r. Parker on Lambeth bridge: Now M^r. Parker, what say you of your dream? who onely returnd, S^r. I wish it may never have successe, &c. But within six weekes after, he was stabd with a Knife, according to his Fathers admonition before hand,* 2.92 and M^r. Parker died soon after he had seen the Dreame or Vision performed.

The 29^th of May 1630. being Saturday,* 2.93 neare unto one in the after noon, the present King of Scotland was borne, the next day the King came to Paules Crosse, to give God thankes for the birth of his Son, where were presented unto him these Verses:

* 2.94Rex ubi Paulinias accessit gratus ad aras, Immicuit medio lucida stella polo. Dic divina mihi tractans aenigmata coeli, Haec oriens nobis, quid sibi stella velit? Magnus in occiduo princeps modo nascitur orbe, Moxque sub eclipsi regna orientis erunt.

About May 1633. he went into Scotland, and was Crowned there the 18. of June, ☉ in 7^o. ♋, ☽ in 7. ♈. In July he had a dangerous passage from Brunt Island, and hardly escaped drowning; some of his houshold stuffe or plate was lost.

* 2.95In 1634. he was infinitely troubled with faction in his Court, which much displeased him, but by little and little he put all things into order againe; then also he levied a generall great Tax upon the whole Kingdome, vulgarly called Ship-money,* 2.96 because it was pretended it was for maintenance of the Navy, and truly much of it was that way expended, and the Saylors well payd their wages, which occasioned for two yeares together a good Fleet of Royall Ships to be set forth, much for the honour of the Nation.

* 2.97This Ship-money was generally misliked, being a meere In∣novation, and a cleanly trick to poll the subjects, and cheate them into an Annuall payment; my selfe was then a Collector for it in the place I lived in, I remember my proportion was 22. shillings and no more; if we compare the times then, and the present in which I now live, you shall see great difference even in Assessements, the necessity of maintaining our Armies requiring it, for now my Annuall payments to the Soldiery are very neare or more than 20. pound, my estate being no way greater than formerly; against this Ship-money many gal∣lant Men opposed,* 2.98 and at last in Parlament it was voted downe.

In July 1637. viz. 23. day, there was great disturbance in

Edinborough, about a new service-Booke,* 2.99 indeavored to be obtru∣ded on the Scots by the King and Canterbury; I have heard an old Woman begunne the quarrell by casting her stoole at the Priest, when he read the Service Book. Many very modest Di∣vines exceedingly blame both the King and Canterbury for that Booke, it admitted unto the people, as I remember, the Com∣munion but in one kind, however, by the prudence of some grave men, being then privy Counsellours in Scotland, matters were slubbered over all that Winter in Scotland; but in May or Aprill new tumults arose, and truly I may almost say,* 2.100 that that corrupt Common-prayer Book was the sole and whole occa∣sion of all the miseries and Wars that since that time have happened in both Nations: Had his Majesty first indeavored the imposition of that lame Booke upon the English, most men did beleeve we had swallowed it, and then the Scots must have done it afterward, for the Clergy at that time generally were such idle and lazy Lubbers, and so pampered with Court perferment, and places temporall in every Shire of England, and such flattering Sycophants, that doubtlesse the great hand of God was in it, that those rude Scots first broake the Ice, and taught us the way to expell an insulting Priesthood, and to resist the King, he indeavoring by unwarrantable meanes to intrude things contrary to the Divine Law of allmighty God upon our Consciences.

In Anno 1638. the Queen Mother of France,* 2.101 and Mother un∣to the English Queen, Widdow of Henry the fourth, King of France, landed in England, and came unto London the 31. Octob. She was very meanly accompanied, and few of quality atten∣ding her;* 2.102 the King most humanely and generously receives and entertaines her, though all men were extremely against it, for it was observed, that where ever, or unto what Coun∣try this miserable old Queen came, there followed immediatly after her, either the Plague, War, Famine, or one misfortune or an other; strange it is unto me, how she could be so fatall to any land she entred into; true it is, and I do very well

know,* 2.103 that some people borne under an unfortunate Con∣stellation of Heaven, (without this that they live above na∣ture, and live wholly in the Spirit) are so extreme unsucces∣full in every thing they undertake, that let them use the greatest industry they can to be rich, all will not amount to obtaine a poore living, though they are assisted not onely with a good stock of money to beginne their Profession with, but have also many very profitable and assisting friends and meanes for their better encouragement and furtherance. It is very possible, that such like ill fortune from her infancy might attend this old Queen, as to be thought an unlucky Praesage of what mischiefe presently followed her in those Countries she resided in.

* 2.104In November Proclamation was made to dissolve the great assembly in Scotland, but to little purpose, for the Scots have this privilege belonging unto them, that where, & when they please, to obey no Edicts or Commands of their Kings, except those Edicts fancy their owne humors: This Proclamation was laughed at and slighted by the Scots, who made it ap∣peare they were in good earnest,* 2.105 and began to raise an Army for their owne defence, by no meanes induring the halfe Po∣pish Common-prayer book. This raising of an Army by the Scots, in opposition of the Common prayer booke, made our Prelates prick up their eares, and the lazy Bishops most of all, who con∣vened,* 2.106 and raised amongst their owne Leviticall Tribe great summes of money towards the maintenance of an Army against the Scots, whom they now hated worse than Turkes. Severall particular men are summoned to appeare at Court, & inforced to lend vast summes of money,* 2.107 towards the main∣tenance of an Army. I have heard some affirme, the King had in his Coffers at that time above six hundred thousand pounds, no great summe for so provident a Prince, and such large incomes as he had.

* 2.108In or about the 27. March 1639. the King set forward to∣wards Scotland, his Army followed immediatly, the Earle of Arundell being made Generall, a Man of great Nobility, courage,

and resolution,* 2.109 and one whose Ancestors had been Generalls seve∣rall times against the Scots with excellent successe. There at∣tended the King in this expedition most of the Nobility of this Nation, but with great unwillingnesse, for the English and Scots having now lived like Brethren, or Natives, or people of one Nation, one amongst another for allmost fourty yeares, & ha∣ving entermarried one with another, both the Nobility,* 2.110 or Gen∣try, and others, they thought it a very strange thing, and not Lawfull or convenient, that this Nation should now take up Armes, and engage against the Scots, onely to satisfie the insatiable lust of a few domineering Priests,* 2.111 and halfe Popish Bishops, as also of an obstinate King, wholly led by the Nose by these Snaffling Priests. The Common Soldier was nothing well pleased, and marched most unwillingly upon this service. At last both Armies for many dayes accoasted ech other, yet I ne∣ver heard of so much as one lowse killed by either Army; the Scots being very tend••r of provoking the English, and they as willing to give no offence unto the Scots. In June of that yeare a peace was concluded betwixt both Nations,* 2.112 the English Nobility much desiring and furthering it.

The King himselfe was most greedy above all men of this Ʋnion with the Scots, as will appeare by this ensuing story:* 2.113 That day which was assigned for certain of the English Nobili∣ty and Scotish to treat about those Articles of agreement or Pacification the Scotish Nobility were to produce, the Nobles of each Nation being set,* 2.114 the Earle of Arundell began with much gravity to rebuke the Scots, for their unadvisednesse and re∣bellion in raising their Army against their Lawfull King, and disturbing the peace of both Nations, and yet he commended the good nature of the King, who was, notwithstanding their high provocations and misdemeanors, very inclineable to heare their just grievances, and to that purpose had appointed himselfe, being Generall of the English Army, and some other select Nobles of his Counsell, to meet them that day, to treat with them, & to heare their grievances, & what they could say for themselves. This gallant Man was proceeding further in

his speech,* 2.115 and aggravating the Scots offences, when loe unex∣pectedly his Majesty entered the Roome, called for the Arti∣cles the Scots desired to be ratified, or consented unto, read them scarce over, but tooke pen and inke immediatly, and signed them, without ever advising with any of his Counsell; which so displeased the Nobility of the English Nation,* 2.116 that the very next day after signing the Scots Articles, they all hasted home to their owne habitations, the King staying be∣hind, and for his dayly excercise, played at a scurvy game call∣ed Pigeon Holes, or Nine pinnes; his fellow gamsters also were equall to the Game, viz. Lackyes, Pages, and such others ejus∣dem generis. He againe no sooner came to London, but as I re∣member, caused those Articles to be burned by the Common Hangman, making himselfe as ridiculous in doing the one, as he was reputed weake and simple of judgement in doing the other: But at that time most imputed the burning of the Scots Articles, unto the advises given him, and importunity of the proud Clergy and Bishops, who humored him in every itching desire of his, even to his ruine.

* 2.117There happened many memorable accidents in this yeare 1639. as first five Eclipses of the Sunne and Moon; three of the Sunne, two of the Moon; none was visible in our Horizon, but that Eclips of the ☉, which here began with us at Lon∣don the 22^th of May, being Wednesday, at 3. houres and 52. min. afternoon, its midle was at 4. houres and 52. min. and its end at 46. min. after 5. The Digits eclipsed were 8. 51. min. 41. secon. the whole time of its continuance was 1. houre & 54. min. of times: The Scheme of Heaven followes.

[illustration]

Eclips of the. Sun ☿ 22 May 1639 452 P M

His Majesty was in the field against the Scots at the very time of the Eclips, and some that were there with him sayd,* 2.118 they felt not a more sharp cold day in all their lives than that was, the season of the yeare, and height of the Sunne consi∣dered. I'le meddle little with the Prognosticque part of this Eclips, yet I might tell you, that Mercury, at the time of the be∣ginning of the Eclips, represented the Clergy,* 2.119 & he was retro∣grade neare to Conjunction with Mars, one ill Omen unto the Clergy: At the middle of the Eclips the Moon was their signi∣ficator, and she combust and neare the Dragons-tayle, which

signified much calamity unto the Priests. This Eclips signified unto the King much treachery, and dammage by his friends the Scots;* 2.120 the degree eclipsed was in the opposit degree, all∣most of the ☉ in his Radix. As this Eclips shewed his trou∣bles or their beginning, so the ☽ her Eclips in 8 ♐. in 1648. ended his afflictions, &c.

* 2.121The effects of this Eclips had most influence upon the King of Spain, it falling even in the very degree of his Seaventh house, so that upon the 11^th or 12^th of October 1639. upon our En∣glish Coast, and under our Noses, almost in our Harbour, the Hollander burnt and sunke a great Navy of his, with many mi∣serable soules in the Navy, which were to be landed in Flan∣ders. I know some have not stuck to affirme, that the 8000. men, transported in the Spanish Navy, were intended to have been landed here in assistance of his Majesty, but it was a meer untruth,* 2.122 for who could have hindered their landing in Kent, if his Majesty had commanded it? sure I am, the Spaniard tooke it ill at his Majesties hand, that he suffered them to perish so neare our Harbour, they also tooke exception, that his Maje∣sty having promised them Amunition and Powder, which it seemes they wanted, it came not at the place for them, either by neglect or treachery of our Officers, untill they were worst∣ed.* 2.123 The truth of the story of those 8000. Spaniards in the Navy was thus: There was a part of ••hat Country where the Walloons inhabit, under the Dominion of the King of Spain in the Netherlands, which was taken notice to be very disaffe∣cted unto him, now upon the landing these amongst the Wal∣loons, so many of that people were to have been transported into Spaine, &c. When his Majesty first heard of the Spanish and Dutch Fleet, and their neare approach, he sayd to one standing by him, I would I were well ridd of both Navies. To speak the truth of him, either as he was vertuous or vicious, is not to wrong him, but in every triviall miscarriage to make him the Author of it, I hold it barbarous, and not the part of an honest morall Man.

In this memorable yeare, the Scots, by Act amongst them∣selves, thrust out all Bishops, who after came sneaking hither,

and had by Canterburies meanes large and plentifull exhibi∣tions for their maintenance;* 2.124 his Majesty tooke the expulsion of the Bishops so ill, as that he resolved to check the sawcinesse of the Scots, his deare Country-men, and caused their trade with us to be prohibited, and their Ships to be seized, which so enraged the Scotish Nation,* 2.125 that they were againe in 1640. in Armes;* 2.126 the King summons a Parlament in Aprill about the Scots, which Parlament would not give a farthing unto him towards maintenance of his intended Army against the Scots, therefore in May he dissolves the Parlament,* 2.127 which gave great discontent all over the Nation, and great encouragement unto the Scots, whereupon their Army was suddenly ready, and their presumption such, as without in∣vitation they the 17^th. August 1640. entred England.* 2.128 The King prepares an Army of English to resist them, but such was the generall inclination even of the Common Soldier, and so great an Odium or hatred was cast upon William Laud, Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, that nothing would serve the Common Sol∣dier but a Parlament, not a man of the English would fight against the Scots,* 2.129 who were now crept into the strong Towne of Newcastle; our Soldiers were mutinous, the Officers gene∣rally disaffected to the service,* 2.130 in some Countries the new raised Soldiers slue their Officers, and would not go: All these commotions moved the King little to desist from the War, being continually furthered by the Bishops and Clergy,* 2.131 who in their Convocation gave a large benevolence towards the maintenance of those Wars, and commanded their Tribes in their severall pulpits to inveigh, and cry aloud against the prophane Scots, and to perswade the people to as∣sist as willingly as against Infidels or Turkes. His Majesty againe commanded the Nobility to attend him in this Northren expedition, who Ieasurely, and rather unseasonably or unwil∣lingly than otherwayes, attended him at York.

All men knew this War was promoted by the Clergy,* 2.132 whom the Nobility began to disdaine and scorne, and the Gentry and Yeomanry of England extremely to hate, for at this present time the High Commission Court and other bawdy Courts

did most horrible injustice against the persons and estates of any Gentleman,* 2.133 who by misfortune came thither; there was also one Wrenn Bishop of Norwich, borne in London, a fellow whose Father sold Babies and such Pedlery ware in Cheap-side; this fellow very peremptorily one day as he sat in Judicature in the High Commission Court, sayd openly, he hoped to live and see the time,* 2.134 when a M^r. of Arts or a Minister, should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England. And verily the pride of this sawcy Citizens Sonne, hath been one main cause of the ruine of the Clergy. Concerning this Wrenn, I know Canterbury preferred him, and brought him to those Ecclesiasticall advancements in Court and Church, which he enjoyed;* 2.135 I do also know, and have heard it from some who waited on Canterbury in his Chamber, that he would oft say, that the rash Actions and unwarrantable proceedings of this Wrenn would undo the Clergy; but in regard he had been the sole meanes of his advancement, he could not well do any act prejudiciall against him, but it would redound to the dis∣honor of himselfe, and the Clergy in generall; also he had many reluctancies in himselfe, for preferring so unworthy a scornfull fellow, who proved the scandall and scorn of Church-men, and an extraordinary plague to the whole Nation: for upon his plaguing and punishing many godly Clothiers in the Countries of Norfolk and Suffolke, they were inforced to leave their native Country, and betake themselves and Fa∣milies into the Ʋnited Provinces, where they have taught the Dutch the Art and Manifacture of Cloathing, even to the utter impoverishment of this whole Nation, &c. and yet this wretched Wrenn lives, &c.

* 2.136As I remember, neer upon or in this yeare 1639. or 1640. the Citizens of London were miserably abused by a beggerly Knight one S^r. Phillips of Ireland, who exhibited his bill against them, for certaine misdemeanors pretended to be committed by some of their sub-Officers in Ireland, about the parts of London Derry. True it is, the Citizens of London very gallantly about the coming in of King James, or not long after, sent Collonies of their owne in great numbers, and at

their owne extreme great charges,* 2.137 to settle a civill Planta∣tion in the North of Ireland, they had a large Pattent from King James, and many Privileges granted unto them for their so doing and planting; above 30. yeares they had quietly pos∣sessed their owne lands there, had built many beautifull Market Townes, one or more City or Cities, many Churches in the Territories assigned them; but neere these yeares of 1639. or 1640. this S^r. Phillips demanding some unreasonable things of the Citizens, and being denyed them, he in malice exhibites his bill for misdemeanors of their Officers against the Londoners in the Starre-Chamber,* 2.138 brought the cause unto a Hearing, the Court of Starre-Chamber fined the Londoners deeply, adjudged their Plantations forfetted to the King, who as eagerly and greedily swallowed them for his owne.* 2.139 This very Act in or neare this exigence of time so imbittered the Spirits of the Citizens, that although they were singularly in∣vited for loane of moneys,* 2.140 and had as great plenty in their possessions as ever, yet would not contribute any assistance or money against the Scots, or advance of his Majesty in this his Scotish expedition. And though I do not attribute these ca∣sualties and losses of the Cities,* 2.141 to be derived or caused from the Eclips of 1639. although the Eclips was in ♊, which signe is the Ascendant of London; yet certainly, that Eclips did in a naturall way threaten or portend much dammage unto them, and did manifest the casualties, but was not the cause.

There was at last a cessation of Armes by consent of both partyes Scots and English, some petty scuffling there was to no purpose; the King when he saw no other meanes could be thought on for to serve his turne, and that the Common Sol∣dier unanimously refused engaging with the Scots, by the constant and earnest desire of the English Nobility, which at∣tended him, he with much unwillingnesse at length was con∣tent to give summons for an other Parlament to be convened the third day of November 1640.* 2.142 But you must understand in the mean while, when the King saw he could no wayes en∣gage the English against the Scots,* 2.143 he had sent unto Ireland for the then present Lord Deputy, the Earle of Strafford, formerly

S^r. Thomas Wentworth,* 2.144 a Yorkshire Gentleman by birth, and one who had formerly been a great Stickler against him, untill poysoned with Court perferment,* 2.145 he turned Royal••st, and so was made Lord Deputy of Ireland; a Man of the rarest parts and dee∣pest judgment of any Englishman living; I say, he sent for this Strafford to consult with him about composing these e∣mergent differences; Strafford advises with Canterbury, all to little purpose, for the Bishop was a very Asse in any thing but Church matters;* 2.146 the hand of Providence now going along with the Parlament and Common wealth, who became Masters of the affections of all publique spirited people,* 2.147 the King daily decli∣ning. In Aprill 1641. the Parlament accuse Strafford for severall Misdemeanors, Treasons, Tyrannies, &c. against the Common∣wealth, during his government in Ireland; the Parlament follow it so lustily, that notwithstanding Strafford spoke and defended himselfe as well as any mortall Man in the World could do, yet he was found guilty,* 2.148 had his sentence to die, and did die. T. Earle of Arundell being Lord high Steward, the King signed the Warrant for his death, either by himselfe or Commissioners; thus died Strafford,* 2.149 the wisest Polititian this Nation ever bred.

All men accuse the King for his falsnesse and Cowardise unto this Man,* 2.150 who being satisfied in his owne conscience, that Strafford was not guilty of Treason or Death, but onely of misdemeanors,* 2.151 yet signed a Warrant, either under his owne hand or by Commissioners; some there are who do say, with the same pen and at the same time, he signed the Warrant against Strafford, and also the Act for a Trienniall or perpetuall Parlament, which should not be dissolved without consent of both houses. Many affirme, the Queen procured him to do both those things, others impute it to Hambleton: It matters not who did it, or perswaded him, it was his ruine, &c.

* 2.152The matter is not great, who invited the Scots into Eng∣land, some thought Pim, Hambden, and severall other Gentle∣men were instrumentall, its very like it was true, and that the King knew as much, but could not remedie it. The Parlament however in Policy and judgement, gave the Scots a round summe of money for their losses, and ordered them to depart

this Kingdome, which they did;* 2.153 so that in August 1641. the King went into Scotland purposely to pacifie and compose the pre∣sent threatning differences there.

In the same Month of August 1641.* 2.154 I beheld the old Queen-Mother of France, departing from London, in company of Thomas Earle of Arundell; a sad spectacle of mortality it was, and pro∣duced teares from mine eyes and many other beholders, to see an aged leane decrepit poore Queen, ready for her grave,* 2.155 ne∣cessitated to depart hence, having no place of residence in this World left her, but where the Curtesy of her hard fortune as∣signed it; She had been the onely stately and magnificent Wo∣man of Europe, wife to the greatest King ever lived in France, Mother unto one King and unto two Queens. The King cared not much for the Earle of Arundell,* 2.156 being he was of a severe and grave nature, could not indure Court novelties or flat∣terers, was potent in Allies, &c. but there was one thing or cause mainly above the rest, and that was, because the Earle of Arundell being Lord high Steward and Judge in Straffords tryall, gave his voyce that he was guilty of Treason, &c. The Earle also had but a few yeares before given the King a touch of his owne great heart, and the Kings unthankfulnesse unto him and his Family, the case was thus:* 2.157 A Priest pretends the King had a right in a Rectory the Earle challenged for his, and had procured Canterbury for his friend and second, the matter had many debates, for Arundell was no fool, but stood stoutly for his right, Canterbury was as violent for the Priest, and had procured the King to take cognisance or heare the matter, the King upon some slight evidence maintained it was his, viz. belonged to the Crown; the Earle seeing the obstinatenesse of the King, and his siding with a petty Priest against him, and his proper right, out of the greatnesse of his heart, sayd:* 2.158 SIR, This Rectory was an appendant unto such or such a Mannor of mine, untill my Grand-Father (unfortunatly) lost both his life and seventeen Lordships more, for the love be bore to your Grand-Mother. This was a smart speech and home to purpose, it so astonisht the King, that he replyed pretty mildly: My Lord, I would not have you think that so poore a thing as this Rectory or thing in que∣stion

shall stand in Competition betwixt my respect unto you and your Family,* 2.159 which I know to be deserving, &c. After that time the Earle little liked the Kings actions, and therefore tooke this opportune occasion of going away with the Queen Mother, and when one sayd unto him, his Majesty would misse him; Its an ill Dogge (sayd the Earle) thats not worth whissling, and though he is a King, he will find Arundells affection unto him would not have been inconsiderable, &c. Some few yeares since this Earle died at Padua,* 2.160 being the last man of the English Na∣tion, that maintained the gravity and Port of the antient Nobility; a great lover of Antiquities, and of the English Nation he brought over the new way of building with brick in the City, greatly to the safety of the City, and preservation of the wood of this Nation.* 2.161 He was a great patron of decayed Gen∣try, and being Lord High-Marshall of England, carried too strict an hand against the Yeomanry and Commonalty, for which he was nothing beloved but rather hated of them; however the Gentry and Nobility owe much unto his memory.

* 2.162In October 1641. the Irish unanimously rebell and massacre the poore English, who were not able to releeve themselves, as matters at present were handled, wanting able Governors to direct them; and the very truth is, the way which at first was taken to suppresse the Rebellion, did onely support it; for confidence being given to some of the Irish Nobility,* 2.163 and many of them furnished with Armes, they furnish their owne kind∣red, being native Irish, who were no sooner possessed of Armes, but they became errant Traitors to the English. A great question will here arise, whether the Murther of the English was by consent or Commission from the King unto the Irish. Many have affirmed in words and in Print publiquely,* 2.164 that he should be guilty of such a villanous Act, which I cannot beleeve, in regard I could never have any assured relation, what those Commissions were the Irish boasted of, they being onely the affirmations of the Catholique Irish, purposely to winne others unto their party, and seducing many by saying, they acted by the Kings Commissions.* 2.165 Had this been true, it had been more than equall unto his assisting for destruction of

Rochell, but I may hope better things, both as he was a Prote∣stant, a Christian and a King. Yet me thinkes there is little sa∣tisfaction given unto this in his late pretended Booke; two maine things are objected against the King, which that Booke medles not with or answers: First, why his Majesty was so tender hearted of the Irish, as not to suffer above fourty Pro∣clamations to issue out against those Rebells in Ireland,* 2.166 and those also to no purpose or unopportunely when too late; besides to shew his respect unto them; I know he oblitterated with his owne hands the word Irish Rebells, and put in Irish Subjects, in a Manuscript discourse, writ by S^r. Edward Walker, and presented unto him, which I have seen of the Irish rebel∣lion, &c. Secondly,* 2.167 whereas the Parlament were sending over Clothes and other necessaries, for the English Soldiers in Ire∣land, the King seized them as they went, armed and furnished the English and Welsh against the Parlament; the reasons of these are omitted by the penner of his Portraiture.

In November 1641. the Parlament still sitting, the King comes for London, is entertained by them in the greatest State might b••, and met on the way by some hundreds in Gold chaines,* 2.168 and nothing is now cryed but Hosanna, welcome home, your Majesty is welcome. The Queen perceiving a breach was likly to be be∣twixt the King and Parlament, thought politiquely to engage the City for him; he gives the Citizens good words,* 2.169 tells them, he will give them their Lands in Ireland againe, a pro∣mise he was never able to performe, &c. As I remember at their request, he also kept his Christmas at Whitehall, intending otherwayes to have kept it at Hampton Court, and also knight∣ed some of the Aldermen. At his returne from Scotland,* 2.170 he af∣firmed in a speech he made unto both Houses, how he had left that Kingdome in as quiet and good condition as could be ex∣pected; The Devill was in the Crags of the Scots, if he left them not contented, who gave them what ever they required, and signed what ever they desired or demanded, confirmed as much as their large Consciences could require.

But now in January 1641. began a Sea of misfortunes to fall upon us, and over-whelm our long continued happinesse,* 2.171

by disagreement of the King and the two Houses of Parlament,* 2.172 and partly by the daily coming to the Parlament-House of ma∣ny hundred Citizens, sometimes in very rude manner; true it is, the King disliked these too too frequent addresses unto both Houses in so tumultuous and unwarrantable a manner; whereupon, fearing the worst, (as himselfe pretended) he had a Court of Guard before White Hall of the Trained Bands;* 2.173 he had also many dissolute Gentlemen, and some very civill, that kept within White-Hall, with their Swords by their sides, to be ready upon any sudden occasion. Verily, Mens feares now began to be great,* 2.174 and it was by many perceived, the King be∣gan to swell with anger against the Proceedings of Parlament, and to intend a Warre against them; some speeches dropt from him to that purpose.* 2.175 It happened one day, as some of the ru∣der sort of Citizens came by White-Hall, one busie Citizen must needs cry,* 2.176 No Bishops; some of the Gentlemen issued out of White-Hall, either to correct the sawcinesse of the fool in words if they would serve, else it seemes with blowes; what passed on either side in words, none but themselves knew, the Citi∣zen being more tongue then Souldier, was wounded, and I have heard, dyed of his wounds received at that time; it hath been affirmed by very many, that in or neer unto that place where this fellow was hurt and wounded, the late KINGS Head was cut off, the SCAFFOLD standing just over that place.

* 2.177Those People or Citizens who used thus to flocke unto Westminster, were most of them Men of meane or a middle quality themselves, no Aldermen, Merchants or Common-Councell men, but set on by some of better quality; and yet most of them were either such as had publique spirits, or liv∣ed a more religious life then the vulgar, and were usually cal∣led Puritans,* 2.178 and had suffered under the tyranny of the Bi∣shops; in the generall they were very honest Men and well-meaning, some particular fooles or others perhaps now and then got in amongst them, greatly to the disadvantage of the more sober; they were modest in their apparell, but not in languages; they had the haire of their heads very few of

them longer then their eares; whereupon it came to passe, that those who usually with their cryes attended at Westmin∣ster were by a Nickname called Round-heads.* 2.179 The Courtiers a∣gaine wearing long Haire and locks, and alwayes Sworded, at last were called by these men Cavaliers; and so after that this broken language had been used a while, all that adhered unto the Parlament were termed Round-heads, all that tooke part or appeared for his Majestie Cavaliers, few of the vulgar knowing the sence of the word Cavalier; how ever the present hatred of the Citizens were such unto Gentlemen especially Courtiers, that few durst come into the City, or if they did, they were sure to receive affronts and be abused.

To speak freely and ingeniously what I then observed of the City tumults, was this: First,* 2.180 the sufferings of the Citi∣zens who were any thing well devoted, had, during all this Kings reigne been such and so great, being harrowed or a∣bused continually, either with the High Commission Court or Star-Chamber, that as men in whose breasts the spirit of Li∣berty had some place; they were even glad to vent out their sighes and sufferings in this rather tumultuous then civill manner; being assured,* 2.181 if ever this Parlament had been dissol∣ved, they must have been wrackt, whipt and stript by the snotty Clergie and other extravagant courses; and for any amendment which they might expect from the King, they too well knew his temper; that though in a time of Parlament he oft promised to redresse any Grievances, yet the best friend he hath, cannot produce any one Act of good for his Sub∣jects done by him in the Vacancy of a Parlament. The loosers usually have leave to speake, and so had the Citizens.

All this Christmas 1641. there was nothing but private whisperings in Court,* 2.182 and secret Councels held by the Queen and her party, with whom the King sat in Counsell very late many Nights; what was the particular Result of those clandestine Consultations, it will presently appear.

Jan. 4. 1641. By what sinister Counsell led I know not, but the King in person went into the then Lower House of Par∣lament where the Commons sat, and for some things he had

been informed of,* 2.183 demanded five of their principall Mem∣bers, viz. Pimm, Hollis, Hazlerigg, Hambden and Stroud. In that Booke called his Portrature, he affirmes he went to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon those five Members; and saith,* 2.184 he thought he had discovered some unlawfull cor∣respondencies and engagements they had made to embroyle his Kingdomes; he confesseth he missed but little of procur∣ing some writings, &c. to make his thoughts good. So here is no Evidence against these Members but his own Thoughts, as himselfe confesseth.* 2.185 But assuredly had he demanded Justice of the House of Commons against them and proved his Charge, he might have had it; but for himselfe to attach their bodies and be Judge also (as he intended) was a matter most unequall;* 2.186 and surely had it been in his power to have got their bodies he would have served these Members as he did Elliott, whom without cause he committed to Tower and never would either release him, or shew cause of his commit∣ment till death.

All that time he had a Guard with him at the doore of the House of Parlament consisting of many Gentlemen with Hal∣berts and Swords,* 2.187 truly I did not hear there was any incivility offered by those Gentlemen then attending unto any Member of the House, his Majestie having given them strict Commands to the contrary. This rash A••••••on of the Kings lost him his Crowne; for as he was the first of Kings that ever or so impru∣dently brake the Priviledges by his entrance into the House of Commons assembled in Parlament,* 2.188 so by that unparaleld Demand of his he utterly lost himselfe, and left scarce any possibility of reconcilement, he not willing to trust them, nor they him who had so oft failed them. It was my fortune that very day to dine in White Hall, and in that roome where the Halberts newly brought from the Tower were lodged for use of such as attended the King to the House of Commons. Sir Peter Wich ere we had fully Dined came in to the roome I was in and brake open the Chests wherein the Armes were, which frighted us all that were there; however, one of our Compa∣ny got out of doores and presently informed some Members

that the King was preparing to come unto the House, else I beleeve all those Members or some of them had beene taken in the House; all that I could doe further was presently to be gone. But it happened also the same day, that some of my neighbours were at the Court of Guard at White-Hall, unto whom I related the Kings present Designe, and conjured them to defend the Parlament and Members thereof, in whose well or ill doing consisted our happinesse or misfortune; they pro∣mised assistance if need were, and I beleeve would have stoutly stood to it for defence of the Parlament or Members thereof.* 2.189 The King lost his reputation exceedingly by this his impro¦vident and unadvised demands; yet notwithstanding this his failing, so wilfull and obstinate he was in pursuance of that preposterous course he intended,* 2.190 and so desirous to compasse the bodies of these five Members, that the next day he posted and trotted into the City to demand the Members there; he convened a meeting at Guild-Hall, the Common Councell assem∣bled, but Mum could he get there, for the word, London Derry was then fresh in every Mans mouth.

But whereas the Author of the Kings Portrature complains that the insolency of the tumults was such,* 2.191 that his Majesties person was in danger in the Streets. This is a very untruth, for notwithstanding his Majesty dyned in the City that day he required the five Members of the Citizens, yet he had no incivility in the least measure offered unto his person, onely many cryed out as he passed the streets; Sir,* 2.192 Let us have our just Liberties, we desire no more. Unto which he severall times an∣swered, They should, &c.

An honest Citizen, as I remember, threw into his Coach a new Sermon, the Text whereof was, as I now remember; To thy Tents oh Israel. Indeed the Citiz••ns (unto their everlasting honour be it spoken) did with much resolution protect the five Members,* 2.193 and many thousands were willing to sacrifice their lives for defence of the Parlament and the severall Mem∣bers thereof.

The tenth of Janu. approached and came, upon which day the five demanded Members were brought unto the House of Com∣mons

with as much triumph as could be expressed,* 2.194 severall Companies of trained Bands marching to the Parlament to as∣sist if need were; there were upon the Thames River I know not how many Barges full of Saylors,* 2.195 having some Guns ready charged, if occasion were; and these also came in mul∣titudes to serve the Parlament. A word dropt out of the Kings mouth a little before, which lost him the love of the Sea-men, some being in conference with his Majesty acquainted him, that he was Iost in the affection of the Sea-men, for they in∣tended to Petition the House, &c. I wonder, quoth the King, How I have lost the affection of th••se Water Ratts.* 2.196 A word sure that slipt out of his mouth unadvisedly; for all men must and doe know, that the Ships of England and our valiant Saylors, are the very strength of England.

His Majesty finding nothing thrived on his side, and seeing the aboundant affection of the Commonalty in generall for the Parlament,* 2.197 the aforesaid tenth of Janu. 1641. went unto Hampton-Court, and never after could by intreaty or other∣wayes be drawne to come unto his Parlament, though they in most humble wise and by many and severall addresses excee∣dingly desired it. One misfortune followes another, for the 25^th. of Feb. 1641. the Queene went into Holland,* 2.198 and after∣wards the King into Yorkeshire. There was at this time a suffi∣cient Magazine of Armes in Hull, being the remainder of those employed against the Scots. The Parlament sent down a Mem∣ber of their owne one Sir John Hotham, to take care of them, who undertooke and also did maintaine the Towne and pre∣serve the Armes therein for the Parlament;* 2.199 although his Ma∣jesty in Aprill 1642. came unto the Wals of the Towne to re∣quire them, yet could he neither procure Armes or admit∣tance into the Towne.

The Earle of Warwicke exceedingly beloved of the Sea men secured the Navie; so that in few dayes the Parlament had store of Armes for Land Souldiers,* 2.200 and plenty of stout Ships for their Sea occasions. His Majesty in the meane time being de∣stitute both of the affections of his People and meanes to sup∣ply an Army, which it was perceived he intended shortly to

raise, returned from viewing Hull unto Yorke.* 2.201 The Parlament having perfect intelligence, and being assured he would raise an Army against them, began to consider of their present con∣dition, whom to make their Generall, how to raise Men and Money for their owne and Commonwealths defence. But one would have blest himselfe to see what running and trotting away here was both of Lords and Commoners unto his Majestie.* 2.202 I doe assure you a very thin House was left; of Lords who remained Essex the Peoples darling was chiefe, a most noble soule and generally well esteemed; he in this exigency was by both Houses nominated and voted the Parlaments Generall. I doe herein admire at the wonderfull Providence of Al∣mighty GOD,* 2.203 who put it into the Peoples heart to make this Man Generall, this very Earle, this good man, who had suffered beyond beliefe, by the partiall judgement of King James, who to satisfie the Lechery of a lustfull Scot, tooke away Essex his Wife (being a lewd Woman) for one Carr, alias Somerset, She pretending Essex was frigid us in Coitu, and old Jemmey beleeving it.

Had Essex refused to be Generall,* 2.204 our Cause in all likeli∣hood had sunke in the beginning, we having never a Noble Man at that time, either willing or capable of that Honour and preferment; indeed scarce any of them were fit to be trusted. So that God rais••d up Essex to be a scourge for his Sonne whose Father had so unjustly abused him: And for the Countesse she had aboundance of sorrow ere she dyed, and felt the Divine hand of Heaven against her, for she was uncapable of Coition at least a dozen years ere she dyed, having an impe∣diment in that very Memb••r she had so much delighted in and abused; and this I had from the mouth of one who saw her when bowelled. For Somerset himselfe, he dyed a poore Man, contemptible and despised of every man; and yet I never heard any ill of that Scottish-man, except in this alone businesse concerning the Earle of Essex and his Wife.* 2.205 In this Summer the Citizens listed themselves plentifully for Soul∣diers; Horse and Armes were provided, and the Lord knows how many treacherous Knaves had Command in this first

Expedition in the Parlaments Army;* 2.206 so that if God him∣selfe had not been on our side, we must of necessity have pe∣rished.

The Youth of the Citie of London made up the major part of Essex his Infantery; his Horses were good, but the Ri∣ders unskilfull, for they were taken up as they came and Li∣sted or offered themselves unto the Service; the truth is, the Parlament were at that time glad to see any Mens willingnesse and forwardnesse unto their Service; therefore they promi∣sed largely,* 2.207 and made some pleasing Votes; so that the Plate and Moneys of the Citizens came tumbling into Guild-Hall upon the Publique Faith.

His Majesty in the interim and at that time was nec••ssita∣ted for Money and Armes extreamly, having no Magazine to command,* 2.208 but those of the Northerne Countries; yee into what other County soever he came (and he traversed many) he was so courteous as he made shift to seize their Armes and carry them along for his use, pretending for the safety of the People and his Person.

The King had layne most part at Yorke, or rambled into some other Counties neer adjacent untill August, and done little to any purpose; for the severall Counties were gene∣rally nothing inclinable to his purpose, in most whereof and in every County he came in he rather received petty affronts then support; yet at last he came to Nottingham, and there set up his STANDARD (with a full resolution for Warre) the 22^th. of August 1642. under this Constellation, having fome few Horse with him;* 2.209 but in great expectation of more ayde from the Welch, &c. whom he thought most doted on Monarchy.

* 2.210

[illustration] Astrological chart

King Charles his Standard first Sett up at Nottingham.

The Heralds or at least those who then w••re with the King were ignorant how and in what manner to set up the Stan∣dard Royall;* 2.211 they therefore hung it out in one of the Turrets or upper Roomes of Nottingham Castle within the Castle-wall. King Richard the third set up his Standard there, &c. His Ma∣jestie disliked his Standard was placed within the Castle; he said it was to be placed in an open place where all men that would might freely come unto it, and not in a Prison;* 2.212 they therefore carryed it at his Command without the Castle, towards or into the Parke there adjoyning, into an o∣pen place and easie of accesse. When they came to fix it in the ground, they perceived it was a meere rock of Stone, so

that they with Daggers and Knives made a small hole for the Standard to be put in; but all would not serve, Men were in∣forced for the present to support it with the strength of their armes and bodies,* 2.213 which gave great occasion unto some Gen∣tlemen there present to give a very sad judgment on the Kings side, and to Divine long before-hand that he would never doe any good by Armes. I have also heard that in eight or ten dayes he had not thirty attended the Standard or listed them∣selves.

* 2.214All the remainder of his life after this August 22. 1642. was a meere laborinth of sorrow, a continued and daily misfor∣tune, unto which it seemes Providence had ordained him from the very entrance of his Reigne. His Warres are wrote by severall learned hands, unto whom I referre the Reader: I shall onely repeat a few more things of him and then con∣clude.* 2.215 Favourites he had three, Buckingham stabd to death; William Laud, and Thomas Earle of Straford, both beheaded. Bishops and Clergy men, whom he most favoured and wholly advanced and occasionally ruined; he lived to see their Bishopricks sold,* 2.216 the Bishops themselves scorned, and all the whole Clergie of his party and opinion quite undone.

* 2.217The English Noble-men he cared not much for, but onely to serve his owne turnes by them; yet such as had the unhap∣pinesse to adventure their lives and fortunes for him, he lived to see them and their Families ruined onely for his sake; pit∣ty it is many of them had not served a more fortunate Master and one more gratefull.

The Scots his Country-Men, on whom he bestowed so ma∣ny favours, he lived to see them in Armes against himselfe; to sell him for more Money then the Jewes did Christ, and them∣selves to be handsomly routed and sold for Knaves and Slave. They made their best Market of him at all times, changing their affection with his fortune.

* 2.218The old Prince of Aurange he almost beggard, and yet to no purpose, the Parlament one time or other getting all Armes and Ammonition which ever came over unto him: Its con∣fidently

averred,* 2.219 if the King had become absolute here in Eng∣land, Aurange had been King, &c.

The Citie of London, which he had so sore oppressed and slighted; he lived to see thousands of them in Armes against him; and they to thrive and himselfe consume unto Nothing.* 2.220 The Parlament, which he so abhorred and formerly scorned; he lived to know was superiour unto him,* 2.221 and the scorns and slights he had used formerly to Elliott and others, he saw now returned upon himselfe in Folio.

With Spain he had no perfect Correspondency,* 2.222 since his being there, lesse after he suffered their Fleet to perish in his Havens; least of all, after he received an Embassadour from Portugall; the Spaniard ever upbraiding him with falshood and breach of promise. Indeed the Nativities of both Kings were very contrary.

With France he had no good amitie; the Protestants there abhorring his Legerdemaine and treachery unto Rochel;* 2.223 the Papists as little loving or trusting him, for some hard mea∣sure offered unto those of their Religion in England. He cun∣ningly would labour to please all, but in effect gave satisfa∣ction to none.

Denmarke* 2.224 could not endure him; sent him little or no assi∣stance, if any at all; besides, the old King suspected another matter; and made a Quaere in his Drinke?

The Swede* 2.225 extreamly complained of him for not perform∣ance of some secret Contract betwixt them, and uttered high words against him.

The Protestant PRINCES of Germany* 2.226 loathed his very name, &c.

The Portugall King and he had little to doe; yet in one of his owne Letters to the Queene; though he acknowledges the Portugals Curtesie unto him, yet saith, that he would give him an Answer unto a thing of Concernment that should signifie Nothing.

The Hollanders being onely courteous for their owne ends,* 2.227 and as farre as his Money would extend; furnished him with Armes at such Rates as a Turke might have had them else∣where;

but they neither loved or cared for him in his pros∣perity, or pittyed him in his adversity; which occasioned these words to drop from him,* 2.228 If he ere came to his Throne, he would make Hans Butter-box know, he should pay well for his Fishing, and satisfie for old Knaveries, &c.

* 2.229In conclusion, he was generally unfortunate in the World, in the esteeme both of Friends and Enemies; his Friends ex∣claime on his breach of Faith; his Enemies would say, He could never be fast enough Bound. He was more lamented as he was a King, then for any affection any had unto his person as a Man.

* 2.230He had severall opportunities offered him for his Restor∣ing: First, by severall Treaties, all ending in smoake, by his owne perversenesse. By severall opportunities and Victories which he prosecuted not. First, when Bristoll was cowardly surrendred by Fines; had he then come unto London all had been his own, but loytering to no purpose at Glocester, he was presently after well bang'd by Essex.

* 2.231When in the West, viz. Cornwall he worsted Essex; had he then immediately hasted to London, his Army had beene without doubt Masters of ••hat City; for Manchester was none of his E∣nemy at that time, though he was Generall of the Associated Counties.

Or had he ere the Scots came into England commanded New∣castle to have marched Southward for London, he could not have missed obtaining the City, and then the Worke had beene ended.

Or when in 1645. he had taken Leceister, if then he had speedily Marched for London, I know not who could have re∣sisted him; but his Campe was so over-charged with Plunder and Irish Whores, there was no Marching.

* 2.232Amongst many of his Misfortunes this I relate was not the least, viz. when the Parlament last time were to send him Pro∣positions unto the Isle of Wight, he had advice, &c. that the onely way, and that there was no other means remaining up∣on earth to make himselfe happy and settle a firme Peace be∣twixt himselfe and Parlament, and to bring him out of thral∣dome,

but by receiving our Commissioners civilly, to Signe what ••ver Propositions they brought, and above all, to make haste to London, and to doe all things speedily; he was willing and he promised fairly to performe thus much.* 2.233 Our Commis¦sioners were no sooner come, but one of them an old subtile Fox, had every night private and long Conference with him; to whom when his Majesty had communicated his intentions of signing the Propositions, he utterly disliked the Designe, and told him plainly, He should come unto his Parlament upon easier Termes; for he assured him, the House of Lords were wholly his and at his devotion. This old Man knew that well enough,* 2.234 himselfe being one of them; and in the House of Commons he had such a strong party, that the Propositions should be mitigated, and made more easie and more fit for him to Signe. Upon this, the old Lord was to be Treasurer* 2.235 apud Graecas Calendas, and a Cowardly Son of his Secretary of Estate. This was the last and greatest misfortune ever befell him, to be thus ruled and fool∣ed by that backsliding old Lord, who was never fortunate ei∣ther to Parlament or Commonwealth.* 2.236 But by this action and the like you may perceive how easily he was ever Convertible unto the worser advice; in like nature, the former time of Propositions sent unto him, when of himselfe he was incli∣nable to give the Parlament satisfaction unto their Proposi∣tions, the Scots Commissioners pretending what their cold af∣fectionate Country would doe for him; upon this their dis∣sembling, he had so little wit, as to slight the English and Con∣fide in the Scots, though he well knew they onely had been the sole meanes of ruining him and his Posterity by their jugling, selling and betraying him.* 2.237

Whilest he was in Prison at Carisbrooke Castle Horses were laid at severall Stages both in Sussex and Kent,* 2.238 purposely to have conveyed him to the Kentish Forces, and to have been in the Head of them, and with the revolted Ships, if he could have escaped; and he was so neer escaping, that his Legs and Bo∣dy even unto his Breast were out at the Window;* 2.239 but whe∣ther fear surprized him, or as he said himselfe he could not get his Body out at the Window being full chested; he tarri∣ed

behinde,* 2.240 &c. and escaped not. Many such Misfortunes attended him, so that one may truly say, he was Regum infoe∣licissimus. Some affirme before his Death severall Prodegies appeared, all I observed a long time before was, that there appeared almost in every year after 1644. severall Parelia or Mock-Suns; sometimes two, sometimes three. So also Mock-Moones or Paraselenes, which were the greatest Prodegies I ever observed or feared. He was beheaded January 30. 1648. the Figure of that Moment is as followeth.

[illustration] Astological chart

30. Ian: 1648/9 2••:^h 4. P M Exact tyme of the Kings Death

* 2.241KING CHARLES being Dead, and some foolish Citi∣zens going a whoring after his Picture or Image, formerly

set up in the old Exchange; the Parlament made bold to take it downe, and to engrave in its place these words:

Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus, Anno Liber∣tatis Angliae restitutae primo, Anno Dom. 1648. Jan. 30.

For my part I doe beleeve he was not the Worst, but the most unfortunate of Kings.

Many there are who have hardly censured the Par∣lament for cutting the KINGS Head off; but who∣soever shall read a Treatise written in defence of that Action by Master Goodwin, will receive plenary satis∣faction; and see that the Parlament did no other thing but Justice, and what in Conscience they were bound to, for preservation of this Commonwealth. The Booke it selfe is incomparably well penned, and unanswer∣able.

Notes

• * 2.1

  Died in a Cli∣mactericall yeare.
• * 2.2

  Well educated in his youth.
• * 2.3

  Noted to be wilfull. His Mother Queen Ann her presage of him.
• * 2.4

  Queen Ann of the Palsgrave.
• * 2.5

  Charles learn∣ed his book well.
• * 2.6

  Many good parts in the King.
• * 2.7

  Sr Robert Holborne of the King.
• * 2.8

  A great lover of the Queen.
• * 2.9

  His Letters to the Queen.
• * 2.10

  She thought him a dissem∣bler.
• * 2.11

  A provident Father for his Children.
• * 2.12

  An enemy to blood before the Wars.
• * 2.13

  A perfect friend where he tooke.
• * 2.14

  Ruined by his love to the Clergy.
• * 2.15

  Bishop Wrenn a pestilent fel∣low.
• * 2.16

  The King abu∣ses the Nobles.
• * 2.17

  Loved not the Law.
• * 2.18

  Cared not for the People.
• * 2.19

  His love or hate to the Ci∣tizens.
• * 2.20

  Likely to prove a Tyrant.
• * 2.21

  Rupert a young Tyrant.
• * 2.22

  Defect in the Kings speech.
• * 2.23

  He was cove∣tous.
• * 2.24

  Rewarded the vicious.
• * 2.25

  Called the Parlament Rebells.
• * 2.26

  Abuses the Lord Fairfax.
• * 2.27

  Rise of the Fa∣mily of the Stuarts.
• * 2.28

  Judgment in Physiognomy.
• * 2.29

  A selfe-ended Man.
• * 2.30

  Ill Characters of him.
• * 2.31

  A uncertain Prince.
• * 2.32

  His feares of a Parlament.
• * 2.33

  Grants a Tri∣enniall Parla∣ment.
• * 2.34

  The King ne∣cessi••ated to call this Par∣lament.
• * 2.35

  The late Book under the Kings name, forged, not his.
• * 2.36

  Not sorrowfull for the slaugh∣ter of his people.
• * 2.37

  Two examples thereof.
• * 2.38

  A story of a Parlaments Soldier abused.
• * 2.39

  Great courage of the Soldier even just be∣fore his death.
• * 2.40

  The King hard hearted.
• * 2.41

  Temperate in his diet.
• * 2.42

  Sober in his appa ell.
• * 2.43

  Not very vi∣tious, nor ver∣tuous.
• * 2.44

  Built the Royall Sove∣raigne.
• * 2.45

  His wise say∣ing about that Ship.
• * 2.46

  Chappell at Sommerset-house.
• * 2.47

  The King not blameable for writing to the Pope.
• * 2.48

  Ambitious, set forward for Spaine, no ho∣nour by that journey.
• * 2.49

  Buckingham his favorite.
• * 2.50

  Kings journey censured.
• * 2.51

  King James death. Plague in London.
• * 2.52

  The Queens comming over.
• * 2.53

  The King married.
• * 2.54

  Reasons of the Parlaments dissolving.
• * 2.55

  King James poisoned by a Plaster.
• * 2.56

  The King refu∣seth to question his Fathers death, is there∣fore suspected guilty himselfe.
• * 2.57

  The King Crowned.
• * 2.58

  A Parlament Mountague questioned.
• * 2.59

  The Bishops fawning fel∣lowes.
• * 2.60

  Buckingham and Bristoll at odds.
• * 2.61

  Diggs and El∣liot committed.
• * 2.62

  Parlament dissolved.
• * 2.63

  Tilley over∣throws the K••ng of Den∣mark.
• * 2.64

  Isle of Re bu∣sinesse.
• * 2.65

  Buckingham excused for our losse of men in the Isle of Re.
• * 2.66

  The truth of that d••feat, & who was faulty.
• * 2.67

  Buckingham his offer.
• * 2.68

  Courtney the cause of our losse.
• * 2.69

  Crosby his good service.
• * 2.70

  Courtney ve∣ry strangly pre∣served.
• * 2.71

  The Kings love to Bucking∣ham.
• * 2.72

  Rochell busi∣nesse.
• * 2.73

  The King the onely cause of its losing.
• * 2.74

  S^r. John Pen∣nington his gallantry. Scornes the French prof∣fers.
• * 2.75

  All French Protestants hate the King.
• * 2.76

  An other Par∣lament called.
• * 2.77

  Buckingham and Laud que∣stioned.
• * 2.78

  Buckingham stabd to death.
• * 2.79

  The King not moved at it, seizeth his Ca∣binet.
• * 2.80

  Nothing amen∣ded after Buc∣kinghams death.
• * 2.81

  An apparition before the Dukes death.
• * 2.82

  A Daemon ap∣peares to Par∣ker, relating the Dukes death.
• * 2.83

  Speakes to Parker.
• * 2.84

  Who forbeares to acquaint the Duke.
• * 2.85

  The Daemon appeares againe.
• * 2.86

  Parker re∣solves to tell the Duke.
• * 2.87

  Speakes with the Duke.
• * 2.88

  Who laughed at it.
• * 2.89

  Yet at last amazed.
• * 2.90

  The Daemon appeares again to Parker.
• * 2.91

  Parker again acquaints the Duke.
• * 2.92

  Parker dies.
• * 2.93

  King of Scot∣land born.
• * 2.94

  Many supposed there had ap∣peared a new Starre at his birth, whereas it was the Planet Venus, who is usually seen in the day time.

  The Eclips was the Mon∣day following. The King in danger of drowning.
• * 2.95

  Faction in the Court.
• * 2.96

  Ship-money.
• * 2.97

  Generally mis∣liked.
• * 2.98

  Voted down in Parlament.
• * 2.99

  Disturbance in Scotland about the ser∣vice Booke.
• * 2.100

  New tumults in Scotland.
• * 2.101

  Queen Mo∣ther comes over.
• * 2.102

  Received ci∣villy by the King.
• * 2.103

  Some people naturally un∣luckly.
• * 2.104

  Indeavours to dissolve the as∣sembly in Scotland.
• * 2.105

  The Scots raise an Army.
• * 2.106

  Our Priests are angry.
• * 2.107

  Much money borrowed on particular men.
• * 2.108

  The King raises an Army.
• * 2.109

  E. of Arundell Generall.
• * 2.110

  The English like not the War.
• * 2.111

  The Priests do.
• * 2.112

  Peace con∣cluded.
• * 2.113

  The King greedy of a peace.
• * 2.114

  Arundells speech to the Scots.
• * 2.115

  King Charles his rashnesse.
• * 2.116

  English No∣bles dis∣pleased.
• * 2.117

  Eclips of the Sunne 1639.
• * 2.118

  The day of the Eclips very cold.
• * 2.119

  Clergy threat∣ned by the E∣clips.
• * 2.120

  Treachery to the King.
• * 2.121

  Eclips porten∣ded ill to Spain the reason why. Spanish Fleet defeated.
• * 2.122

  His Majesty vindicated of a slander.
• * 2.123

  Story of the 8000. Spani∣ards.
• * 2.124

  Bishops th••ust out of Scotland
• * 2.125

  Sco••s in Arms.
• * 2.126

  A Parliament called:
• * 2.127

  Diss••lved.
• * 2.128

  Sawcinesse of the Scot, who enter England
• * 2.129

  Obtaine New∣castle.
• * 2.130

  English will not fight.
• * 2.131

  The Priests willing and forward.
• * 2.132

  The Episcopall War with the Scots.
• * 2.133

  Bishop Wrenn a busie Priest.
• * 2.134

  Abuses the Gentry.
• * 2.135

  Laud his judg∣ment of Wrenn
• * 2.136

  The Londo∣ners tormented by one Phillips neere this yeer.
• * 2.137

  The noble per∣formances of the Londone••s in Ireland.
• * 2.138

  Abused and fi∣ned in the Star chamber
• * 2.139

  Loose their Land in Ire∣land.
• * 2.140

  Will not assist against the Scots.
• * 2.141

  The Eclips not the cause of evill, but a signe to shew the evill.
• * 2.142

  Another Parla∣ment call••d.
• * 2.143

  Deputy of Ire∣land sent for.
• * 2.144

  A Man of rare parts.
• * 2.145

  Poy••oned with Preferment.
• * 2.146

  People in love with Parlame.
• * 2.147

  decline the King
• * 2.148

  Straford accu∣sed.
• * 2.149

  Sentenced to dye.
• * 2.150

  The King signs a Warrant for his death.
• * 2.151

  Accused for it.
• * 2.152

  Who invited the Scots to come into Eng∣land.
• * 2.153

  Scots depart England.
• * 2.154

  The King goes into Scotland.
• * 2.155

  Queen Mother goes out of England.
• * 2.156

  The King loves not Arundell.
• * 2.157

  Is unthankfull to him; takes part w••th a Priest against him.
• * 2.158

  Arundels no∣ble and stout Speech to the King.
• * 2.159

  The Kings an∣swer to him.
• * 2.160

  Arundell dyes at Padua.
• * 2.161

  A very gallant Man.
• * 2.162

  Irish Rebellion
• * 2.163

  Irish Nobles all naught, but a few.
• * 2.164

  Whether the King gave Commission for Massacre of the English.
• * 2.165

  Cleared of that aspersion.
• * 2.166

  The King ten∣der to the Irish Rebels, cals th••m Irish Subject••, not Rebels.
• * 2.167

  Seizeth cloaths and Money the Parlament were sending thither.
• * 2.168

  Is entertained by the Londo∣ners.
• * 2.169

  Gives them good words.
• * 2.170

  Tels the Parla¦ment all is qui¦et in Scotland
• * 2.171

  Miseries of this Nation begin 1641.
• * 2.172

  King and Par∣lament disagree
• * 2.173

  Hath a Guard
• * 2.174

  People begin to feare.
• * 2.175

  King intends a War.
• * 2.176

  A sawcy Citi∣zen corrected too severely neer White-Hall.
• * 2.177

  Quality of the Citizens who flocked to West¦minster.
• * 2.178

  They had suffe∣red under Bi∣shops and were honest men.
• * 2.179

  How the nams of Roundhead and Cavalier begun.
• * 2.180

  The Citizens much a••used all Ki. Charles reigne.
• * 2.181

  The King ne∣ver performed his promise.
• * 2.182

  Private consul¦tations at Court
• * 2.183

  The King rash∣ly enters the house of Com∣mons.
• * 2.184

  Demands five Members.
• * 2.185

  He had no evi∣dence against them.
• * 2.186

  His cruelty to Elliot a Parla∣ment man.
• * 2.187

  His attendants did no affront at Westminst.
• * 2.188

  This attempt the losse of his Crown.
• * 2.189

  The Kings re∣putation lost.
• * 2.190

  Next day ••rots into the City, demands the Members there
• * 2.191

  The Author of the late Kings Booke a lyer.
• * 2.192

  The King not affronted in the City.
• * 2.193

  Goodnesse of the Citizens and faithful∣nesse to the Parlament.
• * 2.194

  The five Mem¦bers brought to the Parlament.
• * 2.195

  Saylors their love to the Par¦lament.
• * 2.196

  The King cal∣led the Sea-men Water Rots
• * 2.197

  In haste and anger leaves White-Hall.
• * 2.198

  Goes into York¦shire.
• * 2.199

  Is not admit∣ted into Hull. Sr. Jo. Hotham keeps it for the Parlament.
• * 2.200

  Earle of War∣wick gets it for the Parlament
• * 2.201

  Lord and Com∣mons flye to Yorke.
• * 2.202

  Essex rema••nes at London: is made Generall of the Parlame. Forces.
• * 2.203

  The hand of God in it.
• * 2.204

  Few Noblemen good or fit to be trusted.
• * 2.205

  The Citizens List many Soul¦diers under Es∣sex.
• * 2.206

  Parlament Ar∣my had many a false Knave in it the first Ex∣pedition.
• * 2.207

  Parlament Pro∣mise largely. Plate and Mo∣ney come in a pace for service of Parlament.
• * 2.208

  His Majesty did want pro∣visions of Arms
• * 2.209

  His Standard set up at Not∣tingham.
• * 2.210

  Standard set up un∣der an ill positure of Heaven.
• * 2.211

  The King hath more wit then his Heralds.
• * 2.212

  Removes his Standard.
• * 2.213

  Few list them∣selves for the King.
• * 2.214

  After 1642. the King had no good dayes.
• * 2.215

  His three Fa∣vourites end all untimely.
• * 2.216

  Bishops ruined.
• * 2.217

  He cared not for the Nobles of England.
• * 2.218

  He beggard Aurange.
• * 2.219

  Its pitty Au∣rang lived not to master the Jew Holander
• * 2.220

  The Londoner
• * 2.221

  The Parlame. superior to the King.
• * 2.222

  He cared not for the Spani∣ards, or they for him.
• * 2.223

  France cares not for him.
• * 2.224

  Denmarke.
• * 2.225

  Swede.
• * 2.226

  Princes of Ger¦many:
• * 2.227

  The Hollander no better then Turkes.
• * 2.228

  He cares not for them.
• * 2.229

  An unfortu∣nate Man.
• * 2.230

  Several oppor∣tunities offered for his restor∣ing: all lost.
• * 2.231

  Manchester no enemy to the King.
• * 2.232

  His last mis∣fortune.
• * 2.233

  Some of our Commissioners at Carisbrook Juglers.
• * 2.234

  A false old Lord
• * 2.235

  to be Treasurer
• * 2.236

  The King con∣vertible to ill advice.
• * 2.237

  The Scots sell the Divell for Money.
• * 2.238

  A strange op∣portunity lost.
• * 2.239

  Some Parlame. men had a hand in this busines.
• * 2.240

  Parelia or mock-suns ap∣peare.
• * 2.241

  Some Citizens whore after his Image at the Exchange.