The compleat tradesman, or, The exact dealers daily companion: instructing him throughly in all things absolutely necessary to be known by all those who would thrive in the world and in the whole art and mystery of trade and traffick : and will be of constant use for all [brace] merchants, whole-sale men, shopkeepers, retailers, young tradesmen, countrey-chapmen, industrious yeomen, traders in petty villages, and all farmers and others that go to countrey fairs and markets, and for all men whatsoever that be of any trade, or have any considerable dealings in the world / composed by N.H., merchant in the city of London.

THE COMPLEAT Tradesman: OR, THE EXACT DEALERS Daily Companion.

Instructing him throughly in all things ab∣solutely Necessary to be known by all those who would thrive in the World; and in the whole ART and MYSTERY Of TRADE and TRAFFICK; and will be of constant USE For all

• MERCHANTS,
• WHOLE-SALE-MEN,
• SHOP-KEEPERS,
• RETAILERS,
• YOUNG TRADESMEN,
• COUNTREY-CHAPMEN,
• INDUSTRIOUS YEOMEN,
• TRADERS in Petty Villages;
• And all FARMERS,

AND Others that go to Countrey FAIRS and MAR∣KETS; and for all Men whatsoever, that be of any TRADE, or have any considerable Dealings in the WORLD.

Composed by N. H. Merchant in the City of London

The Second Edition with large Additions.

LONDON, Printed for John Dunton, at the Black Ra∣ven, at the Corner of Princes-street, near the Roy∣al-Exchange. 1684.

TO THE MERCHANTS Wholesale-men, Shop-keepers, and Handycrafts-men of the CITY of LONDON, AND Elsewhere throughout the Kingdom OF ENGLAND.

Gentlemen, and much respected Friends,

I Have endeavoured in this Manual to avoid Prolixi∣ty, and to omit no Remarkables, as far as my designed brevity would admit; intending rather a Com∣pendium of the whole Art and Mystery of Trade and Traffick, than a Voluminous Treatise, which would have been too large for a Pocket Companion.

What lay scattered in divers Volumes, are reduced (in a method wholly new) under their proper Heads, briefly, yet (I hope) not obscurely. I have intermixt many new things, which fell within my own observation

(or my Friends) respecting Trade and Commerce, some of which were never to my knowledg I am sure, ne∣ver in this Method) Published. It is said, That

Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile Dulci:

If that be not done here, yet it is an Essay of that kind, being a mixture, wherein with great variety things high∣ly and daily useful for all manner of Traders, are inter∣woven with delightful observations. And if there be any mistakes or imperfections, which all Men are liable to, upon any Information (which shall be thankfully resen∣ted) it may be capable of rectifying hereafter.

Gentlemen,

In Erecting such a troublesome and various Edifice, the Spectator, at first view, will hardly conceive how much pains was bestowed in digging the Foundation, in raising Scaffolds, in finding, conveighing, and fitting Materials, in contriving the Architecture, in removing the Rubbish, &c. Other Builders, consult only their own Brains, and the Dead; (that is, Books) whereunto access may be had at all Hours: But in this Work, the Living, and the choicest among them, where to be advised with; whereof some were far distant, others seldom at leisure; some unwilling to Communicate their Knowledge, others not at all affable.

However, If the Reader, reaping in few Minutes, the Fruits of many Hours Labour, shall receive any Content, I shall not only be satisfied for this, but encou∣raged for another like Enterprize.

N. H.

THE Compleat Tradesman, &c.

CHAP. I. Of Industry, and Trade in General.

THE happiness and welfare of all People arises, by having or acquiring, through some Industry or other, such convenien∣cy of Lively-hood, as may not only keep them from Want and Poverty, but render them plea∣sant and sociable to one another; this holds both in private Persons and Families, and also in Bodies Politick: that they may be able to grow and flourish, at least bear up against the Malignity of Enemies, and adverse Fortune.

Now Money being the common receipt, and stan∣dard of all the World, as to commerce and commu∣nity one with another, that Nation that hath most Money, or Goods Money-worth, must needs be most substantial and wealthy.

And Money is gotten either naturally, by digging it out of the Mines, or else by Trade and Manufa∣ctury, supplying those which have Money with such things as they want: and so fetching of it to us by Merchandise. They first way we want, the having of it in the Mine, and therefore must have recourse to

the second, of Trade, Manufacture, and things Mo∣ney-worth.

Wherefore we ought to furnish our selves, within our selves, of as many needs of life as may be, by Manufactures, and all Husbandries whatsoever, that our Country will make or bear, and want as few as we can, so shall less Money serve our turn, and yet we have store of Money by making and producing those things that draw in Money continually.

But Money is chiefly gain'd by Trade and making store of Manufactures, which other Nations want; and improving of our Ground with variety of Hus∣bandry Commodities, and to furnish them with such of our Productions; for we ought to supply our selves within our selves, that we need few Foreign things, and make as many Commodities at home as possible, that Foreigners want, and so export it to them.

For England is properly a Nation of Trade, and extreamly well situated for Commerce, and the Inhabitants Ingenious, and fit for it, if encouraged: also furnisht within it self with store of Materials, which are the grounds of Trade.

But being an Island, and independent from our Neighbours, the less War, and more Peace we have, the better; for Conquest of unprofitable Countries help us not, but hinder us; are chargeable, and waste our People: Our business is to keep at unity with our selves, and enjoy a free Trade; keeping only some Forts and Islands in profitable Places, whereby we become Masters of Trade.

Also such Laws might be made and contrived for the encouragement of Trade and Manufactures, that without cost or charge Industry would increase, ma∣ny particular Arts rise of themselves, and Riches be produced of course. The chief things that promote

Trade, and make it flourish, are, that it be free, Naturalization, Populacy, Comprehension, freedom from Arrests, certainty of Property, and freedom from Arbitrary power, small Customs; all conveniency and advantages for Trading People; Loans of Interest, publick places of Charity for all wanting and distressed People, and also Imployments ready for all persons that want it: The more strict also Laws are against grand Vices, the more Seriousness, Learning, and Trade will flourish.

It would be for the advantage of Trade, that what∣ever Apprentice had served his time in one Corpora∣tion, should be free of any.

CHAP. II. Directions for the well managing a Trade.

THE first is, Depute not another to do that busi∣ness which thou thy self canst effect; for he that hath a Mouth of his own, must not say to another blow: nor is it probable that another should concern himself in thy affairs as thy self, who feeling where the Shoe wrings thee, art not only more active by the present smart, but more sensible to which part to apply a Remedy. And if those whom thou em∣ployest be negligent, thy business is undone; if dili∣gent, thy business in a short time becomes theirs; and like the Mayors of the Palace in France, and the Sultans in Egypt, they set up for themselves, and thrust out their Masters, while they mind their ease

and give up their Affairs to be managed by others And to give you a clear sight how much this matter doth concern you: I'ill tell you a true Story, and leave you to think on't. There was a Gentleman in Surrey that had Land worth two hundred Pounds per annum; which he kept in his own hands? but running out every year, he was necessitated to sell half of it to pay his Debts, and Lett the rest to a Far∣mer for One and Twenty Years. Before that Term was expired, the Farmer one Day bringing his Rent, ask'd him if he would sell his Land? Why, saith he, would you buy it? if it please you, saith the Farmer. How? saith he, that's strange! Tell me how this comes to pass, That I could not live upon twice as much, though 'twere my own; and your upon the one half thereof, though you have paid Rent for't, are able to buy it? O Sir, saith the Farmer, but two words made the difference; you said Go, and I say Come. What's the meaning of that? saith the Gentleman. Replies the Farmer; You lay in Bed, or took your pleasure, and sent others about your Busi∣ness: And I rose betimes and saw my Business done my self.

And therefore to this we may well add the consi∣deration of that old English Proverb;

He that will Thrive, Must rise by Five.

And that other to the same purpose:

He that lies long in Bed, his Estate feels it.

For doubtless, those young Men who must build up their own Fortunes, had need be early at it. It

being not only true, Aurora Musis Amica, but as true that for all Business, and in all Countries the Sun riseth in the Morning, Occasion then combining her Head, and putting the Lock of successful Opportu∣nity into your hand. And therefore Solomon is so positive, that the Sluggard shall be clothed with Rags. And a more unthrifty Generation the World surely scarce ever knew, than those our Days afford, who sit up to play till Midnight, and lye in Bed till Noon the next Day; who give so large an evidence what consequences follow thence; being as bare of Money for the most part, as the Lybian Desarts of Water∣springs, or he that is broke of Friends.

In the next place, be not advised to engage in too many Businesses, lest some Irons burn; nor in too great Affairs, lest thy loss prove irreparable: Re∣membring that in a great River Fish is to be found; but then take heed you be not drown'd: For great Undertakers are like Forelorn Hopes; Aut Caesar, aut Nullus: and in desperate Casts, 'tis very great odds if they trhow not Ams Ace. And on the other hand, many Businesses are like the King of Spains Do∣minions, that lye so far asunder, the charge of kee∣ping them eats out the profit. So that there are very few who thus engage themselves, but have by experi∣ence found, That Man disquieteth himself in vain. I once my self, to my no small loss, had concerns with a person involv'd in much business, of whom it may seem that Speech was not meant, In the sweat of thy brows thou shalt eat bread; for he sweat till he was ready to starve, working himself by a World of Busi∣ness out of many Thousands, till at last he was ne∣cessitated to take harbour in a Prison.

But certainly, as 'tis an happiness to have our busi∣ness within our reach, so is it no less to be our selves

without the reach of business, I mean to be so much in our own power, as not to be perplext with our concerns, but do our duty in that way wherein God's provi∣dence hath placed us with all our might, and leave the whole success to him that doth dispose all things as he will, and frequently effects things happy for us, by those very means which did molest and grieve us. Thus is the prison made a step to raise up Joseph to be Lord of Egypt; and so Rome's burning by the Gauls, was but the demolishing of Shepherds Cottages, that they might be chang'd into much more stately and mag∣nificent Structures. So that in truth, we know not what we should be pleased at most, or troubled, what to refuse or what desire: When our Wishes many times do prove our Ruine; and as the Satyrist ob∣served.

Evertere domos totas optantibus ipsis, Dii faciles.

For our Prosperity not seldom doth undo us; and 'tis the peculiar praise of Vespatian, that he only, of all the Princes that went before him, was the better for reigning. And I think we can hardly parallel him with any that came after him, unless it be our Henry the Fifth. 'Tis therefore excellent, and much more conducing to our Peace, to entertain Occurrents with indifference, as in uncertainty to give our judg∣ment of them, whether they're good or hurtful to us: (And like the Hollanders, who though the greatest Traders in the World, and most industrious, yet Starda saith of them, and he an Enemy, That what∣soever Gain or Loss befalls them, they pass it by with such a little sence of joy or grief; Vt alienis in∣teresse non sua curare credas, You'ld think they were

but only Lookers on of others business, and not con∣cerned in it as their own.

Let me offer this also to your practice, that you be cunning and honest; which agrees with our Sa∣viours Directions, Be ye wise as Serpents, and innocent as Doves; for that cunning which hath no respect to Right, is like dealing i•• Fire-works, or working in a Mine, whereby the Enemy is not always endama∣ged, but the Wise are often taken in their own Craf∣tiness. If Men be disposed like that Roxelana, to be wittily wicked, the Devil that old Serpent and Deceiver, will furnish them with Arts; but he com∣monly deals with them as he doth with Witches, with whom he always plays a slippery trick, in the Conclusion; and they whose whole Life was but a Cheat, are cheated themselves most miserable at the last. For in the observation which I have made, I never knew any of these Craft-masters that in the winding up of their Affairs came out as they went in; but like the subtil Chymists, with their Policies and Tricks, when they look for Gold, are blown up in Dust, or like the Politick Count S. Paul, in the time of Lewis the Eleventh, who spun so fine a Thread of subtil Con∣trivances between: that King and Charles the Warlike Duke of Burgundy, that while he was trusted nei∣ther by the one nor the other; the end of his Cun∣ning was his own Confusion. When on the other hand, Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for the end of that man is Peace. GOD giving his Blessing to the Honestly-wise, and prospering those Designs; which like the quiet Herd, lye in the Pail of Integrity, when that Rambling Deer, whom no Fence of Equity holds, is in continual fear, and proves a lean poor Rascal.

CHAP. III. Directions to young Shopkeepers, and others Tradesmen, about their setting up in the World when they come out of their Apprentiships.

MY First Advice to you, as to this is, That you look upon this Business, as that which de∣serves much Avice. There being; not a few, who by their haste and precipitation in this affair, have ruined their fortunes: and while they have been weary of being Servants, have made themselves in a short time perpetual Slaves to indulgence and want. For if having once set up, you then mis∣carry, it proves like blasting of a young Sprout, which if if not thereby utterly killed, yet becomes so checkt and dejected, that it never attains a fresh and flourishing condition after. It concerns you therefore to look before you leap, and not to be in∣duced by the Name of a Master, and a Shop, to skip into that in haste, from whence you will be shortly ••urned out with shame.

It hath been observed, that they seldom prove well; who set up young; that Age being for the most part precipitate, and forwarder to do, than to consider, and also apt to pre-occupy the success of things, by a too promising hope: and like young Setters, to set an Haunt instead of a Covie; where∣by they are many times grosly abused, and err at such a rate, as admits of (only if any; yet) a dif∣ficult recovery. Whereas those that like bobbed

Partridges have been ruft in the Net of deception; by what they have observed at others charge, are much more wary and cautious, of being again tra∣panned. Besides, Age doth give a natural alloy, like a Bartholomew-dew, cooling the immoderate heat and rashness of younger years.

It is therefore taken notice of, that young Men do then prosper best, when they have either served as Journey men unto some wary Stagers; or have the happiness to be taken in as Partners unto such, whereby, as Bears by their grown Cubs, they are taught to catch the Prey with the greatest cleverness and certainty, and with the least hazard.

'Tis not amiss here also to admonish you, that great Rents have very often broke the back of young beginners; who before they could get acquaintance, and gain custom to defray the charge of so great ex∣pence, are drain'd dry, to the very vital Blood, and experienc'd, like a Candle for want of Fat, to feed the the Fire on't: Consider therefore, that Omne prin∣cipium est debile; and the strongest Man was at first but Punctum tacens, such a small matter as could hard∣ly be discerned; and 'tis wisdom to dispose all thy projects in a proportion to that infirmity: For he that arms himself beyond his own dimensions, is in∣cumbred with his own Furniture, and commonly falls the more ridiculous subject of others scorn and triumph. Be therefore advised to begin warily, having as the first, so the last game to play; and as one jested, it being all one, and one all; it concerns you so to dispose it, as may admit of the least hazard.

Nor is it less good counsel to begin low, according to the advice of the Country-man, to eat your brown Bread first: If there were no other reason, at least, because 'tis shameful to come lower. And experi∣ence

tells us, that the Bullock which hath been fed with Hay, will almost starve before it will be kept withstraw: for though there be nothing more easie than to come down, so there's nothing more difficult than to bring our minds to it.

But further, as those structures which are raised highest, have always their foundations laid lowest; so you can hardly instance in any great estate, whose beginning was not with such a providence, as consulted for mean things. And this doubtless may be rendred as the principal cause, so that very few of those prove successful, who have been furnish'd cut into the World plentifully by their friends: for building thereupon with too much confidence, they set out at such a rate, as before they have run far, breaks their Wind; whereas they who come forth un∣der-hatcht, conscious of their own infirmity, ride with a strait hand, and if they were wise; put not into a gallop, till their Wind be well rack'd: and by that means prove of good Spur-mettle to the last.

And therefore do not settle thy self in a great House, for it is much better the House would be too little for a day, than too big for a year; there being not on∣ly the inconvenience of much Repair (for a great body must be plentifully maintained) but there is a kind of inclination which it begets of costliness and expence, when the mind runs upon the knack of U∣niformity, and the Spanish Fashion is thought ugly, with the huge Doublet and scanty Breeches. Besides, a great House must have great Furniture; and the Costliness of Housholdstuff is as great a Vanity as can lightly come under your Consideration; for Money laid out in this respect, is not only buried without profit, but is diminish'd da••ly; for Housholdstuff is dear to buy, and cheap to sell, and herein, if in

any thing, you may quickly bring a Noble to Nine∣pence. And there is another inconvenience in't; for this expence doth usually befall the young Begin∣ners, when the Wives portion is newly received, and the Bride that so lately was, must be humour'd in Housholdstuff corresponding to the Wedding-Clothes; though then Money in the Purse be as ne∣cessary as Blood in the Veins: and to be lavish of that in the furnishing of an House, where it lies dead and turns to no profit, is like the humour of Tavern∣keepers, who hang out a brave Sign on the out-side that cost many pounds, and have Wine within would poyson an Horse; whereas were that Money laid out on choice Liquor, the good Wine would need no Bush.

CHAP. IV. The Rules to be observed by all Tradesmen, in the fair and honest Buying and Selling of Commodities.

EVery man knoweth, that in the buying and selling of Commodities, there is an estimation and price demanded and agreed upon between both Parties ac∣cording to a certain equality in the value of things, permuted by a true reason grounded upon the com∣modious use of things: So that Equality is nothing else but a mutual voluntary estimation of things made in good order and truth, wherein Inequality is not ad∣mitted or known. And the seller is to sell his Wares according to the common estimation and course, at

such time as he shall think convenient, unless it be for Victuals or Munition, wherein necessity compelleth him to sell for the general good, by the interposition of the Magistrates, by whose authority he can observe no time, but must sell, taking a reasonable gain for the same: for the estimation is also the greater upon such occasions and accidents, when the selling of a thing is not according to the goodliness of the nature of the thing, but rather according to the usefulness of it to Mankind: and therein the condition of the thing is to be considered, which may decay and be subject to corruption in quantity, quality, and substance, or which is not subject thereunto.

True it is, That there can be no rule prescribed or taught how to buy and sell, which is lawful and un∣lawful, or just and unjust, by any wise man whatso∣ever; because the Children of this Age are wiser than the Children of Light in their Generation and Calling. Which is the cause that some Divines having written hereof, do proceed with great moderation, obser∣ving that the transferring of things from one owner to another, is effected five manner of ways by private persons.

1. First by Donation, which is altogether of free gift, according to the saying recorded, Luke 16. Mutuum date, nihil inde sperantes.

2. By Permutation, Do ut des, I give because you should give; as the Proverb is,

Si mihi des, tibi do, si nil des, nil tibi reddo; Hoc verbum do, das, nutrit amicitias,

3. By Emption, or buying of things.

4. By Vendition, or selling of things.

5. By actual mutation, or mutual giving or lending of monies.

And in buying and selling of things there are re¦quired eleven necessary conditions: First, a consent in the selling: Secondly a power to sell, the like in the buyer: Thirdly and Fourthly, consent and pow∣er: Fifthly and Sixthly, some conditions on either side, agreeing in the transferring of the thing.: Se∣venthly, that the same be honest: Eighthly, also law∣ful: Ninthly and Tenthly, to be without unreasona∣ble conditions, to buy and sell the same again: Ele∣venthly, that it be an absolute irrevocable bargain. And herein is the Law of Nature to be regarded and observed, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris, or do as you would be done to. Yet if I have occasion to buy that which another is about to buy, it is lawful and just for me to buy the same.

But to avoid suspition in selling justly or unjustly, three things are required. First, the Buyer to be ex∣pert in the Commodities he buyeth. Secondly, that he be not too needy, or constrained to buy. And Thirdly, that perswasive reasons be omitted, which cause the party to buy dearer.

The Civilians (affirming that probality to prove the estimation of a thing is sufficient, whether it be more or less worth) do admit that a man may sell dearer unto an expert man, that unto a simple man; and to sell dearer than the thing is worth by common estimation, is adjudged by them to be always unjust: as also to use reasons and inducements to sell Wares the dearer; neither is the seller to demand or expect any thing above the price agreed upon, and in treat∣ing hereof they make large discourses, which I do o∣mit to handle, for the reasons aforesaid.

Buying and selling say they, is done two manner of ways. First, that the thing be so bought, that all power of pretence be avoided, which is giving a thing

at a certain price for a thing: Secondly, that the thing sold be as a gift for that price, which in substance may be said to be a plain absolute and lawful bar∣gain, sold as we say, in open Market or Shop, in∣somuch that there be not a Curtain to hide the Com∣modity so bought and sold: Howbeit in all Fairs and Markets in the parts beyond the Seas, a Tradesman•• Shop and a Merchants Warehouse is taken to be pub∣lick and open at the appointed times.

They have also determined, that a seller may not demand a greater price for the forbearance of his payment of satisfaction of the thing, but he may well diminish the price, if the buyer do satifie him the sooner, and before the time of payment, by way of an∣ticipation, which nevertheless resteth in his own pow∣er to accept thereof, or to expect the time. But this is commonly done, not by abating of the price of the Com∣modity, because Money hath made a certainty of the total sum of the said Commodity, but by allowance or deduction of the Interest of the said Money, for the time to come and unexpired, according as they make their agreement of the price of Interest.

To conclude, the premises touching, buying and selling, we find, that no man in selling any Wares is bound to declare, whether any quantity of the like Wares are to be had or expected, when he selleth.

CHAP. V. The Compleat House-keeper, or Directions to all Trades∣men, for the well and cheap ordering their Domestick Affairs; that they may the better thrive in their Callings.

AND the first shall be to avoid those hangers on, that are the Flies which attend the Flesh of others Tables, and requite you with their Maggots;

such as your Chare-women, and men at a call, who make it their work to rob you under a finer notion than that of plain stealing; or at best, like those Beg∣gars who give you an half-farthing Wand, that they may receive your two pence. Such as these shall your Servants have to serve their turn with a wet fing∣er; and pay them largely, not with their own Mo∣ther; but your Meat: which if you connive at, they praise you highly, and you are their very good Ma∣ster: and when they have undone you, shall do you this kidness, to say 'tis pity, For you were no Bodies Foe but your own.

Yet think not much to be free in the relief of those you know to be poor, and labour with industry to get their own Livings: For Alms to the idle, is like Grease to a Cart-Wheel, which makes it go round the easier, but still upon the same Axle; whereas supply to those who are wanting, yet laborious, or impo∣tently necessitous, is a debt due to their want; yet of that nature, that while we pay what is their due, God accepts it as a Loan, and hath put himself under an Obligation to make Repayment. And truly I have observed, that while I have known many undo themselves with riotous House-keeping, entertaining needless Guests and Idle Bellies; I could never yet meet with any, who could say, he was the poorer, nay not the richer, for such Acts of Charity as were done to the Needy: But that such distributions, like the Loaves of our Saviour among the four thousand, leave behind them more baskets of Fragments, for the Heirs to give away, than the principal was in quantity, which the Father so expended.

Yet let me tell you, 'tis no wisdom to make your Servants your Almoners; and allow them the liberty of disposing your Charity; for one hand to give is e∣nough

in a Purse. And that Charity is the best which hath the Spirit of discerning; and like that Boy gives Hony to the Bees, but hath a Whip to drive away the Drones.

Be here advised too, not to be given to the hu∣mour of costly entertainments. For I have often seen that men of that fancy have inverted the Kallen∣der, and have found their Fasts after their Festivals; who, when they have spent all, have been as wel∣come to their Guests, as a former Wives old Clothes to a new married Bride. Besides, the Obligation which you lay by your Cost on those which are en∣tertained, is for the most part as far below it, as the Church of St. Faith's is beneath Paul's Steeple. For the most at such encounters are more concern'd to censure your expence, then acknowledge your kindness and generally jeer at some things you might fail in, rather than fairly accept what you courteously intended.

But the entertainment of great Persons is a greater vanity: For such think they oblige you, in doing you the honour to eat up vour Cheer; which to them which fare sumptuously every day, is scarce look't upon as extraordinary; so that instead of accepting your civility, they resent it as an affront that it was no richer; and what shall be indeed profusion in you, will be lookt upon but as the Wrens pissing in the Sea to them.

But what I have here said of entertainment, I in∣tend not of such as are accidentally Guests, Persons that come to visit in kindness: For unto such as these entertainment is due, and ought to be free, and pro∣portioned to the quality of the Persons concerned, with that heartiness and plenty, as may abundantly speak for you, that they are welcome: And in very

deed, such intercourses as these, are necessary to pre∣serve a mutual Friendship, and keep alive the remem∣brance, or that Kindred and Relation, which other∣wise, like unremoved Legs, would grow into the Earth which at first begat them.

But what House soever you keep when Friends are with you, let your ordinary and private fare be never costly; but such, as though the best in its kind, yet plain and wholsome; to fortifie Nature, and nourish, not to tickle the Palate: For the Bit that one eats makes no Friend: For to please the dainty Tooth, is an ex∣pensive humour, and doubles that charge which House-keeping bringeth; while the sauce is more than the Meat; and 'tis as dear to Cook a Dish, as to pro∣vide it. And verily the vanity of some deserves our wonder, who are of that Heliogabalian Stomach, to which nothing doth relish which is not dear, and fan∣cy Fish most when farthest from shore; then onely loving Pease, when they are scarce to be had; and Cherries when they are ty'd on Sticks.

In buying provisions be your own Caterer, where∣in at least you may have this convenience, that you may please your self. Beside, however faithful your Servant may be, so that he lets down no gnats with∣out a strain, you cannot expect that he should part with your Coyn, with that care and difficulty as you would your self, whose dayly feeling how mech pro∣vision doth pinch, makes wary, and hard to be drawn to expence.

But be chiefly advis'd not to run on the Score; for you may be assured, that with great advantage you may take up Money at Use to pay ready down: For there's none of them all, but reckons how they forbear, and will be sure to be allow'd, not only because they must stay for their Money, but trust; there being no∣thing

so certain in the World, as that which is pre∣sent. You will also find that a true Proverb, That the best, is best cheap: For besides that in flesh, there is much the less quantity of Bones for the weight, where they are covered almost twice of the thick∣ness: in all other things you'll find much the less waste, because that which is the good goes down without Scraps, while parings and refuse go a great way in what is not: Servants making no scruple to cast that to the Dogs, which they are soon apt to think is not good enough for themselves.

Be you also assur'd, that the best of Servants must be over-lookt: for it is rare to find those, who will not make waste: And as it is fit they should have to the full, their Meat being a great part of the wages of their work; So are there few, but do labour un∣der fulness of Bread; and none that consider of what they would be glad, when they come to keep a poor house of their own.

In your buying Provisions, you'll find it the best to go to their Fountains; for the farther from thence, so much the dearer. There being no second hand, but so licks his own fingers, as what while he hath his gains, the Commodity is inhanc'd; and that which is his livelihood, must be what you give more than he paid.

'Tis also best to buy by the great: All Chapmen complying much sooner for much than for a little; their gains by so much the more considerable, and their put off the greater. But then must your Ex∣penditor be wary, and so give out the store which you have provided, as remembring the place to spare, is never at the bottom; besides, the much more ea∣siness to lurch the greater quantities, where a little taken is not discern'd: for which cause, it is not safe

to trust a Servant at an whole heap; there being very few of that Integrity, as then to keep their hands from picking, when none can witness that they did prevari∣cate; or if they be such, it is not safe to tempt with opportunity.

CHAP. VI. Of the Trude of LONDON.

TO go about to demonstrate the great necessity and benefit of Trade in General, in a Common∣wealth or City, were but (In re non dubia, uti ora∣tione non necessaria) in a matter which is undoubted to use a needless Harangue; it being certain, that Wealth and Riches (which are acquired by Traf∣fick and Industry) are Subsidia Belli, & Ornamenta Pacis, the Supports of War, and Ornaments of Peace; by which the wants of one place are supply∣ed by the plenty of another, and the indigence of the Poor, relieved by employments from the Rich; there being such a general dependance of one Cal∣ling upon another, from the highest to the lowest, that they cannot well subsist without the mutual aid of each other; in which is manifest the infinite Wis∣dom of the Sovereign Disposer of all things, who has order'd Humane Affairs to so due and regular a subordination to each other, and so necessary a Con∣catenation among themselves, that by a perfect Sym∣metry, or Simphony of Parts, they conclude in a perfect Harmony, of general good to Mankind; which Superlative Blessing should be improved to mutual Advantage, and the Glory of the Supream Author of it.

CHAP. VII. Of the Corporations of London.

THE other Traders in London are divided into Companies or Corporations; who are as so ma∣ny Bodies Politick. Of these there are Twelve cal∣led the chief Companies, and he that is chosen Lord Mayor, must be free of one of these Companies, which are,

• 1. Mercers,
• 2. Grocers,
• 3. Drapers,
• 4. Fishmon∣gers,
• 5. Goldsmiths,
• 6. Skinners,
• 7. Merchant-Tay∣lors,
• 8. Haberdashers,
• 9. Salters,
• 10. Ironmongers,
• 11. Vintners,
• 12. Clothworkers.

And if it happen that the Lord Mayor Elect, is of any other Company, he presently removes to one of the Twelve. All these Companies have Assembly-places, called Halls, which are so many Basilikes, or stately and sumptuous Palaces, worthy to be view'd by all Strangers. It hath been the Custom of our Kings, to Honour some of these Com∣panies by taking their Freedom thereof; and the present King was pleased to be made Free of the Company of Grocers, and the present Prince of Orange was not long ago made Free of the Company of Drapers.

Each Company or Mystery hath a Master annu∣ally chosen from among themselves, and other sub∣ordinate Governers, called Wardens or Assistants, These do exactly correspond with the general Go∣vernment of the City, by a Lord Mayor, Aldermen▪ and Common-Council, who are selected out of these several Companies: so excellent a harmony there is in this Government.

These Corporations, or Bodies-Politick, have all their stately spacious Halls (as was said) with Clerks and other Ministerial Officers, to attend them when they meet to consult about the Regulation of their respective Societies, and for promoting publick Good, and advancement of Trade and Wealth; as also when they meet at their sumptu∣ous and splendid Feasts. And in this London sur∣passeth all other Cities.

CHAP. VIII. The Oath of a Freeman of London.

YE shall Swear, That ye shall be good and true to our Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, and to the Heirs of our said So∣vereign Lord the King. Obeysant and Obedi∣ent ye shall be to the Mayor and Ministers of this City, the Franchises and Customs thereof, ye shall maintain, and this City keep harmless in that which in you is. Ye shall be contri∣butary to all manner of Charges within this City, as Summons, Watches, Contributions, Tax∣es, Tallages, Lot and Scot, and to all Charges, bearing your part as a Freeman ought to do. Ye shall colour no Foreigners Goods, under, or in your Name, whereby the King, or this Ci∣ty might or may lose their Customs or Advan∣tages. Ye shall know no Foreigner to buy or sell any Merchandize with any Foreigner with∣in this City or Franchise thereof, but ye shall warn the Chamberlain thereof, or some Minister

of the Chamber. Ye shall implead or sue no Freeman out of this City, whilst ye may have Right and Law within the same City. Ye shall take none Apprentice, but if he be Free-born, (that is to say) no Bondmans Son, nor the Son of any Alien, and for no less term than for se∣ven years, without fraud or deceit: and with∣in the first Year ye shall cause him to be In∣rolled, or else pay such Fine as shall be rea∣sonably imposed upon you for omitting the same, and after his terms end, within conveni∣ent time (being required) ye shall make him Free of this City, if he have well and truly ser∣ved you. Ye shall also keep the Kings Peace in your own Person. Ye shall know no Ga∣therings, Conventicles, or Conspiracies made a∣gainst the Kings Peace, but ye shall warn the the Mayor thereof, or lett it to your Power. All these Points and Articles ye shall well and truly keep, according to the Laws and Cu∣stoms of this City to your power: So God you help, &c.

CHAP. IX. The Particular Advantages of London, with Respect to Trade.

SOme of the Advantages of this great City, is by the goodly River of Thames, which, opening Eastward towards Germany and France, is much more advantageous for Traffick, than any other River in England; and it may be said without vanity, that

no River in the World can shew a braver sight of Ships than are commonly to be seen (like a floating Forrest) from Black-Wall to London-Bridge; which in continual Voyages import all sorts of Goods, ei∣ther for need or ornament, and Export our Super∣fluities, to the extraordinary Advantage of all sorts of People, high or low.

Another Advantage that London hath, is, its being situate so far within the Land, that i•• is plentifully supplied with all necessary provision from the Country, at easie and indifferent Rates, and the Manufactures of the respective Counties, which the City disperses to Markets beyond Seas; in recom∣pence, the Country is supplied by the City, with all sorts of necessary Merchandizes, wanting there, &c. Insomuch, that London is a large Magazine of Men, Mo∣ney, Ships, Horses, Ammunition, of all sorts of Commo∣dities necessary or expedient for the use or pleasure of Mankind. It is the mighty Rendezvouz of Nobility, Gentry, Courtiers, Divines, Lawyers, Physitians, Merchants, Seamen, and all kind of excellent Arti∣ficers of the most refined Wits, and most excel∣lent Beauties. For it is observed, that in most Fa∣milies of England▪ if there be any Son or Daughter that excels the rest in Beauty or Wit, or perhaps Cou∣rage or Industry, or any other rare Quality, London is their Pole-Star, and they are never at rest till they point directly thither; which vast confluence (be∣sides being the Kings Chief and Imperial Seat, where Parliaments and the Principal Courts of Justice are held, where the in as or Colleges of the Municipal Laws are Stated, w••th the great Houses of the No∣bility and Ministers of State) must needs bring a vast Advantage and Increase to Trade, besides the most Exquisite Ornament and Gallantry that any place in the World can shew.

CHAP. X. Of the Foreign Trade of London.

AS to the Trade of London into Foreign Parts, we have almost prevented our self by what is delivered before; we shall therefore only add, that England abounding with many rich and useful Native Commodities, as Woolen-Cloths of all sorts, Broad and Narrow, called by several Names in several Shires; also, Perpetuanoes, Bays, Says, Serges, Cottons, Ker∣sies, Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograms, Sattins, Tabbies, Callimancaes, Camlets, Velvets, Piushes, Worsteds, Fustians, Durances, Tukes, Crapes, Flannels, and infinite others— Furs and Skins, as Conney-skins, Squirrel-skins, Fitches, Calve-skins, Hides, &c.

Mines, as Tin, Lead, Allom, Copper, Iron of all sorts; Sea-Cole, Salt, &c.

All manner of Grain, as Oats, Pease, Barley, Rye, and Wheat in great plenty, &c. Also Linnen-Cloth, Flax, Hemp, &c. All Iron Wares, Tallow, Leather, Glasse•• of all sorts, and Glass, Venice-Gold and Sil∣ver, Train-Oyl, Salmons, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Haberdine, Cod, Ling, Hops, Wood, Butter, Cheese, Beer, Syder, Saltpetre, Gun-powder, Honey, Wax, Alabaster, and other Stones, Wools, Woolfels, Yarn, Fullers-Earth, Saffron, Liquoras, &c. And ma∣ny other good and rich Commodities, too tedious to be enumerated: The Merchants of London do year∣ly Export great quantities of such of these Goods, as are not prohibited, to Foreign Markets, and make good Returns, and bring to supply the Kingdom, a great deal of Treasure and rich Commodities from all

parts of the World, to the enriching of themselves unspeakable benefit of the Nation, and Credit of the English in genetal, who are generally as fair Dealers as any in the World, and of as active and underta∣king Souls; and the principal Seat or Emporium of this great Trade, is the great and famous City of Lon∣don.

CHAP. XI. Of the Trade of London into the Countrey.

OF this we need say but little, it being so univer∣sally known to the whole Land; the Londoners using to supply all the Trading places of the Kingdom; especially on great Fairs, to which they resort in great numbers, and afford their Goods at the best hand, to their own and their Countreys great bene∣fit: and in requital, the adjacent Counties supply the City with all manner of Necessaries for Food, Hay, Fuel, &c. insomuch that Strangers have admi∣red at the prodigious plenty of all sorts that are to be seen in the great and well-furnished Markets of Lea∣den-Hall, Stocks, Milk-street, New-Gate, Clare, South-Hampton, St. Albans, Westminster, Hungerford, and Brooks, with several others: so that here is a perpetual Mart, where any sort of Goods may be purchased at a convenient and reasonable Rate. Nor is there any place in the Kingdom where poor people (or such as would be very frugal) may live chea∣per, or the splendid Liver gallanter, &c.

CHAP. XII. Of all Trades being in Companies.

IF all those of a Trade were of one and the same Company, and had power to make some By∣laws for the good of their Trade, it would extream∣ly conduce, not only to the promotion of the same, but to the keeping of it in a right and good order, preserving (at least) a temperamentum ad justi••i∣am, if not ad pondus, in our Trades and Negotiations.

And doubtless ab Origine it was so in London, as appears by the several denominations of their several Companies; the defect whereof, I judge, is the rea∣son that the Trade of that City is declining, and grown so consumptive, and (unless suitable and timely means be used in order to its recovery) will certainly and suddenly expire: For if none were of a Company, but those only that were of the same Trade, they would be frequently whetting one ano∣ther to do something that might be for the advance∣ment thereof; and every one would refrain the doing of any thing that might give a wound to the same, for fear of being reprehended by the Company.

But now if any person's Trade do differ from the Trade of his Company of which he is free, he doth then mind but little the Trade of that Company, be∣cause he hath a small benefit by it; but if his Trade be the same with the Company of which he is free, then he is very often mindful of what may be ne∣cessary to promote the same, because he doth expect a benefit by it.

Now (I conceive) this might easily be reduced to what it was at first; for it would be no prejudice to any of the Companies, for every one to have the liberty to come into that Company that his Trade is

of, and to be in the same state and degree therein, as he was in, in that Company that he came out of, without paying any thing more for it; because as they shall hereby lose some of their Members out of every Company, so will there be received some more into them.

Obj. Now there are two Companies in London, viz. the Girdlers and Fletchers, that the Trades thereof are quite lost and gone, there being none of either of them; and if this device should take place, the Rents belonging to those two Halls will be lost, be∣cause there will be no body to look after them.

Sol. That the Linnen-Drapers have no Hall, and is no Company, which now is the most flourishing Trade of the City, therefore it would be very con∣venient to joyn these two Halls together, and to make them belong to the Linnen-Drapers Company.

And then, to the end that this Order might con∣tinue, it would be necessary, that no person be suf∣fered to set up the Trade of any particular Company, unless he be first made free of the same.

Obj. But if this be so, then the Priviledge of the City will be lost; which is, that he that is free of any Trade, may set up any other whatsoever, that he can best live upon.

Sol. My meaning is, that he that hath been Ap∣prentice to a working Trade, should not have the priviledge of setting up the Shop-keeping Trade: yet I deny not but that it might be convenient enough for any Shop-keeper (that is only of buying and selling) to have that priviledge to leave his own Trade, and to take up another Shop-keeping Trade, that he may live better upon; but then it would be necessary that he should be enjoyned to leave his own Trade altogether, and to quit his Freedom of

his Company, and that within a certain time that may be thought convenient; and that he be also fur∣ther enjoyned to take his Freedom of that Compa∣ny as the Trade is of that he intends to set up, and that within such a convenient time.

And as this being in Companies is necessary for Shop-keepers, and all other Trades; even so it is for Merchants too, and all they that do traffick to any particular Countrey; which would exceedingly en∣courage all Foreign Trade: for there would be then such an Order in the Trade of every particular Coun∣try, that men would gain thereby; whereas now it doth too often happen that they do lose.

I know there are very wise men that are very much against Merchants being in Companies, but I cannot find that any Merchandizing Trade is mana∣ged so well as those that are managed by Companies: and this appeareth by the Dutch, who do trade al∣together in Companies; and who is it that hath such success in Trade as they have? Likewise our Hamborough Trade was never carried on better than when they were in a Company, and it was then bet∣ter for Clothiers too than ever it hath been since; and I cannot but believe, that if the Fishing-trade, that is so advantageous to the Dutch, were commit∣ted to a Company, it would in a short time turn to a very good acount.

But I suppose that the reason that many are against Merchants being in Companies, is, because hereby many men would be barred from adventuring to any Country unless they were free of that same particu∣lar Company. Now to help this, it would be ne∣cessary that any one should have the liberty to be of any Company of Merchants that he hath a mind un∣to, always provided, that every such person do en∣gage

to submit to the Laws and Orders of the said Company; and if it be so, it can be no prejudice to any man, for he that hath an Estate enough, may be free of many Companies, and so may adventure into many Countries.

CHAP. XIII. Of Tradesmen breaking, and paying so little in the Pound of their true Debts.

THere are four things that occasion mens break∣ing.

1. Some sudden Contingencies as the Merchant may meet with; Great and sudden losses at Sea: Or the Shop-keeper may be utterly undone by sudden Fire, or the like. In these cases there ought to be Mercy shewed to such poor men: and it is much to be lamented, there is not a way thought on to raise Moneys to set them up again.

2. The want of Success. Many a man doth take a great deal of Care and Pains in his Trade, and yet all will not do, still he goes backward in the World; yet this is not common and usual, for God hath pro∣mised to bless the Hands of the diligent; yet some∣times it may so fall out. However, this man ought to be honest, and to make a Discovery of his Condi∣tion in time, lest that he should spend upon other mens Money: and he that is a careful, honest, and industrious man, must needs know when he is sink∣ing in his Estate.

3 Ill Husbandry is another thing that doth occasion

men to break: Some will spend their time in Drink∣ing and Gaming, neglecting their business until they are undone. And such Persons as these are, ought to be dealt severely with: For why should they spend the Money of other industrious men by their luxurious living.

4. A design of Gain is another thing which doth occasion some men to break. They find some have got Estates by breaking, and therefore they will do so too. Now we may conclude, that this man doth not deserve less punishment than he that taketh a Purse upon the High-way: for by the reason of this Man's pretended honesty, he is trusted, but so is not he that robbeth upon the Boad.

I judge therefore it would be of very great use and benefit to the Trade of this Kingdom, if there were a Law made to inflict some bodily punishment upon every one that should break for above One hundred pounds, and should not pay Fifteen shillings in the Pound of his true and just Debts: and thus no man could be so suddenly undone by bad Debts; for then men would not lose so much by Three hundred pounds, as now they commonly do by Two, nay by One.

Object. But many a man hath been brought low in the World, and yet hath got up again.

Answ. Grant that there have been some that have got up again, who have not been able to pay full Fif∣teen shillings in the pound. I say, admit there have been such black Swans, yet this is Rara avis in terris — And these are few in comparison of the many Hun∣dreds, who have not risen again after such a Fall. Therefore there ought to be a severe Penalty infli∣cted on these, to compel them to discover their con∣dition before it cometh to be at this rate with them.

Besides, this is the more probable way of their Re∣covery. For hereby they will be out of Debt, and their Creditors, by reason they shall lose so little by them, will certainly be the more kind unto them.

5. I might also add one thing more, that is the reason of the breaking of many men, who are of Re∣tailing Trades, or at least of not paying their Credi∣tors so timely as otherwise they might, who might have been Ranked among those mentioned in the first Particular, to whom there ought to be shewed much Mercy and Compassion. Such are those Retai∣lers that are encouraged to trust persons because of their great Estates and Revenues, who do neither take any Care, nor make any Conscience of paying their just and true Debts; who will keep the Trades∣man from his Money sometimes two or three years, although they have been importuned by him, both to his Expences and loss of time. And although some will be so fair as to give both good Words and Pro∣mises, yet these have been but miserable Evasions and Put-offs, as is evident, in that they never mind the Performance of them. But then again, there are others that are so far from giving good words, that they give altogether menaces and threatnings, which have made many a Tradesman afraid to ask for his own, for fear of a Stab.

And others there are, that will pretend the Trades∣man hath cheated them in over-prizing his Commo∣dities, and therefore he must stay longer for his Mo∣ney, which is another shift: Whereas it is the Trades∣man indeed that is cheated, in being forced to stay so long for his Money against his will. For it is im∣possible that he that shall stay a Twelve-month for his Money, shall ever inhance the price of his Com∣modity so far, as to be sufficiently recompensed for

staying so long a time for it. All men I think will grant, that if the Tradesman hath ready money, two shillings in the pound is but reasonable. Now then, if he doth stay a Twelve-month before he is paid, he should have four shillings profit in the pound, if two years, then six shillings in the pound, and so on, ac∣cording to the time he shall stay for his Money; be∣cause it will easily appear, that more than ten in the hundred profit might be made in a year, with ready money in a Trade. But now it is next to an impossibility for any Tradesman to gain four shillings in the pound, unless it be in some hidden Commo∣dities, such as belong to the Apothecaries; and yet this in reason they ought to have, if they stay a Twelve-month for their Money. And if they can be no Gainer then, what will they be, if they shall stay two or three, nay, four years before they are paid. Assuredly, no man can possibly deny, but in this case a Tradesman must needs be a very great Loser.

Further, it often hapneth, that after all this, the Tradesman doth lose his whole Debt, if it be not paid before the person is dead, for then the Heir doth claim the Inheritance, and the Widow her Joynture, and there is nothing left to pay the Debts but the Personal Estate, which is seldom more than a Coach and Horses, and some Houshold Goods, which will not pay sometimes a tenth part of the Debts. This is quite contrary to what was formerly wont to be. Then the truly Noble Gentlemen of this Kingdom did esteem it their great honour, to fulfil exactly whatsoever they had promised, although it had been never so much to their detriment and loss. They would heretofore have disdained those Riglings and Shiftings which are used in our times: insomuch, that

if the Tradesman had their Promise, they might more certainly have depended on it, than now they may on their Bonds. And hence it was, that the Statute of Banquerupt did concern only Tradesmen, because all others then were punctual to observe and to perform their word, and careful to pay all their just and true Debts.

There are two things that probably would remedy this, if it would not be thought too great a piece of presumption.

1. The first is this, That for all Debts that are not paid within six Months time, or thereabouts, after they are Contracted, the Debtor should afterwards be liable to pay the Interest; And likewise if any die, whose personal Estate will not reach to pay all their debts, there may be in this case, by a Law, Commissioners that might be authorised to sell and dispose of so much of the Land, that was possessed by the Debtor deceased, that will fully pay all the debts; and certainly this would be of no ill consequence to the Kingdom: For it would not only be a Conveniency to Tradesmen, but in all probability might be an inducement to all persons to take greater care to live within the compass of their Estates.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom.

THat which hath been the Bane almost of all Trades, is the too great number of Shop-keepers in this Kingdom. For as it is related by Mr. Coke, in a Treatise of his concerning Trade, that there are ten thousand Retailing Shop-keepers more in London, than are in Amsterdam.

Now the reason hereof is, First. Because for many years there have been no other Trades but these to receive the Youth of this Nation. Formerly, when the Cloath∣ing Trade did flourish with us, there were many suf∣ficient Mens Sons put Apprentices to this Trade. Se∣condly, Because the Shop-keeping Trade is an easie life, and thence many are induced to run into it, and there hath been no Law to prevent it, or if there be any, it hath been very slackly executed, which maketh very ma∣ny (like a mighty Torrent) fall into it, which hath been verified for several years past, by many Husband∣men, Labourers and Artificers, who have left off their Working Trades, and turned Shop-keepers.

And of Quakers, great numbers of late years are become Shop-keepers; for if a man that hath been very meanly bred, and was never worth much above a Groat in all his life, do but turn Quaker, he is pre∣sently set up in one Shop-keeping 'Trade or other, and then many of them will compass Sea and Land to get this New Quaking Shop-keeper a Trade: And if he be of a Trade that no other Quaker is of in the Town or Village, then he shall take all their Money which they have occasion to lay out and expend in his way; their custom being to sell to all the World, but they will buy only of their own Tribe: Insomuch that it is conceived by some wise men, that they will in a short time engross the whole Trade of the King∣dom into their hands.

And then again, there are some of the Silk-Wea∣vers, but more of the Clothiers, that deal in as many, it not far more Commodities than any Shop-keeper doth, that hath been Apprentice to his Trade; for they sell not only the Cloath that they make, but Stuffs, Linnen, and many other things; and have such ways to put off their Commodities, which the

Shop-keeper hath not; for they will truck them off for Shoes with the Shoe-maker, for Candles with the Chandler, and sometimes with the Butcher for Meat, and will make their Work-folks to take the same for their Work; (although there be an express Statute against it,) and then these Work-folks will fell the same again for money, to buy such necessaries which they want.

And it is not much better with them of the City of London, for there are many that do live in a Cham∣ber, that do take twice as much money as many Shop-keepers do, who pay four times the Rent that they do; so that it cannot be imagined what an in∣numerable company of Shop-keepers are in every place; and such practices as these have utterly im∣paired all Shop-keeping Trades in this Kingdom; which are Grievances never suffered in former times, being against the common good of the People of this Nation; and it's desired they were speedily redressed for these following Reasons.

First, Because the Shop-keeping Trade is both a con∣venient and easie way for the Gentry, Clergy, and Com∣monalty of this Kingdom, to provide for their younger Sons, that so the Bulk of their Estates may go to the Eldest. For there are few younger Sons who are Trades∣men, that have much above one years Revenue of their Fathers Estate for their Patrimony. Now these being kept close to business, is the time of their youth, ma∣ny of them come to be sober and industrious men; and with this small Portion to live a little answerable to the Family from whence they descended, being serviceable in their Generation both to their King and Country, and many times keep up the Name and Grandeur of their Fa∣mily, when their Eldest Brother by his vitious and in∣temperate Life hath lost it. And oftentimes it proveth

advantageous to their Daughters too; for it doth fre∣quently happen when the Gentry die, that they leave but small Portions to their Daughters, scarce sufficient to pre∣fer them to Gentlemen of great Revenues, (parallel'd to their Families) yet nevertheless may be thought wor∣thy and deserving of Tradesmen, who are the younger Sons of Gentlemen, and by their Matching with such as those do come to live a little suitably to their Birth and Breeding.

Indeed the Inns-of-Court, and the Universities, must be acknowledged to be both of them places fit for the preferment of younger Sons; but every one hath not a Genius capable of learning those Noble (yet abstruse) Sciences, there taught and profess'd, who notwithstanding are capable enough of a Shop-keeping Trade. Besides, if every one were fit for either of these, yet they would not suffice to receive a third part even of this sort of Youth, and then what should be done with the rest, should they be brought up to no Employment? but he left to the Extravagancy of their youthful Lusts, to commit such Impieties and Debaucheries which may justly entitle tham to the Compellations given by Augustus Caesar to his lewd Children▪ viz. to be called The Botches and Boyls of their Family? As it is observable in those Countries where the Gentry disdain to place forth their Children to Trades, who therefore turn very dissolute and vicious, and no way serviceable (in times of peace) in their Generation, either to their King or Country where they live.

Secondly, Because Shop-keepers by reason of their E∣ducation, were never used to labour, and should their Trades be destroyed by these means, they will not know how to maintain themselves and their Families; but they that have been bred to work, they may labour

in any other Employment, if that to which they have been bred will not maintain them.

Thirdly, Because this hath rendred the Shop-keeping Trade to be unprofitable, like unto many unstinted Com∣mons, that no body is the better for. Now where there is no Order or Rule, there must be Confusion; as it is in Trades at this time; and yet there is Order and Rule observed in other Vocations, and why not so in this? The Minister must not preach until he is Ordained; the Lawyer must not plead before he is called to the Bar; the Chyrurgeon must not practise before he hath his License; neither can the Midwife practise before she hath her License too: And therefore why should any set up a Shop-keeping Trade before they have been made free of the same.

This is one Reason why so few Apprentices after they come out of their time, do get into the World, or can make any benefit of their Trades; wherein it concerneth all whatsoever, whether Gentlemen or Clergymen, to be very sollicitous for the preserva∣tion of this way of life, which is so conducing to the preferment of their Children.

Fourthly, Because it will cost a round Sum of Money before a Child can be setled in any Shop-keeping Trade; First to breed him at School, and to make him fit for the same, 2. To place him forth to the said Trade when he is fit; which will cost in a Country Market Town, not less then fifty or sixty Pounds, but in London upwards of an hundred; so that these Trades do seem to be purcha∣sed, and that not only with Money by the Parents, but with a Servitude also by the Son.

Therefore as I conceive, they ought to have the properties of their Trades confirmed unto them, e∣ven as other men have the properties of their Lands confirmed unto them: That is, that no person do set

up any Shop-keeping Trade, unless they be made Free of the same. And if any should plead, that it might be lawful for one man to use anothers Land as his own for a Livelihood, he would presently be ac∣counted a Leveller and a ridiculous Fellow: And certainly no less can he be accounted, that should argue it might be lawful for one man to use anothers Trade. For this Trade is bought with the Parents Money, and the Sons Servitude, and intended for a future livelihood for the Son in the same manner as Land is bought by the Father, and setled upon the Child for his future Livelihood and comfortable sub∣sistence.

CHAP. XV. Of petty Shop-keepers living in Countrey Villages.

THis is another thing that (as well as Pedlars) doth greatly increase and add to to the number of Shop-keepers, and doth likewise contribute to∣wards the ruining of the Cities and Market-Towns in England, and which was never wont to be for∣merly; for now in every Countrey-Village, where is (it may be) not above ten Houses, there is a Shop-keeper, and one that never served any Ap∣prentiship to any Shop-keeping Trade whatsoever; and many of those are not such that do deal only in Pins, or such small Wares, but such that deal in as many substantial Commodities as any do that live in Cities and Market-Towns, who have no less than 1000 l. worth of Goods in their Shops, for

which they pay not one farthing of any Tax at all, either Parochial or National.

Certainly all men must needs apprehend, that if this and Pedlars be suffered, that Cities and Market-Towns must needs be impoverished; because then there will be little occasion (I say) to bring the Countrey people to them; the which hath happen∣ed in a very great measure already; for in some places there is not a fifth part of the money taken by the Shop-keepers as was formerly, and in many places not half, and in some particular Trades there is (as may be made appear) 25000 l. stock made use of less than there was heretofore. And there are these several reasons following why it is necessary that Market-Towns and Cities should be encouraged and upheld in their Trades.

1. Because the People that do live in Cities and Markets-Towns, do depend wholly upon a Trade for the maintenance both of themselves and their Fa∣milies; and if their Trade be taken from them by such ways as these are, they will be at a very great loss to know what to do, because they were never bred to any thing else; yet so it is not with those that deal in Villages, who have been bred in some other way; and they have, or may have some other way of living besides the Shop-keeping-Trade.

2. Because if Cities and Market-Towns be impo∣verished, then the general part of the People of this Kingdom will lose that necessary conveniency be∣fore-mentioned, for the preferment of their Chil∣dren. And this one reason, that when many Pa∣rents have been at great charge in placing forth their Children to Trades in Cities and Market-Towns, and the Children have faithfully served out their full time, that after all, they are but little the better for

it, because Pedlars and Shop-keepers in Villages such that never served any Apprenticeship to any Shop-keeping-Trade, do intercept a very great part of the Trade from coming to them.

3. This will be a great means to depopulate not only the Cities and Market-Towns, but also the whole Kingdom; for when men can find little or no in∣couragement in their Trades, then they will endea∣vour to transplant themselves into other Countries, where they may have better encouragement, by which means we shall lose our People; whereas (in the Opinion of many wise Men, we do already want more People in England than now we have: there being very great numbers that have gone, not only into our own Plantations, but into Holland, and setled there.

4. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated, then there will not be raised out of them that proportion of all manner of Taxes as now there is; so that the burthen hereof will be the heavier upon Lands and Revenues in the Countrey. And it will be a very great diminution of all those standing Taxes, that the Cities and Market-Towns do bear the only, or at least the greatest proportion, as they do in the Excise of Beer and Ale, for little is gathered any where else: and the Farmers of the Excise are always sensible of the ebbing and flowing of Trade, whose Excise doth ebb and flow according∣ly. And then if Cities and Market-Towns grow poor, the Chimney-money will never increase there∣by. The gatherers of this Tax are able to give an account what multitudes of Paupers are exempted by Certificates in Cities and Market-Towns in Eng∣land; and yet notwithstanding there be many do pay, who had need also to be exempted.

5. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated of their wealth and rich Inhabi∣tants for want of Trade, the great and numerous poor that are in most of them will want to be relie∣ved, which is a burthen that doth lie very heavy up∣on them already; for in some Market-Towns there are many that are not worth much above a hundred pound stock, which do not pay less than ten shillings a year towards the relief of the poor; which is such a burthen, that if it lay upon the Countrey Farmer, it would much weaken him in the paying of his Rent. Now if the poor should not be relieved, what can be expected, but that swarms of them would go in∣to the Countrey for relief, as already they do in many places? and when the ruder sort cannot get enough by begging, they will be pilfering and stealing. So that the consideration of these poor, and the many younger Brothers that will be out of any way of living with the like contingencies, will administer just oc∣casion to any wise and intelligent Person, easily to presage the misfortunes and miseries that will here∣upon necessarily ensue throughout this Kingdom.

6. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated for want of a Trade, then what will the Countrey-man do to have money for all his Com∣modities, as his Butter, his Cheese, his Cattel, his Wool, his Corn, and his Fruit? the Shop-keepers in the Country-Villages will yield but little help in this case, and the Pedlers much less. It is manifest, that the People living in Cities and Market-Towns, con∣sume all these Commodities of the Farmers, and do help them to ready money for the same; by which means they have wherewith to pay their Rent, and serve their other occasions; and it is impossible for them to subsist but by this way. So that in all rea∣son

this kindness ought to be reciprocal, and when it is so, it is the better for both; for it cannot be supposed that Tradesmen in Cities and Market-Towns should ever hold out, to buy the Farmers Commo∣dities, and help them constantly to money for them, if they should always go home, and lay out little or no part thereof again with them.

7. If Cities and Market-Towns be impoverished and depopulated for want of Trade, the Kingdom may then be obnoxious to its Enemies upon all occa∣sions: For these use to be the Fence and Bulwarks of a Country, insomuch that in some other Countries they are so far from admitting of Tradesmen to live in Villages, that their Gentry do not live there, but in the great Cities and Towns; by which means they have greater Towns than we generally have; and most of their Towns are walled, and so are not only able to resist an Enemy, but also upon all occasions to succour and save those that shall fly unto them.

Furthermore, the Kings of England have been al∣ways furnished with men for their Wars out of the Cities and Market-Towns of this Kingdom; and the greater Trade there is in any place, the more people commonly there are in that place: Therefore it con∣cerns this Kingdom to have Trade promoted and en∣couraged in Cities and Market-Towns, that so we might have people enough at all times to resist an Enemy that shall oppose us. Besides, poor and beg∣gerly Cities and Market-Towns are a very great dis∣paragement to a Country; but the contrary is a great honour: For what more graceful to a Kingdom▪ than the many rich and wealthy Cities and Towns there∣in? for this reason, as well as for all those already mentioned, all Persons that are of publick spirits, should do all they can to advance them, by encoura∣ging

of their Trade; and no one way can do it more effectually, than to suppress those that do take their Trades from them.

And as Shop-keepers in Villages, are a very great injury to Market-Towns in the Country, even so are they to the City of London, that have (since the fire) set up in Covent-Garden, and on that side of the City; by which means many of the Houses and Shops, are not tenanted, and those which are, the Rents of them are exceedingly fallen; and all this is for want of the Trade that they had formerly.

Now considering what a renowned City that is, both for Government, for Trade, and for stately E∣difices, that it's thought there is not the like in the whole World; and considering the great charge that they have been at in the rebuilding of it, it is very requisite that they should be encouraged as much as may be, and that their Trade should not be taken may by such ways and means as these are. Now there are some Trades whose Commodities are such, that it would be very little more trouble for any one to go into the City to buy them, than to go to Covent-Garden, such as Woollen, or Linnen-Cloth, Stuffs, or Hangings for Rooms, or Plate, or the like; If then all such Trades were prohibited from setting up on that side of the City, it would presently fill their Shops and Houses with People, and their City with Trade: I had thought to have treated here, how the Shop∣keepers are inconvenienced to get in their small debts, which cannot be done any way without putting the People concerned to three times more charges than the debts are, which is likewise a great hinderance to the poor, as well as unto them; but this I shall omit.

CHAP. XVI. Of Pedlars, and petty Chapmen.

THese are such that do proffer Wares to sale by Retail, either by crying it in Cities and Market Towns, or by offering it from door to door all about the Country, and which do greatly add to the num∣ber of Shop-keepers, for they carry their Shops at their backs, and do sell more that way, than many Shop-keepers do in their Shops; which is not only a prejudice unto them, but if they are suffered will in time be the utter ruine of all the Cities and Market Towns in England; for of late there is not any Com∣modity to be named, and that can be any way port∣ed, but that the Pedlar doth carry all about the Country to sell; that people (after awhile) will have little or no occasion to come to the Cities or Market Towns for any thing. This also was not wont to be formerly, and ought not to be now; as will ap∣pear if it be considered, how much in these follow∣ing particulars, the Shop-keepers are beneficial to the Commonwealth of this Kingdom; and in how few of these the Pedlars are beneficial unto the same.

1. The Shop keepers do bear a very great pro∣portion in all the Taxes of this Kingdom, whether Parochial or National, but the Pedlars do pay but little or no Taxes at all: and if in Taxes they were to bear no more proportion than the Pedlars, it may be quaeried whether or no Taxes might be so easily gathered.

2. The Shop-keepers do bear likewise all manner of Offices, whether Parochial or National, which are very expensive unto them; but Pedlars bear no Of∣fices at all.

3. The Shop-keepers do pay great Rents for the houses that they live in, which are more certain Rents to the Gentry than their Lands; but the Pedlars pay little or no Rent at all, for most of them do lye in Barns. And if the Rents should fall in Cities and Market Towns in England, as they do in most places, especially in the City of London, they are never like to be rais'd again by Pedlars.

4. The Shop-keepers do keep good Houses, and do relieve the Poor at their doors, spending abun∣dance of meat, and other of the Farmers Commodities in their Families, for which they do always pay rea∣dy money: But the Pedlars are so far from being be∣neficial to the Commonwealth in this particular, that they are burthensom unto the same; for they beg the most part of their Victuals, and the Country people (when the men are in the Field, and there hath been none at home, but Women and Children) have been forced to relieve them for fear of being mis∣chieved by them.

5. They and their Families do wear out abundance of Cloths, which doth promote the Trade of the Na∣tion; but it is very little advance of any Trade that the Pedlars do make herein, for their Cloths do dif∣fer little from Beggars; and did they wear better, yet they could not wear out much, because few of them have Families to do it.

6. The Shop-keepers Trade is esteemed credita∣ble enough, for the preferment of the best mens Sons in the Kingdom, next unto the Nobility; but so is not the Pedlars Trade; for surely sufficientmen would

disdain to have their Sons Pedlars, and to wander a∣bout the Country like Vagabond Rogues as they do.

7. The Shop-keepers being sufficient mens Sons, and being soberly and religiously Educated, they come to have (for the most part of them) such prin∣ciples in them, that they detest to use any indirect way in their dealings. And if they had not this in∣ward principle, yet the consideration how prejudi∣cial any such thing would be unto them in their Trades, by reason of their fixed Habitations, doth make them to do that which is right and just in their dealings. But neither of these can rationally sway the Pedlars, because their Education usually is very base an vile; Being (for the most part of them) Wanderers from their youth, an Employment that few sober men do meddle with; so that no man ••••ows whether they have any principle of Religion▪ yea or no; for it is seldom that any of them are ever seen at any Church whatsoever: and then they be∣••ng Wanderers, makes them bold to use any indirect ways in their dealing, when they have an opportuni∣ty; for when they have done, and taken their mo∣ney, away they are gone into another Country, and are seen no more in that place.

And this is the reason that they do often sell one thing for another, as Calico for Holland, and do sell that by the Yard, that is usually sold by the Ell, and do often make less than measure, extreamly cheat∣ing the ignorant Country-people in the price of their Commodities, by their asking sometimes three time•• the price more than they can afford them.

8. And as the Shop-keepers are seldom guilty o•• any indirect ways in their dealings, so much less ar•• they at any time guilty of any felonious Actions: bu•• this cannot be said of the Pedlars, who very often ar••

arraigned at the Bar for breaking open of Houses, or such like things as these are, having by reason of their selling of Wares, access to all mens houses, and so do know the weakest part of every mans house; and if they are not Actors herein themselves, yet they are able to inform any other person who hath a mind to do it; which doubtless they do, as hath been ac∣knowledged by some that have been arraigned for this thing; and then they are the Receivers of all the stollen Goods, both of the Town and the Country. Sometimes that which is stollen from Shop-keepers in Market Towns, upon their Market and Fair-days, when they are busie, and sometimes that which is stollen from Country people, when their Linnen is hanged abroad to dry upon Hedges, or other conve∣nient places.

I shall not insist upon shewing wherein it is that they are prejudicial to the Shop-keepers, for this is obvi∣ous to every man already, how they do come into any place where the Shop-keepers Trade doth lie, and there do take most of the ready money of their Customers, whilst Shop-keepers Commodities lie by them, and braid at home. And by this means they sell but little (unless any one do want to be trusted) for they seek no further than their Shops for a Trade, depending upon the people that shall come unto them, that do live within six or seven Miles of the Town where they do live.

I might add many other Arguments for the sup∣pressing of them, were not these (already mention∣ed) sufficient.

CHAP. XVII. A Table of Accounts ready cast up, for the Buy∣ing or Selling of any Com∣modity; either by Num∣ber, Weight, or Measure, &c, Resolving the most u∣sual Questions of the Gol∣den Rule, or Rule of Three by Inspection (or by Ad∣dition) only: Of abso∣lute necessity for all man∣ner of Merchants and whole Sale Traders what∣soever.

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	1 Farthing.	2 Farthings.	3 Farthings.
	l.	s.	d.	q.	l.	s.	d.	.q	l.	s.	d.	q
1	0	0	0	1	0	0	0	2	0	0	0	3
2	0	0	0	2	0	0	1	0	0	0	1	2
3	0	0	0	3	0	0	1	2	0	0	2	1
4	0	0	1	0	0	0	2	0	0	0	3	0
5	0	0	1	1	0	0	2	2	0	0	3	3
6	0	0	1	2	0	0	3	0	0	0	4	2
7	0	0	1	3	0	0	3	2	0	0	5	1
8	0	0	2	0	0	0	4	0	0	0	6	0
9	0	0	2	1	0	0	4	2	0	0	6	3
10	0	0	2	2	0	0	5	0	0	0	7	2
20	0	0	5	0	0	0	10	0	0	1	3	0
30	0	0	7	2	0	1	3	0	0	1	10	2
40	0	0	10	0	0	1	8	0	0	2	6	0
50	0	1	0	2	0	2	1	0	0	3	1	2
60	0	1	3	0	0	2	6	0	0	3	9	0
70	0	1	5	2	0	2	11	0	0	4	4	2
80	0	1	8	0	0	3	4	0	0	5	0	0
90	0	1	10	2	0	3	9	0	0	5	7	2
100	0	2	1	0	0	4	2	0	0	6	3	0
200	0	4	2	0	0	8	4	0	0	12	6	0
300	0	6	3	0	0	12	6	0	0	18	9	0
400	0	8	4	0	0	16	8	0	1	5	0	0
500	0	10	5	0	1	0	10	0	1	11	3	0
600	0	12	6	0	1	5	0	0	1	17	6	0
700	0	14	7	0	1	9	2	0	2	3	9	0
800	0	16	8	0	1	13	4	0	2	10	0	0
900	0	18	9	0	1	11	6	0	2	16	3	0
1000	1	0	10	0	2	1	8	0	3	2	6	0
2000	2	1	8	0	4	3	4	0	6	5	0	0
3000	3	2	6	0	6	5	0	0	9	7	6	0
4000	4	3	4	0	8	6	8	0	12	10	0	0
5000	5	4	2	0	16	8	4	0	15	12	6	0
10000	10	8	4	0	20	16	8	0	21	5	0	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be boug••t or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	1 Penny.	2 Pence.	3 Pence.
	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
1	0	0	1	0	0	2	0	0	3
2	0	0	2	0	0	4	0	0	6
3	0	0	3	0	0	6	0	0	9
4	0	0	4	0	0	8	0	1	0
5	0	0	5	0	0	10	0	1	3
6	0	0	6	0	1	0	0	1	6
7	0	0	7	0	1	2	0	1	9
8	0	0	8	0	1	4	0	2	0
9	0	0	9	0	1	6	0	2	3
10	0	0	10	0	1	8	0	2	6
20	0	1	8	0	3	4	0	5	0
30	0	2	6	0	5	0	0	7	6
40	0	3	4	0	6	8	0	10	0
50	0	4	2	0	8	4	0	12	6
60	0	5	0	0	10	0	0	15	0
70	0	5	10	0	11	8	0	17	6
80	0	6	8	0	13	4	1	0	0
90	0	7	6	0	15	0	1	2	6
100	0	8	4	0	16	8	1	5	0
200	0	16	8	1	13	4	2	10	0
300	1	5	0	2	10	0	3	15	0
400	1	13	4	3	6	8	5	0	0
500	2	1	8	4	3	4	5	5	0
600	2	10	0	5	0	0	7	10	0
700	2	18	4	5	16	8	3	15	0
800	3	6	8	6	13	4	10	0	0
900	3	15	0	7	10	0	11	5	0
1000	4	3	4	8	6	8	12	10	0
2000	8	6	8	16	13	4	25	0	0
3000	12	10	0	25	0	0	37	10	0
4000	16	13	4	33	6	8	50	0	0
5000	20	16	8	41	13	4	62	10	0
10000	41	13	4	83	6	8	125	0	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	4 Pence.	5 Pence.	6 Pence.
	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
1	0	0	4	0	0	5	0	0	6
2	0	0	8	0	0	10	0	1	0
3	0	1	0	0	1	3	0	1	6
4	0	1	4	0	1	8	0	2	0
5	0	1	8	0	2	1	0	2	6
6	0	2	0	0	2	6	0	3	0
7	0	2	4	0	2	11	0	3	6
8	0	2	8	0	3	4	0	4	0
9	0	3	0	0	3	9	0	4	6
10	0	3	4	0	4	2	0	5	0
20	0	6	8	0	8	4	0	10	0
30	0	10	0	0	12	6	0	15	0
40	0	13	4	0	16	8	1	0	0
50	0	16	8	1	0	10	1	5	0
60	1	0	0	1	5	0	1	10	0
70	1	3	4	1	9	2	1	15	0
80	1	6	8	1	13	4	2	0	0
90	1	10	0	1	17	6	2	5	0
100	1	13	4	2	1	8	2	10	0
200	3	6	8	4	3	4	5	0	0
300	5	0	0	6	5	0	7	10	0
400	6	13	4	8	6	8	10	0	0
500	8	6	8	10	8	4	12	10	0
600	10	0	0	12	10	0	15	0	0
700	11	13	4	14	11	8	17	10	0
800	13	6	8	16	13	4	20	0	0
900	15	0	0	18	15	0	22	10	0
1000	16	13	4	20	16	4	25	0	0
2000	33	6	8	41	13	8	50	0	0
3000	50	0	0	62	10	0	75	0	0
4000	66	13	4	83	6	4	100	0	0
5000	83	6	8	104	3	8	125	0	0
10000	166	13	4	166	6	8	250	0	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	7 Pence.	8 Pence.	9 Pence.
	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
1	0	0	7	0	0	8	0	0	9
2	0	1	2	0	1	4	0	1	6
3	0	1	9	0	2	0	0	2	3
4	0	2	4	0	2	8	0	3	0
5	0	2	11	0	3	4	0	3	9
6	0	3	3	0	4	0	0	4	6
7	0	4	1	0	4	8	0	5	3
8	0	4	8	0	5	4	0	6	0
9	0	5	3	0	6	0	0	6	9
10	0	5	10	0	6	8	0	7	6
20	0	11	8	0	13	4	0	15	0
30	0	17	6	1	0	0	1	2	6
40	1	3	••	1	6	8	1	10	0
50	1	9	••	1	13	4	1	17	6
60	1	15	0	2	0	0	2	5	0
70	2	0	1	2	6	8	2	12	6
80	2	6	8	2	13	4	3	0	0
90	2	12	6	3	0	0	3	7	6
100	2	18	4	3	6	8	3	15	0
200	5	16	8	6	13	4	7	10	0
300	8	15	0	10	0	0	11	5	0
400	11	13	4	13	6	8	15	0	0
500	14	11	8	16	13	4	18	15	0
600	17	10	0	20	0	0	22	10	0
700	20	8	4	23	6	8	26	5	0
800	23	6	8	26	13	4	30	0	0
900	26	5	0	30	0	0	33	15	0
1000	29	3	8	33	6	4	37	10	0
2000	58	6	4	66	13	8	75	0	0
3000	87	10	0	100	0	0	112	10	0
4000	116	13	8	133	6	4	150	0	0
5000	145	16	4	166	13	8	187	10	0
10000	291	13	8	223	6	0	375	0	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	10 Pence.	11 Pence.
	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
1	0	0	10	0	0	11
2	0	1	8	0	1	10
3	0	2	6	0	2	9
4	0	3	4	0	3	8
5	0	4	2	0	4	7
6	0	5	0	0	5	6
7	0	5	10	0	6	5
8	0	6	8	0	7	4
9	0	7	6	0	8	3
10	0	8	4	0	9	2
20	0	16	8	0	18	4
30	1	5	0	1	7	6
40	1	13	4	1	16	8
50	2	1	8	2	5	10
60	2	10	0	2	15	0
70	2	18	4	3	4	2
80	3	6	8	3	13	4
90	3	15	0	4	2	6
100	4	3	4	4	11	8
200	8	6	8	9	3	4
300	12	10	0	13	15	0
400	16	13	4	18	6	8
500	20	16	8	22	15	4
600	25	0	0	27	10	0
700	29	3	4	32	1	8
800	33	6	8	36	13	4
900	37	10	0	41	5	0
1000	41	13	4	45	10	8
2000	13	6	8	91	13	4
3000	125	0	0	137	10	0
4000	166	13	4	183	6	8
5000	208	6	8	129	3	4
10000	418	13	4	458	6	8

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	1 Shilling.	2 Shillings.	3 Shillings.
	l.	s.	l.	s.	l.	s.
1	0	1	0	2	0	3
2	0	2	0	4	0	6
3	0	3	0	6	0	9
4	0	4	0	8	0	12
5	0	5	0	10	0	15
6	0	6	0	12	0	18
7	0	7	0	14	1	1
8	0	8	0	16	1	4
9	0	9	0	18	1	7
10	0	10	1	0	1	10
20	1	0	2	0	3	0
30	1	10	3	0	4	10
40	2	0	4	0	6	0
50	2	10	5	0	7	10
60	3	0	6	0	9	0
70	3	10	7	0	10	10
80	4	0	8	0	12	0
90	4	10	9	0	13	10
100	5	0	10	0	15	0
200	10	0	20	0	30	0
300	15	0	30	0	45	0
400	20	0	40	0	60	0
500	25	0	50	0	75	0
600	30	0	60	0	90	0
700	35	0	70	0	105	0
800	40	0	80	0	120	0
900	45	0	90	0	135	0
1000	50	0	100	0	150	0
2000	100	0	200	0	300	0
3000	150	0	300	0	450	0
4000	200	0	400	0	600	0
5000	250	0	500	0	750	0
10000	500	0	1000	0	1500	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodiy by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number	4 Shillings	5 Shillings	6 Shillings
	l.	l.	l.	s.	l.	s.
1	0	4	0	5	0	6
2	0	8	0	10	0	12
3	0	12	0	15	0	18
4	0	16	1	0	1	4
5	1	0	1	5	1	10
6	1	5	1	10	1	16
7	1	8	1	15	2	2
8	1	12	2	0	2	8
9	1	10	2	5	2	14
10	2	0	2	10	3	0
20	4	0	5	0	6	0
30	6	0	7	10	9	0
40	8	0	10	0	12	0
50	10	0	12	10	15	0
60	12	0	15	0	18	0
70	14	0	17	10	21	0
80	16	0	20	0	24	0
90	18	0	22	10	27	0
100	20	0	25	0	30	0
200	40	0	50	0	60	0
300	60	0	15	0	90	0
400	80	0	100	0	120	0
500	100	0	125	0	150	0
600	120	0	150	0	180	0
700	140	0	175	0	210	0
800	160	0	200	0	240	0
900	180	0	225	0	270	0
1000	200	0	250	0	300	0
2000	400	0	500	0	600	0
3000	600	0	750	0	900	0
4000	300	0	1000	0	1200	0
5000	1000		1250	0	1500	0
10000	2000		2560	0	3000	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Price of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	7 Shill	8 Shill.	9 Shill.	10 Shill
	l.	s	l.	s.	l.	s.	l.	s.
1	0	7	0	8	0	9	0	10
2	0	14	0	16	0	18	1	0
3	1	1	1	4	1	7	1	10
4	1	8	1	12	1	16	2	0
5	1	15	2	0	2	5	2	10
6	2	2	2	8	2	15	3	0
7	2	9	2	16	3	3	3	10
8	2	16	3	4	3	12	4	0
9	3	3	3	12	4	1	4	10
10	3	10	4	0	4	10	5	0
20	7	0	8	0	9	0	10	0
30	10	10	12	0	13	10	15	0
40	14	0	16	0	18	0	20	0
50	17	10	20	0	22	10	25	0
60	21	0	24	0	27	0	30	0
70	24	10	28	0	31	10	35	0
80	28	0	32	0	36	0	40	0
90	31	10	36	0	40	10	45	0
100	35	0	40	0	45	0	50	0
200	70	0	80	0	50	0	100	0
300	105	0	120	0	135	0	150	0
400	140	0	160	0	180	0	200	0
500	175	0	200	0	225	0	250	0
600	210	0	240	0	270	0	300	0
700	245	0	280	0	315	0	350	0
800	280	0	320	0	360	0	400	0
900	315	0	360	0	405	0	450	0
1000	350	0	400	0	450	0	500	0
2000	700	0	8000	0	900	0	1000	0
3000	1050	0	1200	0	1350	0	1500	0
4000	1400	0	1600	0	1800	0	2000	0
5000	1750	0	2000	0	3250	0	2500	0
10000	3500	0	4000	0	4500	0	5000	0

The Quantity of the Commodity to be bought or sold.	The Prince of the Commodity by the Tun, Hundred, Pound, Ounce, Dozen, Yard, Ell, &c.
Number.	1 Lib.	2 Lib.	3 Lib.	4 Lib.	5 Lib.
	l.	l.	l.	l.	l.
1	1	2	3	4	5
2	2	4	6	8	10
3	3	6	9	12	15
4	4	8	12	16	20
5	5	10	15	20	25
6	6	12	18	24	30
7	7	14	21	28	35
8	8	16	24	32	40
9	9	18	27	36	45
10	10	20	30	40	50
20	20	40	60	80	100
30	30	60	90	120	150
40	40	80	120	160	200
50	50	100	150	200	250
60	60	120	180	240	300
70	70	140	210	280	350
80	80	160	240	320	400
90	90	180	270	360	450
100	100	200	300	400	500
200	200	400	600	800	1000
300	300	600	900	1200	1500
400	400	800	1200	1600	2000
500	500	1000	1500	2000	2500
600	600	1200	1800	2400	3000
700	700	1400	2100	2800	3500
800	800	1600	2400	3200	4000
900	900	1800	2700	3600	4500
1000	1000	2000	3000	4000	5000
2000	2000	4000	6000	8000	10000
3000	3000	6000	9000	12000	15000
4000	4000	8000	12000	16000	20000
5000	5000	10000	15000	20000	25000
10000	10000	20000	30000	40000	50000

CHAP. XVIII.

A Table for buying and selling any thing by the Hundred.

d.	q.	l.	s.	d.
0	1	0	2	4
	2	0	4	8
	3	0	7	0
1	0	0	9	4
	1	0	11	8
	2	0	14	0
	3	0	16	4
2	0	0	18	8
	1	1	1	0
	2	1	3	4
	3	1	5	8
3	0	1	8	0
	1	1	10	4
	2	1	12	8
	3	1	15	0
4	0	1	17	4
	1	1	19	8
	2	2	2	0
	3	2	4	4
5	0	2	6	8
	1	2	9	0
	2	2	11	4
	3	2	13	8
6	0	2	16	0
	1	3	18	4
	2	3	0	8
	3	3	3	0
7	0	3	5	4
	1	3	7	8
	2	3	10	0
	3	3	12	4
8	0	3	14	8
	1	3	17	0
	2	3	19	4
	3	4	1
9	0	4	4	0
d.	q	l.	s.	d
9	1	4	6	4
	2	4	8	8
	3	4	11	0
10	0	4	13	4
	1	4	15	8
	2	4	18	0
	3	5	0	4
11	0	5	2	8
	1	5	5	0
	2	5	7	4
	3	5	9	8
12	0	5	12	0
	1	5	14	4
	2	5	16	8
	3	5	19	0
13	0	6	1	4
	1	6	3	8
	2	6	6	0
	3	6	8	4
14	0	6	10	8
	1	6	13	0
	2	6	15	4
	3	6	17	8
15	0	7	0	0
	1	7	2	4
	2	7	4	8
	3	7	7	0
16	0	7	9	4
	1	7	11	8
	2	7	14	0
	3	7	16	4
17	0	7	18	8
	1	8	1	0
	2	8	3	4
	3	8	5	8
18	0	8	8	0

The Ʋse of this Table.

IF you buy any thing by the Hundred (which is 112 l.) you may know what it cost by the Pound; or if you buy any Commodity at so much the Pound, you may know the price of the Hundred.

Example 1. At 4 d. 3 q. the Pound, what is that the great Hundred?

Look in the Table for 4 d. 3 q. in the first Co∣lume, and against it in the second, you shall find 2 l. 4 s. 4 d. and so much will 112 l. cost.

Again, If a hundred weight cost 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. what is that the Pound?

Look in the Table for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. in the second Colume, and right against it in the first Colume, you shall find 8 d. 3 q. and so much it is by the Pound.

Example 2. One buys a hundred weight of a Com∣modity for 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. which he retails again at 10 d. the Pound; what doth he get by selling a hun∣dred weight?

A hundred weight at 10 d. the Pound, comes to 4 l. 13 s. 4 d. from which take 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. there remains 11 s. 8 d. and so much doth the Retailer gain.

CHAP. XIX. Of the LAWS of the MARKET. Stow. p. 664.

1. IN all the Markets of this City, no Victuals shall be Sold, but the Price set by the Mayor of this City.

2. No man shall forestal any Victuals coming to the Market; as for to buy in any Inn or other pri∣vy place, or yet coming to the Market, whether it be found in the hands of the Buyer, or of the Seller, under pains of Forfeiture of the same: And no Inn∣holder shall suffer any thing to be Sold in his House, upon pain of Forfeiture of Forty shillings.

3. No man shall Regrate any Victuals which is in the Market, or by any Victuals to Ingrate in the Mar∣ket, so that the Commons can or may have any part of such Victuals, especially such as may be known for Huck sters, or other people occupying their Living by such Victuals as they would so Ingross, under pain of forfei∣ture of such Victuals so Regrated: Provided always, that any Steward for any Noble Feast, may buy or Ingrate such Victuals as is convenient for the same Feast.

4. No Butter shall be sold but according to the Weight, for the time of the year allowed.

5. No Poulterers shall deceivably occupy the Mar∣ket, to sell any stale Victuals, or such as be Poulterers of this City, for to stand in strange Cloathing so to do, under pain of Forty shillings, and the forfeiture of such Victuals, Forty shillings.

6. No Hucksters shall stand or fit in the Market,

but in the lower place, and the ends of the Market, to the intent they may be perfectly known, and the Stranger-market-people have the preheminence of the Market, under pain of Three shillings four pence, if the Hucksters disobey the same.

7. No unwholsom or stale Victuals shall be sold, under pain of Forty shillings, and forfeiture of the same Victuals.

CHAP. XX. Of the Coal-Market.

AT the Head of Billings-Gate Dock is a square Plot of Ground compassed with Posts, known by the name of Roomland, which with the adjacent part of the Street hath been the usual place where the Ship-Masters, Coal-Merchants, Wood-mongers, Ligh∣ter-men, and Labourers do meet every Morning, in order to the buying, selling, delivering, and taking up of Sea-Coals, and Scotch-Coals, as the principal Market. This Coal-Market was kept on Great Tower-Hill in the time of the Cities late Desolation.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Corn-Market.

UPon Bear-Key, between Sab's-Dock and Porters-Key, is the usual place, or chief Market for Corn, which is bought and sold there every day, but prin∣cipally

Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, which are the Market-days, where great quantities of all kind of Grain are bought and sold by small Examples, com∣monly called Samples, whether it be lying in Grana∣ries or Ships, and it (viz. Bear-Key) is the princi∣pal place where the Kentish and Essex Corn-Vessels do lie.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Fish-Market.

THe Fresh Fish-Market is kept at Billings-Gate, Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Merchants of LONDON.

MErchandizing may be said to be an Art or Sci∣ence, Invented by Ingenious Man-kind, for the Publick Good and Profit of all, supplying (as was said) the Native wants of one place, by the abundance of others, that do not consume their own Growths, Pro∣ducts, or Manufactures. Such as Negotiate and Traf∣fick this way, are called Merchants. The things sold or exchanged, are Two, First, Wares or Goods; and Secondly, Moneys or Coyn, which are usually Contra∣cted or Bargained for, three ways.

First, When Goods are Exchanged for Goods; that

is, so much of one Sort, for like value of another; and this is called Bartering, usual here in old times, and in many places of America, Asia, and Affrica in these days; but in process of time, Men finding it too diffi∣cult and troublesom to carry about them all things thus Bargained and Truckt for, from place to place, invented a common Standard or Measure that should countervail, and be in value as all other things, and be accounted in Payments Satisfaction and Equiva∣lency to all others: and this is called Money, of Gold, Silver, or other Metals. This use of Money is as old as Abraham, but it was not then Coyned, but only in Pieces unstampt; and since by Authority of Princes, it was divided into great and small Pieces, and into several and distinct Parts and Denominations, and Stampt or Coyned with several Characters, denoting the true Weight and Value of the same. This was done first by Servius in Rome, of Brass, whereon was Imprinted the Image of Sheep and Oxen, be∣tokening the Wealth and Riches of those days: Ten of those Pieces made a Denier, or Penny, and were called by Latins, Denarii. This was the Original of Money, which afterward came to be Coyned of Silver and Gold.

Secondly, The second way is of Goods for Money, and this is termed Bargaining, or Buying and Sel∣ling: This facilitates Merchandizing; and to prevent the Inconvenience and Danger of the Carriage of Money about a Man, another Medium was found, and that was,

Thirdly, Exchanging, which is of the giving of so much Money in one place to one, who should cause it again to be repay'd in another place, by another for him. In all Exchanges there is concluded two Payments, two Places, and four distinct Persons; viz.

He that payeth in one place, and receiveth in ano∣ther; and he that receiveth in the one place, and payeth in the other; and so no man can remit, ex∣cept there be another to draw; nor can any receive, except there be another authorized to pay.

The first of these ways was taught to Mankind by necessity; the Second was sound out to facilitate the First, and the Third to facilitate the Second. Thus was the Original of Exchanges, to accommodate Com∣merce, which was first practised without benefit or loss, or any other consideration, they using to pay the value of the very Sum received: but in time it came to be considered, that the Party paying, loses time, and runs a hazard, and therefore it was held reasonable that he should have some benefit. Hence Exchanges are converted to an Art or Mystery, Mo∣neys being remitted for benefit, without so much respect to the end of its Original Institution.

In the first sort, the Merchant ought to know the Commodities delivered and received, the present va∣lue of both the Quality; Viz. whether lasting or perishable; the Property, viz. whether of Natural growth, or Artificial: And lastly, the Quantity; Viz. whether plentiful or scarce, and in few Lands.

In the second sort, the same things are necessary, and also a knowledge how the Things are Bought and Sold, whether by Weight, as ponderous Goods; by Concave or long Measures, as Commodities of Length; or such as are Solid or Liquid. A knowledge of Weights and Measures of the fineness, goodness, and currant value of Money, &c. A Merchant is to know what to bargain for, how to bargain, when to bargain, and with whom; which comprehends the knowledge of the Commodity, Weights, and Measures, proper Sea∣sons, and Credit of the Party bargained with.

In the third sort, there is necessary a knowledge of

the fineness, goodness, and currant value of the Princes Coyn, where the Remitter and Party receiving a∣bide,—a knowledge of the currant Rate of Ex∣changing of the Par, or value for value, both accor∣ding to the Standard of the Country, and according to the Valuation of the currant Coyn there passable. Then of the Ʋsance of the Place,—and a knowledge of the Drawer and Receiver.—As also the due manner and form of making of all Legal Intimations, Pro∣tests, and other such needful Instruments, Circumstances, and Observations, as are requisite upon default of payment, according to the strict and solemn Rules required in a Bill of Exchange. These General Heads are not to instruct Merchants, but to give a kind of a view of this Noble Calling to others that are Stran∣gers to it.

More particularly in this Famous City, is a great number of Merchants, who for Wealth, for Stately Hou∣ses within the City in Winter, and without in Summer; for rich Furniture, plentiful Tables, honourable Li∣ving; for great Estates in Money and Land, excel some Princes in some of our Neighbour Nations, a great many of whom have frequently born the Digni∣ty of the Chief Magistracy of the City, and have been bountiful and very liberal Benefactors to the Publick, and other Pious Ʋses.

The Merchants of London have been by divers Prin∣ces of this Kingdom Incorporated into Societies and Companies, to encourage their Endeavours; and in reward of the Discoveries of the Trade of those Coun∣tries, whereof they take their Name, they have Power and Immunities granted them, to make Acts and Orders for the benefit of Commerce in general, and of their Companies in particular.

The Ancientest of these, called the Merchant Ad∣venturers,

have had their Original and Continuance since Edward the First, grounded at first upon the Exportation of Wooll onely, the Prime and Staple Commodity of England; but now upon Cloathing, in∣to which the Wooll is converted: That King removed the Staple out of Flanders, and allured over some Flemmings, which taught the English to make Cloth, so that they are now the best Clothiers or Cloth∣workers in the World. —And to encourage them, he Enacted in the Twenty seventh of his Reign, by Statute, that it should be Felony to transport Woolls un∣wrought. This Staple was afterwards removed to Calice, to inrich it; afterwards to Antwerp, Middle-borough, Stoad, Delph, Rotterdam, and Hamborough. —It now includes all Drapery, and is go∣vern'd beyond Sea by a Deputy and certain Assistants, and in England by a Governour, Deputy, and certain Assistants. Stow says, that the Company of Mer∣chants called the Staple, were Incorporated by Ed∣ward the Third, but the Merchant Adventurers by Ed∣ward the Fourth.

The Company of Merchants of Levant, termed Turkey Merchants, were Incorporated by Queen Eli∣zabeth, and had their Charter confirmed and enlar∣ged by King James. They first made Discoveries in∣to the Traffick of the Seigniory of Venice, and the Dominions of the Great Turk, having then the Privi∣ledges of the East-Indian Traffick, —the Navi∣gation to us then unknown by Sea, but the Portugals knew it.

Now there is a great and Eminent Company that manage the East-India Trade, and by themselves In∣corporated in Queen Elizabeths time, Anno 1600. Im∣ploying a joynt Stock; they have a great Capital, or House, called the East-India-House; by the said

Trade and Stock they have built many Warlike Ships, and brought all those Indian Commodities to our Homes, which before were brought to us by other Nations; both which Companies (viz. the Levant and East-India) now supply our Land; and by their second Transportation, many other Countries, with those rich Merchandizes which Venetia, Turkey, Arabia, Persia, China, and India yield; these have their re∣spective Governours, to which are joyned certain Commissioners and Assistants.

The Company of Merchants of Russia were Incorpo∣rated by King Edward the Sixth, and their Charter confirmed and enlarged by Queen Elizabeth: as also the Company of Merchants of Ebbing, the East-Land Company,,—the Green-Land Company,—the Spa∣nish Company,—the French Company of New Adven∣turers,— the Company of French Merchants. —There is also the Merchants of Virginia, Bermu∣das, or Summer Islands, the Affrican or Guiney Com∣pany, &c.

These Companies, besides others not at all Incorpo∣rated, being encouraged by sundry Priviledges, go∣vern themselves by setled Acts and Orders, under cer∣tain chosen Governours, Deputies, and a selected num∣ber of Assistants, which have been found to be so pro∣fitable to these Kingdoms, by Exporting the Native Commodities thereof, by setting the Poor on work, by building of many brave Ships, and by Importing hither of sundry Necessaries both for Use and Orna∣ment, that the benefit thereof cannot here be cer∣tainly expressed: But for a taste I shall transcribe one Instance from Mr. Lewis Roberts, in his Map of Com∣merce, written near Fifty years ago, about the Le∣vant Company in particular. It was found (says he, p. 295.) that inour last Voyage to Cales, and to the

Isle of Rhee, they were the Owners of Twenty great Sail of Ships, that served in both those Voyages; and it is probable that they are Owners of Thirty Sail more, which one with the other may contain 12 or 13000 Tuns of burden, 1200 Guns at least, and about 4 or 5000 Saylers yearly, besides Porters, Weighers, Barge-men, Lighter-men, Car-men, which cannot be less than 2 or 3000 more; and they pay above 50000 l. yearly Customs to the King, partly by Ex∣portation of Cloth, Tin, and other Goods, and partly by Importation of Silks, Cottons, Galls, Grograms, Spices, Drugs, Currans, and other Levantine Commo∣dities; which shews the great benefit of a well go∣vern'd Trade. And we may well estimate, if it were so then, that 'tis much greater now; and that the benefit of these and the other Societies belonging to this City and Kingdom, is mighty considerable.

CHAP. XXIV. Excellent Directions to all Merchants, how to keep their Books of Accounts, after the most Accurate manner.

1. Money paid. WHen you pay any Money to any body, make the Person Debitor, and the Account of Cash Creditor.

2. Money Received. For Money received, make the Account of Cash Debitor, and the Person of whom it is received Cre∣ditor.

3. Goods bought for ready Money. When Goods are bought for ready Money, make the Account of Goods Debitor, and Cash Creditor.

4. Goods sold for ready Money. When Goods are sold for ready Money, make the Account of Cash Debitor, and the Goods Creditor.

5. Goods bought at time. When Goods are bought at time, then make the Account of Goods Debitor, and the Person of whom they are bought Creditor.

6. Goods sold at time. When Goods are sold at time, then make the Ac∣count of the Person Debitor, and the Goods Creditor.

7. Goods bought one part at time, and the rest for ready Money. Goods bought, one part for ready Money, and the rest at time, must be divided in two parts; namely, First, the Goods must be made Debitor for the whole Sum, and the Person to whom they are bought Cre∣ditor: Secondly, as much as is paid in ready Money, you must make the person Debitor, and Cash Cre∣ditor.

8. Goods sold, one part for ready Money, and the rest at time. Goods sold, one part for ready Money, the rest at time: First, you must make the person Debitor for the whole Sum, and afterwards the Goods Creditor, then you must make the Cash Debitor for so much as you receive in ready Money, and the person Credi∣tor for the rest.

9. Money paid for Goods before it be due. When you have bought any Goods at time, and afterwards you agree with the Person which sold you the Goods to pay your Money before it be due, with rebating or discount, then you must make the Person Debitor, as followeth; viz. To Cash for so much as you pay him, and to profit and loss for the Rebate∣ment, or allowance for the Discount.

10. Goods sold in Barter for others. When you sell Goods in Barter for others, then you must make the Goods which you receive Debi∣tor to the Goods which you deliver.

Receive before you write, and write before you pay. And so a good Account be sure to keep you may.

A TABLE for finding out the day of the Month for ever, of daily use for TRADERS.

Sunday	1	8	15	22	29
Mundayes	2	9	16	23	30
Tuesdayes	3	10	17	24	31
Wednesdayes	4	11	18	25
Thursdayes	5	12	19	26
Frydayes	6	13	20	27
Saturdayes	7	14	21	28

Munday	1	8	15	22	2
Tuesdayes	2	9	16	23	30
Wednesdayes	3	10	17	24	31
Thursdayes	4	11	18	25
Frydayes	5	12	19	26
Saturdayes	6	13	20	27
Sundayes	7	14	21	28

Tuesday	1	8	15	22	29
Wednesdayes	2	9	16	23	30
Thursdayes	3	10	17	24	31
Frydayes	4	11	18	25
Saturdayes	5	12	19	26
Sundayes	6	13	20	27
Mundayes	7	14	21	28

Wednesday	1	8	15	22	29
Thursdayes	2	9	16	23	30
Fridayes	3	10	17	24	31
Saturdayes	4	11	18	25
Sundayes	5	12	19	26
Mundayes	6	13	20	27
Tuesdayes	7	14	21	28

Thursday	1	8	15	22	29
Frydays	2	9	16	23	30
Saturdays	3	10	17	24	31
Sundays	4	11	18	25
Mundays	5	12	19	26
Tuesdays	6	13	20	27
Wednesdays	7	14	21	28

Fryday	1	8	15	22	29
Saturdays	2	9	16	23	30
Sundays	3	10	17	24	31
Mundays	4	11	18	25
Tuesdays	5	12	19	26
Wednesdays	6	13	20	27
Thursdays	7	14	21	28

Saturday	1	8	15	22	29
Sundays	2	9	16	23	30
Mundays	3	10	17	24	31
Tuesdays	4	11	18	25
Wednesdays	5	12	19	26
Thursdays	6	13	20	27
Frydays	7	14	21	28

KInd Reader, this Table readily shews the day of the Month for ever. Example, The first of February 1683. is on a Thursday, and I would know what day of the Month the third Wednesday in that Month is? I seek for the Square in this Ta∣ble that begins with Thursday, and in that Square look for Wednesday, and against it I find 7, 14, 21, 28. which are all the Wednesdays in that Monah, the third answering the Que∣stion being the 21th. day of the Month. And so for any Day of any Month of any Year. The Figures under each Month shew the number of Days, but in Leap-years Feb. has 29 Days.

CHAP. XXV. Directions to all Merchants, and other Dea∣lers, giving them light into the method for entring of Goods Inwards or Outwards at the Custom-house; how to get Bills of Lading signed, (with the Copy of a Bill of Lading) (with the Copy of a Policy of Assurance) Commissions, and Dis∣count.

SUppose you have 15 Bails of Cloth to Ship off for Turkey; your Cloth being ready packt, take the true Contents thereof, which carry to the Custom-house, between the hours of 9 and 11 in the Morn∣ing, and give in the same to the Clerks appointed, where you shall find such care taken of Merchants, that from Man to Man the Clerks dispatch you with∣out any undue preference; and having found out the first, he directs you to the second, and then he to the third, and so forwards, until you have the Com∣missioners (or Farmers) Hands, and the Office-Seal; and this with such order, that it is not imagi∣nable for any man of any reason whatever, to be put beside his Turn, but every man served in due or der as his business comes to hand. And no Clerkwill demand more than his just Dues; if he doth, there is good Justice against him immediately, by com∣plaining to the Commissioners (or Farmers) for the time being.

Having thus gotten your Coquet (which is a small

Piece of Parchment testifying the Payment of the Customs and all Duties for your 15 Bails of Cloth) you fetch your Cloth from the Packers, and having put on your Mark and Numbers, then you set the same Mark and Numbers on the back of your Coquet, mentioning the true Contents of each Bail; then go with your Goods to the Water-side; when you come there, you must deliver your Coquet to the Searcher, with his Fee, what he demands; and pay the Whar∣fage and Portage of your Goods, and so Ship them in Boat, or Lighter, or Ship, as you are directed by your Master; if you send them by Boat or Lighter on board the Ship, you must order him that carries them, to bring you (before you pay him) a Receipt from the Master, his Mate, or Purser, of receiving the said Goods on board the Ship, which Receipt is com∣monly in these words, or to this effect.

Received the 19th. of August, 1683. on board the Good Ship Asia, 15 Bails of Cloth, marked and numbred as underneath; per me I. R. Purser.

☞ Num. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15.

This Note justifies the Water-mans delivering the Goods on board the Ship; and assoon as you have it, you must find out the Master of the Ship, and cause him to sign you three Bills of Lading. A Bill of La∣ding is an acknowledgment from the Master of the Ship for your Goods, with a promise to deliver them at the place he is bound for. A Copy of which here follows.

Shipped by the Grace of God in good order, and

well conditioned by me I. P. in and upon the Good Ship, called the Asia, whereof is Master, under God, for this present Voyage R. M. and now Riding at Anchor in the River of Thames, and by Gods Grace bound for Constantinople; To say, 15 Bails of Cloth, being Marked and Numbred as in the Margin; and are to be delivered in like good or∣der and well conditioned, * 4.1 at the a∣foresaid Port of Constantinople (the dangers of the Sea only excepted) unto Mr. J. K. or to his Assigns, he or they paying Fraight for the said Goods, two Lyon Dollars per Bail, with Primage and Avarage accustomed. In witness whereof, the Master or Purser of the said Ship hath affirmed to three Bills of La∣ding, all of this Tenour and Date; the one of which three Bills being accomplished, the other two to stand void. And so God send the Good Ship to her desired Port in safety: Amen. Dated in London, the 20th. of August, 1683. Inside Contents not known, per me R. M.

The Master having signed you three Bills of La∣ding, keeps one of them himself, and leaves the o∣ther two with you; one of which you send away in∣closed in a Letter to your Correspondent, to whom the 15 Bails of Cloth are consigned; the other you keep with you for a Testimony against the Master, if occasion shall so happen, by losses or otherwise, whereby he may be forced to make satisfaction. Al∣so the Bill of Lading which remains in your hand is of great concernment; for if in case the Goods are injured, and come to damage, or are lost, the Insu∣rer will be forced by vertue of the same, to make you satisfaction for the said loss: for by the said Bill it will appear, that such and such Goods were shipped

in such or such a Ship, by such or such a one, and consigned to such or such a place, to such or such a one. This for Goods Outwards.

But now for Goods that come into the Nation, you must, as near as you can, by your Letters and Facto∣ries, guess at what quantity of Goods you have, and then go to the Custom-house, and carry Money, and when you have the first Clerk, he will, as before, send you from Man to Man, until you have accomplished your business; and having paid your Money in the Morning, if you go to the Ship in the Afternoon, you will find there a Warrant for the delivering your Goods unto you.

Of Assurance.

Assurance is, when you are in any manner of fear of the Ship your Goods are in, or the danger of the Voy∣age, or of Pyrats, &c. you then are willing to give another man a certain sum of Money to put himself in your place; and if any danger arises, to pay you for the same Goods the value that you have assured. It is a thing hath been long in Custom and Use amongst Traders, and was established by a Law under Claudius Caesar, before the Birth of our Saviour Christ; it hath been much practised in all Trading Nations, and is a cause of great increase of Trade, because that hazard is born by four or five with mutual consent; which otherwise must fall upon one person. The nature of it is thus: Suppose you Ship 300 l. of Goods for Ja∣maica, you being unwilling to run so great a hazard your self; you go to the Assurance-Office, behind the Royal Exchange in London, and there acquaint the Clerk you would ensure 200 l. 250, or if you will the whole 300 l. (for you may ensure the whole, or any part)

upon such a Ship for so much Goods you have on board. The Clerk presently speaks to other men that are Merchants, that make it their Trade to ensure, and you agree with them at a price so much in the Hun∣dred, and this is called Primo: In consideration of this Primo, the man that is your Insurer, runs all the ha∣zard that can be imagined, until your Goods arrive safe at Jamaica. Before you pay the Primo, you have a Policy of Insurance sign'd by the man or men you a∣gree withal; for you may deal with 2, 3, or 4, to un∣der-write for you several Sums: This Policy of In∣surance ought to be Copied in the Office of Assurance, in a Book kept there for that purpose, and for which you pay a certain Sum unto the Clerk or Clerks, sit∣ting at that time. In the Policy is exprest the Name of the Person that causeth himself to be Ensured, the Place he Ensures for, the Ship, the Masters Name, the sum of Mony, the dangers you are Ensured from, and how long that lasteth, with the Name of the Party or Parties, that Ensure or under-write the Policy for you. As suppose you would Ensure 200 l. of the above mentioned 300 l. for Jamaica, on the Triston Frigat, Ayry Saunders Master, the Ship being yet in the River of Thames, or under Sail, such Assurance is drawn up as followeth.

The Copy of a Policy of Assurance.

In the Name of God, Amen. I, E. H. of London, Mer∣chant, as well in his own Name, as for and in the Name and Names of all and every other Person and Persons to whom the same doth, may, or shall apper∣ain in part, or in all, doth make Assurance, and cau∣seth himself, and them, and every of them, to be In∣sured, lost or not lost, from the Port of London, to the

Port of Port Royal in Jamaica, upon any kind of Goods and Merchandize whatsoever, Laden, or to be Laden abroad the good Ship, called the Triston Frigat of London, burden of 5 hundred Tuns, or thereabouts, whereof is Master under God for this present Voyage, A.S. or whosoever else shall go for Master in the said Ship, or by whatsoever other Name or Names, the same Ship, or the Master is, or shall be named or cal∣led, beginning the Adventure upon the said Goods and Merchandize, from and immediately following the Loading thereof aboard the said Ship at the Port of London, and so shall continue and endure, until the said Ship with the said Goods and Merchandizes whatsoever shall be arrived at Port Royal aforesaid, and the same there safely Landed: And it shall be lawful for the said Ship in this Voyage, to stop and stay at any Ports or places between London and Port Royal, without prejudice to this Insurance; the said Goods or Merchandizes by agreement is, and shall be valued at Three Hundred Pounds Sterling, without further account to be given for the same. Touching the Ad∣ventures and Perils which we the Assurers are con∣tented to beat, and do take upon us in this Voyage, are of the Seas, Men of War, Fire, Enemies, Pyrats, Ro∣vers, Thieves, Jettezones, Letters of Mart, and Coun∣ter-Marts, Surprisals, Takings at Sea, Restraints, and Detainments of all Kings, Princes and People, of what Nation, Condition, or Quality soever, Arrests, Barra∣try of the Master and Mariners, and of all other Perils, Losses, and Misfortunes, that have, or shall come to the hurt, damage, or detriment of the said Goods and Merchandize, or any part thereof. And in case of any Loss or Misfortune, it shall be lawful to the Assured, his, or other Factors and Servants, and Assign, to sue, labour, and travel for, in, and about the defence, re∣covery

and safeguard of the said Goods and Merchan∣dizes, or any part thereof, without prejudice to this Insurance: To the Charges whereof we the Assurers wiil contribute each one, according to the rate and quantity of his Sum herein assured. And it is agreed by us the Insurers, that this writing and Assurance shall be of as much force and effect, as the surest Poli∣cy, or Writing of Assurance heretofore made in Lum∣bard-street, or now within the Royal Exchange, London. And so we the Assurers are contented; and do here∣by promise, and bind our selves each one for his own part, our Heirs, Executors, and Goods, to the Assured, his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, for the true performance of the Premises, acknowledging our selves paid the Consideration due unto us for this As∣surance by E.H. at the Rate of Three Pounds per Hun∣dred Pound Sterling. In witness whereof, we the As∣surers have subscribed our Names, and Sums: Assu∣red in London.

I, R.O. am content with this Assurance, for the sum of One hundred pounds,

London, this Thirtieth of August, 1683.

I, M. P. am content with this Assurance, for the sum of One hundred pounds,

London, this Thirtieth of August, 1683.

This is the Copy of an Assurance for Goods Out∣wards: But suppose you receive Advice this last Post, that you have 200 Hogsheads of Jamaica Sugar, Shipt for your Account on board the Friendship, Captain Francis Bartholomew Commander from Jamaica: If you have a mind to Insure it, you must go to the Office, and agree with the Insurers what you shall give them for Insurance, and then get your Policy made and signed by them, and pay them the Primo, and cause your Policy to be entred, and the Work is

the same as for Goods Outwards, only you alter the Ships and Masters Name, and mention that it comes home, instead of going out.

Other Assurances are made upon Goods that are sent by Waggon or Cart, &c. by Land, from all Rob∣bers or Thieves, &c. Other Assurances are made up∣on the Lives of Men and Women, at a Rate that is moderate. For by this means if you buy any Place or Office that is worth 100 l. or more, or less, and you have not money enough to purchase it, you borrow 4 or 500 l. Now if you die, and are not in a condition to pay this money, it is lost: But if you Ensure your Life, then your Friend that you did borrow it of, will have his money honestly paid him.

Some Assurances are likewise made on the Heads of men; as if a man going for the Streights, and per∣haps is in some fear that he may be taken by Moors or Turkish Pyrats, and so made a Slave, for the Redem∣ption of whom a Ransom must be paid; he may (ere he goes on Ship-board) go to the Insurance Office, and advance a Premio accordingly upon a Policy of As∣surance; And if he be taken into Slavery in the Voy∣age, the Assurer, or Assurers must answer the Ransom that is secured to be paid on the Policy.

Of Factors and Commissions.

A Factor is a Servant, created by a Merchants Let∣ters, to buy and sell Goods for another mans account, and receives a certain Sallery (called Factorage, or Commission) for his pains, but is not to run any man∣ner of Risk or Hazard, if the Goods be lost, or burnt, or any Accident happen, he is not to bear it; and for the bad Debts (if there happen any) the Factor is not to bear it, unless he goes contrary to his Order

that doth employ him; then in such cases the Factor is to bear the loss, and not the Proprietor. As sup∣pose you have advice of a parcel of Spices coming on board such a Vessel for you to dispose of, for the account of a Merchant at Amsterdam, and the Goods do not come to your hands, but perish at Sea, that is nothing to you: But if they come to your hands, and you have a true order from him for the entring of the same, and paying the Custom, should of your own head, or by any Accident or mistake, en∣ter the Goods false, and the same should be seized, the loss would lie at your door; or if he orders you not to sell these Goods but for ready Money, and you sell them for one Month, or for any time, and the Debt become bad, it will be at your door. And so in the buying any manner of Goods, if the Goods be not according to order, the man may refuse them when he hath received them, and the dammage shall fall upon you.

And as Fidelity, Diligence, and Honesty are ex∣pected from the Factor, so the Law requires the like from the Principal; judging the act of one to be the act of the other: Therefore if a Merchant shall remit counterfeit Jewels to his Factor, who sells and disposes them for valuable considerations, as if they were right, if the Factor receives any loss or pre∣judice thereby, by Imprisonment or other punish∣ment, the Principal shall not only make good the Damage to the Factor, but also render Satisfaction to the Party damnified: And so it was adjudged, where one How was possest of three counterfeit Jewels, and having Factors in Barbary, and know∣ing one Southern, a Merchant, was Resident on the Place, consigns those Jewels to his Factor, who re∣ceiving them, intreated Southern to sell those Jewels

for him, telling him that they were good Jewels: Whereupon Southern, not knowing they were coun∣terfeit, sold them to the King of Barbary, for 800 l. (they being worth really but 100 l.) and delivered the Money to the Factor; who remitted the same to How. The King of Barbary, not long after, finding himself cozened, committed Southern to Prison till he had repay'd the 800 l. Whereupon Southern com∣ing for England, brought his Action against How, and had Judgment to recover his damage.

The Satisfaction that Factors have for their pains in buying and selling, is called Commission or Facto∣rage, which is done at several Prices in several Pla∣ces, according to the custom of the Country: In some Countries they take 8 and 10 per Cent. as at Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and most of those Western Parts: In others 2½ and three per Cent. as generally throughout all Italy; two per Cent. as in France, Spain, Portugal. &c. 1½ per Cent. as in Hol∣land, and in other places: but the generality only take throughout Europe, 2 per Cent.

Of Discount.

Discount is when you sell a parcel of Goods at three months time, and a day or two after, the Buyer comes and tells you he is willing to pay you the mony presently, if you will allow him the Discount, which is generally after the rate of 6, or 8, or 10 per Cent. per Annum, as you can agree with him; and to be sure the Buyer will look to your necessity of mony in com∣pounding for the rate of Discount, and take the ad∣vantage thereof for a greater abatement than ordina∣ry: So that I have known some, who having sold a parcel of Goods amounting to 400 l. at three months time, and the Buyer perceiving the Sellers necessities

of mony to be great, have brought him to Discount 6 months at the rate of 10 per Cent. per Annum, so that for the 400 l. which would have been paid at the end of 3 months, there was paid but 380 l. down. But for my part, I either think such sellers case near desperate (that compound at so large a rate of Dis∣count) or else that he hath over-reacht his Chapman in the Goods sold him.

But though this be often found amongst some In∣feriour Merchants, or whole-sale-men (to abate solarge∣ly for Discount) yet it is not the general course of Discount practised amongst Merchants and Dealers that value their reputations; who projecting to trans∣act all affairs that some profit may result, did with very good reason, condescend to a competent abate∣ment for prompt payment of monies: (that some pro∣fit might redound to the party paying) which abate∣ment is properly called Discount; and is thus under∣stood and calculated between Merchant and Merchant; Suppose A. is to receive of B. 200 l. six months hence, B. offers to pay A. presently, if he will Discount at 6 per Cent. per Annum, A. condescends, and they agree. Now to know what A. must allow B. for Discount, do thus. First reduce your 200 l into Pence; the Product will be 48000 Pence; then multiply those Pence by 6, the number of months to be discounted for, the Product will be 288000, which divide by 200, and the quantity of time that is to be allowed, both which make 206 for your Divisor, the Quotient will be 1398 6/103 Pence, which reduct into Shillings, is 116 s. 6 d. 6/103 parts of a peny; this reduct into Pounds, makes 5-16-6 6/103 and so much must be abated out of the 200 l. for the 6 months Discount, and no more, according to the true method received amongst Merchants. And the reason of it is this; be∣cause

if you allow 6 l. then you allow the full Interest of 200 l. for 6 months; but you do not receive 200 l. and wherefore then should you allow the Interest for 200 l.? You must only allow the Interest of what you do receive, which is 196 l.

The aforesaid Rule is not only true for any even Sum to be Discounted, but for any old broken Sum, always remembring to add the number of months to be Discounted for, to 200, and let that be your Di∣visor.

CHAP. XXVI. Of Customs, Subsidies, and Impositions, paid upon Commodities: This may be of dayly use for Merchants.

WHereas Customs, Subsidies, Impositions, Toles Excises, Imposts, and other duties, by the exemplary Actions of Princes, and Common-Weals, are due by the Law of Nations, as a matter inherent to their Prerogatives, because they are absolute Com∣manders in their Harbours, Havens, and Ports, where Commodities are exported; every Merchant is bound to take notice thereof, and to observe the same ac∣cording to the ordinances and proceedings used there∣in, in all Countries respectively, to avoid the danger of the loss and forfeiture of his Commodities, and to make a true calculation how to buy and sell to profit; observing how much upon the hundred pounds in value of his Commodities (rated by the orders of di∣vers

Countries) the same amounteth unto, and to add the same with the charges upon Commodities, to the price whereat the said Commodities were brought, as well in his Native Country, as in other Countries where he doth traffick and trade.

In Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, the Custom and Ordinance is; if a Merchant do not declare all his Commodities, which he importeth or exporteth, but concealeth some part of them, all the Commodities of that kind are forfeited to the Prince; and he shall find but small favour to redeem them.

In Spain, and other Dominions of the King of Spain the Commodities concealed are only forfeited; unless they be prohibited and unlawful Goods.

In England, Scotland, and Ireland, is the like; and only the Goods concealed are forfeited, and may be had again upon reasonable composition: For the Sta∣tute Law giveth Authority to the Officer who maketh the seizure, that upon Licence sued forth to com∣pound, he may do it safely for his part, which is the one moyety; and for the other moyety which is the Kings, Merchants are graciously dealt withal, by the Judges or Barons of the Kings Exchequer, or others thereunto Authorised: Insomuch that it hath happen∣ed that some Merchants relying upon this favourable dealing, have adventured to expose their Commodi∣ties unto the forfeiture thereof; being Commodities which pay much Custom and Imposition: as Cam∣bricks, Lawns, Tobacco, Cocheneale, Venice Gold; Thred, and other things, because they were (in a manner) assured to make composition under the sum which they were to pay for Custom and Imposition.

In France, and Germany, is ••he•••• like for concealed Commodities, which are not declared in the Custom-house; and Jewels, and precious Stones; and Pearis,

are freed of Custom. And so it was in England, un∣til of late Years, since the Customs were taken to Farm, and yet they pay but three per Cent. of the value of their appraisement, to be rated by the Offi∣cers of the Custom-house at London. But if any Mer∣chant or Jeweller bring over any Jewels, or precious Stones and Pearls, he is to declare them to the Offi∣cers or Waiters of the Place where he Landeth, other∣wise they will be seized (by water or land) as for∣feited to the King; wherein more strict dealing hath been used of late, since the King hath letten to Farm his moyety of the Seizures. So that first of all the Custom of concealed Goods must be paid, before any composition be made; next the Composition being made, then may the Informer be agreed withal. And no Commodities can be delivered upon security to the owner, as formerly by the Law was accustomed to be done; but they must remain in some sufficient Custody until the matter be tryed by Law, or com∣pounded by Agreement. But prohibited Commodi∣ties (as Allom and other things) by Letters Patents and Proclamation, the possession may be had, upon security to be given to answer the value thereof, ac∣cording to the appraisement made of them. And these Commodities (if the Master of the Ship do not declare them upon his Entry made in the Custom-house upon his Oath, are also subject to the Forfei∣ture, although they come consigned unto a Merchant or Factor unawares, by another Merchant that knew not that such Commodities were prohibited to be im∣ported. The like is for a Merchant shipping out un∣lawful Wares but herein he may have intelligence by the Customer, before he do lay them upon the Water to be shipped. Again, if a Merchant carry mo∣ney by Water down to Gravesend, with an Intention

to bestow the same in Bays at Sandwich, or in other Commodities at ••anterbury; he is first to declare the same in the Searchers Office, or else the Money is lost, and three times the value upon Information. For no mony of Gold or Silver, or any foreign Coyn or Plate brought into the Kingdom can be transport∣ed; only for Passengers expences, some four or five pounds may be carried out. But for Commodities brought in, which have paid Custom, the same may be Shipped out again by Coquet, without paying any more Custom and Imposition; so it be done upon good Certificate, that it is the same Commodity, and that the property thereof is not altered; and this must be done within six months after their Importation.

All Merchants Ships being laden, have always (time out of mind) been permitted to break bulk below, or at Tilbury-Hope, and to pay no Custom, but for the Goods they brought up, or Landed in England, and not for the Goods which they did Transport in the said Ship, or in any other Vessel or Ship: which priviledge and certainty of Merchants Custom ought to be seriously observed, better than it hath been of late. And of this and other observations, Merchants and Factors are to give notice to their Friends and Masters, to the end they do not incur any danger, which (to avoid in some sort) is effected by entring the Goods upon sight of the Customers view, by o∣pening of them.

In Barbary and other places, where the Customs are paid in kind or species, if any part be concealed and not entred, that only will be forfeited; and yet the loss is greater, because they will make choice of the best: As for example, Suppose a Merchant doth enter divers sorts of Linnen Cloth, and concealeth some pieces; the Officers will take both the tenth piece for

the Custom, and all the concealed pieces of the best and finest sorts, to your exceeding great loss.

In the Low-Countries and Germany, as also in most places of Italy and Turkey, you shall only forfeit the Goods concealed, and be permitted to compound for them as you can agree, wherein the Circumstances in some places will be considered, and the manner how the error grew, or whether it were done with a set purpose.

There are also in divers places allowances made (as in England) upon Wines in regard of Leakage of ten or fifteen upon the hundred, or else all the Butts and Pipes are to be filled up, and so to pay accordingly; wherein the time of the Voyage, foul weather, and other accidents are to be considered, to make your composition thereafter.

Upon Clothes to be Shipped out, there is allowance made of the tenth Cloth for a Wrapper, which payeth no Custom: and so of all other Woollen Commodi∣ties, which payeth after the rate; as three Northern Kersies for a Cloth, four Devonshire Kersies, two sin∣gle Dozens, one double Dozen, six Cardinals, Pin∣whites, Statutes, Stockbridges, Straits, and Tavi∣stocks, four Cornish Dozens, Pennystones unfriezed, Island Dozens, and Northern Plains for one Cloth, two Bridgwaters, Cornish and Devonshire double Dozens, Florentines, Northern Dozens single, and Pennystones for a Cloth, to be understood for a short Cloth coloured, or white of twenty and four yards long, weighing 60 l. unto 64 l. whereof English Cu∣stom was a Noble, and the Merchant-strangenr thirteen shillings and four pence, whereunto is added the anci∣ent Custom heretofore paid by the Merchants of the Steel-yard o•• Haunce-Towns, being 14 pence, so toge∣ther 14 s. 6 d. a Cloth, besides the over length of 3 d. ¼

the yard; which is of late comprised in the new Im∣position of the pretermitted Custom for weighing of Cloths, at two pence the pound: so that a short Cloth paid in times past a Noble, and now ten shillings, be∣sides the overlength, according to the weight, after the said rate at two pence for the pound: All which the Merchant-stranger payeth double.

Also whereas of late years, since the Customs were letten to farm, all Commodities, as Sugars, Spices, Raisins of the Sun, and others are weighed, and there∣upon the Tare for the Cask or Chest is to be allowed, and so the Custom is paid. There ought good allow∣ance to be made for the said Tare, because many Commodities being unladed, and having taken the moisture of the Seas, increaseth the weight of their Cask; so that Merchants pay many times Custom for that which they have not, by the strict dealing of Officers contrary to Equity and Justice, if they do not warily look to their affairs, wherein the Officers may also be excused.

Now to conclude touching Customs, we must con∣sider what they may amount unto upon the Hundred, according to which, Merchants are to cast up their Accounts for benefit and loss, as aforesaid.

The Custom in England (called Parva Custuma) was three pence upon every pound, that the Com∣modities are rated in the Custom Book, which is paid by Merchants Strangers, now altered paying six pence.

The Subsidy or Poundage is paid by all Merchants of what Nation soever, which is 12 d. upon all Com∣modities brought in. And for Cloth exported 6 s. 8 d. for English Merchants, and Merchants Strangers double.

The new Imposition established in the year 1608, is also 12 d. upon all Commodities imported, and up∣on

some Commodities exported is limited; so that Custom and Subsidy in England is 12 ½ upon the 100 for Merchants Strangers: Besides Butleridg or Sca∣vage, almost one per Cent. more for Goods inward; and for English Merchants is ten upon the hundred.

The Impost upon Wines is limited upon the Butt, Pipe, Hogshead, as by the Book of Rates, with the Composition-money, and other Duties.

In Spain and Portugal they take after divers rates for Commodities, some 1/10 or 1/15 and twenty five upon the hundred, esteemed to be one with another unquinto or ⅕ part, or 20 per Cent. with the Alcavalla taken from Brokeridge to sell them. In Barbary se∣ven per Cent. aboard.

The Turk taketh ⅕ part as the Aegyptians. The Ve∣netians take 3, 5, 7, and 10, upon the hundred with great advisement, and upon the Manufactures of o∣ther Nations 14, 15, and more. And the like is is done in France to advance the Handy-craftsman.

The great Imposts demanded in the year 1604 by Philip the Third, King of Spain (of 30 upon the 100) of French, English and Flanders Commodities, was soon abolished, when the French King, Henry the Fourth, did the like: for one extream enforcing a∣nother, is of small continuance.

CHAP. XXVII. An Exact and True Table of the Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of his Majesties five Ʋnder-Sear∣chers in the Port of London; Established by the Commons in Parliament, Anno 14 Car. 2. Collected for the benefit of all Persons as well Mer∣chants, as others, Trading in the Port of London.

	s.	d.
SPain, Portugal, the Streights, West-Indies, Guinney, or the Western-Islands.	06	00

East-India	10	00
All other English Ships into Foreign Parts	04	00
For every Strangers Ship or Bottom	06	08

The lawful Fees due to His Majesties five Ʋnder-Sear∣chers that attend at London.

English and Aliens.

For every Certificate for shipping out Goods formerly Imported	02	00
But if half the Subsidy to be received back, amounts but to forty shillings, then	01	00

To be paid by English and Aliens for Goods that pay Subsidy, and pass out by Coquet or Warrant.

Pipe, Puncheon, or Butt	00	04
Hogshead or Bag	00	02
Tin, the Block or Barrel	00	01
Beer-eager, Wood of all sorts, Copperas, Allom, and such gross Goods, the Tun	00	04
Corn the Last, Sea-Coal the Chaldron, Beer the Tun, Lead the Fodder	00	02
The Maund, Fat, or Pack	00	06

The Bundle, Bale, Chest or Case	00	03
Raisins and Figs, the twenty Frails or Barrels	00	03
Butter and such Goods the Barrel	00	02
For every Cost Certificate or Cocquet	01	00
Transires for the Coast, free	00	00
For every Horse, Mare or Gelding	01	00
For certifying every Debenture for re∣ceiving back half Subsidy, &c.	00	06

	s.	d.
For every piece of Ordnance	01	00
For the Endorsement of every Cocquet	01	00
For every Certificate out of their Books, of Goods lost at Sea, taken by Pirates, or return'd whereby so much may be ship∣ped Custom-free	01	00
For every Bill of Sufferance, or Bill of Store above ten Shillings in the Book of Rates	01	00
If under	00	06
The Fardle or Truss by English of three hundred weight or upwards	00	06
Woollen-Cloth, the Bale not exceeding five Cloths or three hundred weight, Stuffs, Bays or Says	00	03

Merchant-Strangers, Ʋnfreemen of London, or such as ship on Strangers Ships or Vessels.

The Fardle or Truss	01	00
The Bale	00	06

Signed by vertue of an Order from the House of Com∣mons, Dated May 17. 1662 E. Turner

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Commodities of all Countries, where∣by Commerce is maintained, a thing ne∣cessary to be known by all Merchants, &c.

The Commodities of Great Britain, containing the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and the Do∣minion

of Wales, are rich and Staple Wares and ve∣ry abundant, with a continual increase, namely:

Wooll-Cloths of all sorts, broad and narrow, long and short, called and known by the Names of several Shires, being 250000 Cloths made yearly, besides the new Draperies of Perpetuanaes, and the like Commo∣dities.

Tin, wrought and unwrought, above twelve hun∣dred thousand pounds yearly.

Lead transported and used; above eight thousand Fodders every year.

Alloms made in abundance, above seven hundred Tuns yearly.

Copperas made according to the quantity used, some 250 Tuns yearly.

Iron of all sorts, setting 800 Furnaces on work.

Iron Ordnance, or Cast-pieces, according to occa∣sion made.

Wools and Woolfels and Calve-skins in great quan∣tity, and Cony-skins,

Stockings of all sorts of Silk, Wool and Yarnsey, Yarn and Wool.

Buffins, Mocadoes, Grograins, Sattins, Calaman∣co's, Velvets, Worsteds, Serges, Fustians, Durance, Tukes, and all other Norwich Wares and Stuffs.

Saffron the best that can be found in any Country.

Glass and Glasses of all sorts, Venice-Gold, Sea-Cole, and Salt.

Scotch-Cole, Wheat, Barly, and all kind of Grains in both Kingdoms.

Linnen-Cloth and all Ironmongers Wares, Hides, Tallow, Leather drest and undrest, Trayn-Oyl, Sal∣mons, Pilchards, Herrings, Hake, Conger, Red-Her∣ring, Hops, Woad, Butter, Cheese, Beer, Salt-petre and Gun-powder, Hony and Wax, Alabaster, and many other Stones

The Commodities of the Kingdom of Ireland, are

WOolls, Fells, Yarn, Furrs, Flax, Linnen-Cloth, Hides, Tallow, Hemp, Hony, Wax, Herrings, Cods, Hake-fish, Salmons, Eels, Rugs, Mantles, Irish Cloth, Pipestaves, Iron and Lead, Wheat and all kind of Grain, Salt-Beef, Butter and Cheese, and many Manufactures.

The Commodities of the Kingdom of France, are

WInes, Prunes, Canvas, Linnen-Cloth, Salt, Vel∣vets, Raw-Silk, and divers Stuffs of Silk, Buckrams, Boxes with Combs, Paper, playing Cards, Glass, Grain to di••, Rozen, Wheat, and all kind of Grain Corn.

The Commodities of Spain and Portugal, are

WOolls, Madera-Sugar, Almonds, Wines, Oyls, Anniseeds, Anchovies, Bayberries, Bariglia, Figs, Raisins, Trayn-Oyl, Iron, Oranges, Lemons, Sumack, Saffron, Sope, Coriander, Cork, Liquoras, Woad, and the Commodities of the West-Indies, Sugar of Brazil, Fernandebuck-Wood, Tobacco, and other Commodities

The Commodities of Italy, and certain Islands.

VEnice-Gold, Velvets, Sattins, Cyprus, Silks, Cloth of Gold and Silver, Cottons, Fustians, Wines, Cur∣rans, Cloves, Rashes, Rice, Sarcenets, Raw Silk, Al∣loms, and Vitriol, Glasses, and other Manufactures.

The Commodities of Germany, and Places adjoyning,

WOolls, Argol, Steel, Lattin, Copper, Iron, and all kind of Manufacture made of them; Cop∣peras, Alloms, Lead, Fustians, Paper, Linnen-Cloth,

Quicksilver, Bell-mettal, Tin, Rhenish Wines, and Mather.

The Commodities of Eastland, and thereabouts.

AShes, Bowstaves, Cables, Canvas, Buff-hides, Flax, Hemp, Hony, Wax, Stock-fish, Spruce, Iron, Match, Wheat, Rye, Meal, Woolls, Wainscot, Pitch and Tar, and Linnen-Cloth, Cordage and Ropes

The Commodities of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden

WHeat, Rye, Woolls, Deals, Clap-boards, Pipe∣staves, Masts, Wainscot, Copper, Timber, Fish and Furrs, Alloms in some places.

The Commodities of Russia.

TAllow, Hides, Caveare, abundance of rich Furrs, Black Fox, Martins, Sables, and the like: Hony, Wax, Cables, Ropes and Cordage.

The Commodities of Barbary.

GOat-skins, Almonds, Dates, Aneale, Gum, Fea∣thers, Salt-petre, Gold plentifully: And from Guinea, Hides, Elephant-teeth and Grain.

The Commodities of the Low-Countries.

TApestry, Battery-work, Steel, Cambricks, Lawns, Hops, Mather, Butter, Cheese, Grograms, Bo∣zatoes, Chamblets, Mocadoes, Brushes, Tape, Linnen-Cloth, Pots, Bottles, Wheat, Rye, Salt, Chimny-backs, Blades, Horses, Sope, Fish, Herrings, Cods, Ling, and many things; as Diaper, Smalt, Hoops of Iron.

The Commodities of the West-Indies.

FRom the Low-Country beginning the West-India Trade, let us set down the Commodities of it, seeing that the States of the Ʋnited Provinces have made lately a Society of Merchants, bearing Date the

ninth of June, 1621. wherein other Nations may be Adventurers, as by their Letters Patents appeareth; prohibiting all other their Subjects or Inhabitants, that they shall not Trade from the said Countries, nor out, or from any other Kingdom and Country whatsoever, unto the Coasts and Countries of Africa, from Tropicus Cancri along to the Cape of Bona Speran∣za, neither in the Countries of America, from the south end of Magellanes le Mary, and other Straits, to the Straits of Anian on every side, Nova Guinea included, upon forfeiture of the Ships and Goods, and all their possessions, within their Jurisdiction and Command, and Arrests of their Persons, unless they be of the said Company made and established for the West-India Trade.

Gold and Silver, Cocheneal, Sugars, rich Indico, Donnigo, Ginger, Pearls, Emeraulds, Hides, Cam∣peche or Logwood, Salsaparilla, Tobacco, Canafistu∣la, Cocus-wood, Lignum vitae, Cotton-wooll, Salt, and some other Drugs for Physick or dying of Stuffs. And this may suffice for a declaration of the principal Com∣modities of most Countries.

CHAP. XXIX. Of Docks.

THese Docks or Harbours are cut into the Land without further Current, and are useful for the convenient lying of Vessels, Hoys, Lighters, Barges, Boats, &c. in order to the convenient delivery of Provision, Victuals, Fuel, &c. to the adjacent In∣habitants. They are in number very many.—Some

of the chief are Scotland-Dock, adjoyning to White-hall, —White-Fryars-Dock, Puddle-Dock, at the West-end of Thames Street.—Queen-Hithe-Dock a place of much Trade for ground Corn, or Meal, which is brought out of the West Country thither in great quantities; Billings-Gate-Dock, a place of great Trade, and where Ships of considerable Bur∣then may harbour.—Sabbs-Dock, Tower-Dock, St. Katherines-Dock,—Hermitage-Dock,—Execution-Dock; which though it be of latter years fitted up, retains to this day the former name, which it recei∣ved because it was the only place for Executing Pyrats and Sea-Robbers, which is usually done by Hanging them on a Gibbet Erected at low-water-mark.— Limehouse-Dock, And on the South-shore are, Clinck-Dock, and St. Saviours-Dock—There are besides these, many Docks for private uses, as for repairing of Ships and Vessels, which we omit.

Under this Head of Trade, and in this place, it may not be improper to give a brief Account of the Porters of London, who are not incorporate Compa∣nies, but Brotherhoods; whose Original and Go∣vernment are by Acts of Common-Council.—They are of two sorts.

1. Ticket-Porters, who take up, weigh, load and house all Merchants Goods; as Cloth, Fruit, Sugars, Oyls, Wines, Metals, &c. and have to their Gover∣nour, Sir Thomas Allen: These are very numerous; their Quarteridge is 4 d. each.

2. Fellowship-Porters.—To these belong the shoring or landing, housing, carrying or recarrying all measurable Goods, as Corn, Salt, Coals, &c. Their chief Governour, is the Alderman of Billings-Gate-Ward, who is at present Sir John Peak. These are in number about 700, and their Quarteridge is 12 d.

each.—These and the former have very good Go∣vernment and Orders among themselves, and before any is admitted to that Employ among them, they pay a Fine.—The Ticket-Porters give good securi∣ty for their Honesty, and Fidelity, so that no more need be done, but to take notice of his name, which is stampt on his Ticket that hangs at his Girdle, and repairing to their Governour, satisfaction may be had for any wrong or misbehaviour, &c.

There is a very remarkable Custom among the Fellowship-Porters, as an ingenious Person that be∣longs to their Society informed me, which is thus:

The next Sunday after every Midsummer-day, they have a Sermon preached to them, so ordered by an Act of Common-Council, in the Parish-Church of St. Mary-on-the-Hill, preparative to which this Order is observed; they furnish the Merchants and their Families about Billings-Gate with Nosegays or Posies over Night, and in the Morning they go from their Common-Hall, or place of Meeting, in good Order, each having a Posie or Nosegay in his hand; they walk through the middle Isle to the Communion-Table, where are two basons; and every one offers something to the relief of the Poor, and towards the Charges of the day. After they have all past, the Deputy, the Merchants, their Wives, Children and Servants, do all come in Order from their Seats, and bestow their Offerings also; which is a Ceremony of much variety. I am certainly informed, that the very charges of their Nosegays cost them in one year, not long ago, near 20 l.

CHAP. XXX. Of Money and Gold.

Of Hebrew Money.

• A Mite three parts of one C.
• A Quadrans, or Farthing, 2 mites
• An Assary, or Farthing, half penny farthing.
• A Gerah, or piece of Money, penny half penny.
• A Drachm, or penny, seven pence half penny.
• A Didrachm, or Shekel one shilling three pence.
• A Sater or, or Shekel of the Sanctuary, 2 s. 6 d.
• A Mina, or pound, 3 l. 2 s. 6 d.
• A Talent of Silver, 187 l. 10 s.
• A Shekel of Gold, Peice, a Dracon, Darius, or Drachm of Gold, 15 s.
• A Pound of Gold, 75 l.
• A Talent of Gold, 2250 l.

Of English Gold, and Money.

Fineness of Gold is Estimated by the Karract, which is no certain Weight, but the 1/24 of any quantity, this Karract is divided into Grains and Parts: The Karract that Weighs Jewels is divided into 4 Grains, 20 of which make 24 Grains Troy, or 1 penny weight.

As 12 to 1 in value, so is Gold to Silver.

Therefore if an Hebrew Talent of Silver is valued at 375 pound, that of Gold is worth 375 pound.

In England Gold is thus Estlmated:

• One Penny weight of Angel Gold is worth 4 Shillings 2 pence half penny

• Crown Gold, 3 Shillings 10 pence half peny.
• Sovereign Gold, 3 Shillings 6 pence half peny.

The Standard for Starling. Money in England.

11 Ounces 2 Drams fine Silver, and 18 Drams of Allay of Copper.

13 Ounces of pure Silver is worth 3 pound 4 shil∣lings 6 pence.

1 Ounce without Allay, is worth 5 shillings 4 pence half peny.

12 Ounces with A lay, is worth 3 pound.

1 Ounce with Allay is worth 5 shillings.

The Standard for Gold, in the pound Troy 22 Kar∣racts of fine Gold; 2 Karracts of Allay, Silver or Copper, viz. 11 Ounces fine Gold, 1 Ounce 〈◊〉〈◊〉

The Spanish, French, and Flemish Gold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as English.

The French and Dutch put more All 〈…〉〈…〉 Money than English.

	l.	s.	d.
1 Pound Troy of Gold	is worth	40	18	4	¾
1 Pound Haver. of Gold	49	13	8	¼
1 Pound Troy of Silver	is worth	03	03	0	0
1 Pound Haver. of Silver	03	15	3	½

A Hundred Pound in Gold weighs 1 Pound 11 Ounces, 3 Quarters.

A Hundred Pound in Silver weighs 26 Pound, 9 Ounces Haverdupois.

CHAP. XXXI. Foreign Coin reduced to English Mony.

Spanish Money.

• 6 CArnados make 1 Mervid.
• 54 Mervids make 1 Ryal. or 6 d. English.
• 11 Ryals make 1 Ducat.
• 8 Ryals make 1 Piece of 8, or 4 s. Engl.
• 4 Quartiliards make 1 Ryal or 6 d. Engl.

Portugal Money.

• 〈…〉〈…〉 make 1 Ryal, or 6 d. Eng.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 make 1 Testoon.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 or 10 Ryals make 1 Ducat.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 make 1 Milt of Gold.

French Money.

• 12 Demers make 1 Soulx.
• 20 Soulx make 1 Frank or Liver.
• 16 Soulx make 1 Cardeque.
• 4 Carducas make 1 Crown.

Scotch.

• 1 Small Piece make 2 d. 1 q. English.
• 3 Small Pieces make 1 Nob. Scot. or 6 d ¾ En.
• 2 Nobles Scotch make 1 Mark, or 13 d. 2 q. Eng.
• 3 Nobles Scotch make 1 l. Scot. or 20 d. Engl.

Irish.

• 2 Ob. or 4 d. 2 q. Eng. is 1 Harper, or 9 d. Engl.
• 20 Harpers is 1 l. Irish, 15 s. English.

Flemish.

• 8 Pence is 1 Groat.
• 2 Groats is 1 Single Stiver.
• 2 Single Stivers is 1 Double Stiver, or 3 d. 1 q. En
• 20 Single Stivers, or 10 Double is 1 Guilder, 3 s. 4 d. En∣glish.
• 6 Guilders is 1 Pound.

Persian Coyns.

• 2 Bistees is 1 Shawhee.
• 2 ½ Shawhees is 1 Lawree.
• 2 Shawhees is 1 Mammoodee.

Hollands Money.

• A Doit makes 8.
• 8 Doits makes 1 Stiver 3 q. ⅔ & 25 Doits.
• 2 Stivers makes 1 Doppelgen.
• 6 Stivers makes 1 Shilling Hol. 11 d. ½ Eng.
• 1 Rixdoller makes 50 Stivers, 4 s. 6 d. Engl.

CHAP. XXXII. For the better instructing of Young Traders, I have here added an Account of Weights, Measures, and Numbers.

THree Barly-corns make an Inch, two and a half a Nail. A Hand is four Inches, or Fingers breadth; 3 Hands is a Span, 4 Hands or 12 Inches a Foot, 2 Foot makes a Pace, 5 Foot a Geometri∣cal pace, 3 Foot, or 16 Nails is a Yard, one Yard and a quarter, that is 20 Nails make an English Ell. A Dutch Ell or stick is three quarters of a Yard; which way they commonly measure Tapistry.

Six Foot makes a Fathom.

Ten Foot is a Gad, or Geometrical Perch, some∣times Nine foot.

Sixteen foot and a half is a pole or perch by the Statute.

Eighteen foot a Wood-land perch, used in Fens and Moors.

21 foot a Forest perch, used in Ireland or Lanca∣cashire.

18 foot three quarters a Scotch pole or perch.

4 Statute perches, or 100 Links make a Chain.

125 Geometrical paces make a Stade.

8 Stades, or a thousand Geometrical paces make an Italian Mile, used by Englishmen at Sea.

An English Mile is 1760 Yards.

8 Furlongs make an English Mile, as 8 Stades an Italian

3 Italian Miles are an English League.

Four thousand Geometrical Paces make a small German Mile, five thousand a great.

Forty square Perches is a Rood, four Rood an A∣cre, that is to say, 160 perches in length, 1 in breadth; or 80 perches in length, and 2 in breadth; or 4 in breadth, and 40 in length, make an Acre.

Ten Chains in length, and one in breadth make an Acre.

Thirty Acres is a Yard Land, and one Hide of Land is a hundred Acres.

Ten Foot every way is a square, that is, a hund. square Feet.

How to measure Wood; necessary for Country-men.

A Coard of Wood is four Foot over, four Foot deep, eight Foot long, being 128 Cubick Feet.

A Stack of Wood is 3 foot over, 3 foot deep, and 12 long, which makes 108 Cubick feet.

Block-wood, being great Logs, are sold by the Coard, small by the Stack.

A Cubick Foot contains 1728 cubick Inches, a cubick Yard 27 cubick Feet, or 46656 cubick Inches.

50 Foot of Timber makes a Load, 40 foot makes a Tun, 20 foot a Butt or Pipe, 10 foot an Hogshead.

18 Foot square, and 1 foot deep, or 324 cubick feet is called a Floor.

A Brick by the Statute should be 9 Inches long, 4 and a quarter broad, and 2 and a half thick; 500 make a Load, and 1000 of plain Tiles likewise.

I How much Plank makes a Load.

300 Foot of 2 Inch Plank, 200 fo•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 Plank, 150 foot of 4 Inch Plank, 40•• 〈…〉〈…〉 a half Plank, and 200 of Inch make•• 〈…〉〈…〉

CHAP. XXXIII. Something Ʋseful to know about Tale of Goods.

CAnvas Cloth, 120 Ells is accounted an Hun∣dred.

Fustian, 14 Ells is a Chief, but of fine Linnen, Silk, and Syndon, 10 Ells make a Chief.

Fish, as Ling, Haberdine and Codfish, &c. 124 is an Hundred; 1240 makes a Thousand. Eels, 25 to a Strike, 10 Strike to the Bind. Herrings and Stock-fish, 120 to a Hundred; 1200 makes a Thou∣sand in a Barrel, 12 Barrels make a Last.

Laths, There must be but fivescore to the Hun∣dred, of five foot long; but four foot long are six∣score, or 120 to the Bundle; their breadth one Inch and half, half an Inch thick.

There are 120 Deals and Nails to the Hundred, four thousand six Inches Tree-Nails, (being made for Ship-pins) three thousand nine. Inches, two thou∣sand foot, fifteen hundred eighteen Inches, or one thousand two foot Tree-Nails or Ship-pins go to the Thousand, and there's a Load of Timber in them.

Lime is sold by the Bag in London, which should be a Bushel; 25 make a Hundred: In the Country it is sold by the Load, which is about forty Bushels.

Hoops are sold by the Bundle, as 70 Pipe-Hoops 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••head, 120 Barrel or Kilderkin, 180 Pink or 〈…〉〈…〉 make a Hundred.

〈…〉〈…〉 are numbred by the Kipp, of fifty 〈…〉〈…〉 Other skins fivescore to the Hun.

Furs, as Sables, Filches, Minks, Martins, Greys, and Jennets, forty skins make a Timber.

Glass, a Seam is 24 Stone, or 120 l.New-Castle Glass, 5 foot ••ake a Table, 45 Tables make a Case, Normandy-Glass, 25 Tables is a Case, which is cut into long squares, the other Diamond-fashion. Glass-Bottles, 21 to the Dozen; 12 such Dozen, or 252 make a Gross, which is a Days Work.

Paper, a Bale is ten Ream; a Ream twenty Quire, twenty four sheets in a Quire; in Genoa Paper twenty five sheets in a Quire.

Parchment, a Roll is five dozen, twelve skins a Dozen.

Hides, Ten make a Dicker, twenty Dicker a Last.

Gloves, Ten pair is a Dicker; Horse-shoes the same.

CHAP. XXXIV.

A TABLE of Expences and Wages.

Pence.
	Week.	Month.	Year.
l.	sh.	d.	l.	sh.	d	l.	d	sh.
1	0	0	7	0	2	4	1	10	5
2	0	1	2	0	4	8	3	0	10
3	0	1	9	0	7	0	4	1	3
4	0	2	4	0	9	4	6	1	8
5	0	2	11	0	11	8	7	12	1
6	0	3	6	0	14	0	9	2	6
7	0	4	1	0	16	4	10	12	1
8	0	4	8	0	18	8	12	3	4
9	0	5	3	1	1	0	2	13	9
10	0	5	01	1	3	4	15	4	2
11	0	6	5	1	5	8	16	14	0
Shillings.
1	0	7	0	1	8	0	18	5	0
2	0	14	0	2	16	0	36	10	0
3	1	1	0	4	4	0	54	15	0
4	1	8	0	5	12	0	73	0	0
5	1	15	0	7	0	0	91	5	0
6	2	2	0	8	8	0	109	10	0
7	2	9	0	9	16	0	127	15	0
8	2	12	0	11	4	0	146	0	0
9	3	3	0	12	12	0	164	5	0
10	3	10	0	14	0	0	182	10	0
11	3	17	0	15	8	0	200	15	0
12	4	4	0	16	16	0	219	0	0
13	4	11	0	18	4	0	239	5	0
14	4	18	0	19	12	0	255	10	0
15	5	5	0	21	0	0	273	15	0
16	5	11	0	22	8	0	292	0	0
••	5	19	0	23	16	0	310	5	0
••	••	6	0	25	4	0	328	10	0
••	••	••	0	26	12	0	336	15	0
••	••	••	0	28	0	0	365	0	0

CHAP. XXXV.The Principal CITIES and Market-Towns in England and Wales, with the Distance of one CITY and Market-Town from another.

To which is ad∣ded, An Account in what County each City and Town lies, and the respective Market Days; A Thing Useful to be known by all Whole-Sale Dealers: And likewise it is Useful to direct all Tradesmen in their Travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City.

I. The Road from London to Huntington, Stamford, York, Durham and Berwick—to Newmarket and Norwich,—to Cambridge, Ely and King's-Lynn, to Bury,—to Walsingham—to Peter borough, and Boston,—to Lincoln, Hull and Flamborough.

Berwick Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	c m.	mm
Waltham Cross.	12	12	12	12	M. & H.
Hoddesdon, Th.	5	6	17	18	Hartf.
Ware, Tu.	3	3	20	21	Hartf.
Puckeridge.	4	6	24	27	Hartf.
Bunting ford, Sat.	3	4	27	31	Hartf.
Royston, W.	6	7	33	38	H. & C.
Caxton, Tu.	9	12	42	50	Cambr.
Huntington, Sat.	6	7	48	57	Hunting.
Stilton.	9	12	57	69	Hunting.
Water-Newton.	5	6	62	75	Hunting,

Part of Berwick-Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Stamford, M. F.	7	8	69	83	Lincoln.
Southwitham	8	10	77	93	Lincoln.
Grantham, S.	8	11	85	104	Lincoln.
Newark, W.	10	14	95	118	Nottin.
Tuxford, M.	10	13	105	131	Nottin.
Bramby on the Moor	8	10	113	141	Nottin.
Beautry, S	4	6	117	147	Yo. w. r.
Doncaster, S.	6	8	123	155	Yo. w. r.
Wentbridge	7	10	130	165	Yo. w. r.
Ferry-bridge	4	5	134	170	Yo. w. r.
Sherbourn, S.	4	6	138	176	Yo. w. r.
Tadcaster, Th.	4	6	142	182	Yo. w. r.
YORK, Th. S.	8	9	150	191	Yo. n. r.
Skipbridge	6	8	156	199	Yo. w. r.
Borough-bridge, S.	7	10	163	209	Yo. w. r.
Sandheuton	8	12	171	221	Yo. n. r.
Northallerton, W.	5	8	176	229	Yo. n. r.
Great Smeton	5	6	181	235	Durh.
Darlington, M.	5	8	186	243	Durh.
Woodham	6	8	192	251	Durh.
DURHAM, S.	8	11	200	262	Northu.
Newcastle, Tu. S.	12	14	212	276	Northu.
Morpeth, W.	12	15	224	291	Northu.
Caucot	8	10	232	301	Northu.
Alnwick, S.	6	8	238	309	Northu.
Belford	12	14	250	323	Northu.
Hagerston	6	8	256	331	Northu.
Berwick, S.	6	2	262	339	Berwic.
Norwich-Road.
Puckeridge			24	27	Hartf.
Barkway	7	8	31	35	Hartf.
Barley	2	2	33	37	Hartf.
Wittlesford-bridge	8	8	41	45	Cambr.

Part of Norwich Road.	Partic	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
First Ditch	5	••	46	52	Cambr.
Newmarket, Tu.	7	8	53	60	Ca. & S.
Barton-Mills	7	8	60	68	Suffolk.
Thetford, S.	9	11	69	79	Norfolk.
Larlingford	6	8	75	87	Norfolk.
Attleborough, Th.	4	6	79	93	Norfolk.
Windham, F.	6	6	85	99	Norfolk.
NORWICH, W. F. S.	6	9	91	108	Norw.
Kings-Lynn-Road
Barkway			31	35	Hartf.
Foulmere	6	7	37	42	Cambr.
Cambridge, S.	6	9	43	51	Cambr.
Milton	3	4	46	55	Cambr.
Streetham-Ferry	6	7	52	62	Cambr.
ELY, S.	4	6	56	68	Cambr.
Littleport	4	5	60	73	Cambr.
Southrey	5	6	65	79	Norfolk
Dounham, S.	5	7	70	86	Norfolk
Seeching, Tu.	6	7	76	93	Norfolk
Kings-Lynn, T.S.	4	5	80	98	Norfolk
Bury-Road.
Newmarket, Tu.			53	60	Ca. & S.
Kenford	3	4	56	64	Suffolk.
Burrow-bridge	3	5	59	69	Suffolk.
Bury St. Edmonds, W.	4	5	63	74	Suffolk.
Walsingham-Road.
Barton-Mills			60	68	Suffolk.
Brandon-Ferry	8	9	68	77	Suffolk.
Hilborow	6	9	74	86	Suffolk.

Part of Walsingham Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm
Swafsham, Sat.	4	6	78	92	Norfolk.
Newton.	3	5	81	97	Norfolk.
Fakenham, Th.	8	12	89	109	Norfolk.
Walsingham, F.	4	6	93	115	Norfolk.
Boston Road.
Stilton.			57	69	Hunting.
Taxley, Tu.	2	2	59	71	Hunting.
PETERBOROW, S.	3	5	62	76	Northa.
Crowland.	9	11	71	87	Lincoln.
Spalding, Tu.	8	11	79	98	Lincoln.
Gosberton	4	6	83	104	Lincoln.
Boston, W. Sat.	8	10	91	114	Lincoln.
Flamborough Road.
PETERBOROW, S.			62	76	Northa.
Market-deeping, Th.	8	11	70	87	Lincoln.
Bourn, Sat.	5	6	75	93	Lincoln.
Beacon hill.	6	8	81	101	Lincoln.
Sleaford, M.	7	9	88	110	Lincoln.
Branswell,	4	6	92	116	Lincoln.
The five ways.	5	6	97	122	Lincoln.
LINCOLN, Fr.	5	7	102	129	Lincoln.
The Windmills	8	10	110	139	Lincoln.
Redburn.	7	9	117	148	Lincoln.
Elsham.	8	10	125	158	Lincoln.
Barton, Tu.	5	6	130	164	Lincoln.
Hull, Tu. Sat.	5	6	135	170	Yor. e. r.
Beverley, W. S.	6	9	141	179	Yor. e. r.
Wootton.	6	8	147	187	Yor. e. r.
Killham, Th.	8	9	155	196	Yor. e. r.
Burlington, Sat.	6	8	161	204	Yor. e. r.
Flamborough.	4	5	165	209	Yor. e. r.
Flamborough-head.	2	2	167	211	Yor. e. r.

II. The Road from London to Colchester, Ipswich, and Yarmouth — to Harwich.

Yarmouth Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm
Rumford, W.	10	12	10	12	Essex.
Burntwood, Th.	5	6	15	18	Essex.
Ingerston,	5	6	20	24	Essex.
Chelmsford, F.	5	5	25	29	Essex.
Witham.	7	8	32	37	Essex.
Kelendon.	3	4	35	41	Essex.
Colchester, S.	8	9	43	50	Essex.
Stretford-street.	5	7	48	57	Suffolk.
Ipswich, W. F. S.	7	11	55	68	Suffolk.
Woodbridge, W.	7	7	62	75	Suffolk.
Wickham.	3	4	65	79	Suffolk.
Saxmundam, Th.	5	7	70	86	Suffolk.
Blithborough.	6	10	76	96	Suffolk.
Beckles, S.	7	10	83	106	Suffolk.
Fritton.	5	9	88	115	Suffolk.
Yarmouth, S.	4	6	92	121	Suffolk.
Harwich Road.
Colchester, S.			43	50	Essex.
Ardley.	4	5	47	55	Essex.
Maningtree, Tu.	4	4	51	59	Essex.
Street.	7	8	58	67	Essex.
Harwich, Tu.	3	4	61	71	Essex.

III. The Road from London to Rochester, Canterbury, and Dover, — to Sandwich and Deal.

Dover-Road	Partic	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm
Deptford	4	5	4	5	Kent
Dartford, S.	10	11	14	16	Kent
Northfleet, Tu.	4	5	18	21	Kent
ROCHESTER, Fr.	8	9	26	30	Kent
Chatham	1	1	27	31	Kent
Siningborn	7	9	34	40	Kent
Bocton-street	8	10	42	50	Kent
CANTERBURY, W. S.	4	6	46	56	Kent
Liddon	9	10	55	66	Kent
Dover, W. S	3	5	58	71	Kent
Deal-Road.
CANTERBURY, W. S.			46	56	Kent
Wingham	5	7	51	63	Kent
Sandwich, W. S.	5	6	56	69	Kent
Deal	4	5	60	74	Kent

IV. The Road from London to Tunbridge and Rye.

Rye-Road.
Bromely, Th.	5	7	6	7	Kent
Sevenoke, S.	10	13	16	20	Kent
Tunbridge, F.	4	6	20	26	Kent
Stonecrouch	10	13	30	39	Kent
Newenden	8	11	38	50	Kent
Rye, W. S.	8	10	46	60	Sussex

V. The Road from London to Maidstone, Ashford, and Hith.

Hith-Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Eltham	6	8	6	8	Kent
Birchwood	5	7	11	15	Kent
Wrotham, Tu.	8	10	19	25	Kent
Maidstone, Th.	8	11	27	36	Kent
Haresham	6	8	33	44	Kent
Ashford, S.	8	12	41	56	Kent
Hith, S.	8	12	48	68	Kent

VI. The Road from London to Lewis and Newhaven

Newhaven-Road
Croydon, S.	0	11	10	11	Surry
Godstone	17	9	17	20	Surry
East-Greensteed, Th.	8	10	25	30	Sussex.
Sheffield-Green	6	8	31	38	Sussex.
Lewis, S.	9	12	40	50	Sussex
Newhaven	5	7	45	57	Sussex

VII. The Road from London to Arundel

Arundel-Road
Wantlebridge	6	8	6	8	••urry
Epsom	6	7	12	15	Surry
Darking, Th.	8	9	20	24	Surry
Rohook	9	11	29	35	Surry
Billinghurst	6	6	35	41	Sussex
Parham	7	8	42	49	Sussex
Arundel. W. S.	4	6	46	55	Sussex

VIII. The Road from London to Portsmouth, — to Chichester.

Portsmouth Road.	Partic	Totals.	Count∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Wansworth	5	6	5	6	Surry
Kingstone, S	5	6	10	12	Surry
Cobham	7	8	17	20	Surry
Guilford, S.	8	10	25	30	Surry
Godolming	3	4	28	34	Surry
Lippock	10	12	38	46	Southa.
Petersfield, S.	7	8	45	54	Southa.
Harnden	6	7	51	61	Southa.
Portsmouth, Th. S.	9	11	60	72	Southa.
Chichester Road.
Godolming			28	34	Surry
Chidingfold	5	7	33	41	Surry
Midhurst, Th.	8	10	41	51	Sussex.
CHICHESTER, W. S.	9	11	50	62	Sussex.

IX. The Road from London to Salisbury, Exeter, Plymouth, and Lands-End. —to Winchester and Pool. — to Southampton. — to Weymouth — to Minhead.

Lands-End Road.
New Brentford, Tu.	8	10	8	10	Middl.
Hounslow	2	2	10	12	Middl.
Stanes, Fr.	5	7	15	19	Middl.
Bagshot	8	10	53	29	Surry
Hartley-Row	8	9	31	38	Southa.
Basingstoke, W.	8	10	39	48	Southa.
Whitchurch,	10	11	49	59	Southa.
Andover, S.	6	7	55	66	Southa.

Part of Lands-End Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Middle-Wallop	6	7	61	73	Southa.
SALISBURY, Tu. S.	9	11	70	84	Wilts
4 Mile Post	7	8	77	92	Wilts
Shaftsbury, S.	11	12	88	104	Dorset
Sherborne, Th. S.	12	15	100	119	Dorset
Evil, or Yeovel, F.	4	5	104	124	Somerset
Crewkern. S.	6	9	110	133	Somerset
Axminster, S.	9	13	119	146	Devon.
Honiton, S.	7	10	126	156	Devon.
EXETER, W. F.	12	16	138	172	Devon.
Chidly, S.	8	9	146	181	Devon.
Ashburton, S.	7	9	153	190	Devon.
Brent	6	7	159	197	Devon.
Woodland	6	7	165	204	Devon.
Plymouth, M. Th.	8	10	173	214	Devon.
Lowe, S.	12	16	185	230	Cornw.
Foy, S.	7	9	192	239	Cornw.
Trenawry	5	6	197	245	Cornw.
Tregoney, S.	8	10	205	255	Cornw.
Blow-cold-wind	10	12	215	267	Cornw.
Blewstone	4	5	219	272	Cornw.
Merketjew, Th.	9	13	228	285	Cornw.
Pensance, Th.	2	3	230	288	Cornw.
Sennan	8	10	238	298	Cornw.
Pool Road.
Bagshot			23	29	Surry
Farnham, Th.	9	12	32	41	Surry
Alton, S.	7	9	39	50	Southa.
Alresford, Th.	8	9	47	59	Southa.
WINCHESTER. W. S.	7	8	54	67	Southa.
Rumsey, S.	9	11	63	78	Southa.

Part of Pool Road	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm.	cm.	mm.
Castlemalwood	6	8	69	86	Southa.
Ringwood. W.	8	10	77	96	Southa.
Knaston	6	8	83	104	Dorset.
Pool, M. Th.	5	6	88	110	Dorset.
Southampton Road.
Alresford, Th.			47	59	Southa.
Twiford	7	9	54	68	Southa.
Swaland	5	6	60	74	Southa.
Southampton, Tu. F.	3	3	63	77	Southa.
Weymouth Road.
Basingstoke, W.			39	48	Southa.
Cramborn	9	12	48	60	Southa.
Stockbridge	7	9	55	69	Southa.
East Den	7	9	62	78	Southa.
Dunkton, F.	5	6	67	84	Wilts.
Cranborn, W.	9	11	76	95	Dorset.
Blanford, S.	9	12	85	107	Dorset.
Milborn	6	8	91	115	Dorset.
Dorchester, S.	6	8	97	123	Dorset.
Weymouth, Tu. F.	7	9	104	132	Dorset.
Minhead Road.
Andover, S.			55	66	Southa.
Ambrewsbury, F.	10	14	65	80	Wilts.
Shrawton	5	6	70	86	Wilts.
Narminster, S.	10	13	80	99	Wilts.
Maiden Bradley	5	7	85	106	Wilts.
Bruton, S,	8	9	93	115	Sommer.
Lidford	7	8	100	123	Sommer.

Part of Minhead Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Ascot	8	10	108	133	Somerse
Bridgwater, Th.	8	10	116	143	Somerse
Nether-Stowley	6	8	122	151	Somerset
Watchet, S.	6	8	128	159	Somerset
Minhead	5	7	133	166	Somerset

X. The Road from London to Marlborough and Bri¦stol, — to Glocester and Hereford, —to Wellst — to Bath, —to Monmouth and St. Davids — to Carmarthen.

Bristol-Road
New Brentford, Tu.	8	10	8	10	Middl.
Hounslow	2	2	10	12	Middl.
Colebrook, W.	5	6	15	18	Bucks
Maidenhead, W.	7	9	22	27	Berks
Reading, S.	10	13	32	40	Berks
Woolhampton	9	10	41	50	Berks
Newbury, Th.	6	6	47	56	Berks
Chilton-Foliot	9	10	56	66	Wilts
Marleborough, S.	6	9	62	75	Wilts
Caln, Tu.	10	13	72	88	Wilts
Chipenham, S.	5	6	77	94	Wilts
Marshfield, Tu.	7	9	84	103	Glocest.
BRISTOL, WS.	10	12	94	115	Gl. & S.
Glocester and Hereford Road.
Maidenhead, W.			22	27	Berks
Henly, Th.	7	8	29	35	Oxford
Nettlebed	4	5	33	40	Oxford
Henshington	6	6	39	46	Oxford
Abington, M F.	7	9	46	55	Berks

Part of Glocester and Hereford-Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Faringdon, Tu.	10	13	56	68	Berks
Letchlade, Tu.	4	6	60	74	Glocest.
Fairford, Th.	2	3	62	77	Glocest.
Barnsley	4	6	66	83	Glocest.
Perrots-bridge	3	4	69	87	Glocest.
Burlip hill	7	8	76	95	Glocest.
GLOCESTER, W. S.	5	7	81	102	Glocest.
Huntley	5	8	86	110	Glocest.
Ross, Th.	6	8	92	118	Heref.
HEREFORD, W. F. S.	10	13	102	131	Heref.
Wells-Road
Marleborough, S.			62	75	Wilts
Devizes Th.	10	14	72	89	Wilts
Troubridge, S.	8	10	80	99	Wilts
Kilmersdon	8	10	88	109	Somerset
WELLS, W. S.	8	11	96	120	Somerset
Bath-Road.
Chipenham, S.			77	94	Wilts
Pickwick	3	5	80	99	Wilts
Bathford	4	5	84	104	Somerset
BATH, W. S.	3	4	87	108	Somerset
St. Davids Road.
GLOCESTER, W. S.			81	102	Glocest.
Great-Dean, M.	8	12	89	114	Glocest.
Coverd	6	8	95	122	Glocest.
Monmouth, S.	4	5	99	127	Monm.
New-Church	9	12	108	139	Monm.
Newport, S.	8	12	116	151	Monm.

Part of St. David's Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm	mm.	cm.	mm.
Cardiff, W. S.	10	12	126	163	Glamor.
Cowbridge, Tu.	10	12	136	175	Glamor.
Newbridge	5	7	141	182	Glamor.
Aberavon	9	11	150	193	Glamor.
Swansey, W. S.	6	9	156	202	Glamor.
Llanelly, Tu.	9	11	165	213	Carma.
Kidwelly, Tu.	6	8	171	221	Carma.
Llacharn, F.	6	8	177	229	Carma.
Llangiddo	8	10	185	239	Pemb.
Haverford, W. Th. S.	10	13	195	252	Pemb.
Rock	6	8	201	260	Pemb.
St. Davids.	6	7	207	267	Pemb.
Carmarthen-Road
Monmouth, S.			99	127	Monm.
Llantilio Cruseny	7	8	106	135	Monm.
Abergavenny, Tu.	5	6	111	142	Monm.
Crecowel, Th.	4	7	115	148	Breckn.
Brecknock W. S.	8	13	123	161	Breckn.
Redbrue	6	8	129	169	Breckn.
Llanimdiffry	8	11	137	180	Breckn.
Abermarlas	5	6	142	186	Carma.
Rue Raddor	6	8	148	194	Carma.
Carmarthen. W. S.	9	12	157	206	Carma.

XI. The Road from London to Oxford, Worcester, and Aberistwith,—to Buckingham, —to Ludlow and Montgomery.

Aberistwith Road.
Acton	6	8	6	18	Middl.
Ʋxbridge, Th.	9	10	15	18	Middl.
Beaconsfield, Th.	7	8	22	26	Bucks

Part of Aberestwith Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
High-Wickham, F.	5	6	27	32	Bucks
Stoken-Church	5	6	32	38	Oxford
Tetsworth	5	6	37	44	Oxford
Whately-Bridge	4	5	41	49	Oxford
OXFORD, W. S.	6	6	47	55	Oxford
Woodstock, Tu.	6	8	53	63	Oxford
Enston	5	6	58	69	Oxford
Morton-in-Marsh	10	13	68	82	Glocest.
Broadway	5	8	73	90	Glocest.
Pershore, Tu.	7	12	80	102	Worcest.
WORCESTER, W. F. S.	6	10	86	112	Worcest.
Bromyard, M.	10	12	96	124	Heref.
Lemster	8	11	104	135	Heref.
Prestain, S.	8	13	112	148	Radnor
Ithon-River	8	13	120	161	Radnor
Raiadergwy	6	9	126	170	Radnor
Brunant	9	14	135	184	Cardig.
Aberistwith, M.	11	15	146	199	Cardig.
Buckingham-Road.
Ʋxbridge, Th.			15	18	Middl.
Emersham, Tu.	9	11	24	29	Bucks
Wendover, Th.	6	9	30	38	Bucks
Alesbury, S.	4	5	34	43	Bucks
East-Claydon	6	10	40	53	Bucks
Buckingham, S.	4	7	44	60	Bucks
Montgomery-Road.
WORCESTER, W. F. S.			86	112	Worcest.
Stockton	9	12	95	124	Worcest.
Tenbury, Tu.	6	7	101	131	Worcest.
Ludlow, M.	5	8	106	139	Salop
Newton	5	7	111	146	Salop
Bishops-Castle, F.	5	7	116	152	Salop
Montgomery, Th.	6	7	122	159	Montg.

XII. The Road from London to Coventry, Litch∣field, Chester, Denbigh, and Holy-head,—to Baldock, St. Neots, and Oakham,— to Bedford, Webing-borough, and Oakham,— to Northampton, Leicester, and Darby,—to Shrewsbury,— to Lancaster, Kendal and Carlisle.

Holy-head-Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Highgate	4	5	4	5	Middl.
Barnet, M.	6	7	10	12	Hartf.
St. Albans, S.	10	10	20	22	Hartf.
Dunstable, W.	10	12	30	34	Bedfor.
Little Brickhil	7	10	37	44	Bucks
Stony-Stretford, F.	7	9	44	53	Bucks
Towcester, Tu.	6	8	50	61	Northa.
Daventry, W.	10	12	60	73	Northa.
Dunchurch	6	8	66	81	Warwic.
COVENTRY, F.	8	11	74	92	Warwic.
Coleshil, W.	8	11	82	103	Warwic.
Wishaw Green	4	5	86	108	Warwic.
LITCHFIELD, Tu. F.	8	10	94	118	Staffor.
Rugely, Tu.	5	8	99	126	Staffor.
Brine-pits	5	7	104	133	Staffor.
Stone, Tu.	6	7	110	140	Staffor.
Pipe-yate	9	12	119	152	Staffor.
Namptwich, S.	7	10	126	162	Chester
Torperly	7	9	133	171	Chester
Harding	5	7	145	189	Flint
Northop	3	5	148	194	Flint
Smelmils	6	7	154	201	Denbi.
Denbigh, W.	6	8	160	209	Denbi.
Bettus	7	11	167	220	Denbi.
Aberconway, F.	7	9	174	229	Carnar.
Penmenmaur	5	6	179	235	Carnar.

Part of Holy-head Road.	Partic.	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Beaumaris, W. S.	5	0	184	241	Angles.
Llangaveny	9	10	193	251	Angles.
Rudband-bridge	6	7	199	258	Angles.
Holy-head	9	11	208	269	Angles.
Oakham-Road.
Barnet, M.			10	12	Hartf.
Hatfield, Th.	7	8	17	20	Hartf.
Stevenage, F.	8	11	25	31	Hartf.
Baldok, Th.	4	6	29	37	Hartf.
Biggleswade, W.	5	8	34	45	Bedfor.
St. Neots, Th.	8	11	42	56	Hunting
Great Catworth	7	10	49	66	Hunting
Lidford	5	8	54	74	Northa.
Dean	6	8	60	82	Northa.
Oakham, S.	8	13	68	95	Rutlan
Bedford-Road.
St. Albans, S.			20	22	Hartf.
Luton, M.	8	10	28	32	Bedfor.
Barton-Clay	5	8	33	40	Bedfor.
Bedford, Tu. S.	7	10	40	50	Bedfor.
Chellington	6	9	46	59	Bedfor.
Wellingborow, W.	6	9	52	68	Northa.
Kettering, F.	5	7	57	75	Northa.
Rockingham	8	10	65	85	Northa.
Ʋppingham, W.	4	5	69	90	Rutlan.
Oakham, S.	5	6	74	96	Rutlan.

Derby-Road.	Partic	Totals.	County.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Stony-Stretford, F.			44	53	Bucks
Kings-Grafton	4	5	48	58	Northa.
Northampton, S.	6	9	54	67	Northa.
Brixworth	5	7	59	54	Northa.
Harborough, Tu.	7	10	66	84	Leicest.
Great Glen	7	9	73	93	Leicest.
LEICESTER, S.	5	6	78	99	Leicest.
Mountsorrel, M.	5	5	83	104	Leicest.
Loughborough, Th.	3	3	86	107	Leicest.
Kegworth	4	5	90	112	Leicest.
Derby, F.	8	10	98	122	Derby
Shrewsbury-Road
COVENTRY, F.			74	92	Warwic.
Meriden	4	6	78	98	Warwic.
Bermingham, Th.	10	11	88	109	Warwic.
Dudley,	8	10	96	119	Worcest.
Rourd Oak	6	8	102	127	Staffor.
Bridgnorth, S.	6	8	108	135	Salop
Wenlock, M.	6	8	114	143	Salop
Shrewsbury, W. Th. S.	10	13	124	156	Salop
Carlisle-Road.
Stone, Tu.			110	140	Staffor.
Newcastle, M.	6	8	116	148	Staffor.
Brereton-Green	8	13	124	161	Chester
Lastock	5	8	129	169	Chester
Warrington, W.	7	11	136	180	Lancast.
Newton	5	5	141	185	Lancast.
Wiggan, M. F.	7	8	148	193	Lancast.
Renchmore	7	9	155	202	Lancast.
Preston, W. F. S.	7	7	162	209	Lancast
Baxton	5	6	167	215	Lancast

Part of Carlisle-Road.	Partic	Totals.	Coun∣ty.
cm.	mm	cm.	mm.
Garstang, Th.	5	5	172	220	Lancast.
Elhil	5	5	177	225	Lancast.
Lancaster, S.	5	5	182	230	Lancast.
Burton, Tu.	9	12	191	242	Westm.
Kendal, S.	9	12	200	254	Westm.
Hause-house	6	9	206	263	Westm.
Thurnby	7	10	213	273	Westm.
Penrith, Tu.	5	7	218	280	Cumber.
Hesket	7	9	225	289	Cumber.
CARLISLE, S.	7	9	232	298	Cumber.

The Table of ROADS Described.

The first Column contains the Names of Places wherein Cities are in Capital Letters, as in Berwick-Road, YORK, &c. and Market-Towns in Italic, as Hoddesdon, &c. The Letters after them shew the Days their Markets are kept on. The second Column shews the Distance of one place from another; and the third the Distance of each from London, in com∣puted and measured Miles; cm. stands for computed, and mm. for measured Miles. The last shews the County each Town and City lies in; a thing of great Use in Directing of Post-Letters and Parcels.

CHAP. XXXVI. An Alphabetical Account of all the Carri∣ers and Waggoners, and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Westminster, and Southwark, from all parts of Eng∣land and Wales; with the respective Days of their Going out.

Mondays.

• A Shby-de-la-zouch, Leicestershire, Ax in Alder∣man-bury.
• St. Edmunds-Bury, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Brackley in Northamptonshire, Mairmaid in Carter∣lane.
• Battle in Sussex, Spur in Southwark.
• Beudley in Worcestershire, Ipswich Arms in Cullum-Street.
• Button in Staffordshire, Castle in Smithfield.
• Bagworth in Leicestershire, Castle in Smithfield.
• Daventree in Northamptonshire, Bell-savage on Lud∣gate-Hill.
• Exeter, Rose on Holborn-Bridge.
• Falkingham, Lincoln-shire, Bell in West-Smithfield.
• Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Grantham, Newark, Lincolnshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.
• Highworth, Wiltshire, George on Holborn-Bridge.
• Kilworth, Leicestershire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Louth, Lincolnshire, George in Aldersgate-street.

• Lyn, Green Dragon in Bishopsgate-street.
• Leicester, Rose in West-Smithfield.
• Lincoln, Barton, Stanford, Grantham, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Loughborough, Leicestershire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Mansfield, Nottinghamshire, George in West-Smith∣field.
• Melton-Mowbray, Leicestershire, Bell-savage on Lud∣gate-Hill.
• Nottingham, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.
• Newmarket, Chequer in Holborne.
• Oxford, White Swan on Holborn-Bridge.
• Pool, Dorsetshire, Kings Arms on Holborn-Bridge.
• Portsmouth, White Hart in Southwark.
• Petersfield, Queens Head in Southwark.
• Richmond, Yorkshire, White-Horse without Cripple∣gate.
• Tixal, Warwickshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.
• Tamworth, Warwickshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Worcester, Blew Boar in Holborn.
• Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, Bell-savage on Lud∣gate-hill.
• Wemington, Leicestershire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.

Tuesdays.

• ST. Albans, Cock in Aldersgate-street.
• Amersham, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Holborn.
• Brentrey, Essex, Pewter Pot in Leaden-Hall-street.
• Beconsfield, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Warwick-Lane.
• Ely, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.

• Guilford, Surrey, Queens head in Southwark.
• Kempton, Hertfordshire, Bell in Aldersgate-street.
• Stansteed, Mountfitchet, Essex, Rams-Head in Fen-Church street.
• Windsor, Bell-savage on Ludgate Hill.

Wednesdayes.

• BInfield, Berkshire, George in Aldersgate-street.
• Bishop-Stafford, Kings-Head in Leaden Hall.
• Buckingham, George in West-Smithfield.
• Bisciter, Oxfordshire, Bull in Holborn.
• Brill, Buckinghamshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
• Copel, Bedfordshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Cocthrop near Oxford, Bell in the Strand.
• Dillington, Bedfordshire, George in Aldersgate-street.
• Dreyton, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.
• Darking, Greyhound in Southwark.
• Epping, Essex, Nags-head in Aldgate.
• Hampstead, Hertfordshire, George in Holborn.
• Huntington, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Horsham, Sussex, Kings head in Southwark.
• Kimbolton, Huntingtonshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Litchfield, Staffordshire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Lemstree, Buckinghamshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
• Marsh, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-lane.
• Norwich, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Newport, Essex, Dolphin in Bishopsgate-street.
• Seare, Surrey, Katherine-Wheel in Southwark.
• Tring, Buckinghamshire, George in Holborn.
• Watford, Herifordshire, George in Holborn.

• Wickham, Buckinghamshire, George in Aldersgate-street.
• Wallingford, Barkshire, Bull and Mouth in Alders∣gate-street.
• Stoke, Bruen, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smith∣field.
• Stoke-Haven, Buckinghamshire, Mermaid in Carter-Lane.

Thursdays.

• A Bington, Bell in Fryday-street.
• Aylesbury, George on Holborn-bridge.
• Andover, Berkshire, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
• Haverhill, Suffolk, four Swans in Bishopsgate-street.
• Abersley, Huntingtonshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Agham, Hampshire, White Hart in Charing-Cross.
• Arundel, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.
• Ashford, Kent, Spur in Southwark.
• Bradford, Berkshire, White Horse in Southwark.
• Basingstoke, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
• Burwash, Sussex, Queens-Head in Southwark.
• Burford, Oxfordshire, Bell in Fryday-street.
• Barton, Oxfordshire, Bell in Woodstreet.
• Buckelbury, Barkshire, Cross-Keys in Woodstreet.
• Bedford, Cock in Aldersgate-street.
• Banbury, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.
• Chipton-Warden, Northamptonshire, white Swan on Holborn-bridge.
• Cherbury, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.
• Cranfield, Bedfordshire, George in Aldersgate-street.

• Canterbury-Post, Dark-house in Billingsgate.
• Coliasby, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Crandon, Northamptonshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
• Chipton-Norton, Oxfordshire, Idem.
• Cramborough, Kent, Kings-Head in Southwark.
• Cranbrooke, Kent, Talbot in Southwark.
• Dunchurch, Warwickshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Derington and Wellingborough, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Dorset, Salisbury, Blandford, Idem.
• Dover, Rams-Head in East-Smithfield.
• Dorchester, Bell in the Strand.
• Hook-Norton, Oxfordshire, Rose on Holborn-bridge.
• Hallifax, Yorkshire, White-Horse without Cripple∣gate.
• Hurst, Berkshire, Windmill in Shoe-Lane.
• Harrold, Bedfordshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield.
• Hitching, Hertfordshire, Swan in St. Johns-street.
• St. Ives, Huntingtonshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.
• Ipswich, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.
• Ingerstone, Essex, Three Nuns without Aldgate.
• Kenton, Warwickshire, George in Smithfield.
• Kettring, Northamptonshire, Rose in West-Smithfield.
• Lutterworth, Leicestershire, Ram in West-Smithfield.
• Lawworth, Rugby, Dun-Church, Warwickshire, Bell in West-Smithfield.
• Leach-stead, Oxfordshire, Bell in Holborn.
• Marlborough, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
• Morlington, Oxfordshire, Sarazens-Head in Carter-Lane.
• Mavil, Sussex, Kings-Head in Southwark.
• Newbury, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.

• Newport, Buckinghamshire, Bell in Aldersgate-street.
• Oldham, Aston-under-Line, Lancashire, Red Lion in Red-Cross-street.
• Ony, Buckinghamshire, Red Lion in Redcross-street.
• Oundel, Northamptonshire, Ram in Smithfield.
• Pissey, Berkshire, Cross-Keys in White-Cross-street.
• Potten, Bedfordshire, Red Lion in Aldersgate-street.
• Papworth, Kings-head in Southwark.
• Petworth, Sussex, White Hart in Southwark.
• Saffron-walden, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Strayton-harlow, Warwickshire, Sarazens head in Carter-lane.
• Stratford on Avon, Warwickshire, Bell-savage on Ludgate-Hill.
• Stony-Stradford, Buckinghamshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Stains, Kings-head in Southwark.
• Shoreham, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.
• Stow-Market, Pewter-pot in Leaden-Hall-street.
• Stanbourne, Essex, Ram in Fenchurch-street.
• Thrapson, Northamptonshire, Bear and Ragged Staff in West-Smithfield.
• Winchester, Rose on Holborn-bridge.
• Witney, Oxfordshire, George in Holborne.
• Whitchurch, Shropshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Warwick, at the Rose in West-Smithfield.
• Wiltopp, Hamptshire, Wind-Mill in Shoe-lane.
• Watford, Leicestershire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Wadhurst, Sussex, Queens-head in Southwark.

Frydays.

• BEckles, Suffolk, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.
• Blackbourn, Preston, Lancashire, Blosoms Inn in Laurence-lane.
• Backwel, Derbyshire, Blosoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.
• Billinghurst, Queens-Head in Southwark.
• Chesham, Buckinghamshire, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
• Coxel, ••pread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Cambridge, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Chesterfield, Derbyshire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Cirencester, Glocestershire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Crandan, Buckinghamshire, George in West-Smith∣field.
• Colchester, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Chinord near Thame, Oxfordshire, Bell in the Strand.
• Clare, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Chichester, White-Hart in Southwark.
• Chiteston, Kent, White-Horse in Southwark.
• Duseley, Glocestershire, Rose in Holborn.
• Dunmore, High Ruden, Essex, Ram in Fenchurch-street.
• Glocester, Bell-savage on Ludgate-hill.
• Henley, White Swan on Holborn-bridge.
• Hadnam, Buckinghamshire, Talbot in the Strand.
• Heningham, Spred-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Harwich, Sarazens-Head within Aldgate.
• Kendal, Westmorland, White Horse in Cripplegate.
• Leeds, Yorkshire, Idem.
• Lancaster, Wiggon, Warington, Leverpool.

• Bolton, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.
• Manchester, Blosoms Inn in Laurence-lane.
• Maxfield, Manchester, Congerton, Leake, Swan with two Necks in Lad-lane.
• Middleton, Manchester, Boulton, Knucksford, Axe in Aldermanbury.
• Maidenhead, Boult and Tun in Fleetstreet.
• Malmesbury, Wiltshire, Bell in the Strand.
• Northampton, Rose in West Smithsield.
• Royston, Vine in Bishopsgate-street.
• Rudenhigh, Essex, White Bear in Lime-street.
• Southampton, White Swan in Holborn.
• Salisbury, Kings Arms on Holborn-bridge.
• Sheffield, Yorkshire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Shrewsbury, Bell in the Strand.
• Stroud, Glocestershire, Kings Head at the Old Change
• Stroud-water, Glocestershire, three Cups in Bread∣street.
• Swallowfield, Witshire, Bull in Holborn.
• Sunnock, Kent, Spur in Southwark.
• Sudbury, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Tociter, Northamptonshire, Castle in West-Smithfield.
• Thame, Oxfordshire, Sarazens Head in Fryday-street.
• Uxbridge, Bull in Holborn.
• Wing, Buckinghamshire, George in Holborn.
• Warrington, Lancashire, Castle and Falcon in Al∣dersgate-street.
• Wisbich, Isle of Ely, Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Weeden, Northamptonshire, Pewter Platter in St. Johns-street.
• Wallingford, Berkshire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Woodford, Maidenhead in St. Giles.
• Wittham, Essex, Cross-Keys in Grace-Church-street.

Saturdayes.

• AShbourn, Derbyshire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Brumley, Kent, Kings-Arms in Barnaby-street.
• Bristol, Three Cups in Breadstreet.
• Bath, Idem.
• Barnstable, Devonshire, Bull and Mouth in Aldersgate-street.
• Bleechenley, Surry, Half Moon in Southwark.
• Bridgnorth, Shropshire, Bull and Mouth in Aldersgate-street.
• Baldoc, in Hertfortshire, Red Lyon in Aldersgate-street.
• Billericay, Essex, Blew Boar in White-Chappel.
• Bunnington, Hertfortshire, Dolphin in Bishopsgate-street.
• Bushey, Hertfordshire, Angel in St. Giles.
• Coddiot, Hertfordshire, George in Aldersgate street.
• Chelton, Glocestershire, Sarazens-head in Carter-lane.
• Coventry, Warwickshire, Bell-Savage on Ludgate-Hill.
• Chelmsford, Essex, Spred-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Crookhorn, Evil, Gerards-Hall in Basing-lane.
• Denby, Rixham, Rutham, Blosoms Inn in Lawrence-lane.
• Dunstable, three Cups in Aldersgate-street.
• Egham, Surry, Black Lion in Water-lane.
• Elstree, Hertfordshire, Angel in St. Giles.
• Epsom, Spread-Eagle in Grace-Church-street.
• Eatonbridge, Kent, White-Horse in Southwark.
• Eversham, Worcestershire, Castle in Woodstreet.
• Grinstead, Sussex, White-Horse in Southwark.

• Hadham: Hartfordshire Bull in Bishopsgate-street.
• Hertford: Idem.
• Hodsdon: Hertfordshire: Green-Dragon in Bishops∣gate-street.
• Hatfield: Idem, Red-Lyon in Aldersgate-street.
• Hereford, Cross-Keys in Woodstreet.
• Sawbridge, Kidderminster, Worcester-shire, Bear and Ragged Staff, in West-Smithfield.
• Lemster, Hertford-shire, White Swan in Holbourn.
• Ludlow, Shrop-shire, George in Aldersgate-street.
• Ledbury, Hereford-shire; Castle in Woodstreet.
• Luton, Bedford-shire, Cock in Aldersgate-street.
• Linsfield, Surry, half Moon in Southwark.
• Monmouth Cross Keys in White-cross-street.
• Maidstone, Kent, Star on Fishstreet-Hill.
• Malden, Essex, Blew Boar in White-Chappel.
• Newport, Dreyton, Blosoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
• Onger, Essex, Whire Bear in Limestreet.
• Peterborough, Cross Keys in Whitecross-street.
• Reading, Berkshire, Gerards-Hall in Basing-Lane,
• Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire, Greyhound in Holborn.
• Sturbridge, Worcestershire, Bear and Ragged Staft in Smithfield.
• Taunton-Dean, Somersetshire, Bell in Woodstreet.
• Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, Castle and Falcon in Aldersgate-street.
• Ware, Vine in Bishopsgate-street.
• Westchester, Blosoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
• Watford, Hertfordshire, Bull in Holborn.
• Weam, Shropshire, Blosoms Inn in Lawrence-Lane.
• Yarmouth, Green Dragon in Bishopsgate-street.
• York, Black Swan in Holborn.

CHAP. XVXVII. ARTS GLORY; OR, The Best and Easiest Arithme∣tick yet extant, Epitomized; comprehending so much of Practical Arithmetick as is of absolute necessity for all those that are engaged in a Trade.

THE Parts of Arithmetick contained in this Brevium, are these;

• ...Numeration,
• ...Addition,
• ...Substraction,
• ...Multiplication,
• ...Division,
• ...Reduction.

Of Numeration.

Numeration is that Part of Arithmetick, whereby we may duly value and express any Figure set down in their places; and that you might the better know and understand what it is, I have here given you the Table of Numeration, whereby you may know and understand the Use of it.

A Table of Numeration.

Hundreds of Millions.	Tens of Millions.	Millions.	Hundreds of Thousands.	Tens of Thousands.	Thousands.	Hundreds.	Tens.	Unites.
9	9	9	9	9	9	9	9	9
8	8	8	8	8	8	8	8	8
7	7	7	7	7	7	7	7	7
6	6	6	6	6	6	6	6	6
5	5	5	5	5	5	5	5	5
4	4	4	4	4	4	4	4	4
3	3	3	3	3	3	3	3	3
2	2	2	2	2	2	2	2	2
1	1	1	1	1	1	1	1	1

This Table hath nine Places, and in every one of them are set the value of each Figure, at the upper

end of the Table, so that by this you may learn how to express any number, if it exceed not these nine Figures; every Figure hath his Denomination, as one Unites, and another Tens, another Hundreds; so that if you would number the first upper Line, which contains all Nines, you must begin at the first Figure of Nine on your left hand; look over it, and see the denomination of that Figure, which is Hundreds of Millions: Well then, begin thus; nine hundred ninety nine Millions, nine hundred ninety nine Thousands, nine hundred ninety nine; which is the denomination of all those nine uppermost Fi∣gures; in the same manner you must number all the rest: This the sum and substance of Numeration.

Addition.

Addition is that part of Arithmetick, which shew∣eth to add, or collect divers sums or numbers toge∣ther, and to express their total value in one sum; as for example; suppose the number 4667 and 2568. If you would gather these two sums together,

4667

2568

7235

begin at the two first Figures on your Right hand; as thus; 8 and 7 is 15, then set down your 5 under the 8, and carry 1 to the next Figure, always observing this Rule, if your Number be above ten, or ten, you must carry one; if twenty, you must car∣ry two to the next Figure, if thirty, carry three; if forty, carry four; in the like manner for all the rest of the Figures or Numbers you meet with. Then proceed, and say, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 and 6 is 13; set down your 3 under the second Figure, and carry 1 to the next, saying, 1 and 5 is 6, 6 and 6 is 12; set down 2, and carry 1 to the next, saying, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 and 4 is 7, set down your 7, and thus your sum is finished.

In the same manner you may do any other Sum I'll give you one example more, and so proceed.

If the number added do amount to 10, or 20, or 30, or 40, or 50, or any other number of the value of them,

897864

346123

521897

462178

2228062

you must set down in the place of the Number added, and carry the figure of 1 for 10, of 2 for 20, of 3 for 3••, so for any other after the same manner, to the next figure.

Addition of Money.

Note that 4 Farthings make 1 Penny, 12 Pence make 1 Shilling, 20 Shillings make 1 Pound Sterling.

If your sum hath in it Pounds. Shillings, Pence and Farthings; set the Farthings first to your right hand, and begin there, and if there remain any odd far∣things, set them down at the line drawn underneath the same line you cast up, and carry the Pence to the next line of Pence, as for Example.

l.	s.	d.	q.
67893214	10	03	2
432689	02	06	0
25689	05	00	0
206	10	09	1
68351799	08	06	3

l.	s.	d.	q.
6743	12	00	0
346	00	10	1
78	08	11	2
6	02	06	3
7174	04	04	2

And so likewise for Pence, the odd Pence remaining, after cast up, set down underneath the line drawn, and carry the Shillings that were in those Pence to the place of Shillings and likewise the Shillings, be∣ing cast up, the Pounds carry to the place of Pounds, but the odd Shillings set down under the line drawn. as the Example shews you plainly. Now if at any time no odd remains, set down a••o; now for the

Proof, of your sum, do thus; when you have cast up your sum, draw a line underneath your uppermost line of your sum, and cast up the other line of your sum together, then substract that sum from the total sum before cast up, and the remainder will be the number you cut off, if the sum be true, else not.

Substraction.

Substraction is that part of Arithmetick which de∣duceth, or taketh one number or sum from another, the less from the greater, and produces what there re∣mains: As suppose, you should buy 786785 Sheep and Oxen, and you should have sold again 360604, would you know how many there would remain, do thus: place the greater number from which you would substract, and place the lesser number to be substract∣ed under it, then draw a line with your Pen underneath, as you see in the example;

786785

360604

526181

Then take the first Figure towards your right hand in the lowermost line, and say, 4 from 5 (which is the opposite figure) and there remains one, 0 from 8 and there remains 8, 6 from 7 and there remains one, always set∣ting the remaining number in the line underneath, 0 from 6 and there remains 6, 6 from 8 and there ramains 2, 2 from 7 and there remains 5.

Another example of Substraction, I would take 26896 from 34213,

34213

66896

••••7317

and know what there remains: Set your Sum, then take the lower number from the upper, begin∣ning at the first Figure towards your Right Hand: 6 from 3 I cannot, but 6 from 13 and there remains 7: Observe this Rule always in Substraction, for every ten you want in the first place, you are to take from the second;

as here you borrowed 10 in the first place, 6 from 3 you could not, but 6 from 13 and there remains 1; then carry 1 to the next Figure, and say 1 and 9 is 10, 10 from 1 I cannot, but 10 from 11, and there remains 1, then carry 1 to the next Figure, and say, 1 and 8 is 9, 9 from 2 I cannot, but 9 from 12, and there remains 3, set your 3 as in the Example: Then carry 1, and say, 1 and 6 is 7, 7 from 4 I cannot, but 7 from 14, and there remains 7; then carry 1, and say, 1 and 2 is 3, 3 from 3, and there remains o; thus your Sum is finished.

Substraction of Money,

Place the greatest Number, from which the Sub∣straction is to be made, in the uppermost line, and the number to be substracted or deduced, right un∣derneath every Figure of the like kind, as Pounds under Pounds, Shillings under Shillings, Pence un∣der Pence, and Farthings under Farthings, in this manner: Suppose you should borrow the sum of Money following in the upper Line, and shall have paid the sum underneath; and if you would know how much remains owing, substract the lower num∣ber from the upper, and the number remaining is the sum you owe; as thus;

	l.	s.	d.	q.
Lent,	789786	17	11	3
Paid,	692583	19	10	1
Remains	97202	18	01	2
Proof,	789786	17	11	3

The way to prove this, is to add the Number you substract, and the remaining Number together, and they will make the upper Line, if the sum be truly wrought.

Several Examples.

	l.	s.	d.
Lent,	67812345607	10	6
Paid at several times,	21261642191	01	0
6897621	03	1
346026	00	3
	21268885838	04	4
Remains,	46543459769	06	2

The way to do this Sum, is, to add the three se∣veral payments together, and place them underneath, as you see in the Sum, and substract that Line which is added together underneath, from the Line at the top, and place the remainder underneath the next Line, as you see in the sum: The proof of your sum is by adding the two lowermost Lines together, and if they make the same number as the uppermost Line doth, your sum is right, but else is wrong; this shall suffice for Substraction: The next Rule is of Multi∣plication.

Multiplication.

Multiplication is that part of Arithmetick, by which is multiplied one Number by another, to the end the product may be known. In Multiplication there are three parts, Multiplicand, Multiplier, Product. Mul∣tiplicand is the Number given to be multiplied; Mul∣tiplier

is the Number by which you multiply; th•• Product is that which is produced by the Multiplica¦tion: As to muliply 6 by four, the Product will be 24; for 4 times 6 is 24. There is Multiplication single, and Multiplication compound: Single, when the Multiplicand and Multiplier consists but of one single Figure.

For the easie understanding of the following Table, seek out your first or last Digit in the greater Figure, and from that go right forth to the right hand, till you come under the number of your second Digit, which is in the highest row, and then the number which is in the meeting of the rows of the little squares, which comes directly from both your propounded Digits, is the Multiplication that they may amount unto,

The Table of Multiplication.

1	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9
	2	4	6	8	10	12	14	10	18
	3	9	12	15	18	21	24	27
	4	16	20	24	28	32	36
	5	25	30	35	40	45
	6	36	42	48	54
	7	49	56	63
	8	64	72
	9	81

To proceed to the use of this Rule of Multiplicati∣on: I'll begin with one Figure first.

Multiplicand.	68961324
Multiplier.	2
Product.	137922648

The second Example is when the Multiplier is two Figures.

The second Example.

689602

67

4827214

4137612

46203334

The third Example.

87968

987

7615767

03744

791712

86824416

Division.

Division is the distributing a greater sum by the Unites of a lesser; or it is an Arithmetical dividing of a third Number, in respect of two propounded Numbers; which third Number shall often contain any Unity, as the greater of the two propounded Numbers can contain a lesser.

Division bringeth many parcels into few, but yet so, if these few taken together are equal in value to the other many; for by Division pence are turned into shillings, and shillings turned into pounds: As for example, of 120 shillings it makes 6 pounds, so are 120 turned into 6; which is a small Number; but if you consider the Denominators, you will see they are such, that one of the latter is equal with 20 of the first, and so in the value the sums are one, though in the number they differ, the latter sum is

the lesser always in Division, though in the working, the Sum is parted by another.

In Division are required three Numbers, Dividend, that is the greater sum, which is divided; the second, which is generally the lesser is the Divisor, by which you must divide the other Number; and the third is the Answer to the Question (how many times) and that is the Quotient. Now to know this Rule, first place your Dividend, then place your Divisor just under the first Figure, towards your left hand, just contrariwise to the Work of Multiplication; as for Example; If you would divide 365 (which are the days of the Year (by 28, which are the days of a Month common, set them thus, as you see in the Example.

365

28

But if you would divide those 365 Days by the Weeks in the Year, set them thus;

365

52

If you would divide them by the Quar∣ters, thus;

365

4

But to give you more light in this Rule, observe this Sum proved.

365 (1

28

I seek first, how many times I can have 2 in (which is the first Figure of the Divisor) 3, which is the first of the Number to be divided, I make a crooked Line at the end, as you see, and considering I can take 2 out of 3, but once,

18

365 (1

28

so I set that 1 at the end of the crooked Line, which is called the Quoti∣ent; then I say, once 2 is 2, 2 from 3, and there remains 〈◊〉〈◊〉; which I place over the 3, and then I cross the 2 and the 3, and go to the next Figure, and say, 8 out of 16 (which are the

Figures over head) and there remains 8, which I place over head, and cross the 8 underneath the 1 and the 6.

When you have thus wrought 1, then begin a∣gain, and write your Divisor anew, as you see in the Example, set 2 under 8, and 8

2

181

365 (13

288

2

under 5, as thus; then seek how many times you may have 2 in the Figure over head, which is 8; 4 times 2 you cannot, because you cannot take 8 so many times out of the Figure over head; therefore say you may have 3 times; set your 3 in the Quotient, and say 3 times 2 is 6, and place your 2 over your 8, and cross your other Figures; then go to the next Figure, which is 8, and say 3 times 8 is 24, 24 from 25, and there remains 1; set your 1 over 5, and cross your 5 and your 2, and then your Sum is finished.

That you may know when you have divided your Sum right, use this Method; first, cast away 9 as of∣ten as you can out of the Divisor, and that which re∣mains; then set on one side of the Cross, as

X

1

in your Example before your Divisor was 28, from which you may take 9 three times, and 1 remaineth; set your 1 as you see on the right hand, then examine your Quotient, which in your Example is 13, and from thence cast away 9 as of∣ten as you can, and the Remainder set on the other side of the Cross; take 9 out of 13, and

4

X

1

there remains 4; set your four over against the 1 thus; then multiply 4 by 1, and it yieldeth but 4, thereto add the remainer of the Division, which was 1, and that is 5, set you the 5 over the Cross thus,

Then you shal likewise examine the whole sum divided,

	5
4	X	1

and take away 9 as often as you can, and that which remaineth, set on the foot of the Cross, and if it be just equal with that in the head of the Cross, then you have done well; as in your Example,

	5
4	X	1
	5

the whole sum was 365, which maketh 14; from that take 9, and there remains 5; set your 5 at the foot thus, and you have well done.

Thus have I finished what I intended, and what my short Treatise will give me leave, as to the Arithmeti∣cal Part, I hope to the content of the Reader.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Shewing how the Merchant should mark his Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Discourse concerning Freight; and the great Ʋsefulness of a Publick Notary.

1. THat every Merchant may mark his Goods well, he must learn to write the twenty four Capital Letters of the Alphabet very plain and hand∣some; for the Marks that most men use, are the two Letters of their Names: and for Numbers, they are generally begun by the first Parcel of Goods that are sent. The first Box or Hogshead is marked Num. 1. the second N^o 2. and the third N^o 3, &c. and so continue according to the Quantities that are sent; and by these Numbers any Hogsheads or Casks

are known and distinguished one from another.

2. As for Freight, it is nothing else but a certain sum of Mony that a Master is to have for carrying of Goods from one place to another: it is generally a∣greed upon by the Merchant that ships the Goods, and the Master of the Ship; and in most Countries it is paid when the Goods are landed.

3. As for a Publick Notary, he is a man appointed by the King's Majesty, or the States of any Common Wealth, to be Witness to any Act that is done and transacted betwixt Merchant and Merchant, or man and man, in any matter of Trade; and these men are esteemed by others beyond the seas, more than ordinary men, because they are set in places of Authority; and what they act is esteemed just and true, because they are put in places of Trust; though what another particular man said is not much regarded, nay, not at all in any manner of difference at Law; whereas the Affirmation of the other is as good as any Witness whatsoever; as for instance, suppose you have received a Bill of 100 l. from a Friend in Holland upon Mr. A. B, in London, and you are sent with this Bill of Exchange to Mr. A. B. to have him accept it, and he tells you he will not ac∣cept it, you are to bring back this Bill to your Ma∣ster, and he sends it back to Holland, and writes word that he had sent it to be accepted, and Mr. A.B. would not accept it; but said, He could not do it, &c. The man that drew the Bill at Holland, tells you, It is false, and he is sure Mr. A. B. will accept it, and that he never gave such an Answer; This now begets a Quarrel betwixt you, and you cannot be re∣conciled: But when the said Bill is carried to a No∣tary, and that Notary doth signifie by Protest that the Bill was presented, and Mr. A. B. said he would

not accept it. This Protest of the Notary, where there is nothing but his bare Word, is believed as much as if 500 men were there to swear it.

But, Reader, here you may ask, Are these men used in nothing but for Bills of Exchange?

Answ. Yes, Suppose you have got a Commission from Holland, &c. for the selling of 20 Pieces of Linnens, and those Linnens hold short, or are dammaged, or are not Merchantable, &c. upon a Certificate before a No∣tary, made by the Buyers of the Goods, or by Persons that are knowing in the said Commodities, and the man that sent them unto you, must rest satisfied; Or, if he have brought them for your Account, he may force by that Certificate, satisfaction from them that sold them unto you.

2. But here again possibly you may ask, In what other Cases are these men necessary in Trade?

Answ. In the making of Protests against Masters, Ships for Demurrage, in the demanding Freight for Goods, in the making Charter-Parties, in any thing wherein a Publick Witness is necessary.

This man supplies the Place, & answers any Dispute that is made, or if you have any Paper or Parchment that is useful, and the Loss of it would be prejudicial to you, you may have a true Copy of it drawn by a Notary, and he asserting the same, you may make the same Use of it as of the Original it self.

CHAP. XXXIX. Giving every honest Merchant or Dealer an Account of the Method he should take (according to Law) to get in what is justly owing to him, either by shuffling Tradesmen in the City, or dishonest Cor∣respondents in the Countrey.

1. THere is the Court of Conscience; and this only for Debts that are under forty shillings, and take cognizance only of such as are owing by Free∣men of the City of London, inhabiting within the said City, or the Liberties thereof. Here you cause the Debtor to be warned in, and must refer the Mat∣ter to Commissioners appointed by the Lord Mayor, &c. and you must abide by the Determination of the said Commissioners. Generally Poverty is pleaded, and the Debtor is ordered to pay so much by the Week, 6 d. or 12 d. or what the Court thinks fit, or else Execution is taken out against him. You are believed for what you demand upon your Oath.

2. The Second way of Proceeding that is Civil, is to make an Attachment upon your Debtors Estate, Monies or Goods that you understand is due to him from A. B. J. C, &c. in the Mayors or either of the Sheriffs Court; and this doth not hurt the Person of him that owes the Mony, but only secures the Debt, and is no very great Disgrace to the Debtor, nor any great Charge, and is done with much Privacy.

3. The Third way, if you have any difference with a man, and have a mind not openly to dispa∣rage him, you acquaint him, you intend to enter an Action against him in such a Counter, and he will do well to put in Bail by such a day; this is a great piece of Civility, if you must go to Law, and saves Money on both sides that is given to Sergeants, &c.

4. The fourth way is, When you fear your man indeed, and do really think to secure him, then you give Order to an Officer to take him into custody; you must first enter your Action at one of the Coun∣ters, and pay your Sergeant; and when the Sergeant hath him, you have the Sheriff for your Security, if the Party makes any Escape, or the Bail be not good.

5. The Fifth is, by way of Writ from the King's Bench, or the Common-Pleas; and here the Party is held to special Bail before a Judge, and must give in Bail here below, and above too; and this is troubleson for the Debtor, and also Chargeable.

6. A Sixth way is, by Outlawry, and this is very rigorous; and a man now adays by the baseness of an Attorney, is sued to an Outlawry, and knows nothing of it, but is quiet, and means no body harm; and here he is ruined, and run up to much Charge before he knows wherefore he is troubled.

7. The Seventh is, A Commission of Bankrupt; and this is many ways convenient, but exceeding charge∣able; the meaning of it is, a Commission from under the Great Seal of England, directed to such and such Com∣missioners, naming five or more, directing them to enquire into all the Particulars of the mans Conditi∣on that hath failed.

They have power to Administer an Oath, to send to

Prison, to release out of Prison; they can break open Houses, seize Goods, sell them, extend Lands; and in short, do any thing for the Advantage of the Credi∣tors.

But a Statute cannot be taken out against a man, un∣less one or more Creditors joyn together, or the Sums amount to more than 100 l. and they must give Security to prove the man of Bankrupt.

This is a very rigorous manner of Prosecution, and generally leaves the Estate far worse than they found it; for it is very chargeable and tedious.

These are the several Ways that are used to get Money in, and to prosecute men: What more there are, I know not; that must be enquired into of them that are Learned in the Law.

But how if I am employed by another to prosecute ano∣ther here, how must I Act it?

Answ. In the same nature as is before cited; but you must have Power from the man that employs you.

What mean you by Power? Is not his Letter enough, and his Order to do it?

Answ. No; that is not sufficient; you must have a Procuration: so called in all Foreign Parts; and by us in England, A Letter of Attorney, that impowers you to sue his Debtor, cast him into Prison, and re∣lease him.

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CHAP. XL. Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to discover all Counterfeit Coyn, and bad Money, of great use in the receiving of great sums of Money; Together with the valuation of Foreign and English Gold and Silver.

I will further add something that may be useful to Merchants and all other Dealers that know it not, to prevent their being deceived with the counterfeit Coyn, that notwithstanding the great care used by our Governours to prevent it, is continually made and vended amongst us; wherefore they are to observe.

1. That there is one sort of unlawful Money that is made so (of the lawful Coyn) by Clipping or Filing, or both, or otherwise lightening or impairing the same.

2. There is another sort of unlawful counterfeit Money, made with the mixture of a little Silver and other baser Metal, which by Artificial Working, Boyling and Finishing, will be made much like in Countenance, and near as passable as good Money.

3. There is another sort of unlawful Money made of solid Copper or Brass, and covered or cased over, on the flat parts, as thick as Paper, and on the edges near as thick as a sixpence with good Silver, and is commonly as passable as the other.

4. There is another sort of counterfeit Money, made only of fine hardened Tin, which comes near

(at first making) to the Colour of good Silver Mo∣ney.

For the knowing of these (one from another, and all) from the lawful Coyn; Note further,

First, The good Silver Coyn that is Clipt, Filed or Lessened, although thereby made unlawful, yet ac∣cording as it is more or less by these ways abused, the People do receive or refuse it, as they can agree.

Secondly, This sort although when Artificially finisht, it much resembles the proper Silver-Coyn, yet it can∣not be so cunningly done, but it may be discovered by its different aspect from the good; if that give cause of suspition, rub either the edge or flat part of it up∣on a dry Board, that hath gravelly or gritty matter on it; as the step of a stair, or such like, or else when the out-part of the edge is a little rubb'd off, rub it on a good clean Touchstone, as afore is directed, and if it be false you will thereby discover it, or else take a Goldsmiths Graver made sharp, and enter it in some part of the flat of the Money, as if you began to en∣grave it, and in that Hole or Entrance, (by viewing it in the light) if bad, it will appear in its yellowish Colour.

Thirdly, This sort is always different from the good silver-Money, thus (to wit) as the good Silver Mo∣ney hath frequently, (I mean the old Money) small cracks on the edges thereof, which is made by the forging it••; so this sort of counterfeit Money is ge∣nerally smooth on the edges without such cracks; and as the good Money will (being let fall, or thrown flat on a solid Board) ring shrill, so this sort of bad Money, by reason its Case of Silver, cannot be so u∣nited to its Body of Brass or Copper, but it will (if let fall or thrown as aforesaid) sound like Lead; where these Signs give cause of suspition; the use of a

Graver, as aforesaid, will plainly discover it.

Of the fourth, This sort is easily discovered thus, (that is to say) it cannot be avoided but his Counte∣tenance will look much duller or darker than the good Money; and if you bite it, you may make grea∣ter Impressions thereon with your Teeth than on the good Coyn; for it is softer, and much easier to be bent either between the Teeth, or in some Chink or Joynt of Boards) than good Money.

There may be other sorts of Counterfeit Silver-Mo∣ney, otherwise to discover the same: But to enlarge this Discourse on the Critick Nicities of what is, or may be observable therein; and the Laws in force concerning the same, would not only swell this, but be matter for another Volume; therefore I will on∣ly add, that ingenious Traders being well acquainted with the Particulars of the foregoing Treatise, and these plain Rules here laid down, and by their care, to observe nicely, the Proportion, the Stamp, Coun∣tenance, and wearing of the good Money, will easi∣ly discern its difference from the Counterfeit: And as the Counterfeiting, Clipping, Rounding, Wash∣ing, Filing, Impairing, Diminishing, Falsifying, Sca∣ling or Lightening.

For wicked Lucre sake, the proper Money or Coyns of this Realm, is High Treason by these Statutes, (to wit) 25 Edw. 3.2. & 5 Eliz. 11. & 18 Eliz. 1. and the Actors of these Crimes, the Councellors, Consen∣ters, or Aiders therein, to be punished accordingly; so the counterfeiting the Sterling or Standard-Gold or Silver of this Realm, in any Works or Wares what∣soever, both the Working, Selling, Exposing to Sale, and Exchanging or Bartering thereof, is severe∣ly punishable, as is before made manifest; and it may be said of the unlawful Money as of the unlawful Gold

and Silver-Works; that if the People would (as they may) be so ingenious to know, and refuse them, the Maker of either would soon desist from such unlawful Employments

CHAP. XLI. The valuation of Foreign and English Gold, is as follows, viz.

Foreign Gold.

	l.	s.	d
French Pistol	00	17	04
French Lewis	00	14	04
Holland Rider	01	05	09
Hungary Ducket	00	09	08
Spanish Pistol	00	17	04
Flanders Albertus	00	13	00
Double Sower of Flanders	01	08	06
Italian Pistol	00	16	07
Gilder of Porthono	00	06	10
Gilder of Matthias Emp.	00	07	02
Gilder of Norembergh	00	07	01
Half Cradinal Angel	00	06	04
••uckeen of Venice	00	09	04
A new Danish Coyn, with a Crown on the one side of it	00	15	07

	l.	s.	d.
Carolus or Piece		00	20	00
Guiney-Pieces		00	22	00
Angel		10 s. &	11	00	00
Crown		05 s &	00	05	06
Half a Crown	02	8	06 d &	00	02	09

The valuation of Foreign and English Silver, viz.

Holland Dollar	00	04	4½
Lyon Dollar	00	03	04
Duckatoon of Flanders	00	05	04
Rixdoller of the Empire	00	04	5¾
Mexica Real	00	04	4½
Sevil Real	00	04	4¾
Old Cardecus	00	01	06
French Lewis	00	04	4½
Doub. Milret of Portugal	00	03	6¼
Single Milret of Portugal	00	01	09
St. Mark of Venice	00	02	06
Double Dutch Stiver	00	00	1¾
Cross Dollers	00	04	2½
Zealand Doller	00	02	07
Old Philip Doller	00	05	00
Ferdinando Doller, 1623	00	04	03
Prince of Orange Doller, 1624	00	04	3¾
Rodalphus Doller, 1676	00	04	04
Maximilian Doller 1616	00	04	05
Danish Doller 1620	00	2	11¼
Portugal Festoon	00	01	2¾
New ¼ of French Lewis	00	01	01

A Crown, 5 s. Half a Crown, 2 s. 6 d. Thirteen-pence-half-penny, 1 s. 1 d. ½. Half and Quarter Thir∣teen-pence-half-penny. Nine-pence, 9 d. Four-pence-half-penny, 4 d. ½. Shilling, 12 d. Six-pence, 6 d. Groat, 4 d.. Three-pence, 3 d. Two-pence, 2 d. Pen∣ny, 1 d. Half-penny, ½ d.

A Plain Table of Interest.

	1 Mon.	2 Mon.	3 Mon.	9 Mon.	A Year.
Shillings.		sh.	p.	q.	sh.	p.	q.	sh.	p.	q.	sh.	p.	q.	sh.	d.	q.
5	0	0	1	0	0	3	0	1	3	0	2	1	0	7	1
10	0	0	2	0	1	3	0	3	2	0	5	2	0	3	2
15	0	0	3	0	2	2	0	5	1	0	8	0	0	10	0
Pounds.	1	0	1	0	0	3	2	0	7	0	0	10	1	1	2	1
2	0	2	1	0	7	0	1	2	1	1	9	1	2	4	2
3	0	3	2	0	10	2	1	9	1	1	7	3	3	6	3
4	0	4	3	1	2	1	2	4	2	2	6	3	4	9	0
5	0	6	0	1	6	0	3	0	0	4	6	0	6	7	0
6	0	7	0	1	9	2	3	7	0	5	4	2	7	2	1
7	0	8	1	2	1	0	4	2	1	6	3	1	8	4	2
8	0	9	2	2	4	2	4	9	1	7	1	2	9	6	3
9	0	10	3	2	8	1	5	4	2	8	0	3	10	0	0
Tens of Pounds.		l.	sh.	d.	l.	sh.	d.	l.	sh.	d.	l.	sh.	d.	l.	sh.	d.
10	0	1	0	0	3	0	0	6	0	0	9	0	0	12	0
20	0	2	0	0	6	0	0	12	0	0	18	0	1	4	0
30	0	3	0	0	9	0	0	18	0	1	7	0	1	16	0
40	0	4	0	0	12	0	1	4	0	1	16	0	2	18	0
50	0	5	0	0	15	0	1	10	0	2	5	0	3	0	0
60	0	6	0	0	18	0	1	16	0	••	14	0	3	12	0
70	0	7	0	1	1	0	2	2	0	3	3	0	4	4	0
80	0	8	0	1	4	0	2	8	0	3	12	0	4	16	0
90	0	9	0	1	9	0	2	14	0	4	1	0	5	18	0
100	0	10	0	1	10	0	3	0	0	4	10	0	6	0	0

The Use of this Table is this; If you'ld know what ••he Interest of 100 and 5 l. is for 9 Months at 6 per ••ent. then in the first Column find out 100 at the foot ••f the Column, and right against it under the Title •• Months (which is the fifth Column) here you'll find •• l. 10 s. And against the Number 5 l. you shall ••nd 4 s. 6 d. So that the Interest of 100 and 5 l. for •• Months cometh to 4 l. 14 s. 6 d. The same of the rest.

CHAP. XLIII. A Compleat Tide-Table, shewing the Time of High-Water at London, Gravesend, the Downs, Malden, Rochester, Quinborough, Portsmouth, and Isle of Wight, with Hours and Minutes,

Mo. Age.	London	Graves.	Rochest.	Quinbor.
H.	M.	H.	M.	H,	M.	H.	M.	H.	M.
1	16	3	18	2	13	1	33	11	46
2	17	4	36	3	6	2	2	1	36
3	18	5	24	3	54	3	9	2	24
4	19	6	12	4	42	3	57	3	12
5	20	7	0	5	30	4	50	4	0
6	21	7	48	6	15	5	33	4	48
7	22	8	30	7	6	6	21	5	36
8	23	9	24	7	54	7	19	6	24
9	24	10	12	8	42	7	57	7	12
10	25	11	0	9	30	8	45	8	0
11	26	11	43	10	18	9	33	8	48
12	27	12	27	11	6	10	21	9	26
13	28	1	24	11	5••	11	9	10	24
14	29	2	12	12	42	11	57	11	12
15	30	3	0	1	30	12	45	12	0

In the first Column is the Moons Age, in the second is the hours and minutes of High Water at London-Bridge, Gravesend, and other Places. When the Moon is one day old, it is High Water at London-Bridge at Three of the Clock eighteen Minutes past; and so it is when the Moon is sixteen days old; and so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is with every Mo••ns Age; the Figure opposite to it, is the hour and minute of High Water in every Column.

The TERMS and their Returns

Hillary Term begins Jan. 22. ends. Feb. 12.

Return on Essoyn days.	Exch. da.	Ret. Br.	Appear.
Octab. Hill. Jan. 21.	Jan. 21	Jan. 22	Jan. 23
Quind. Hill. Jan. 28	Jan. 28	Jan. 29	Jan. 30
Clast. Purif. Febr. 5	Febr. 4	Febr. 5	Febr. 6
Octab. Purif. Febr. 11	Febr. 11	Febr. 12	Febr. 12

Easter Term begins April 16, ends May 12.

Quind. Pasch. Apr. 14	April 15	Apr. 16	April. 16
Tres Pasch. Apr. 21	April 22	Apr. 23	April. 24
Mens. Pasch. Apr. 28	April 29	Apr. 30	May 1
Quinq. Pasch. May 5	May 6.	May 7	May 7
Crast. Ascens. May 9	May 10	May 10	May 12

Trinity Term begins May 30 ends June 18.

Crast. Trin. May 26	May 27	May 28	May 30
Octab. Trin. June 2	June 3	June 4	June 5
Quinq. Trin. June 9	June 10	June 11	June 12
Tres Trin. June 16	June 17	June 17	June 18

Michalem. Term begins Oct. 23 ends No. 28.

Tres Mich. October 20	October 21	Octo. 22	Octo. 23
Mens. Mich. Octob. 27	October 27	Octo. 29	Octo. 0
Crast. Anim. Novem. 3	Novem 4	Nov. 5	Nov. 6
Crast. Mart. Novem 1	Novem. 13	Nov. 14	Nov. 15
Octab. Mart. Nov. 19	Novem. 20	Nov. 21	Nov. 22
Quind. Mart. Nov. 25	Novem. 26	Nov. 27	Nov. 28

The Exchequer opens 8 days before any Term begins, except Trinity Term, before which it opens only 4 days. Note, that the first and last days of eve∣ry Term, are the first and last days of Appearance.

CHAP. XLV. A Perpetual Almanack of daily Ʋse to all Traders.

Apr July.	Sept. Dec.	June. Febr.	Mar. Nov.	Au∣gust.	May. Jan.	Octo∣ber.
1	2	3	4	5	6	7
8	9	10	11	12	13	14
15	16	17	18	19	20	21
22	23	24	25	26	27	28
29	30	31	00	00	00	00

Note, That on what Day of the Week the Year be∣gins, the Figure under each Month is the same day of the Week until the Years end: as for Example; The 25th. day of the first Month, called March, was on the Third Day of the Week, called Tuesday; under Sep∣tember and December you see (2,) which sheweth Tuesday to be the second day of each of those Months; and so go on to the end of the Month; and the like in all the other Months.

CHAP. XLVI. Of the Post-Office.

THis Office is now kept in Lumbard-street, for∣merly in Bishopsgate-street; the Profits of it are by Act of Parliament setled on his Royal Highness the Duke of York; but the King by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of England, constitutes the Post-Master-General.

From this General Office, Letters and Pacquets are dispatched.,

On Mondays, To France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Swede∣land, Denmark, Kent, and the Downs.

On Tuesdays, To Holland, Germany, Swedeland, Denmark, Ire∣land, Scotland, and all parts of England and Wales.

On Wednesdays, To all parts of Kent and the Downs.

On Thursdays, To France, Spain, Italy, and all parts of England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scotland.

On Frydays, To Flanders, Germany, Italy, Swedeland, Denmark ••and, Kent and the Downs,

On Saturdays, ••all parts of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland. Letters are returned from all parts of England and ••land certainly every Monday, Wednesday and Fry∣day from Wales every Monday and Fryday; and from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Downs every day; but from other parts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 uncertainly, in regard of the Sea.

A Letter containing a whole sheet of Paper is con∣vey'd 80 miles for 2 d. two sheets for 4 d. and an Ounce of Letters for 8 d. and so proportionably; a a Letter containing a sheet, is convey'd above 80 miles for 3 d. two sheets for 6 d. and every Ounce of Letters for 12 d. A sheet is conveyed to Dublin for 6 d. two for a shilling, and an Ounce of Letters for 12 d.

This Conveyance by Post, is done in so short a time, by night as well as by day, that every 24 hours the Post goes 120 Miles, and in five days, an Answer of a Letter may be had from a place 300 miles di∣stant from the Writer.

Moreover, if any Gentleman desire to ride Post to any principal Town of England, Post-horses are always in readiness (taking no Horse without the consent of his Owner) which in other Kings Reigns was not duly observed; and only 3 d. is demanded for every English Mile, and for every Stage to the Bost-Boy, 4 d. for conducting.

Besides this Excellent convenience of conveying Letters and Men on Horseback, there is of late such an admirable commodiousness both for Men and Women of better Rank, to travel from London, and to almost all the Villages near this great City, that the like hath not been known in the World, and that is by Stage-Coaches, wherein one may be transported to any place, sheltered from foul Weather, and foul ways, free from endamaging ones Health or Body by hard jogging, or over-violent motion; and this not only at a low price, as about a shilling for every five Miles, but with such velocity and speed, as that the Posts in some Foreign Countries, make not more Miles in a day; for the Stage-Coaches, called Flying Coaches, make forty or fifty Miles in a day, as from

London to Oxford or Cambridge, and that in the space, of twelve hours, not counting the time for Dining setting forth not too early, nor coming in too late.

CHAP. XLVII. The several Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letter, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majesties Dominions, to or from any other Parts or Places beyond the Seas, are as followeth, that is to say,

	s.	d
MOrlaix, St. Maloes, Caen, New∣haven, and places of like di∣stance, Carriage paid to Rouen	Single	0	6
Double	1	0
Treble	1	6
Ounce	1	6
Hamburg, Colen, Frankfort, Carri∣age paid to Antwerp, is	Single	0	8
Double	1	4
Treble	2	0
Ounce	2	0
Venice, Genoua, Legorn, Rome, Na∣ples, Messina, and all other parts of Italy, by way of Venice, Franct pro Mantua.	Single	0	9
Double	1	6
Treble	2	3
Ounce	2	8
Marseilles. Smirna, Constantinople, Aleppo, and all parts of Turky, Carri∣age paid to Marselles	Single	1	0
Double	2	0
¾ Ounce	2	9
Ounce	3	8

And for Letters brought from the said places into England	Single	0	8
Double	1	4
Treble	2	0
Ounce	2	0
For Letters brought into England from Calais, Diepe, Bologne, Abbeville, St. Omers, Amiens, Montrel.	Single	0	4
Double	0	8
Treble	1	0
Ounce	1	0
Rouen.—	Single	0	6
Double	1	0
Treble	1	6
Ounce	1	6
Genoua, Leghorn, Rome, and o∣ther parts of Italy, by way of Lyons, Frank pro Lyons.	Single	1	0
Double	2	0
¾ Ounce	2	9
Ounce	3	9

And of Letters sent Outwards.

To Bourdeaux, Rochel, Nantz, Orle∣ans, Bayon, Tours, and Places of like distance, Port paid to Paris.	Single	0	9
Double	1	6
Treble	2	3
Ounce	2	0
For Letters from those Places in England.	Single	1	0
Double	2	0
¾ Ounce	3	0
Ounce	4	0
And Letters sent outwards to No∣rembergh, Bremen, Dantzick, Lubeck, Lipswick, and other Places of like di∣stance, Port paid to Hamburgh.	Single	1	0
Double	2	0
¾ Ounce	3	0
Ounce	4	0

Paris—	Single	0	9
Double	C	6
Treble	2	3
Ounce	2	0
Dunkirk, Ostend, Liste, Ipres, Cam∣bray, Ghent, Bruxels, Bruges, Antwerp, and all other parts of Flanders. Sluce, Flushing, Middleburgh, Am∣sterdam, Roterdam, Delph, Hague, and all other parts of Holland and Zealand.	Single	0	••
Double	1	4
Treble	2	0
Ounce	2	0

All Merchants Accompts, not exceeding a Sheet, Bills of Exchange, Invoyces, Bills of Lading, shall be allowed without Rate in the price of the Letters, and also the Covers of the Letters not exceeding 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sheet, to Marseilles, Venice, or Legorn, towards Turky.

The said Office is managed by a Deputy, and other Officers, to the Number of seventy seven persons, who give their actual Attendance respectively, in the dispatch of the Business.

Upon this Grand Office depends one hundred eighty two Deputy-Post-Masters in England and Scot∣land; most of which keep Regular Offices in their Stages, and Sub-Post-Masters in their Branches; and also in Ireland, another General Office for that King∣dom, which is kept in Dublin, consisting of Eighteen like Officers, and Forty five Deputy-Post-Masters.

The present Post-Master-General keeps constantly, for the Transport of the said Letters and Pacquets;

Between Eng∣land and —

• France two Pacquet-Boats.
• Flanders, two Pacquet-Boats.
• Holland three Pacquet-Boats.
• Ireland, three Pacquet-Boats.

And at Deal, two Pacquet-Boats for the Downs.

All which Officers, Post masters, Pacquet-Boats, are maintained at his own proper charge.

And as the Master-piece of all those good regulati∣ons, established by the present Post-master-General, for the better Government of the said Office, he hath annexed and appropriated the Market Towns of En∣gland, so well to their respective Post-Stages, that there is no considerable Market-Town, but hath an easie and certain Conveyance for the Letters thereof, to and from the said Grand Office, in the due course of the Males every Post.

Though the Number of Letters missive in England, were not at all considerable in our Ancestors days, yet it is now so prodigiously great (since the mean∣est People have generally learnt to write) that the Office is Farmed for above 40. rather 50000 l. a Year.

CHAP. XLVIII. The Rates and Orders of Coach-men.

BY an Act of Paliament made in the Fourteenth Year of our Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the Second; It is appointed, That no person or per∣sons, after May 1. 1662. shall presume to drive (except Stage-Coaches) or let to Hire by the hour or day, or otherwise, any Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horses, within the Parishes comprised within the Bills of Mortality, without an especial License from the Commissioners appointed by his Majesty for Licen∣sing and regulating Hackney-Coaches. That no Horse Gelding or Mare to be used with such Coaches, be un∣der 14 hands high, according to the Standard. Th••••

the number of Coaches so Licensed, shall not exceed 400. That every Coach so Licensed shall have a mark of distinction by Figure, or otherwise, as the Commissioners shall think fit, to the end they may be known, if any complaint shall be made of them. That no person shall be Licensed to keep more than two Coaches, which Coaches shall have several Fi∣gures or marks of distinction, as if belonging to se∣veral persons. That no person shall put that Figure or mark upon his Coach, which is appointed for any o∣ther, under the forfeiture of five pounds. That no person shall be Licensed to drive or keep a Hackney-Coach or Coach-Horses, that uses any other Trade or Occupation. That first such as have been ancient Coach-men, or such Coach-men as have suffered for their Service to His Majesty or his Father, or the Widows of such (that have Coaches of their own) be Licensed. That the Commissioners forfeit one hundred pounds for every Coach they License above the number of 400.

That no Hackney-Coach-man so Licensed, shall presume to take for his Hire in or about the Cities of London and Westminster, above Ten shillings for a day, reckoning 12 hours to the day; and by the hour, not above 18 pence for the first hour, and 12 pence for every hour after; nor for his Hire from any of the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to any part of St. James, o•• Westminster (except beyond Tuttle-street) above 12 pence, and the like from the same places to the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts; nor from the Inns of Courts, or thereabouts, to the Royal Ex∣change, more than 12 pence; but if to the Tower, Bishopsgate-street, Aldgate, or places thereabouts. 18 pence; and so from the same places to the said Inns of Court, as aforesaid.

That the like Rates be observed from or to any place at the like distance with the places before-named. That if any Coach-man shall refuse to go at, or exact more for his Hire than these Rates, he shall for every Offence forfeit Ten Shillings.

CHAP. XLXI. The Rates for Car-men.

ALL Car-men Trading or Working with Carrs, in the City of London, and Liberties thereof, shall and may demand, and take for every Carriage or Load of the Commodities under-mentioned, the Rates hereafter following, that is to say,

From any the Wharfs between the Tower and London-Bridge, to Tower-street, Grace-Church-street, Fen-Church-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhill, and places of like distance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not exceeding 20 Hundred Weight. —2 s. 2 d.

And being above 20 Hundred Weight, for eve∣ry Hundred — 2 s. 2 d.

In which may be included,

Two puncheons of Prunes, 2 Bales of Mather, 20 Barrels of Figs, 2 Fats of Fustians, 6 ordinary Sacks of Cotton-Wool of Smirna, and 3 Cyprus-Bags, 2 Butts of Currans, 1 great Butt of Oyl, 3 Chests of Sugar, 8 Bags of Allom, 1 Last of Flax, 1 Last of Hemp, and any other Goods herein not named, of the Like weight, for every Load— 2 s. 2 d.

And for Sea-Coals, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for one Hundred Fagots the like Rate —1 s. 2 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Broad∣street, Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Ironmonger-lane, St. Lawrence-lane, Milk-street, Al∣dermanbury, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Friday-street, Bread∣street, and places of like distance, for the like weight of 18 Hundred, not exceeding 20 Hundred weight, for the Goods aforesaid, and other Goods herein not named, of the like weight, for every Load—2 s. 6 d.

And being above 20 Hundred weight, for every Hundred—0 s. 2 d

And for Sea-Coals, 16 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for one Hundred Fagots the like Rate.—1 s. 4 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Smithfield-Bars, Holborn-Bars, Temple-Bar, or any of the Bars on the Northside of the City, and places of like di∣stance up the Hill, with 18 Hundred weight, not ex∣ceeding 20 Hundred weight, for every Load—3 s. 4 d.

And going beyond the said places, the parties to agree with the Car-men.

Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Tower-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhil, and other places of like distance up the Hill with 14 Hundred weight, not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight—1 s. 10 d

Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Broadstreet, Lothbury, Old-Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Ironmon∣ger-Lane, St. Lawrence Lane, Milk-street, Aderman∣bury, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Fryday-street, Breadstreet,

and places of the like distance, for any of the said Goods of the same quantity and weight, for every Load—2 s. 0 d.

Also from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Tower-street, Grace-Church-street, Fenchurch-street, Bishops∣gate-street within, Cornhil, and other places of like distance up the Hill, with 8 Hundred Weight, not ex∣ceeding 14 Hundred Weight —1 s. 6 d.

And from any the Wharfs aforesaid, to Broad-street Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassishaw, Coleman-street, Iron∣monger-Lane, St. Lawrence-Lane, Milk-street, Alder∣manbury, Cheapside, Wood-street, Friday-street, and o∣ther places of like distance, for any other Goods of like Load or Weight, for every Load—1 s. 8 d.

Also from London-Bridge-foot, Westward to the Old Swan, Cole-Harbour, the 3 Cranes, Queen-hith, Broken Wharf, Paul's Wharf, Puddle Wharf, the Wardrope, and to all other places not exceeding the Poultry, Cheapside, or Newgate-Market, for 13 Hundred weight not exceeding 18 Hundred Weight—1 s. 10 d.

And for Sea-Coles, 14 pence the Load, every Load to be half a Chaldron; and for 1 Hundred Fagots the like Rate—1 s. 2 d.

And from all other Wharfs and Places between London-Bridge and Temple-Bar, to the same, and pla∣ces of like distance, for every load of Coles 14 pence, every load to be half a Chaldron; and 100 of Fagots the like Rate—1 s. 2 d.

And to all places Northward of the Poultry, Cheap∣side, Newgate-Market, Holbourn-Bridge, and Fleet-street, for 14 hundred Weight, not exceeding 18 hun∣dred Weight—2 s. 0 d.

And from Tower-street, Grace-Churchstreet, Fen-Church-street, Bishopsgate-street within, Cornhil, and other places of like distance, for every pack of 20

Cloths, for 6 bales of Cloths and Kersies, 6 bales of Pepper, 6 barrels Indico, 5 hogsheads of Cloves, and for other Goods not herein mentioned, of like weight, to the Water-side—1 s. 4 d.

And from Broad-street, Lothbury, Old Jury, Bassi∣shew, Coleman-street, Ironmonger Lane, St. Lawrence∣lane, Milk-street, Aldermanbury, Cheapside, Woodstreet, Friday-street, Bread-street, and other places of like di∣stance to the Water-side, for the like weight, 1 s. 8 d.

CHAP. L. Orders for Car-Men.

THE Car-Men for the foregoing Rates, are to help load and unload their Carts.

If a Car-man, exact more than these Rates, upon due proof before the Lord Mayor, or any two Justices of the Peace, he shall suffer Imprisonment for the space of 21 days, without Bail, or Mainprise.

If any Merchant: or other person, shall refuse to pay a Car-man for his Hire after these Rates, upon Complaintmade by the Car-man to the President of Christ-Hospital, or any Justice of the Peace, the Pre∣sident or Justice may oblige them to do it.

All Merchants, or others, may chuse what Car they please, except such as stand for Wharf-work, Tackle•• work, Crane-work, Shop and Merchants Houses, which are to be taken in turn.

Every Car-man standing with his empty Car, next to any Goods to be loaded, shall upon the first de∣mand load the same, without bargaining for any o∣ther Wages than the Rates before-mentioned.

If a Merchant or other person shall cause a Car∣man to attend at his House, Shop, Ware-house or Cellar, with his Loaden Carr, above half an hour before he unloads (the Car-man being willing to help unload the same) he shall pay the Car-man after the Rate of Twelve-pence for every hour after the first half hour, for his Attendance.

Every Licensed Car-man is to have a piece of Brass fixed upon his Car, upon which is to be set a certain Number, which Number (together with the Car-man's Name) is Registred in a Register kept in Christ-Hospital; so that if any Car-man offends, it is but taking notice of the Number of his Carr, and search for that in the said Register, and you will find his Name.

Every Car-man that shall not conform to these Bules, or work without a Numbred piece of Brass fixed on his Carr, may be suspended from his Em∣ployment.

Complaints of the Abuses of Car-men may be made every Tuesday at Two of the Clock in the Afternoon, to the Court sitting in Christ-Hospital.

CHAP. LI. The Rates or Fares of Water-men.

	Oars.	Skul.
s.	d.	s.	d.
FRom London to Limehouse, New-Crane Shadwel-Dock, Bell-wharf, Ratcliff-cross	1	0	0	6
To Wapping-Dock, Wapping-New, and Wapping Old-Stairs, the Hermitage, Ro∣therhith Church-Stairs, and Rotherith-Stairs —	0	6	0	3
From St. Olaves to Rotherhith-Church-Stairs, and Rotherhith-Stairs—	0	6	0	3
From Billingsgate and St. Olaves, to St. Sa∣viour's Mill—	0	6	0	3
All the Stairs between London-Bridge and Westminster —	0	6	0	3
From either side above London-Bridge, to Lambeth and Fox-Hall—	1	0	0	6
From White-hall to Lambeth and Fox-hall	0	6	0	3
From Temple, Dorset, Black-Fryars-Stairs, and Pauls-Wharf, to Lambeth—	0	8	0	4
Over the water directly in the next Skuller between London-Bridge and Lime-house, or London-Bridge and Fox-hall—	0	0	0	2

OARS.

	Wh. Fare	Com∣pany
	s.	d.	s.	d.
FRom London to Gravesend—	4	6	0	6
From London to Graise, or Greenhive—	4	0	0	8
From London to Purfleet or Eriff—	3	0	0	6
From London to Woolwich—	2	6	0	4
From London to Black-wall—	2	0	0	4

From London to Black-Wall —	2	0	0	4
From London to Greenwich or Deptford—	1	6	0	3
From London to Chelsey, Battersey, Wandsor	1	6	0	3
From London to Putney, Fullam, Barn-Elms	2	0	0	4
From London to Hammersmith, Chiswick, Mortclack—	2	6	0	6
From London to Brainford, Thistleworth, Richmand, —	3	6	0	6
From London to Twickenham—	4	0	0	6
From London to Kingston —	5	0	0	9
From London to Hampton-Court—	6	0	1	0
From London to Hampton-Town, Sunbury, and Walton—	7	0	1	0
From London to Werbridge and Chortsey—	10	0	1	0
From London to Stanes —	12	0	1	0
From London to Windsor—	14	0	2	0

Rates for Carrying Goods in the Tilt Boat between Gravesend and London.

A Half Firkin, 1 d. a whole Firkin, 2 d. a Hogshead' 2 s. A hundred weight of Cheese, Iron, or any heavy Goods, 4 d. A Sack of, Sah or Corn, 6 d. An ordi∣nary Chest or Trunk, 6 d An ordinary Hamper, 6 d. The Hire of the whole Tilt-Boat, 1 l. 2 s. 6. d. Every single Person in the ordinary Passage, 6 d.

What Waterman takes and demands more than these Rates, lies liable to pay Forty Shillings, and suf∣fer half a years Imprisonment.

And if he refuse to carry any Passengers or Goods at these Rates, upon Complaint made to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, he shall be suspended from his Employment for Twelve Months.

CHAP. LII. A TABLE of KINGS.

Names.	Began their Reign.	Reigned.	Since they Reigned.
Y.	M.	D.
W. Con.	1066 Oct. 14	20	11	22	597 Sept. 9
W. Rufus	1687 Sept. 9	22	11	18	584 Aug. 2
Henry 1	1100 Aug. 1	35	4	1	549 Dec. 1
Stephen	1135 Dec. 2	18	11	18	530 Oct. 25
Henry 2	1154 Oct. 25	35	9	1	495 July 6
Richard 1	1189 July 6	9	9	0	485 April 6
John	1199 April 6	17	7	0	468 Oct. 9
Henry 3	1216 Oct. 19	56	1	9	412 Nov. 16
Edward 1	1272 Nov. 16	34	8	6	377 July 7
Edward 2	1307 July 7	19	7	5	358 Jan. 25
Edward 3	1326 Jan. 25	51	5	7	307 June 21
Richard 2	1377 June 21	22	3	14	285 Sept. 29
Henry 4	1399 Sept. 29	13	6	3	271 Mar. 20
Henry 5	1412 Mar. 20	9	5	24	262 Aug. 31
Henry 6	1422 Aug. 31	38	6	8	224 Mar. 4
Edward 4	1460 Mar. 4	22	1	5	201 April 9
Edward 5	1483 April. 9	0	2	18	01 June 18
Richard 3	1483 June 2	2	2	5	199 Aug. 22
Henry 7	1585 Aug. 22	23	10	2	175 April 22
Henry 8	1509 April 22	37	10	2	138 July 28
Edward 6	1546 Jan. 28	6	5	10	131 July 6
Mary	1553 July 6	5	4	22	126 Nov. 17
Elizabeth	1558 Nov. 17	44	4	16	82 Mar. 2.
James	1602 Mar. 24	22	8	2	59 Mar. 27
Charles 1	1625 Mar. 27	23	10	2	36 Jan. 30
Charles 2	1648 Jan. 30	Whom God long preserve.

Now may look on Monarchy, and sing, In Health and Peace long live Great CHARLES our King. Note that every King began his Reign when the pre∣ceding King ended his.

CHAP. XLIII. Next follows the Names of the principal Fairs in England, &c. Together with the Month, Day, and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore, for the use of all Citizens, and others that go to Fairs.

January. THe 5 day at Hicketford in Lancashire; the 6 day at Salisbury; the Thursday after at Ban∣bury; the 25 at Gravesend, Bristol, Churchingford, Northallerton in Yorkshire, every Wednesday from Christmas until June.

February. The first day at Bromly in Lancashire; the 2 day at Reading in Barkshire, Maidstone, Bicklesworth, Becklesfield, Bath, Lin, Bugwort; the 3 day at Brogrove; on Valentines day at Owndle in Nor∣thamptonshire, Feversham; the 24 day at Henly upon Thames, Baldock; on Ashwednesday at Roy∣ston, Dunstable, Eaton, Tamworth, Tunbridge, Lichfield, Exeter, Cirencester: the first Thursday in Lent at Banbury.

March. The 3 day at Bromwel-brakes in Norfolk; the 4 at Bedford; the 12 at Alsome in Norfolk, Sudbury, Wooburn; the 13 at Wye, Bodwin in Cornwall: the 20 at Durham; the Monday before our Lady-day at Kendal, Wisbich; the 25 day at Huntington, Northampton, Malden, Ashwel in Hartfordshire, Newcastle; Mid-lent at Saffron-walden in Essex; Goodfriday at Norwich; Palmsunday-eve at Wisbich, Worcester, Pomfret.

April. Easter-monday at Oney in Bedforshire, Gainsbo∣rough; Easter-tuesday at Daintry in Northamptonsh. Godmonchester, Schole in Norfolk, St. Edmonds∣bury; on Wednesday at Wellingborough in Nor∣thamptonshire; on Friday in the same Week at Darby; on Saturday at Bicklesworth; the 2 at Hitchen, Rochford, Northfleet: the 7 at Darby; the 9 at Billingsworth, Bicklesworth: the 22 at Stabford: the 23 at Ipswich, Harbin in Norfolk, Northampton, Sapsar in Hartfordshire, Charing, Hinningham, Tamworth, Bury in Lancashire, S. Bombs in Cornwal: the 27 at Dunmow in Essex, Oakham in Rutlandshire, Buckingham, Darby: the 29 at Tenderden in Kent, Pleet; the 30 at Beverly a week together.

May. The first day at Havevel in Essex, Layton-buzzard in Huntingtonshire, Rippon in Yorkshire, Reading,

Maidstone, Toxford in the Clay; the 3d. at Elstow in Bedfordsh. Noneaton in Warwicksh Thedford in Norfolk, Chelmford in Essex, Waltham-Abby, Hin∣ningham, Rochdale, Bramyard: the 7th. at Newton in Lancashire, Beverley, Oxford: the 10th. at Ro∣chester, Dunstable, Magfield in Suffolk: on Rogation munday at Reach: on Ascention-day at Thaxted, Be∣verly, Rippon, Sudminster, Bishops-stratford, S. Eeds, Wickham in Lancashire, Middle-Wich in Cheshire, Chappel-frith in Derbyshire; on Whitfon-Eve at Skipton in Craven: on Whitson-monday at St. Ives, Rygate in Surry, Bicklesworth, Bradford, Agmunde∣sham in Buckinghamsh. on Whitson-Tuesday at New∣market: on Wednesday at Royston: on Thursday at Odehil in Northamptonshire: the 26th. day at Lenham: the 29th. at Crainbrook.

June. On Trinity-Eve at Rowel, Kendal: on Corpus Christi at banbury, Bishops-stratford, St. Eedes, Co∣ventry, Newbury: the 9. at Maidstone: the 11 at Breme in Norfolk, Bardfield in Essex: the 17. at Hadstock: the 23. at S. Albans, Deerham in Nor∣folk, Shrewsbury: the 24 at Halson in Suffolk, Barn∣wel beside Cambridge, Bedford, Colchester, Bum∣ford, Reading, Windsor, Halifax, Hardford, Beverly, Haselinden: the 26 at Bristol, Derby: the 27 at Burton on Trent, Folstone: the 28 at S. Pombs in Cornwal: the 29 at Peterborough, Ashwel, Sudbury, Stebbing in Essex, Benington in Hartfordshire.

July. The 1, 2, and 3 days at Congelston in Chesh. the 7 at Royston, Burntwood: the Munday after at Fod∣ringham: the 11 at Partney for Horses: the 20 at Uxbridge, Coolidge, Woodstock, Barkway: the 22 at Ickleton, Bicklesworth, Norwich, Colchester: the 25 at Audly-end beside Walden, Reading.

August. The first day at Bedford, S. Eedes, Dunstable, Fe∣versham, Wisbich, Bicklesworth, Stoni-stratford: the 10 at Blackan••ore, Harple in Norfolk, Thaxted in Essex, S. Ives. Bedford, Banbury, Farnham, Brain∣ford: the 15 at Cambridge, Huntington, Dunmow, Luton, Northampton: the 24 at London Sudbury, Norwich, Oxford, Northallerton, Dover, Beggars∣bush, Burton: the 29 at Halson in Suffolk, Harlow-bush in Essex, Watford,

September. The first day at S. Giles in the bush, on Thursday and Friday next before the 8 day at Sandbach in Chesh. the 7, 8, 9 and 10 days at Woodbury-hill in Dorsetsh. the 7 at Ware; the 8 at Huntington, Bury in Lancash. Partney, Wakefield, Northampton, and Sturbridge-fair belonging to Cambridge begins; the 14 at R••ppon for Horses, Waltham-Abbey, Chester∣field in Darbishire, Richmond; the 21 day at Marle∣borough, Bedford, Baldor; S. Edmond••••ury, Hol∣den in Holderness, Braintry, Bracklymaiden, Malden: the 29 at S. Ives, Basingstoke, Market-deeping, Shel∣ford

in Bedfordshire, Bishopstratford, Malden for Horses, Stow in Lincolnshire; Thursday after at Ban∣bury.

October. The second at Salisbury; the 6 at Havent in Hampsh. Maidston, Coolidge, Gayworth by Lin, S. Faiths; the 8 at Bishopstratford, Harborough; the 9 at Gainsborough in Lincolnshire; the 13 at Wind∣sor, Colchester, Gravesend; the 18 day at Ely, Bishops∣hatfield, Barnet, Banbury, Thirst, Burton on Trent; the 21 day at Saffron-Walden; the 23 at Bickles∣worth; the 28 at Newmarket, Dis in Norfolk, Wake∣field, Richdrle in Lancashire.

November. The first day at Chelmsford; the 2 at Epping-Kingstone on Thames, Padamhasson in Suffolk: the 6 day at Newport pond, Bedford, Hartford; the 11 at Lodden in Norfolk, Lenton in Nottinghamshire, Hempton in Norfolk, Fockingham in Lincolnshire, Bridgstock in Northamtonsh. Marleborough; the 17 at Spalding in Lincolnshire, Harlow, Lincoln, Hide, Northampton; the 19 at Horsham in Kent; the 20 at S. Edmondsbury, Ingerstone in Essex, Heath; the 23 at Sandwich; the 30 at Boldoc, Bareford, Koling∣borough, Maidenhead, Warrington, Rochester.

December. The 5 at Pluckly; the 6 at S. Eedes, Woodstock. Spalding, Norwich in Cheshire, at Exeter, Senock in Kent, Arundel, Grantham; the 7 at Sandhurst; the 8 at Northampton, Clitheral in Lancashire, Huntington, Malpas in Chesh. the 29 at Canterbury, Salisbury.

FINIS.

An Alphabetical Table of the whole Book.

A.

• ADvantages of London with respect to Trade, Pag. 22
• Assurance, what it is. Pag. 75
• An Alphabetical Account of all the Carri∣ers, Waggoners and Stage-Coaches that come to London, Westminster, and Southwark, from all Parts of England and Wales, with their respective Days of going out. Pag. 125
• Arts Glory; or, The Tradesmans Practical Arithmetick. Pag. 135.
• A perpetual Almanack. Pag. 160

C.

• COmpleat House-Keeper, or, Directions to all Tradesmen for the cheap Order∣ing their Domestick Affairs. Pag. 14

• Cor••orations of London. pag. 20
• Coal-Market. pag. 61
• Corn-Market. ibid.
• Customs, Subsidies and Impositions paid upon Commondities. pag. 83
• Commodities of all Countries, whereby Com∣merce is maintained. pag. 91
• Cities and Market Towns in England and Wales, with the Distance of one City and Market-Town from another; with an ac∣count likewise in what County each City and Town lies, and their respective Mar∣ket-Days; very useful for all Tradesmen in their travelling upon the Road from Town to Town, and from City to City: and likewise in their directing all their Post-Letters and Parcels, and upon many other Accounts besides pag. 107
• The several Rates that now are, and have been taken for the Carriage of Letters, Pacquets and Parcels, to or from any of His Majesties Dominions, and to or from any other Parts of Places beyond the Seas. pag. 163
• The Rates and Orders of Coa••hmen. pag. 166
• The Rates of Car-men pag. 168
• Orders for Car-men. pag. 171

D.

• DIrections for the well managing a Trade. p. 3
• Directions to young Shop-keepers in their first setting up. p. 8
• Directions to Merchants how to keep their Books of Accounts after the best man∣ner. p. 68
• Directions to all Merchants and other Deal∣ers, giving them light into the Method for Entring of Goods inwards or Out∣wards, at the Custom-House; how to get Bills of Lading Signed; together with the Coyy of a Bill of Lading. p. 71
• Discount, what it is. p. 81
• Docks, what useful to know concerning them. p. 95

F.

• FOreign Trade of London p. 24
• Fish-Market. p. 62
• Factors and Commissions. p. 79
• Fees of the Chief or Head-Searcher, and of His Majesties Five Ʋnder Searchers in the Port of London.

• Foreign Coyn reduced to English Mo∣ney. p. 100
• The Valuation of Foreign and English Gold. p. 155
• An Account of the Principal Fairs in Eng∣land, together with the Month, Day and Place where they be kept, more exactly than heretofore; for the Ʋse of all Citi∣zens and others that go to Fairs. p. 176

I.

• INdustry and Trade in General. p. 1
• A Table of Interest. p. 157

K.

• KIngs Reigns. p. 175

M.

• LAws of the Ma••ket. p. 60
• Merchants of London. p. 62
• Money and Gold. p. 98
• Hebrew Money. ib.
• English Money and Gold. ib.

• How the Merchant should mark he, Goods that go beyond Sea; together with a Dis∣course concerning Freight, and the great Ʋsefulness of a Publick Notary. p. 146
• How every honest Merchant or Dealer should (according to Law) get in what is just∣ly owing to him, either by shuffling Tradesmen in the City, or dishonest Cor∣res••ondents in the Country. p. 149
• Directions to Merchants and other Dealers how to discover all counterfeit Coyn, and bad Money; of great Ʋse in the receiv∣ing of great Sums of Money: Together with the Valuation of Foreign and En∣glish Gold and Silver. p. 152

O.

• OAth of a Freeman of London. p. 21

P.

• PEtty Sho-Kerpers living in Country-Villages. p. 38
• Pedlars and Petty Chapmen. p. 44
• Of the Post-Office. p. 161

R.

• RƲles to be observed in buying and sel∣ling Commodities. p. 11

S.

• SHop-keeping Trades in the Kingdon. p. 33
• Standard for Sterling-Money in Eng∣land, p. 99

T.

• TRadesmen directed in the cheap order∣ing of their Domestick Affairs. p. 14
• Trade of London. p. 19
• Trade of London into the Country. p. 25
• Trades being in Companies p. 26
• Tradesmen breaking, the real Cause of it. p. 29
• Table of Accounts ready cast up for the sure and ready buying of any Commodities whatsoever, either by Number, Weight or Measure. p. 48
• Table for buying and selling and thing by the Hundred. p. 58

• Table for finding out the Day of the Month for ever. p. 71
• Tale of Goods, something useful to know about it. p. 104
• Table of Expences and Wages, shewing by what you spend or pay by the day, what it comes to by the Week, Month or Year. p. 106
• A Com••leat Tide-Table. p. 158
• The Terms and their Returns. p. 159

W.

• WEights, Measures and Numbers, what useful to know concerning them. p. 102
• Orders for Watermen. p. 173

ADVERTISEMENT. BOOKS lately Printed for J. Dunton, VIZ.

I. THE Pilgrims Guide, from the Cra∣dle to his Death-Bed, in a pleasant new Allegory▪ To which is added, The Sick-Man's Passing-Bell, with 50 ingenious Treatises besides: To which is annext an impartial Treatise concerning Devils, Apparitions, Gh••sts of Dead Persons, Hags, Wizards, Withch••••▪ and their Imps; with the manner how persons become Witches: Illustrated with 8 Copper-Plates.

II. The Travels of True Godliness (By B. Keach, Author of War with the Devil) in a new Allegory: To which is now ad∣ded 5 new Cuts; together with True God∣liness's Voyage to Sea.

III. The Prog••••ss of Sin; or, The Tra∣vels of Ʋngodliness; in a Pleasant Allegory likewise; Both written by the same Au∣thor.

IV. The Continuation of the Morning Ex∣ercise, in Octob. 1682. By 31 Reverend Divines in the City of London.

Notes

• * 4.1

  ☞ Numb 1, to 15.