An historicall vindication of the government of the Church of Scotland: from the manifold base calumnies which the most malignant of the prelats did invent of old, and now lately have been published with great industry in two pamphlets at London. The one intituled Issachars burden, &c. written and published at Oxford by John Maxwell, a Scottish prelate, excommunicate by the Church of Scotland, and declared an unpardonable incendiary by the parliaments of both kingdoms. The other falsly intituled A declaration made by King James in Scotland, concerning church-government and presbyteries; but indeed written by Patrick Adamson, pretended Archbishop of St. Andrews, contrary to his own conscience, as himselfe on his death-bed did confesse and subscribe before many witneses in a write hereunto annexed. By Robert Baylie minister at Glasgow. Published according to order.

THE UNLOADING OF ISSACHARS BURTHEN.

WHen from divers good hands it was brought to me, * 1.1 that Presbyteriall Government began to be evil spoken of by many, & to be suspected by some who hitherto had not been unfriends to it, through the occasion of a late Pamphlet Intituled Issachars burthen; which some Sectaries with all care and diligence doe put in the hands of the prime Members of both Houses of Parliament, and others whom they conceive to have any influence in the affaires either of Church or State, either of City or Countrey: The word of the old Philosopher came in my mind, a short sight∣ed man, is a quick judge; who sees few things, does soone and rashly give out his sentence.

That this namelesse Pamphlet printed by a Malignant at Ox∣ford, and reprinted by the industry of Sectaries at London, should be able to open the mouth, or touch the heart of any conside∣rate man with the least suspition against the Government of the Reformed Churches, seemes to me a little strange, and will doe so, as I suppose, to others who shall be pleased to consider with me some circumstances of that writ; first the Author, se∣condly, those whom he professes to taxe, thirdly, its Publish∣ers, fourthly, the matters contained therein. * 1.2

The Author, as uncontroverted fame since its first publicati∣on at Oxford makes manifest, is Mr Iohn Maxwell late Bi∣shop of Rosse, from whose gracious pen a little after this, did drop another piece of the like benigne quality, Sacro-Sancta-Re∣gum

majestas; they must be of a greater then ordinary creduli∣ty, who can admit this mans testimony-against the Church of Scotland; for by the most solemn judicatories of that Land, he is declared infamous: by the generall Assembly for many grievous offences he with some other Prelates were delivered into the hands of Satan, but for more treasonable crimes this man by the Parliament of that Kingdome was declared an incendiary: a Cen∣sure put upon no other Prelate but him alone.

These no more heavie then just sentences were so farre from bringing him to any shew of repentance, * 1.3 that they filled his heart with bitternesse and rage, to doe, speak, and write what ever masice, hightned to the uttermost, could dictate.

In that most scurrilous and invenomed Satyre Lysimachus Nicanor, his pen was thought to be principall; for this he got a warning from heaven so distinct and loud as any uses to be gi∣ven upon earth, to reclaime him from his former errours: with his eyes did he see the miserable man Iohn Corbet, who took upon him the shame of penning that rable of contumelious lies against his Mother Church, hewed in pieces in the very armes of his poore wife; this Prelate himselfe in the meane time was striken down and left with many wounds as dead by the hand of the Irish, with whom he had been but too familiar: All this did not humble his stout spirit; so dangerous is it to be put in the hands of the Devill by the servants of God according to their Masters warrant; for no sooner did he recover of his wounds, but he went for Oxford of purpose to cast ••oyl in that flame, in the first kindling whereof he had beene a prime in∣strument.

How little faith ought to be given to this man I might shew by seven years old Stories; * 1.4 its well known that he above all men living did move and encourage Canterbury to force upon Scotland the Liturgy and Canons; what ever Popery or Tiranny is found in either, he was a prime Author and full consenter thereto: the erroneous Tenents of the Canterburian party, espe∣cially their grosse Popery in the heads of Transubstantiation, Iustification and Purgatory, were according to his minde, as the supplement of Ladensium Autocatacrisis demonstrates: how neare he and his two most intimate friends Forbes and Synserfe were to the open profession of Popery, does appeare by the

avowed defection to Rome of their chiefe Scholars and most familiar dependents, Forbes his Sonne, Synserfe his brother, Menteith the great Achates of all the three Bishops.

But leaving these elder stories, * 1.5 behold what new stuffe he layes out in his two Pamphlets; in matters of State these are his maximes; all resistance to Kings in any imaginable case of the most extreame Tyranny is simply unlawfull, though the Religion. Lawes, Liberties of whole Kingdomes were totally subverted. Let Princes doe what ever miseniese can come in the heart of the worst men, subjects are to suffer all, and have no right allowed by God to make any opposition farther then by teares and prayers (a) 1.6. That the de∣fensive war of the Parliaments of both Kingdomes is a most reall Rebellion and Treason; that all who have dyed in that quared are certainly damned; that the Covenant is a dam∣nable Conspiracy; that all Co∣venanters are Traytors and Rebels both to God and the King; that their Covenant puts them upon the principles of Ravtitack and Faux, to kill Kings and blow up Parlia∣ments (b) 1.7. That the Armes of the Irish Rebels were no more unjust, then these of the British who opposed them; that the Irish Cessation was lawfull and commendable (c) 1.8. That the Marquesse of Ormond for piety and prudence has not

his match upon earth (d) 1.9. That for military vertue he is equall to Scipio, Hannibal, and Caesar. (e) 1.10 That the Legislative power is in the King alone: That his Monarchy makes him above all Lawes, and lets him be tyed to none, but gives him power to alter and abolish them at his pleasure (f) 1.11. To dimi∣nish any thing of this Pretoga∣tive is to destroy Monarchy, to dethrone the King and to take his Crowne from him. (g) 1.12 For Parliam••n••s to meddle with any part of this power is a sacriledge which God will re∣venge (h) 1.13. When through weaknesse or imprudence, a Prince is cheated or enforced to give away to his Parliament any part of his power, himselfe or any of his posterity, when ever occasion offereth, may lawfully take it back, notwith∣standing of any promise, oath or law made to the contra∣ry (i) 1.14.

You see with what a Statesman we have to doe, * 1.15 for his Religi∣on heare a part of it, Episcopacy is a necessary and fundamentall

truth, of Divine. Institution and Commandement (k) 1.16. All Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction be∣longs to the Bishops alone by Divine Right, no Pres∣byter ought to bee a mem∣ber so much as of a Pro∣vinciall Assembly (l) 1.17. That the Kings consent to the a∣bolition of Episcopacy in Scotland, is the true and great cause of all the troubles which since that time hath befallen him and his sub∣jects (m) 1.18. That Abots, Priors and their Religious Houses of Monks and Fryers are lawfull in the Church (n) 1.19. That Pa∣triarcks and Cardina's are Church Dignities highly to be reverenced (o) 1.20. That the Pope by Divine Right is as true a Bishop as any other Bishop in the world, but by humane Ec∣clesiastick Right he is greater then any other (p) 1.21. That Pres∣bytery is worie then Popery and Iesuitisme, that it were much better for any King to put his Dominions under the yoak of the Pope and Iesuites, then of Presbyteries and Sy∣nods

(q) 1.22. That the first Refor∣mation in Scotland, France, Holland, Germany, and where ever the supream Magistrate was not the Author and Actor of the worke, was unorderly and sin ull, an action sediti∣ous and treasonable, a great cause of all the mischiefes that from that time to this have come upon the Churches, (r) 1.23 All controversies of Religion, ought to be decided by the writs of the fathers, (s) 1.24 It is but precise Puritanisme to re∣fuse the Apocrypha books, (t) 1.25 It is presumption for any man upon earth to med∣dle with the questions of Election and Predestination. (u) 1.26 All necessity takes away Freedome from the Will. (x) 1.27 the Schoolmen doe rightly teach that the Sacra∣ments conferre grace by some extrinsecall supervenient pow∣er,

(y) 1.28 mens sins are washed a∣way by doing of Pennance, (z) 1.29 Ministers are Priests, (aa) 1.30 all who have adhered to the Par∣liament are Sectaries and mad ones, (bb) 1.31.

By this little taste of the mans Spirit, we may see their wise∣dome who bring in such a witnesse to testifie against the Refor∣med Churches; * 1.32 and how good friends they are either to the Par∣liament or to the true Religion, who recommend this writer with so loud praises to the diligent perusall of simple people.

The 2d circumstance I offered was, the object of this calumnious writ, whom does it undertake to defame? the Church of Scotland; It is possible for any gratious Englishman to applaud this injury.

Who did so heartily concurre and so much assist the first planting of the Church of Scotland as that renounced Queen Elizabeth and the state of England? * 1.33 our History tells us that in all the assaults of that Church from the Popish and Prelaticall party, we were not only comforted by the encourage∣ments of the English Anti-episcopall Divines, Cartwright, Hil∣dersham and all the rest of the old Non-conformists cordially sym∣pathizing with us, but also the Queene and State by conti∣nuall Letters, and many gracious Embassages, did ever support our cause, and assist us when we needed both with Armies and Monies: knowing that notwithstanding of all our differences with the Prelates, yet we were most firme for the Protestant cause and welfare of England, against all Enemies both at home and abroad.

When lately the Canterburian designes were on foot to change the Religion, * 1.34 and inslave the state of all the three Kingdomes to an absolute and Turkish Monarchy, or at least such a tyranny as this day is exercised by the French and Spanish Kings, did not Scotland at that time (when no party at all in England, nor Ire∣land

would or durst appeare) take their lives in their hands, and with courage for the liberty of the whole Isle set their f••ces a∣gainst these Popish Tyrants? did they not with such piety, pru∣dence, moderation and valour mannage that common cause, that the blessings of all England and of all Protestants, yea of all in Europe of what ever profession, who loved the just liberty of the subject, did rest upon their heads?

Thereafter when that wicked faction glad to be rid of them, and to give them all their desires according as they were pleased to d••mand them, did turne their Armes from them upon the good subjects of England and Ireland, and in both, had well neer accomplished their design: Ireland having no considerable Army to oppose the barbarous murtherers, and the Army that was af∣ter some faint opposition, joyning with the Rebells against the Parliament. In England the North and West being totally lost, the Kings great and victorious Armies ready to swallow up the remnant, no friend upon earth appearing for the gracious party, their lamentable and desperate condition was by their Commis∣sioners with sighs and teares represented to Scotland. Where their Brethren were so touched with compassion, that laying a∣side all thoughts of hazard which was extreamly great, they re∣solved to ingage all they had, life, wealth peace, and what else is deare, for to rescue the English out of the pit of their visible, im∣minent and otherwise unavoidable ruine. They sent to Ireland an Army of ten thousand well appointed men, who banished the Barbars out of Ʋlster, where they were strongest, and out of the most of Conaught, keeping so much of that Isle in possession of the English, as made it easie for them when ever they thought fit to regaine the rest.

They sent into England a gallant well-armed & governed com∣pany of twenty thousand effective, who by Gods blessing, them∣selvs alone, did ruine the Kings main & greatest Army under New-castle, and joyning with others of the Parliaments forces at Long-Marston, did so break and defeat the prime of all the rest of the Kings forces met together, that they were never afterable to bring to the fields any Army very considerable, either for number or courage. Much occasion of action was not thereafter afforded, yet the keeping quiet of all the new conquests by North Trent, and the holding the neighbouring Associations in awe til the Par∣liaments

forces at their leasure did take up the rest of the coun∣try, was no small service.

In these actions the Scots did spend very much precious blood, many of them did endure much hardship both in England and Ireland, and at home by the Pestilence; by a prevailing Enemy, by intestine discouragements and divisions, all flowing from their friendship with England, they were overwhelmed with greater miseries then their fathers had seen for many hundred yeares, and which grieved them more then all things else, they were entertained by too many of them for whom they suffered all these evills with so great unkindnesse, they were loadned with so many calumnious and contumelious aspersions, the Reformati∣on of Religion their greatest aime went so farre back before their eyes, that their provocations were great, to provide at last for themselves while something yet at home did remain to them to be preserved. But beholding visibly in their retreat and provision for themselves, the certain ruine of their unadvised friends, they chused rather to put up with patience all their sufferings and qui∣etly to wait on till the ruine of the Enemy, and setling of their brethrens estate by their help, might open the eyes of all, and bring the most perverse to Repentance for their misbehaviour towards the instruments of their welfare; especially when they did see the invincible fidelity of the Scots unbrangled with the greatest temptations.

Though in all their late unexpressible extremities they had re∣ceived no assistance at all from England, nor much importuned them for it, though to their greatest griefe they did see the Gan∣gren of Heresie and Schisme without the application of any true remedy, overspreading all England so fast, that the infection of Scotland with this Pestilence seemed unavoidable, though the current of affaires did seem to run in that channell, that the per∣son and family of the King, the authority of the Parliament, the Liberties of the City and Kingdome might be cast ere long into no mall hazard; our Army also and Nation for no other cause but their constant resolutions to keep to their first princi∣ples, did seem to stand in a very neer possibility to be to ally de∣stroyed; yet for all this they were farre from any rash or unjust conclusion, their eyes were towards the Lord, they did wait for his deliverance, and when by him an opportunity was put in their

hands to right themselves with the disadvantage of others, yet they did mannage that occasion with so much justice, wisedome, dexterity and successe, that all the world they hope is satisfied with their honesty, as of men who minded nothing more then the saving of the whole Isle from these calamities that visibly were imminent; the re-establishing of the King in his throne, the con∣firming of the Parliament, City, and Country in all their rights, the setling of Religion and peace according to the word of God, and the Lawes of the Land, and their owne quick returne to their homes in very easie and equitable termes, enriched with nothing so much a with a conscience of well deserving, with the blessings of all England, with the commendation of Neighbour nations, and with the hopes of the Posterities favourable construction of their whole deportment in this great action. That such a people as this should be traduced and defamed by contumelious Libels in England, and that at London with the contentment or pati∣ence of any, it would seeme a matter very strange, if the most absurd and strange things were not here long agoe become com∣mon.

The third circumstance considerable, * 1.35 is the instruments and present publishers of this writ••. That a Bishop at Oxford should have been countenanced in writing a Satyre against the Scots, whom all the Malignants did hare as the chiefe and first Authors of the miscarriage of their great designe, we doe not marvaile: but that at London our sworn and covenanted Brethren should be avowed proclaimers of Scotlands disgrace, it is a peece of singular and unexpected unkindnesse: Our Brethren whether Indepen∣dents, or Erastians or both who have procured this Edition, and with so much sedulity make it passe from hand to hand, though they had been pleased to cast behind their backs all the good of∣fices which this last century of yeares have past betwixt the King∣domes, though they had banished all gratitude towards the Scots for their late actions and sufferings: though their conscience had permitted them to have trod under foot all the Oaths and Cove∣nants whereby they stand expresly tyed to defend the Refor∣mation of the Church of Scotland against the common Enemy: Yet I would know of them how they are become thus unadvised to let their indignation against the Scottish Presbytery swell up so high, as for their hatred thereunto, to venture the destruction

of the Parliament of England, to declare all the Members of both Houses at Westminster damnable Traitors, because dying in the act of Rebellion without Repentance; but all who have perished on the Malignant side to be a kinde of Martyrs as being unjustly killed for their duty to God and the King; to bring back Bishops to the house of Lords, to put into their hands alone, and that by Divine Right all the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of the whole Church of England. And if they were resolute in their hatred of Presbytery, thus far to miscarry, I would further know if ei∣ther the Erastians or Independents have any principles for the reduction of Poperty, for the re-erection in England of Abbots Cardinals and Popes: And if men against their owne principles must needs run thus mad, yet that they should be permitted to act according to their madnes in the day-light, under the eye and nose of so wise, just and prudent a Parliament, it is and will be long hereafter a matter of very great admiration, especially to them who at the same time did behold some other writs for much smaller reflections, purged with the hand of the Hang∣man by fire in many publique places, and their publishers how well deserving soever otherwise both of Church and State, stigmatized with notes of high infamy.

These three considerations are but proemicall, the fourth con∣cerning the particular matter of the Treatise is the principall: If I should examine every thing it would be tedious, yet shall I touch upon every passage that I conceive to be materiall.

This second Edition has a new Title Page, * 1.36 and some additions in the Preface: In the very inscription Issachars burthen, there is a salt Gybe at the present Government; that which the Pro∣verbe wont to appropriate to the Peasants of France, that they were strong Asses willing to beare all Burthens so they might live in peace in that fat soyle, by this good Patriot is contu∣meliously applyed to England; it now is the Asse, crouching un∣der two burthens, if Presbyterie be the one, the Parliament must be the other; these be the two unsupportable burthens pointed at along all the Authors Writs: the two light burthens which he every where cryes up are Monarchy scrued up to the highest pinne of Tyrannicall Prerogative and Episcopacy in all its Papall Priviledges, both well fastned upon the Asses back by the cords of a Divine Right: who ever for the love of peace in a plentifull

Land will set their shoulders under this double burthen, are Issachars Asses indeed; but truly the Scots have not merited this commendation, for their Land is not among the most plen∣tifull, nor have their backs been very patient of such burthens, but rather then to crouch under them, they have kicked at their drivers, and have taught their riders to be more warie then they were wont in overloading their poore Asses.

What is added in the Title, * 1.37 that the Presbyteriall Govern∣ment of Scotland is Tyrannicall, and inconsistant with Mo∣narchy, that it is so much worse then Episcopacy, as the bite of a Scorpion is worse then a Rod, we shall believe it when the subsequent Treatise makes it good, which doubtlesse shall bee done when the Author has demonstrate his assertion, that Po∣pery and Jesuitisme are burthens much more easie and rather to be chosen then the Scottish Presbytery, in the meane while till the proofes come, just men will allow us to take all this, but for the bellowes of a stomack overcharged with firy and enraged humours.

In the Preface, * 1.38 to shew his skill in the Politicks, he first sets down as two most friendly Companions, the Royall Prerogative and the Liberty of the People: but behold wherein here he in∣sinuats, and elsewhere at length proclaimes the knot and bond of their concord to consist: The King by his Prerogative is the only Law-giver both for Church and State, The people for all their Liberty, by Divine Institution, are appointed to obey and doe their services, though both Church and State were never so injuriously oppressed by the cruellest Tyrants. So our Parlia∣ments, our Church Assemblies, our defensive Armes must all be buried together in one Pit. This is the first ease that Issa∣chars Asse gets of its burthen, by the hand of this mercifull driver.

In the next two Paragraphs he advances the Royall Prero∣gative to an externall Episcopacy, * 1.39 no man I know, in this is his opposite; but while he makes this externall Episcopacy no lesse then a true headship over the Church, and the denyall of it in this sence to be a dethroning, an uncrowning, a stabbing, a trampling under foot of Kings, I know no living man agreeing with him herein. It is certaine, Queen Elizabeth and King James and their Bishops did reject this odious and Papall Prero∣gative

of headship over the Church; also how farre either your Erastian or Independent friends will goe along with you in the present discourse, you will reckon at your leasure among your selves. You tell the Erastians that Kings for all their Preroga∣tive, yet have no more power of Excommunication and Ecclesi∣astick censures, then of preaching the Word and Administring the Sacraments; you tell them also that the Royal Prerogative reaches not to the making of a Church Canon, nor to the de∣grading or silencing of a Preacher, but only to the calling of an Assembly of Divines for these works which are part of their proper and spirituall charge. You tell your Independent friends that the Magistrate has power assigned to him by God, to im∣prison and punish all, who either by their Hereticall or Schisma∣ticall Tenents trouble the peace of the Church: It is like these morsells will not be a food of very easie digestion to their ten∣der stomacks.

The next three Paragraphs are but meere invectives (as justly you stile your own language,) * 1.40 against the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, for abolishing Episcopacy, for defending their own lives and liberties against your Malignant Faction; you make them all to be men without any conscience, without all faith, all Religion, all honesty, wicked and Rebellious Hypocrites, shedders of innocent blood, destroyers of many brave spirits and Ancient Families, Authors of Massacres, murders, rapines; Vil∣laines more cru••ll and bloody then Turks or Infidels, whom God will destroy as he did Core and his Complices for their in∣surrection against Moses and Aron.

May we not here marvell at your partiality, who having seen with your eyes, the practises of the Rebels in Ireland, and of the Malignants at Oxford, you should yet have the conscience to bestow all this good language upon us and no word of it in all your Writs upon them; or shall we marvell at the Independents and Erastians wisdome, who think it fit upon some mal content∣ment with their friends to make themselves blazers of such rai∣ling and cursed calumnies against themselves and their whole party: or shall we marvell at the Parliament partence, who per∣mits the Rabshakehs of Oxford to walk peaceably upon the Streets of London, and to be welcomed within every doore though openly they cast upon all our faces the excrements of the worst of their passions.

In the last two Sections of the Preface, * 1.41 there is a Prayer and a Prophesie, we are prayed to believe and that without probati∣ons, that all the following Histories are meere Gospel, all most true and certaine: of this so modest a desire, we have a good reason given us fides non extorquetur vi, sed ratione & ex∣emplis suadetur, Ergo we must give up our beliefe, and sorce our faith to assent to all that hereafter shall be said, though nei∣ther Scripture, Reason, nor Authority be so much as alledged for it; I take this Logick to be none of the best.

What is spoken of the Authors Gravity and Learning, wee shall take it as we find it, he is as others of the faction for learning, neither with the first nor with the last, but for effront∣ed boldnesse he is second I dare say to none of them all; as for piety none that ever knew him young or old, will sweare him guilty of any such imputation. That he was an eye witnesse of the Stories he relates is evidently falfe, for all except a very few of his Relations, are of things past before his birth, at least before the yeares of his discretion, and what he reports of our late troubles he did not see, for then was he busie executing Canterburies commands in his Diocesse of Rosse, an out corner of our Kingdome, and so soon as that storme began to blow a little loud, he quickly fled out of the Land, whither he never yet returned, being conscious of his deservings, for of all the Scots Clergy, he alone was declared Incendiary, and him only did the justice of the Parliament of Scotland appoint to tread in the last footsteps of William Laud, as he had done in the for∣mer with great joy.

The Prophesie is a Prediction of Englands totall destruction, * 1.42 if Episcopacy be not restored the warrant of this Prophesie is as good as the former prayer a Bishops jest in the Counsell of Trent, and one of Esops Fables, upon such grounds alone, does this severe Prophet pronounce from the heaven, Englands de∣struction, were not a Scotish bit, as he calls it very fit for the mouth, * 1.43 and an English rod or spurre for the sides of such a pre∣sumptuous Prophet? we shall say no more to the Preface.

In the Treatise it selfe you draw your discourse to foure heads, the Church Session or Congregationall Eldership, the Classicall Presbytery, Provinciall Synod, and generall Assembly, upon some of these foure you draw in what ever disgracefull Story you

have either heard or read of any Churchmen of Scotland oppo∣site to your way. The great fountaine of all your bitter waters, is that cistern which Spotswood of St Andrewes did endeavour all his life time to gather together; in that Collection the Authors great intention was to heap up all things he conceived might make the Presbyteriall Government hatefull, and the Episcopall lovely; but being certain of great contradiction from many who knew as much in affairs as himselfe, and were much more willing to speak truth without disguise, he kept in this book while he lived, that it might not see the light till after his death, when he was not to be argued with for any of his lying and malicious Narrations. This Manuscript falling in your hands, you draw out of it what is most venemous, and or that stuffe make up this present booke. There are long agoe in Scotland prepared, sufficient Antidotes against the poison of the whole story, wherby any man may be furnished without difficulty towards the full confutation of your extracts; but the grossenesse of your Lyes did cry so loud at this time for an answer, that the patience of many good people admitted not of so long a delay as that I could be furnished from a far with a∣ny materials; yet out of the small store of my knowledge and memory of the affaires you speake of, and by some few helps which my present accomodations doe furnish, I will venture to give you a sudden answer, which I hope shall prove satisfactory enough to all ingenuous Readers, who will not affect to cavill, if there shall be found any materiall defect, reply when you will, you shall have a rejoynder.

Upon your first head of Church Sessions you spend your first three pages, wherein you make us ascribe to our Congregatio∣nall Elderships much undue and tyrannick power. * 1.44

To this I answer in generall; First, That we give no more power to congregationall Elderships then the Churches of France, or Holland, of New-England ascribe to them, both in their doctrine and daily practise. Secondly, the power we ascribe to them cannot be challenged either by Independents or Erasti∣ans for the Independents great plea with us, is about the defect, that we give not power enough to that Court, with our excesse herein they were never offended; as for the Erastians they will not question with us about any power which the Parliament will be pleased to allow unto that Eldership; now your selfe doth

know that our Church Sessions practise not any power, but that which the Acts of our Parliament do warrant, our liberty there is not astricted to any certaine enumerate cases, but I dare say that in many yeares we will not have occasion in our Con∣gregationall Elderships to meddle in any case; which even this Parliament hath not already allowed, or will not (as I conceive) be willing upon the first Emergency to allow.

I grant you Prelates are here our opposites, * 1.45 but how justly, let equitable men judge; you tell us that congregationall Elder∣ships ought to have no power at all, because forsooth, the whole power of all spirituall jurisdiction, must reside in the Bishop a∣lone: It is your principle that in all the Preachers and in all the Congregations of the whole Diocesse yea of the whole King∣dome, there is not so much power as to give to any man for what ever crime, a publike admonition; yet any Lay man in the King∣dom or out of the Kingdom, whom the Bishop is pleased to make his Officiall or Chancellor, may keep a Court in any part of the Diocesse, and therein passe a sentence of Excommunication a∣gainst the best Pastors and chiefe Members of any Congregati∣on; because the Scots since their first Reformation could never by any Art, nor by any Force, be gotten inslaved to such a Tiran∣ny; therefore it is, that you, your Colleagues, and your Fathers, have been offended with them, and in your anger have inven∣ted these calumnies which here you are pleased to object.

The first particular crime which ye lay to our charge is, * 1.46 That we doe give some power of spirituall jurisdiction to ruling El∣ders and that by a Divine Right; We grant the charge, and thinke it easie to demonstrate the warrant of our Tenet both from Scripture, and the practise of all the ancient, and all the re∣formed Churches; but it is needlesse here to digresse into that debate, for this is not your maine quarrell with us that we give some power or jurisdiction to those you call Lay-Elders, but that we ascribe any part of jurisdiction to any at all beside the Bishop, for you know it is an Article of the Prelaticall Creed, That a preaching Elder hath no more interest in jurisdiction then a lay Elder, that for this kinde of power, Priest and people are all a∣like; That neither of them of themselves by vertue of their of∣fice have any dram thereof, yet by vertue of a Commission from the Bishop either of them is capable of a pleni-potency, and are

able to doe the acts of the highest spirituall jurisdiction; what the Iesuites were wont to ascribe unto the Pope in the Church universall, That the Bishop takes to himself in his own Diocesse: he, and he alone, by Divine right, is the head, the sun, the foun∣taine, the onely receptacle of all spirituall jurisdiction which he keeps to himselfe, or communicates to be execute by others; for the time, the measure, the persons, according to his own good pleasure. The Erastian principle is only different in this, that they pull the Pope and the Bishop out of the chaire, that there may be roome to set downe the Magistrate in their place.

What you speak of the Deacons, it is a mistake; * 1.47 for albeit they be present in the Eldership to receive their directions for the poore, yet they doe not voice in any well governed Eldership, nor do they claime any power in jurisdiction: Concerning Do∣ctors, that populous Congregations wants them, it comes not from any designe, but for want either of meanes or of Idoneous and willing persons.

What you speake of the yearely election of Elders, the matter is this; There is not in any Congregation of Scotland which I doe know, a yearly election of Elders, but in populous Cities, where the Elders are many and diverse of them unable to attend that charge, without the hurt of their estate, the most of them being Merchants and Tradesmen, who must travell for their livelyhood; they have a liberty to be free from that service every two yeere, if so they be content to attend upon a call every third yeere, the Levites attended the service of the Temple but a few months in the yeare: What is right or wrong in this custome of some few of our Congregations, we are willing to debate it, and as it shall be found just or unjust, to keep or change that practise, for in such things we love not to be contentious.

In your three last Sections yee do cast upon the Eldership in hand, a rabble of incongruous practises; * 1.48 what you bring of pecu∣niary mulcts, imprisonments, banishments, jogges, cutting of haire, and such like, it becomes neither you to charge, nor us to be charged with any such matters: No Church-assembly in Scot∣land assumes the least degree of power, to inflict the smallest ci∣vill punishment upon any person; the Generall Assembly it selfe bath no power to fine any creature so much as in one groat: It is true, the Lawes of the Land, appoint ••ecuniary mulcts, imprisonment, joggs, pillories, and ba∣nishment

for some odious crimes, and the power of putting these Laws in execution is placed by the Parliament in the hands of the in••eriour Magistrates in Burroughs or Shires, or of others to whom the Counsel Table gives a speciall Commission for that end; ordinarily some of these civill persons are ruling Elders, and sit with the Eldership: So when the Eldership have cognosced upon the scandall alone of criminall persons, and have used their spirituall censures only to bring the party to Repentance, some of the Ruling Elders, by vertue of their civill office or commission will impose a Mulct, or send to Prison or stocks or banish out of the bounds of some little circuit, according as the Acts of Parli∣ament or counsell do appoint it. But that the Eldership should imploy its Eccclesiastick and Spirituall power for any such end, none of us doe defend. That either in Scotland or any where else in the world, the haire of any person is commanded to be cut by any Church judicatory for disgrace and punishment, is (as I take it) but a foolish fable. That any person truely penitent is threatned in Scotland, with Church censures for non-payment of Monies, is in the former Category of calumnies.

But suppose that all your alleagations were true, * 1.49 yet how con∣gruously does a challenge of this kind come from your mouth? do you think that all civill imployments are incompatible with spi∣rituall offices? How many Ministers did you get to be Iustices of Peace? you your selfe were a judge of Common-pleas; your col∣league S. Andrewes, was Chancellor of the Kingdom; you know the Treasurers white staffe was very neer to your hands, and for the missing of it what stir you made: Many of you were Lords of Councel, and all of you Lords both of Parliament, and tem∣porall Lordships and Regalities, where your Baylies kept Court in your names, diverse of your Coat with your good liking, have been Secretaries of State, Keepers of the Privy Seale, Leger Am∣bassadors with forraign Princes: your brethren over Sea in France, and Spaine, Germany and Italy, are Admirals of Royall Navies, are Generals of Land forces, are Princes of Temporall Estates, according to these principles that I thinke you doe approve, ac∣cording to your Cannons in Scotland, and your ordinary practise in England. Great summes of mony were exacted in your spi∣rituall Courts, and pocketed up for private uses; how many have been excommunicate there, for non-payment of a shilling, and refused absolution, till their fine was payed with increase? what

do you speak to us of a pecuniary mulct, of a very small and un∣considerable value taken up by the Magistrate, and imployed on∣ly in pious uses? Why doe you speak to us of cutting of Beards, when your Prelates doe burne the cheeks; how many gracious soules have been starved to death in your Episcopall dungeous? how many thousands have you banished out of Bricaine, out of Europe, for no fault at all but their zeale to the truth of God? how many hundred thousand hath your pride and obstinacy in error, caused to be slaine within these seven yeares; in the next age ignorant men may be pardoned to deny these things, but it were great impudence this day to deny them, when yet we do sticke in the Pit of these troubles, wherein the madnesse of you Prelates hath cast us.

Your objection about the Baptisme of Bastards is vain; * 1.50 for we refuse not that Sacrament to any of them, if either of the Pa∣rents profesie Repentance, and undertake for the Christian edu∣cation of their child, but the ground of your quarrelling in this Point is, that we cannot follow your Popish Doctrine, that we re∣fute to professe the actuall regeneration of all baptized Infants, and that we dare not put all unbaptized persons in the state of unregeneration and damnation.

Your next head concerns the Classicall Presbytery; * 1.51 your first Objection against it, which a little thereafter, and oft elsewhere you do ingeminate, is, That the King and his family are subject to its Jurisdiction: I would gladly know if among the rest of the Prelaticall absurd ties this were one: That Christian Princes and Magistrates are fully exempted from all Ecclesiastick juris∣diction; sometimes your party would seem to speake so, as if every Magistrate, at least every Prince were such a God upon earth that none might say to any of them, Sir, what are you doing, though they were running to hell themselves, and draw∣ing at their heels, all they were able: This is so grosse a flattery, that all advised Princes abhorre it, and confesse themselves to be subject to Ecclesiasticall Discipline as well as others; for they know if they should exempt themselves from this part of Chri∣stian religion, they should presently be in hazard or loosing the benefit of all the rest; for Christianity is a body of Articles so straitly joyned, that either all must be received or none.

You your selfe (though among the absurdest of all your facti∣on)

do confesse so much as any Presbyterian in the world did ever thinke of: you say that the Crowne and Scepter is subject, not only to the directive power of the Church (expound the Church as you will, for a Congregationall Classicall or Natio∣nall Eldership, it is alike for the present Question) but also to the authoritative power of the same whereby the Church does proceed not onely in foro interiori conscientsae but also exteriori ••ccl••siae to censure as it finds cause.

Thus far you and the most Monarchik of the Prelates goe; * 1.52 that in doctrine any Presbyterian Divine went ever further, I doe not know, but in practise never one of them went so far: Some Bishops have actually excommunicate the best of the Em∣perours upon their enormous Scandalls; but that any Presby∣terian did ever so much as begin a processe with any Prince, when they had the greatest provocations thereto, it cannot be shewed to this day. The Church of Scotland notwithstanding all the crosse actions of King Iames or King Charles against them, in overturning not only the accidentalls, but many of the sub∣stantials of their Religion, and in persecuting them without all cause, with fire and sword, and all the calamities of a bloo∣dy warre, yet did they never so much as bethink themselves of drawing against any of them, or any of their kindred or speciall servants, the sword of Church censures. The Church of France alwaies wholly Presbyterian, when Henry the fourth one of their Members apostatised from them to the Pope, did never so much as enter into a consultation of delivering him into the hands of Satan. Without all peradventure, Presbyterians are much more tender then any other Christians of what ever name, to meddle with Magistrates by the censures of the Church.

In the next Paragraph you flee out againe upon the ruling Elders, as if it were absurd for any of their coat to sit in Ecclesi∣asticall Judicatories; all the ground of your quarrell is, their want of an Episcopall Commission; with this qualification you can admit any Lay-man not onely to sit in Ecclesiasticall Iudicato∣ries, but to sit there as sole and onely judge; you can make them your Vicar generalls before whom all the Clergy of your Diocesse must stand to be examined and judged, for the dis∣charge of their duty in all Ecclesiastick administrations. The Pre∣lates have no question with the Presbyterians about the persons

of Laymen as they call them, whether they may be Members of Spirituall Courts, but about their calling, both grant the lawful∣ness of the thing, but the Prelats doe found it upon a Commission from themselves, The Presbyterians presse their calling from God and the Church according to Scripture.

What you object of Lay men moderating our Presbyteries and Assemblies, * 1.53 is no more then the ordinary practise of our Pre∣lates; how often has Sir Nathaniel Brent and other Gentle∣men meerly Civilians, sitting not only as Prolocutors, but a•• Vicar generalls, and so only Iudges, before whom the whole Clergy of the Diocesse of London or of Canterbury, have appea∣red as my Lord Bishops subjects for their tryall and censure: al∣beit in Scotland we never had any such custome as you object; for the Moderators of our Church meetings doe begin and end with solemn prayers, now ruling Elders have not a calling to pray publickly in the Church; also they are but assistants in Disci∣pline, the principall charge lies upon the labourers in the Word and Doctrine; we doe not allow to an Assistant the place of the Principall.

As for the men whom you name, we grant none of them was in the Orders you speak of, neither of Deacon, Priest, nor Bishop, you meane preaching Deacons; Orthodox men in Scotland, as now in England, doe reject all these Orders as Popish; further I did never heare that any of the three persons you name, did ever moderate any of our Assemblies; their is no reason that for this or any thing else, we should take your bare assertion or the word of any of your Coleagues for a sufficient proofe: but giving all you alledge to be true, the first man you name, you confesse was a Reader, now ye know at the beginning of our Reformation, our Readers were Ordained to be truly Ministers, to be Priests in your dialect; for they did exhort and preach as they were able and celebrate the Sacraments. The second man you name Mr Melvil, was a Doctor of Divinity and so long as Episcopall perse∣cution permitted, did sit with great renoune in the prime chaire we had of that faculty: George Buchanan had sometimes as I have heard, beene a Preacher at St Andrewes, after his long travells, he was employed by our Church and State to be a Teacher to King James and his Family: of his saithfu nesse in this charge, he lest I believe to the world good andisati factory

tokens: the eminency of this person was so great, that no socie∣ty of men need bee ashamed to have been moderated by his wised me.

Your next exception against the Presbytery is for their Ex∣pectants, * 1.54 these be the Sonnes of the Prophers who in their pre∣parations for the Ministery, at their first exercises for assay and tryall are heard in the Presbytery; with this practise no reaso∣nable man can finde fault; it is naturally impossible for any without a miracle, to attaine the habite of preaching but by divers Initiall and preparatory actions; where can these be so fitly performed as in the Classes? The Expectants are present in the Classes for their training not as Members, for they doe not voyce in any matters of Discipline. The true mystery of this controversie is that the Expectants are permitted to preach before the holy hands of a Bishop have conferred upon them the Order of a Deacon, and so power to preach and baptize: The Church of Scotland did alwayes reject this corruption as clearly contrary to Scripture.

Your gird at the Presbytery of Edenburgh is weak and un∣considerable; * 1.55 for that meeting has no power at all above the meanest Presbytery in the Kingdome, notwithstanding of all the service which the gifts of the Members thereof may performe to any who are pleased to crave their advice. Its not to be sup∣posed but men of eminent gifts where ever they live must have an influence upon many others; we doe remember it to our griefe, that you and your Companions while you lived in that Presbytery which you mock, did send forth your Episcopall, Ar∣minian and Popish poyson to all the corners of the Land, East, West, South and North.

That King Iames at Hampton Court, * 1.56 and elsewhere did speak his pleasure of the Presbytery, makes it nothing the worse: his resolution to keep up Eiscopacy in England for his own ends, moved him to discountenance what ever opposed it; yet so, that in his Basilicon doron & at divers other occasions he gave luculent Testimonies to many Presbyterian Divines of his own acquain∣tance, preferring them for grace and honesty before all those whom he could make willing to accept of Bishopricks.

The best Princes are not void of Errours, the greatest mistake of this wise Prince was in his too great affection towards Epis∣copacy,

the Presbyterian Nobles and Divines in Scotland set him in his Infancy upon his Throne, when his life and Crown without their cordiall assistance was given by all men for gone; in all his great feares from Spaine, or any where else at home or abroad, so long as he remained in Scotland, his recourse was only to them, and notwithstanding of the very hard measure which oft they had received and still feared from him, yet did they never faile to support him in his need, neither ever had they any difference with him but that which flowed from the unhappy fountaine in hand. Had it been the will of God, that this, otherwise very wise Prince, at his first comming into England had cast over the hedge of that Church, the evill weed of Bi∣shops and their Ceremonies, he had certainly procured much greater peace to his own minde, and in all probability prevented the huge mischiefes which from this neglect above all other causes doe this day overwhelme his house and all his King∣domes.

What here you subjoyn to prove the pride of the Presbytery and the state it kept with King Iames, is an ill conceived bob; * 1.57 when the Prince was pleased to honour them with a Message, was it not better manners and greater civility for them to re∣turne an answer by some of their owne number, then by his Ma∣jesties owne Messengers; had they sent their mindes other∣wise, how much more would the Prelatick Courtiers have cry∣ed out upon their saucinesse and pedantick Rusticity.

The next Tale you tell us is, * 1.58 of the Presbyteries severity and unjustice in bringing shame upon many yong women on ground∣lesse suspicions, of putting them in prison till they confesse their secret sins, in forcing them to clear themselves by oathes in the Congregation, of needlesse jealousies: This tale is delated with many odious circumstances; but consider first that you shoot your Arrowes at the wrong Butt: You may remember the Clas∣sicall Presbytery uses not to meddle with any such matters; its true, the Congregationall Eldership by clear Divine Right, and consent of all differing parties, take notice of the manners of the whole flocke, if pregnant presumptions of fornication be delated to the Eldership by any Officer, they will send to admonish the parties deferred, but first in private with all discretion and ten∣dernesse; if secret admonitions be contemned, and persons will∣fully

will continue in a scandalous behaviour, then will they call them before the Eldership, and after earnest request, if no∣thing else can do it, will at last ordaine them to eschew conver∣sing together in private and suspect places: but for calling of any before the Eldership upon light presumptions, for prisons, for feeding with bread and water, for troubling of families, its but a Prelatical calumny. This indeed is true, some known whores and strumpets when they have brought forth children in fornication, and refuse absolutely to name the Father, or when they give up such men as all know to be innocent; the Magistrate will put them in prison for some time: and if a flagrant scandall of for∣nication arise upon persons who desire themselves to be cleered, they will be admitted to purge themselves by their oath in the Eldership or in the Congregation as the flagrancy of the Scandal, or the parties themselves do require, but what is all this to these odious fables here related? it seems you were angry at another matter, which I will here speak out for you.

Scotland however subject to many sins, * 1.59 yet I dare say is much more free of fornications and adulteries among people of any fa∣shion, then any Nation I know or have heard of, this makes the conversation of persons there to be free and without all su••picion except on very good ground; but if such crimes be clear, there is no sparing of any person of what ever quality, all are called to an ac∣count; that is the matter which seems to burn you: Your bosome companion Mr. Menteth having deboshed a prime Lady in his flock, when no secret advertisement could break off that wick∣ednesse, though a child or two were brought forth, the honou∣rable friends of the Knight who was wronged, could keep no longer patience, but did openly crave justice, whereby Men∣teth was cast out of the Church and Kingdome, and the Adulte∣resse di••••••ced from her Husband; at this and the like proce∣dure you are grieved, your meeknesse would have all such abo∣minations covered, and remedied only by Auricular confession. That this Epi••copa l indulgence flowes from no merciful dispo∣sition, it app ars well by their ordinary rigour, pressing the most gracious Minister and others, for the smal••est opposition to any of their Traditions, with their Oaths ex Officio, and casting them upon their meere pleasure into the closest prisons and greatest afflictions; well may the malevolence of Enemies

declame against the severity of Presbyteries and paint them out as most cruell and intollerable inquisitions; but beleeve it they that know and have seen them either in France, Holland, or Scotland, can assure that the fault if any be, fals upon the o∣ther hand of too great indulgence; no man is called before them but for a notorious fault, persons of any tollerable civility or circumspection, use not to be called all their life time to any ac∣count of their behaviour; if the Presbytery were able to give so satisfactory an answer for its to great meeknesse unto the Se∣ctaries challenge, as it can to the Prelates for its too great strict∣nesse, I should be very glad.

What is subjoynd of the Presbyteries medling with Trade and commerce, of dischargeing men to persue for their debts, * 1.60 and Landlords to sue for their Rents, are stories so true, as the fa∣ther of lies is wont to dite to his obedient children: Possibly in the eighty eight yeare of God when the Spaniards were com∣ming to destroy the Land, some godly persons had disswaded their Neighbours, to carry victuals to Spaine at that time; and some men may have had scruple of conscience for sending of waxe, and furnishing of immediate materials for Idolatry; I be∣leeve also that gracious Ministers have given private coun∣sel to rigorous exacters of their Rents, and unmercifull persu∣ers of their debts; But that ever any Presbytery in Scotland did take cognizance of any such matters to the uttermost of my best knowledge, is an Episcopall, that is a manifest and malici∣ous untruth.

The same I say of your next story; * 1.61 the Munday markets in some chiefe Towns were an evident occasion of prophaning the Lords holy Sabbath; this to all the godly was a matter of griefe; both particular persons, and whole Presbyteries have oft regrated it, and offered their Petitions to the Councel and Par∣liament for the remedying thereof; but that they ever of them∣selves did attempt to make any change of Market dayes, it is so false as any thing can be; you our Prelates as you were taught by your Fathers in England were alwaies passionately desirous to have Sunday counted no Sabbath, both by your doctrine and example, you laboured to seduce the people to prophane that day with all kinde of publike pastimes, all strictnesse about the Sab∣bath you cryed downe, as Puritanick Iudaisme, so long as your

Kingdome stood, this evill was remedilesse; but so soon as we got your chaires and thrones as you call them overturned, the first Generall Assembly thereafter made it one of their chiefe cares to cause draw a humble petition to the next ensuing Parlia∣ment for translating of the Markets of the cheife Burroughs from Munday to Wednesday: The Parliament being purged of Episcopall, Popish and Malignant Members, who oft before had obstructed this gracious worke, unanimously did agree to the Petition; so that now, blessed be God, with the good li∣king of all, and to the prejudice of none, these market dayes are changed.

What follows of the Presbyteries violent transporting of Mi∣nisters from better places to worse at the pleasure of Noblemen, * 1.62 I have known this done by Bishops and their High Commissi∣on, (for no men ever in Scotland did so much flatter the No∣bles and assist them, if they were resolved to oppresse a Minister, as the Prelates) but while the Presbyteriall government had a∣ny vigour, that every man was in this fashion transported, I take it to be exceeding false; for by the Laws and practise of the Presbyrery, disgracefull Transportations are of so great difficul∣ty, that since the Bishops were cast out from among us, I did never hear of any; for no man with us can be put from a better place to a worse but for a fault, which as it puts him from one place, so readily it will keep him from all others.

The knavish example he brings of this practise in the Pres∣bytery of Couper, * 1.63 I take it to be a meer Episcopall invention, no man with whom I have conferred ever heard of any such mat∣ter; Spotswood the fountaine of his fables is here mute, I am confirmed in this opinion by that which he makes the maine scope of the tale, the Presbyteries consent to the dilapidation of a Personage; such an action is so farre contrary to the rules of all our Presbyteries, and to any practise that ever I heard, that it makes me take all the rest but for a tale of Robin Hood. The Bishops indeed when they professed their greatest zeale to re∣cover all the Church rents out of the hand of the Laity, were found to be but too ready to dilapidate unto Noblemen and others too much of the remnant of the Churches patrimony; your selfe may remember what bargaine you made as I thinke with the Earle of Seaforth, which you know was the first oc∣casion

of diminishing your reputation with your great Patron Land of Canterbury: I am sure your Colleague Spotswood did sell the whole Abacy of Killwinning to the Noblemen and Gen∣tlemen of Cuningham, to the great prejudice and griefe of the University of Glasgow, and the Ministers of the bounds who had great interest therein.

At the Parliament of Lithgow 1606. our good Bishops for their owne base ends did consent in the name of the Church, though they had never so much as consulted here in that busi∣nesse, to the greatest dilapidation that ever was heard of in Scot∣land, the impropriation to Noblemen and Gentlemen at one time, of no fewer then sixteen Abbacies, every one whereof had incorporate the rents of a number of Parish Churches. Too many pranks of this kinde have been plaid by the Prelates and Clergy men of their way, but that ever any Presbytery was guil∣ty of such sacrilegious tricks, it will never as I imagine be proved.

What you speake of a Gentlemans confession in Testament of his griefe, for deceiving good Ministers, is to no purpose; * 1.64 did not Hypocrites deceive the Apostles? but that Ministers did keep him from Church censures for his knowne unclean∣nesse, you know there is no reason to beleeve you upon your bare word; the Gentlemans hypocrisie was but small, if his vil∣lanies were so open that justly he could be challenged for them.

For your last imputation I know that feuds in Scotland were frequent and lamentable; * 1.65 also that King Iames labours in sup∣pressing them were happy and successefull; but that any Presby∣tery did ever entertain them, its a lye so grosse that for all your Cretian Art, you are not able to bring so much as the colour of on instance to prove it. I finde in Spotswood, Letters of King Iames to Presbyteries and Synods for their assistance in that gracious work; and it is certaine that all the Kings in Christen∣dome had never been able to have abolished these feuds with∣out the helpe of the Ministry. Can you tell me of any Bi∣shop that either did endeavour or had such power in the heart of any people, as to promove that work one haires breadth? I know that the chiefe Bishops for all their open fauning, were yet ever esteemed so great haters of the Nobility and prime Gentry, that they did little regard how many of them peri∣shed;

your selfe I think knowes that in the feud betwixt the Grahams and the Sandilands, none was a better swordman, then your Metropolitan Spotswood.

Your last Paragraph is but a recapitulation of these things which I hope I have demonstrate to be cleer untruths.

Your next head is of Provinciall Synods; * 1.66 upon these you are briefe, and yet might have spared much of that you bring; for the most hath no more relation to Provinciall Synods, then to any other Church meeting. In the beginning you make the Provinciall Synod to be an apish imitation of an ancient Provinciall Councell, consisting of the Metropolitan and his suffragane Bishops, intimating hereby what elsewhere you have published, and in your declinator of the Assembly at Glasgow subscribed, That the very constitution of all our Synods is viti∣ous, as consisting of Members whom reason and Antiquity does exclude; all Iurisdiction belongs to Bishops, a preaching Pres∣byter has no more to do with it then a ruling Presbyter, with∣out an Episcopall commission; by vertue hereof a man of any coat, may sit and voice in a Synod; without this none but Bi∣shops themselves may have place there.

That which you make the politick stratagem of the Gamali∣els as you call them of our Land, * 1.67 is nothing but that which in all societies Ecclesiastick and civill, nature makes necessary: in every multitude some men by their gifts and diligence will fall to be leading; but that the most leading men among us, had ever any authority to command the weakest of their Brethren, you dare not alledge it, though every Prelate by vertue of his office pretend to a power of commanding all his Clergy. That the most eminent men among us could ever carry an Assem∣bly after them, farther then their reason did perswade the minds of their Brethren, it is very untrue.

How little able Noblemen have been to sway the Votes of a Synod to their owne desires, you and your Brethren know as well as any others: for the difficulty and impossibility of this practise was the maine ground whereupon your Antichristian order behoved to be brought back again from Rome to Scotland: When King Iames by many experiments, had found that nei∣ther himselfe nor all the Noblemen of the Land were able ei∣ther by Art, or allurements, or terrors to sway the Assemblies

of the Church to their owne appetites, the resolution was taken to destroy these meetings, to overturne their orders, to spoile them of their power, to put all in the hand of Bishops upon this confidence, wherein they were not deceived, that although they had found it impossible to make the multitude of the Ministers so long as their Assemblies injoyed their old and just privi∣ledges, obsequious to the will of the Court; Yet if once that order of Synods were overturned, and their power setled in the Bishops hands, it would be an easie matter to make the whole Clergy very tractable and obnoxious. What therefore here you object of the Synods serving the lusts of great men, was neither true nor possible, so long as the Presbyteriall government stood intire; but so soon as that was overthrowne and changed into Episcopacy, that game was gained. We never knew any Bi∣shop oppose himself in any thing to the Court, nor to the de∣sires of any Nobleman how unreasonable so ever, if the Court was for him.

What here you subjoyn of the great honour deferred to some of the Ministry, * 1.68 however your exaggerations be invidious and Satyricall, yet we are not ashamed to professe that no where in the World, the Nobility and Gentry carry greater respect to Ministers then in Scotland. The Bishops did much envy this; for how ever the King and Courtiers did countenance them, yet the whole Country where ever they went, did justly de∣spise them: but the Ministers, those especially who with any zeale did oppose their evill courses, were alwayes by the great∣est of the Land before their faces highly honoured. It is true, Ministers of the Episcopall cut were no more prized then their Masters; but this I may affirme that the poorest and weakest Minister of what ever side, was ever more honoured by the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland then by the best of the Bi∣shops, even those who made it their glory to be the Patrons of poor Ministers against the Nobilities oppression. Though our Scottish Bishops were not come to the height of the English Prelates grandour; and the poorest of the Scots Ministers that ever I knew, were of a much better fashion then many hun∣dreds of the English Curates and Priests; yet I have often seen the meanest of the Scottish preachers get more respect from the prime Earles of that Land, then the chiefe and best de∣serving

Ministers could have from their ordinary Bishops, ei∣ther within their private walls or in the face of their Provinci∣all meetings. So what you object of the contempt of the Mi∣nisters in Scotland, if it be understood from their Brethren or from the Nobility or Gentry, it is very false; but if from you and your Colleagues it was too too visible.

Your next Storie concernes Mr. Robert Bruce Minister of Edinburgh, * 1.69 a gracious and Heroick Divine as Scotland ever bred. Though the quarrell of Episcopacy did at last alter King Iames countenance towards him, yet all the Bishops of the three King∣domes had never so much respect from that Prince as this man. What you speak of his great attendance, is either a very igno∣rant, or a very malicious mistake; neither he nor any Mini∣ster of Scotland, though nobly borne and of good Estates, used ever to be attended by any more servants then one at most, but in their journeying to Presbyteries, Synods or Visitations, the Noblemen and Gentlemen members of these meetings, were alwaies glad of the Ministers company, and when their way fell to be one, they were wont to travell together; doth it from hence follow, that the Noblemen and all the Gentlemen of their Traine, were the Ministers attendants?

The long relation you make of King Iames conference with Mr. Bruce anent the Earle of Huntly, you take it out of the sto∣ry of Spotswood, who at first was a domestick servant but ther∣after a great unfriend to Mr. Bruce; The tale of your Author you doe much enlarge, and adde unto it many circumstances whereof you have no warrant; the matter as I gather it, out of your owne Author was thus. The Earle of Huntly all his life time was the head of the Popish faction in Scotland, he was oft excommunicate, and oft he gave satisfaction to the Church, abjuring his Popery, and joyning to our Church, but alwaies he plaid the Hypocrite or Apostate; when the Catholique league was first framed in France, betwixt the Pope, King Philip of Spaine and the Guizians for the rooting out of all Protestants, this man made himselfe quickly of that party: When in the eighty eight the Spanish Armada came to conquer this whole Isle, no man was so ready as he with his whole strength to have joyned with them, when after the miscarriage of that Navy, the enterprise was renued, divers times he sent his Messen∣gers

to the Prince of Parme at Brussels, and to Philip at Madrid, assuring his readinesse to concurre for the destruction of Queene Elizabeth and all the Protestants in the Isle; though all these horrible Treasons were proved under his owne hand, and acknowledged, and all were pardoned, yet nothing could amend his evill nature, he was still sound plotting the delivery of the Isle, into the Spaniards hands; and when all hope of for∣raigne invasion was past, yet he could not give over, but was proved to have new plots upon the Kings person, for making of him prisoner, and killing before his face Chancellor Maitland, his prime and best Counsellour: This also was pardoned, not∣withstanding he remained the same man, and quickly thereafter in the sight of the Court, and all the Town of Edinburgh, he burnt the Earle of Murrays house above his head, (Murray was a prime Noble man of the Land, the Kings neer Kinsman, the heire of the good Regent, the best Governour that any King of Scotland did ever injoy) this man did Huntly kill without a∣ny cause at all, but his owne meere envy and malice; for these crimes he was againe excommunicate; the Earle of Argile at the Kings intreaty and direction persued him with an Army of ten thousand men; many hundreds of these good subjects were killed by that Rebell, when after Argiles deseat, the King himselfe with his prime Nobles went out against him, he with display∣ed banner went to the fields against the King; all this Spots∣wood reports at length. Let any conscientious man here be judge, King Iames for his owne respects requires a conscientious Mi∣nister to consent and concurre with him, to obtain from the next ensuing Assembly, the absolution of such a man from the censure of Excommunication, for this was the main question; the honest Minister could not be perswaded to consent un∣to the relaxation of such a bloody obstinate Apostate, confes∣sed by all to be still imponitent, from the censures either of Church or State: As for the inconveniences, his Majesty did al∣ledge the dangers from the Papists of England, if Huntly and the Popish party in Scotland were too much irritate; was it any great crime for Mr. Bruce to differ in this from his Majesty, and to tell him plainly that which was the opinion of all the good Ministers of Scotland, though the ground of the Kings quarrell with them, That it would prove his best policy to make fast

with the Protestant party of England and over-sea, renouncing all correspondency either with Papists or Prelates, that if he walked upon this ground, God and his right would carry him through all, both seen and imagined difficulties? The world long agoe is satisfied with the wisedome of this advice; for it was quickly found that too much connivence and compliance with Papists, did bring that Prince upon the very brinke of ru∣ine; for the Popish party of England finding themselves dis∣appointed of their great hopes did run to the desperate attempts of the Powder-plot and other Treasons: Also the keeping up of the Bishops was a great cause of all the mischiefes which since that time to this day have fallen either upon our Church or State; It is true, the words you ascribe to Mr. Bruce are very unmannerly; but who will beleeve that ever any such phra∣ses proceeded from the mouth of so grave and wise a man? your only Author is Spotswood, His testimony in this case ought not to be trusted; but if you will looke to the matter of Mr. Bruce his counsell, I subject it to the touchstone of the severest cen∣surers.

Upon the fourth head of Generall Assemblies, * 1.70 you spew out the whole remnant of your gall; the wrath of a child does kin∣dle against the whip that scourges him; I will not remember you of the dogs snarling at the stone that hath hit him: The Generall Assembly for just causes did chastise you with their sharpest rod of Excommunication, they did deliver you into the hands of the Father of lyes and Blasphemies; if there were no more then what here you write, it is a demonstration that the sentence of that Reverend Assembly against you is ratified in heaven, and that God in his justice according to the word of his faithfull servant, hath delivered your obstinate soule to be acted by that evill spirit? who else could move you to blaspheme the crowne of Christ, and the holy One of Israel by name, and to make the holy Scriptures the ordinary channell through which your profane girds at the Generall Assembly must run: What you bring, the most of it is so impertinent, and so remote from all relation to any Assembly, and set downe in such confusion, that the very effects, though the cause were not knowne, may evidence the distraction of your Spirit. I shall handle the fiery∣est of your darts as they come from your furious hands.

You make us to ascribe to our General Assembly, * 1.71 a jurisdicti∣on universall and infallible, you will have it to meddle with all affaires both Spirituall and Temporall, you would make the world beleeve that all disobedience thereto is censured with ex∣communication, and that it commands the King to punish i•• estate, body and life all who disobey; otherwise that it causes the King himselfe to be dethroned and killed, this often you repeat; moreover you call this Assembly an untamed furious Beast, you advise the King much rather to submit himself to the Pope then to be in the reverence therof; what spirit makes you break out into such discourses, your selfe will see, if ever God give you repentance; however it is evident, that lyes and malice do here strive which shall predominate.

The Generall Assembly in Scotland hath no more power then what the Parliaments since the first Reformation have heartily allowed unto them, they meddle with no temporall case at all; * 1.72 and all the spirituall cases which to this day they have touched, may be reduced to a few heads: That every disobedience brings with it Excommunication, is a wide slander, we doe not excom∣municate but for a grievous transgression joyned with extraor∣dinary obstinacy; This censure is so rare with us, that a man may live long and before his death never be witnesse to it. What civil punishment the State in their wisedome findes meet to impose on a person who contemnes the Ordinances of God, let them∣selves be answerable: But that the Assembly medles with any mans life or goods, is like the rest of your Assertions, and yet no more false then the other lye you have here. That ever any Assembly of the reformed Churches upon the highest provoca∣tions did take it so much as in debate to excommunicate, much lesse to dethrone any King, its most false; but the Spirit that leads you must be permitted to breath out his naturall aire, and to lye according to his very ancient custome.

You object it once and againe that the Commissioners of Burroughs and Universities are received as Members in our ge∣nerall Assemblies; behold the greatnesse of this crime, * 1.73 out of e∣very Classicall Presbytery we allow one ruling Elder, to goe as Commissioner to that Nationall meeting, and if there be a roy∣all Burgh within the bounds, we allow two, and three if there be an University: What would you say to the Parliament of

England who appoints foure ruling Elders out of every Classis, to accompany two Ministers to the Assembly, though there be neither Burrough not University in the bounds? of this we are carefull, that whoever comes either from Cities or Universi∣ties, be not only ruling Elders, but also have an expresse appro∣bation from the Eldership.

What you speak of the Kings presence in our Assemblies: * 1.74 it is true, it was ever our wish, and oft our happinesse to have the King or his Commissioner amongst us at these meetings, we never did dispute their capacity; no more was craved then the place of a civil President, and this no man did ever deny either to him or them, nor a power to propound what ever they thought expedient; but some of your flattering Prelates doe ascribe to the Prince a power which neither we nor our Laws may owne. You give him a power to call so many as he will, without all Commission from any Church, to voice in all Assemblies, and by the multitude of their voices to carry all: You give him also a power to hinder the Assembly to debate any matter which he mislikes, were it never so necessary for the very being of the Church: You give him a Negative Vote to stop any conclu∣sion, were it never so consonant to the Word of God; yea, an affirmative Vote to carry all things in the Assembly, absolute∣ly according to his owne minde, The Assembly being but his Arbitrary Court in things spirituall, by whose advice the Prince who is the supream judge in all causes does determine as he findes it expedient; sometimes according, sometimes contrary to their judgement. Such a power, no ordinary either Erastian or Pre∣late will willingly grant to any Prince upon earth; but this was one of the late Canterburian extravagancies, wherein your sin∣gular zeale did much help you to your Bishoprick.

What you adde of our pressing the King to execute all our Acts under the paine of Excommunication, we have oft told you it is a great untruth; for all Scotland knowes that the fur∣thest we went ever with any Prince in our Assembly Acts, was, humbly to supplicate for their civill Sanction; i•• we obtain it, we blesse God and them; if we cannot by any prayers per∣swade, we sit down in grief and wait patiently upon their good pleasure.

Our taking in of all things temporall upon some spirituall

relation, * 1.75 and forcing the King to change his Laws though never so prejudiciall to the State, your report in this will be belee∣ved, when you have gotten grace to forsake in some measure the Spirit that now leads you. The matter here you aime at, but keeps it in the clouds is the proceeding of the Assembly at Glasgow against your offices and persons. According to the Lawes of Popi•••• times, The Bishops were Lords of Parlia∣ment, of Councell, of Exchequer, of Session: The Assembly did finde all this contrary to the Word of God and therefore did discharge under the paine of the censures of the Church, any Minister of the Word, to take upon him these civill imploy∣ments; I hope the hindering of persons meerly Ecclesiastick to drowne themselves in a sea of temporall affaires, is not to take cognisance of all things temporall, in ordine ad spiritualia. The Assembly did supplicate the King and Parliament for the abo∣lition of the Popish and corrupt Lawes which did countenance the ambition of the Clergy; the Parliament finding the As∣semblies supplication just, joyned with them to deale with the King to passe it, his Majesty for a time misled by the flattery of Prelates refused; but at last seeing the earnestnesse and cleer e∣quity of the Assembly and Parliament their desires, he was per∣swaded to consent to these Acts, wherein all Churchmen are forbidden to take upon them civill places. This is it that you call the forcing of the King and Parliament to change the Laws for the great trouble of the State; this is all the Assemblies ty∣ranizing over the King and Parliament, a meer supplication to alter Popish and corrupt Lawes, which both the King and the State, after a little debate did finde necessary to be done.

To the absurdities which you call monstrously grosse, * 1.76 p. 21.22. we have spoken already, you are impatient that any ruling Elder, that any Commissioner from Burroughs or Vniversities should voice in Church. Assemblies; your expresse reason is be∣cause concilium est Episcoporum; see the mans absurdity, no Mi∣nister more then a ruling Elder must voice at any Assembly; the decisive voice there belongs only to Bishops; yet any Lay men vested with the Bishops commission, may very lawfully exer∣cise all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction over the whole Clergy of the Diocesse; neither is there any Gentleman of the Shire, not any Burgesse of the City, nor any Student in the Vniversity to

whom a Prelate can purchase a Letter from the King, but he may sit and voice decisively in all spirituall causes as a constituent Member of the Generall Assembly as well as the Bishop himself; this is the doctrine and was the practise of our Prelates in Scot∣land.

You are angry p. 22. * 1.77 that the acts of our Assemblies should get so ready obedience, but the matters themselves are so clear, that none uses to refuse them, and it is the Law of the king∣dome that the Assemblies determination in matters proper to its cognisance should be obeyed; if any thing new be acted, which requires a civill sanction, the Commissioners of the As∣sembly supplicate the next ensuing Parliament for their ratifi∣cation, which for common is easily obtained, the cleer equity of the matter purchases a ready grant. If there happen to be cause why the Parliament should not be satisfied, the Aslembly by their reasons is perswaded to be of the Parliaments minde; no such unanimous Courts in the Universe, as the Parliament and Generall Assembly of Scotland, they never had any difference, but what bad Courtiers and Prelates procured for their owne interests: put these pests of the Church and State to a corner, the King, Parliament and Assembly shall never differ, but alwayes concurre for the strengthening and comforting one another.

From your 22. page to 31. * 1.78 you heap together what ever ex∣tream malice can invent, to bring disgrace upon the first and cheife resormers of Religion from Popery; you openly avow your dislike of the first Reformation in Scotland, you are not a∣shamed to proclaim all the Reformation both of Scotland, France, Holland, and Germany, and wheresoever the work was not done by the hand of the Soveraign Prince, to have been Sedition and Rebellion.

The first thing you undertake to prove, is, That we give our Assemblies power to depose and kill Kings; * 1.79 for this you alledge Martin mar Prelate, whoyet says no such thing, and though hedid what is that to us? then you cite a number of passages out of Iohn Knox his writings; but is it just that John Knox Assertions, long before any Assemblies were in Scotland, should be laid to their charge? But what may those absurd asserions of Iohn Knox be? he sayes as you alledge, that the Nobility of Scotland who are borne Counsellours of the Kingdom, and by the Laws

have great priviledges may represse the fury and madnesse of a misled Prince; I grant this to you must be a great Heresie who makes it one of the Articles of your faith, that though Princes were as mad as ever Nero, and should openly avow their de∣sires to overturn all the sworn Lawes of their State, and to kill without any cause all their Subjects, yet for the Nobility or whole States of Parliament to make the smallest opposition or to goe one haires breadth beyond a naked supplication were no lesse then a damnable Rebellion and Treason; but beleeve it, the subjects of Scotland will not take off your hand such max∣imes, without some Argument for their truth.

Iohn Knox is alledged to say that the Commonalty may bri∣dle the cruell beasts and resorme Religion, but what does it concerne the generall Assembly whatever power the Lords or Commons have by the Law, or usurpe against the Law? The matter whereof Iohn Knox is speaking is this, The body of Scotland in the yeare 1557. were true and zealous Protestants, the Masse and Images were to them Idols: long before the go∣vernour and protector of the Kingdom Duke Hamilton was for the Religion, At his first Parliament he did authorize some good beginnings of Reformation, the Cardinall and Clergy at this grew mad, and found means to translate the government from the Duke to the Queens Mother, sister to the Duke of Guize, and Cardinall of Lorain; in the time both of the Duke and Queen Mothers Regency, the cruelty of the Bishops was unsufferable. They took divers of the most zealous Preachers and Professors, men and women, and publikely without any Commission from the Magistrate, onely for their zeale to the truth of God, did burne them quick as Hereticks: After many yeers patience, the people at last seeing no end of the Prelates fury, did cause write Letters to some of their most wicked per∣secutors, telling them that if they gave not over to murther their Brethren, themselves should taste of that Cup, of which they forced others to drink. All the Reformation which the people at that time practised, was to keep themselves pure from most vile Idolatry, and in private to heare the Word of God purely preached: They made no publike Reformation till first they had openly supplicated the Queen and gotten her allowance, and a promise of an Act of Parliament in the yeare 1558. which

promise when the Protestant Nobility, Gentry and Commons did presse in face of Parliament, it was not denyed by the Queen, but cunningly put off, upon assurance that all their desires at the first conveniency should be granted: in the meane time she re∣ceived their Protestation for a Liberty to live in their reformed Churches separate from Popish Idolaters, and promised in due time to give to the Protesters full satisfaction. Though you have brought together all the malicious a persions which your predecestors the Popish Prelates and Priests were wont at these very times to heap upon the heads of our blessed Reformers; yet shall you never be able to leave any stain upon that happy work, though here and elsewhere you spue out your dispight against it.

The Reformation of Scotland was begun by publique Autho∣rity in the first Parliament of Queen Mary, the yeare 1542. holden by the Governour the Earle of Arran a Protestant for the time; the setting up of it in publique was avowed, and protested for in face of Parliament 1558. with the Queen Regents e∣vident allowance, and without the opposition of any; but in the next Pa••liament 1560. the whole Estates without the con∣tradiction of any, but three Popish Lords, did set up by Law the whole body of that Religion, which since by Gods mercy we have ever peaceably possessed, except so farre as wicked Pre∣lates have troubled us.

It is true, * 1.80 that Queen Regent notwithstanding of her good countenance and faire promises, was forced by the privy In∣structions of her wicked Brethren, Guize and the Cardinall of Loraine, to oppose Reformation; wherein fore against her own minde, as at her death shee professed, shee went so farre as to bring in many thousands of the French to conquer and subdue the Land. They began to the terror of the whole Isle, to fortifie Leith, and other Maritime places; they exercised an evident ty∣ranny both in Church and State, and overthrew the Laws and liberties of the Nation, which forced the cheise of the Nobility for the casting off of this yoak of stavery from the Church and State, and preventing the danger which threatned the whole Isle to enter in a covenant of defence both among themselvs and with the Queen of England, but without the least prejudice to the just authority of their Soveraign then Queen of France, as it after appeared: for when by the blessing of God and the helpe

of the English, they had ejected the French usurpers, they did heartily receive and obey the Queen so soon as she came from France. For the justification of all this I could bring formall te∣stimonies out of Spotswood himselfe.

What you say of the deposition of Queen Regent from her Authority, it is false that any Church Assembly did ever med∣dle with it lesse or more; it was the Act of the three Estates; how just let any judge. She was the first woman as I remem∣ber that ever in Britain had the government of the State; it belonged not to her by any right, the Lawes provided that charge for Duke Hamilton; but she and the Prelates couzend him out of his right and long possession; she became not only a violent persecuter of all the faithful against the Law and her own promises but also went about evidently by violence and force of Arms to subdue the land to the tyranny of strangers: much of this shee did, albeit at the direction of her Brethren of Loraine, yet without all commission from our Soveraigne her daughter. When no supplication nor remonstrance could stop her, the E∣states of the Land being all denounced Rebels, and Traitors by her, did passe an Act not for depriving her of her Regency, but for the suspending of her Authority till the next Parliament; or till shee altered the course of her tyrannous government with an expresse protestation that the authority and power of the King and Queen of France their Soveraignes should remain to them sacred and inviolable.

This act of the Statewhether right or wrong, what does it concerne the generall Assembly of the Church? be it so that a Minister or two being called for advice, did give their assent to this action which is the furthest our Enemies alledge, yet what hath this to doe with our Church government? it seems the conscience of the Queen did approve of this sentence against her; for she did much repent of all those actions which did procure it, as she did evidence in that conference which a little before her death she required and did obtain with the prime Protestant Nobles, and the Minister Mr. Willocks, whose hand in her sus∣pension was alledged to be chiefe. * 1.81

That abominable calumny which continually you fall upon, as if our doctrine did tend to the killing of Kings, demonstrates the superfluity of your naughty malice, whereby your fellowes

and you above any one, were wont to poison the eares and heart of the King, while you were about him, till at last you did precipi∣tate him in these dangers that very readily might have taken away from him both his life and his crowne. I desire to know of you who charges us with this abominable crime of destroy∣ing Kings who were the men that saved the life and authority of King Iames so long as he was in Scotland? and who be these who have preserved King Charles from utter ruine, wherein your wicked companions and your selfe with the first, by your pernicious wayes did cast him, and would hold him still therein, if you might be heard? Did either of these Kings in the daies of their danger have their recourse to any but to Presbyterians, or was any other party either able or willing to preserve them?

What you speak of Mr. Knox preaching for the pulling down of Churches, * 1.82 is like the rest of your lies, he did indeed oft times preach downe the worshiping of Images, and the idle bellies of the prophane Monks: one day after his Sermon the people in Perth being stirred by the injurious violence of an idolatrous Priest, did pull downe the Images which daily were worshipped, and from that action did run to the casting down of two or three dens of Friers, which your Orthodox pen stiles religious hou∣ses; but that Mr. Knox or any Preacher was the Author of these actions, it is so false that the day thereafter when the Bishop of Murrays son by his mischievous insolency had provoked the people against the Monastery of Scoon, Iohn Knox in person with all the Nobility he could perswade went out to save those irreligious walls to his power from all violence. Some few Mo∣nasteries and two or three Cathedrall Churches, were cast down by the idle provocations of some Popish Priests, who were so mad upon their Idolatry that they would keep these places to be Castles and forts to preserve and propagate their abomina∣tions; But quickly that fury of the Priests was gotten supprest and the Churches peaceably purged, so that I have not heard that in all our Land, above three or foure Churches were cast down.

I should be very tedious if I went through all the odious nar∣rations of this enraged Prelate; * 1.83 I must touch but upon some of his principall passages: in his 27 page, he makes the Reformers to disclaime Soveraign Authority, to denounce warre, to enter it to a covenant for mutuall defence, to command the Nobility to

joyne with them under the paine of excommunication, &c. A waspe out of the sweetest hearbs sucks venom, the mat∣ter as all our Historians relate, was this.

When Queen Regent was marching with the French Army to Perth, to kill as shee had openly vowed, * 1.84 men wo∣men and children; to raze unto the ground that antient Ci∣ty and to sow it with salt, only for the pulling down of some images and some Monkes dens: the Nobillity did meet to stop that Horrible rage, they did deprecate violence with humble supplications, and when these were in vaine, they stood upon their defence against the French Bands: this is that which you call the disclaiming of Soveraignty. They write a threatning Letter to the Bishops and Priests, the great Incendiaries of the time, to kindle the Queenes wrath against her best Subjects: this you call denouncing of Warre. Some members of their owne Congregation did come with the Queen against them, namely the Earles of Argyle and Murrey, Them they intreated not to shed their Brethrens blood, otherwise they shewed them their deserving to be excommunicate out of that society, which without cause they did persecute; The seasonablenes of this reproofe did quickly appeare, both the Noblemen be∣holding the Loyalty of their Brethren and their unjust oppression by others, did leave the Queene and joyne with the Protestant party. A demonstration of their Loyal∣ty wa•• given to the world at that very instant, when they came to such strength that the French and the Prelates and all their opposits, could scarce have been a Breackfast to them, they were content to let them all goe in peace and upon the Queenes word did dissolve their Army only sus∣pecting, which did fall out, that no promises would be made conscience of to Hereticks, before they disbanded they gave assurances of mutuall defence, if by their Treache∣rous enemies contrary to promises they should againe for their Religion be invaded: was such a Covenant any more then nature requires of every society of men for their own necessary preservation. As for your invectives against the first reformation and that which you professe is the cause of your anger, * 1.85 the removall of the beauty and order of

the Church, that is the putting away of the masse with all its ornaments, the removall of the Pope, Cardinalls, Bi∣shops, the Monks and Friers, for all this you must be dispen∣ced with: for herein you but follow your Canterburian principles. Yet I cannot but marvell that your passion to∣wards these trinckets of Popery should be so great, as to make you affirme that all our present troubles are, but Gods judgements upon us for their removeall, and to pro∣phesie that those evils cannot end, except we returne to that vomit: our condition is hard if we must redeem peace with the reimbracing of the Masse Booke and all its ornaments, if for the right ordering of our Church, wee must take backe our Bishops, Patriarchs, Cardinalls, and Popes (for non of all these you doe scruple) if all our Abacies and Nunneries must again be peopled, and which is worst of all, if we must resolve never more to permit the whole estates of a land or a Parliament to oppose a Prince when seduced by a popish Prelate or a Turkish darvisch, he takes a conceit to set up the whole body of popery or of Mahometisme in all his Dominions: this is the divinity which your piety and orthodoxie here insinuates.

Your long discourse of the Generall Assemblies Sove∣raignty above the King is closed with two other stories, * 1.86 the killing of Cardinall Beton, and the tumult in the Church of Edinburrough at the reading of the Liturgie. What be∣longs these things to the Generall Assembly, were these a∣ctions either decreed or allowed by any Church meeting; but the truth is, you are gathering togither a confused masse of all the odious fables which you can either find or invent to the prejudice of Protestant Religion since it came first in Scotland to this day.

As for the Cardinalls slaughter, * 1.87 all good men who heard it did heartily rejoyce at the judgement of God in taking away that cruell persecuter, a most vicious wretch: as Spots∣wood himselfe relates the story, his crimes were many for which his life by all Law and reason was forfeit: the subor∣ning of a false Testament to King Iames the fifth, for his owne advancement, the burning quick by his owne Eccle∣siastick authority the most holy Martyrs, the marring with

all his might the Reformation of Religion: that such a man was removed in the indignation of God, according to Mr. Wisheard the martyrs prophesie, the whole Land did greatly rejoyce. As for the manner of his slaughter, that it was by the hands of privat men and not of the publick executio∣oner, this no man did defend: of Mr. Knox disallowing thereof, Spotswood testifies expresly: but that which trou∣bles you, is not the killing of a man, but as you speake, of a Preist, of an Arch-Bishop of high dignity, that is a Cardinall of Rome, these circumstances are but poore agra∣vations of that fact.

The other horrible fact at Edinburgh, how detestable it was, * 1.88 Let all the Isle judge. When a company of base men were come to that height of insolency, as to tread on the necks of the whole Kingdome, as to make it an Act of high treason for the greatest of the Nobility to keep, albeit very secret∣ly in their Cabins, a Copy of a Petition presented to his Ma∣jesty in person, * 1.89 against some new illegall usurpations of the Prelats: to get Noblemen condemned to lose their heads only for this action and to avow in print the great Justice of such a sentence, and the extraordinary favour in pardoning so high and treasonable an attempt: When they became so extreamly malapert without so much as once acquainting the Church to bring in three or foure whole books full of Novations in Religion, and withal to proclaime the abso∣lute unlawfulnesse for the whole Land to make the smallest opposition if to morrow they should bring in, upon the back of their former Novations, the Masse in Latine, or the A coran in Arabick; when they came with a high hand to put in practice this their lawlesse Tyrannie, that good zea∣lous people (whom you maliciously and falsly stile whoores and coale stealers) should have their patience so far temp∣ted as to break out in violence against you was it any won∣der? when atrocious injuries are multiplyed upon a Nati∣on, and by a few openly vicious and corrupt persons, the current of Justice is stopped, all the world will not be able to hold the passions of a people not totally subdued, from breaking out into unjustifiable insolencies, which a little Justice might easily have prevented What ever wrong

might accompany the zeale of that very good people, the reverend Answerers to the corrupt Doctors of Aberdeen doe openly disavow it, and all of us were ever very well con∣tent, that the whole action of that famous infamous day might have come to a perfect tryall, That all persons accor∣ding to their demerits, might have suffered legall punish∣ments. That you and your associats, the professed Authors of these popish books, and violent introducers of them in our Church against all our Laws and Customes might have been brought to answer, before your Judge competent, a lawfull generall Assembly: also that the interrupters of your shamefull usurpation might have come to an accompt for all their words & deeds that day: but you and your Col∣leagues knowing well your legall deserts would never bee pleased to come to any tryal. You pressed very hard for some dayes, that a number of very honest men and women might have bin put to bodily tortures, and that all your abomina∣ble Novations might have been quietly without any scru∣ple every where thereafter received: upon these conditions your clemencie was content to intercede with his Majestie, That the horrible and monstrous uprore might be pardo∣ned; but when this your overture was not hearkened unto, your Antichristian furie broke out so high, that nothing could satiate your rage, but the destruction (with an English Army) of all your opposites in the whole Nation, and the fastning upon the neck of the Country with undissoluble bands, the yoke of a perpetuall slavery. Though in oppositi∣on to this your horrid designe, many thousands in both Nations be already destroyed, though the King himselfe be brought in extream danger, both of his Crown and person: yet so matchlesse is your rage, and that of your friends, that unlesse your pride, avarice, and errors may be satisfied ex∣cept Bishops, books, and a Turkish royaltie may be gotten established: you are willing the King, his Family, the rem∣nant of his people should all bee destroyed with you, and turned into water, to quench the fire of your ashes. It's a great mercy of God to these Lands, that such unparalelled furies are not buried below the ground, or beaten off to so remote corners, that they may no more bee seene in

the societies of men, either of Church or State.

From your 32. page, * 1.90 as a man distracted ye ramble up and downe, backward and forward you rayell in so many things old and new, that to follow you with any orderly, cleere and distinct answer, I think it impossible. Your first gybe is, at the power of the Generall Assembly, which the King and Parliament has allowed unto it, and whereof they are in a quiet possession: to wit, that in matters meerely Spirituall, they are the last ordinary Iudges: but if they should mis∣carry, that the King and Parliament should not have power to make them reforme their errours, it never came in any of our minds. Your next calumny is, that wee count it but a curtesie, and no necessary duty to Petition for the ci∣vill sanction to our Acts, and that if our Petitions bee not granted, we are ready by Excommunication and rebellion, to force the King and the State to our will; These are but Symptomes of a spirit in which Excommunication has wrought its first effect, I wish it might worke farther for your repentance and salvation.

For proofe of the Assemblies usurping over the King, * 1.91 you alledge first the late Sermon of the Scottish Pope at West∣minister, and then you run backe upon our first reformation. It is true, that Scottish Pope was the man whom the Gene∣rall Assembly made their instrument, to deliver you over to the Divel and therfore your rage against him for that neces∣sary and good service is great: out of his Sermon you dare cite nothing, and it is well known, that no or thodox Divine in any of the reformed Churches, is more willing to give to Soveraign Princes all their due, then that most worthy man is, and ever has been. In your scoffe of a Scottish Pope the smoke of ignorance goes up, with the fire of malice: these many years, for your old stinging, you have bin removed to dark Cavernes, though sometimes for a Breathing you have cropen out to Oxford & Dublin: but had your crimes permit∣ted you to have walked a little, either at Lond. or Edinburgh, or any where in this Isle, where the Sun of Truth & Justice did shine, or any where over Sea, where the affaires of this Isle with any ingenuity use to be represented: you would not have called that most gracious man a Pope. For how

ever you have declared your selfe for Scottish Cardinalls, and a Pope over the whole Church Catholick through al the world: and all who know you, will beare you witnesse, that in Scotland so proud and arrogant a Prelate, did not breath in our dayes: yet the venerable divine whom you slander is so farre from the note you would put upon him that a more modest and humble spirit of so great parts, and deserved au∣thority with all the greatest of the Isle, lives not this day in the reformed Churches.

But it is our first Reformation that chiefely grieves you, * 1.92 you continually breake out upon that, and repeate very oft the same most bitter slanders. The reformation in Scot∣land, as has been said, began long before the yeare 1558. when the Queens Mother was not yet come to the govern∣ment, in the yeare 1542. the Protestant Regent, Duke Ha∣milton, with the consent of Parliament did then authorize it, and set it on foot; albeit the compleat and publick Re∣formation of the whole Land, was not till the yeare 1560. when the Parliament convened by the authority of our So∣veraigne, and after ratified by her, did authorize it fully. Her delay for a little to ratifie that Parliament makes no∣thing against its validity, especially since now for fourscore and five yeares it has stood firme, as one of our most happy Parliaments, not questioned by any, but some few eminent∣ly malignant Papists, and Prelates.

That which here you scorne in Knox, is a truth uncon∣troverted by any reasonable man: that Religion has its own proper intrinsecall strength from God, its only Author; that Princes and states may and ought as servants to God their Lord, make way for it in their Dominions by their good Lawes; but this does not adde any more internall truth and strength to Religion then it has of it selfe, before the Magistrate confirmed it, and which it cannot lose al∣though the Magistrate doe cry it downe, and persecute it for errour.

Concerning the debates in the yeares 1558. and 1559. be∣twixt Queen Regent and the States, for the just Liberties of the Kingdome, for both agreed that this was the chiefe quarrell, we repeat not what we have said before.

What you being from the thirty third p. to 39. * 1.93 I have met with it a most all in my answer to the other Treatise. In the yeare 1571. a Committee of the generall Assembly at Leeth, deceived by some prime Courtiers, too much engaged unto the Prelates of England, did advise to set up Bishops in the Church of Scotland, with the name, and some shadow of the things which then were in England: but the thing it selfe, a sole power of Ordination, and Jurisdiction over the whole Diocesse in one mans hand, they never dreamed of. Yea, the very name and shadow whereto that Commit∣tee was drawne, was never allowed of by any act of a law∣full generall Assembly: for the very next Assembly did dis∣claime it, and ever after the matter was in debate till both name and thing was totally exploded.

Your discourse of the Negative confession, and Church∣government, in the yeare 1580. and 1581. and of the plat∣forme of Presbiteries, as set up by Mr. Melvil without the Kings Authority with much stuffe of this kind, demon∣strates your mind, to calumniate with a great deale either of ignorance of the times, or malicious resolution to lye.

In the yeare 1580. some prime Courtiers, * 1.94 and others truly popish in their heart yet for their own ends was con∣tent to dissemble, and to abjure popery with their owne equivocations and mentall reservations. The King desiring to stop all starting holes, caused Mr. Craige the Pastor of his Familie to draw up a confession, every particular, rejecting expresly the most of the Romish errours: this King James himselfe did Signe, and permitted none to live at his Court, who did not sweare it, he ordained it also to goe through the whole Land. Towards this confession scornfully called negative, the Prelaticall party did ever carry an evill eye, for it was a stronger barr against popery, and their inten∣ded innovations, then their designes could well admit.

The whole sixe yeares before that Confession, * 1.95 the Gene∣rall and provinciall Assemblies were much exercised, in perfiting the second booke of discipline, wherein the whole body of the Presbiterian Government is fully set downe: nothing in our Church did ever passe with so great deliberation nor with greater unanimity. In the year 1578.

it was all agreed unto in the Generall Assembly: Mr. Mel∣vill was a gracious instrument in that worke, but all the Di∣vines of the Kingdome did joyne with him therein. With the states they had some controversie, but not for the mat∣ter of Government, in this the Harmony betwixt the Church and State was full, but for the Church Patrimony, wherein the King did joyne heartily with the Assembly a∣gainst the Court, and wherein your selfe cannot but beare witnes to the honesty of the Divines at that time. For it was their mind that Church rents ought not to be impro∣priat to Courtiers nor given to Prelats, nor serve the am∣bition and avarice of any Church-men, but ought to be im∣ployed for the Honorable and comfortable maintenance of all that served at the Altar, and for the reliefe of the poore and strangers, and what was above, to go to the publicke u∣ses of the state. But in this gracious designe, the cunning first of the Court, and after of the Prelates, did Crosse both the King and the Assembly, so that for peace they behoved to yeild, albeit upon occasion both his Majesty and the Church did often protest for their rights. * 1.96

But for any parts of the Presbiteriall Government which in that Booke of discipline was set downe, there was no controversie in the year 1580 betwixt the Church and the Court: The privie counsell had subscribed all that book with some reservation about Church rents; the Ge∣nerall Assemblies oft did agree to it without any exception, his Majestie himselfe in the fore named year did send to the Assembly with an expresse commissioner the platform of all the Presbiteries, which therafter were erected over all Scot∣land, & which against all the Prelats assaults have ever stood firme to this day; so your alleagencies are exceeding false, that the Presbiteries were erected without the Kings au∣thority and that in the yeare 1580 the Government of our Church was Episcopall, these are putide thredbare lyes.

The Generall Assembly did never allow of Abbots and Priors as Churchmen and though they pressed the great unjustice that Popish Bishops and lay Abbots should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Parliament in name of the Church to vote as the third e∣state * 1.97

Estate without any Commission from the Church, yet it was never their intention to have any of their owne num∣ber appointed by themselves to vote in Parliament, in name of the Church of Scotland, For when King Iames a little be∣fore his going to England was very earnest with the gene∣rall Assembly to accept of that as a favour, they forseeing the snare did resolutely reject it, ever til his Maje. by very great dealing, did draw a plurality of an unadvised Assembly to embrace that power of voting in Parliament, but with a nū∣ber of Caveats, which wise men foresaw would never be kept.

That Master Melvil, or any Presbitery of that Land had ever any hand in impropriating or disapidating any part of the Church Rent, is farre from truth: But that your good Colleagues, the Prelats, in the Parliament, 1606. made a bargaine for alienating from the Church for ever, no fewer then 16. Abbays at one time, I declared before.

About that time what the practises of the disciplinari∣ans a•• London might be, I doe not know: but this is certaine, that Mr. Cartwright and all the old nonconformists in England, were our deare Brethren and made a waies the Government of the Church of Scotland the measure of their desires, that betwixt us and the Antiepiscopall party here, was never any difference, till the unhappy Separa∣tists, and their Children the Independents did make it.

Your invenomed invective against the present Refor∣mation of both Kingdomes as a monstrous deformation we let it lye in your owne bosome to keep you warme, till you be p••eased to bring all of it abroad in that Anatomie which here you promise but we expect no performance till you first have had leasure (as likewise you stand engaged by your word) to put the foure Limbes unto that Gorgons head of your Turkish Monarchy which some yeares agoe you set up at Oxford. * 1.98

In your 36. p. you run upon our Assemblies for appoin∣ting Ministers to Preach pertinent doctrine, and advising them who did Preach to the King and State to speake a word in season for the weell of Sion, at that time as I shew before their was a mighty designe to advance the Catho∣lick League, for the overthrow of Queene Elizabeth and

all Protestants, the prime Courtiers were diligent Agents herein, the men who were trusted to be watchmen to the Kings person and Family, if at such a time they should have beene silent, they could not have answered it ei∣ther to God or man: You and your gracious companions, who never had a mouth to divert a Prince from any evill course, were yet loud trumpets of fury in the most of your Sermons and Prayers to inflame him against his two Pu∣ritan Parliaments of Britaine, but to calme him towards his innocent and Catholick trusty Subjects of Ireland.

That any Assembly in Scotland ever challenged the sole power of indicting fasts is in the ordinary predicament of your assertions under the spece of palpable untruths. * 1.99 Of the feast at Edinburgh p. 37. I have given in the other Treatise a full accompt, only I add here that in this your relation you makeit more false then any other of your friends who write thereof: the King was neither invited nor present; the o∣riginall of the motion was not from the King, but the French Merchants, for their owne ends; the Magistrates of Edinburgh did not countenance the feast, for of their foure Bailies three kept the fast: the appointers of that ab∣stinence were not the Ministers, but the Magistrates and the Congregationall Eldership, not the supreame, but the lowest judicatory of the Church: the Processe against the Magistrates and the Kings great Solicitation that it might be Superceeded ar meerly fabulous.

I have also given a large account of your next calumnie in the other Treatis: * 1.100 no man in Scotland did ever maintaine that a Minister Preaching Treason might not be conveened and punished by the Magistrate according to the Lawes. All Mr. Melvils plea was that a Minister of the Church of Scotland, and a member of the University of St. Andrews being privi∣ledged by the antient and late Lawes of the Kingdome, was not necessitate at the first instance to answer before the privy counsell for a passage of his Sermon, which most fal∣sly was said to be treasonable. The whole case I have ope∣ned at large else where.

The acts of Parliament you speake of warranting an un∣reasonable Supremacy were procured in the yeare 1584. by

that insolent Tyrant Captain Iames, and the Declaration upon them was penned by Bishop Adamson, also both the Acts and the Declaration were recalled by the King and Parliament, That any invectives against his Majesties per∣son for these acts were spread abroad we doe deny it: we think it very possible that much might both have been spo∣ken and written against the matter of these acts, but that any man was so unmannerly as to fall upon the King himselfe before we beleeve it, we must have a greater evidence then a Prelates Testimony.

What you say of the fugitive Ministers, * 1.101 as Spotswood re∣lates it, was thus. The acts of that Parliament 1584. were so bitter and grievous to all the gracious Ministers of Scot∣land, that many of them fled out of the Kingdome, and di∣verse of the prime laid downe their life, as it seemes of meere greife, Mr. Smeeton Principall Mr. of the Uniuersi∣ty of Glasgow, and Mr. Arbuthnot, of the University of A∣berdeen both dyed that yeare; all the Ministers of Edinburgh fled to England, and the cheife of them Mr. Lawson went to London: Adamson Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews at that time kept great correspondence with the Bishops of Eng∣land, who without any complaint of the Scottish Ambassa∣dour were able easily to get an affront put upon a Presbiteri∣an fugitive: but if ye will beleeve Spotswood, Mr. Lawson was a man so eminent both for piety and prudence, that it can hardly be supposed any thing could escape him in preaching which might deserve the Queenes displeasure: how ever, that excellent man did dye at that time in London, as it seemes martyred by the injuries of the Scottish and Eng∣lish Prelates, which doubtles did helpe to bring downe that vengeance upon the Prelaticall State in England, which our eyes now doe behold.

For the further evincing of the intollerable miscarria∣ges of the General Assemby, * 1.102 you bring three other sto∣ries p. 39.40. all are faults alleadged against single Mini∣nisters which were they never so great and true, ought not to be laid upon the Assembly; but see how all are mis∣reported the first concernes Iames Gibson a zealous Coun∣try Minister, who Preaching in a very troublesome time,

spoke more rashly of the King then became him, the words that you ascribe to him, we may not take them at your hand for in the same matter by Spotswoods owne Testimo∣ny, you are gui••ty of a great untruth you avow that the King caused complaint to be made to the Assembly of this man, But by no intreaty could obtaine any punishment to be in∣flicted upon him: Spotswood says the contrary, that the As∣sembly did pro••ounce the mans words to be slanderous and therefore suspended him from his Ministry, and while they were in further agitation of his cause, that he fled into England, doubtles for feare of his life: what became of him thereafter I know not, only I have read in a good Author, that what here you insinuate of his favouring Hac∣ket and Copinger is a very false calumny.

The next you speak of is Mr. * 1.103 David Blacke, Minister of St. Andrews, a man of great piety and prudence, his name is yet very savoury in that Towne: though there be in it some three or foure thousand people, yet so great was the zeale, wisdome, and diligence of Mr. Blacke, that during all the time of his Ministry there, no person was seen either to beg or prophane the Sabbath day, in all that Congregation. This man being delated to the secret counsell by a very naughty person, that in a Sermon he had spoken disgrace∣fully of the King was willing to have appeared, and cleered himselfe of that calumny; but finding that it was not his person which was aimed at, but a quarrell with the whole Church in him, sought for by the misleaders of the Court, he thought meet to appeale not simply from the King but from the King and secret counsell to the King and Gene∣rall Assembly: as to the proper and competent Judge ap∣pointed by the Law for matters of Doctrine. While this question is in agitation, a great storme did fall upon the Church from the seventeenth day of December, which made Mr. Blacks cause be laid aside yet a little thereafter for to please the King the Commissioners of the generall Assem∣bly did passe upon that gracious man a sentence severe e∣nough, removing him from St. Andrews to some obscure corner where he passed the rest of his dayes. * 1.104

Your third story is of the Ministers who went to Aber∣deen

the year 1605. upon them you make a tragick Narrati∣on a gu••••ty of the most treasonable rebellion. Your rashnes is great, at these times to bring up to the sight these things which for the honour of many, did lye long buried: but since it is your wisdom to make the world know, whereof with your friends advantage they might have been ignorant, the matter was this. It was the custom of Scotland, ever from the Reformation, to keep generall Assemblies twice, or at least once every yeare; After some debates in the yeare 1592. it became a Law, and an Act of Parliament, agreed to unani∣mously by the King and States, and accordingly it was pra∣ctised without any interruption, that the Generall Assem∣bly should meet at least once a yeare, and appoint when all other actions were ended, the day and place for the next yeares meeting. In the yeare 1602. the Assembly in the Kings presence, and with his advice did appoint the day and place of their next meeting, in the yeare 1603. His Majestie at that time going to England, tooke upon him to prorogat the Assembly, till the same day and place of the yeare fol∣lowing 1604. of this prorogation there could be no neces∣sity, but his Majesties meere pleasure. When the Dyet of the yeare 1604. did come the affaires of the Church did greatly call for an Assembly yet it was his Majesties will to make a second prorogation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fifth of July, 1605. This was much to the hurt griefe, and feare of all the godly, yet they indured it, but when the Dyet of the yeare 1605. was come. His Majestie did not only prorogate the third time, but also made the day of the next meeting ••••tertaine and inderinite. This gave an allarme to the whole Kingdome, all the world did see the Kings designe to bring the English E••iscopacie and all their Ceremonies upon the Church of Scotland: also the mistery of popery was then working ve∣hemently, a mighty faction of popish Lords were still coun∣tenanced among us, immediate correspondence with the Pope by the chiefe States-men was much surmised, and afterward was found to be too true. Scotland had no consi∣derable B•• warke either against English or Romish cor∣ruptions, but their generall Assemblies: if these were re∣moved, the poore Church lay open to the inundation of

what ever Antichristianisme the Court was pleased to send in. The generall Assembly besides its divine right, was grounded upon so good Lawes as Scotlanâ cou••d afford; but ••o that at the end of the present Assembly, the Dyet of the next should alwayes be appointed, however his Majesties designe to put downe the generall Assembly was evident∣ly seen by a•• intelligent men, yet so long as he prorogate it to a certaine day, men were quiet: but so soon as he com∣manded the third dyet, to be deserted and that to an uncer∣taine and infinite time they to whom the welfare of the Church was deare, did awaken and found it necessary to keepe the Dyet appointed in the second prorogation at Aberdeen Iuly 2. or 5. 1605. The Commissioners of the Pres∣biteries in their way to Aberdeen advised with Chancellor Seaton the prime Magistrate of the Kingdome in the Kings absence, and were incouraged by him to goe on, yet so soon as any of them came to the place, A Gentleman the Lord of Lauristone, came to them with a warrant from the King and privy Counsell and discharged them to keepe any As∣sembly there: yet the will of the King and Counsell was not intimated to them in convenient time, for when the King and Counsells Letter was presented, they shew they were not in a capacity to receave it, till once they were an Assembly, so with Lauristons good liking they did pray and chose their Moderator and Clerke: thereafter they did receive and read the Letters discharging the Assembly, to which they gave present obedience, and did no more at all but appointed the next meeting according to the ex∣presse act of Parliament. Lauriston after the Assembly was dissolved, was so officious as by a Lyon herauld with a publike Proclamation to command them to be gone; this Proclamation most falsly he did antidate as if it had beene used before the Ministers sat downe, hereupon the Mini∣sters were convened before the secret Counsell for kee∣ping of a Conventicle contrary to the Kings command, they answered as Spotswood says, that they had done no∣thing but according to the Laws both divine and humane, That the Generall Assembly had right to meet in the great necessities of the Church, and the Laws of Scotland gave

them expresse warrant to meet: Lauriston told them that the King might delay all meetings both of Church and State, Parliaments and Assemblies so long as he pleased, they replyed that they could doe nothing against the Kings mind so long as they followed the expresse order of his standing Lawes. When the King and state has past an act for Trienniall Parliaments, and the Commissioners of shires doe meet at the day appointed to fence a Par••iament according to Law and long uncontrover∣ted custome, if by evill Counsell the King should not only delay but by a Proclamation put of the meeting to an uncertaine and infinite time, ought these Commissio∣ners for following the instructions of their shires accor∣ding to Law and custome, be lyable to any censure: the case now in hand is just the same.

The Ministers did plead further, that the privie Councell was not a competent Judicatorie to the question, what was a lawfull, or unlawfull Assembly: that by the Lawes of the Kingdome such questions were to be decided by a lawfull Generall Assembly, and not elsewhere.

At that time Doctor Bancroft was Patron to the naughty Preacher of Scotland, who were panting for Bishopricks, and as after the conference at Hampton Court, he had mo∣ved the King to crush the most of the gracious Brethren of England, who could not submit to Episcopacie, and its Ce∣remonies; So then did he hasten a Message to the Councell of Scotland, for the condemning all who adhered to the Assembly of Aberdeen, of high Treason. To maintaine a power in the Church to keep an Assembly, or in the State, to keep a Parliament whether to begin, or to continue it, when the King did discharge (though the Law did expresly warrant it) was to oppose the Royall prerogative and could be no lesse then the highest treason, especially if any did decline the Judgement of the Privy Counsell, or any other Judicatorie, to which the King was pleased to referre the decision of this case: though the nature of the thing and the Law, did require the question to bee determined in ano∣ther Court.

For this plea a number of gracious Ministers were con∣demned

by an Assize to be executed as Traitours, but there∣after as it were of great favour, and speciall grace their lives were spared, yet were they all presently banished, ne∣ver to returne to any of the Kings Dominions while they lived. All the godly and wise in the Land did cry out upon this Act of the Candidats of Episcopacie, as of the highest unjustice and Tyranny.

All the sufferers were men exceedingly beloved, * 1.105 but some of them were very eminent, Master Forbes was a man of so great learning and prudence, that in Germany both higher and lower, yea with King Iames himselfe, and King Charles he was held while he lived in singular reputation. Master Welsh was a man altogether Apostolike, of rare both learn∣ing and piety. The fame of this mans zeale was so great, that not only the Protestants of France, but the very Popish Priests and Souldiers, yea, the prophanest of the Court and King Lewis himselfe, at the very time of his hottest per∣secutions, did much prize and reverence him: yet so great was the rage of the Bishops against him, that when in his old age and great sicknesse he came over to England, and according to the direction of his Phisitians did supplicate to be permitted to breath a little in his naturall aire, though he was altogether unable for preaching, or making any more sturre in the world, it was peremptorily denyed him un∣lesse he should give assurance of putting his necke under the Episcopall yoke: not being able to doe this, he was forced to dye out of h•••• Country, a banished man.

Who would not have th••••••ht that the ruine of so many gracious men might ha•••• ••••lly satiate the malice of a few ambitious persons, * 1.106 bu•••••• they were not content: they proceeded farther in their cruelty, they moved the King to call up to London a number of more Divines, who for piety, zeale and learning, were of greatest reputation. The pre∣text was faire and his Majesties Letter to them courteous, he required them to come up to give him their best advice how the Church of Scotland might best be settled in peace, but behold Bancrofts, and the Scottish Episcopaturians fraud they are brought before the King and Councell, and there are posed with a number of dangerous and insnaring

questions to which they declined to answer, yet being much pressed, they gave in their mind in writing so humbly and prudently as was possible: no quarrell could be picked a∣gainst any of their words, yet were they all arrested to stay at London, till contrary to Law and the order of the Church, and the heart of all the godly, their adversaries were set downe in Scotland, upon their Episcopall Thrones.

Mr. Andrew Melvil, * 1.107 a great Light to the Scottish Nati∣on, for his free speeches after great provocation, against the English Bishops and Ceremonies, to which he (a stran∣ger called up by the Kings friendly Letter) did owe no sub∣jection, was kept prisoner three whole yeares, and then was sent over to Sedan, where he lived to his death a ba∣nished man. His Nephew Mr. Iames Melvil, for his excel∣lent parts in great favour with the King, but unable to comply with Episcopall designes, was kept out of Scotland till his dying day; the rest were at last sent home, but all of them as Prisoners, confined to certaine places. These were the first fruits of the English Prelacie in Scotland, but year∣ly thereafter that tree did bring forth such grapes of Go∣morrha among us, that the Land could be at no peace, till it was cut downe, yea plucked up by the rootes.

It might have satisfied the unnaturall malice of a very wicked child, * 1.108 to have bespattered the face of his innocent mother, with the halfe of the former very injurious and false calumnies, yet you the worst of all your Mothers chil∣dren, must have leave to poure more of your excrements upon her head. From your page 41. to the 46. you would make the world believe, that the Church of Scotland does excommunicate good men, and tender consciences for a dissent in the smallest points of Religion, and does perse∣cute for such differences with all the rigour of temporall afflictions. Secondly you affirme that the Assemblies of that Church, take upon them to make Traitours whom they will, and to cast out of the Court, whether the King will or not the greatest and best men, with whom they are displeased. Thirdly, that these Assemblies doe alter the Lawes of the Kingdome at their pleasure; Surely if stran∣gers who know not the Constitution and customes of that

Church, were disposed to believe all you say, they could not but by your relations he brought to a very evill opinion of your mother whom you an unnaturall son so vildly slander: but it is good that men here are so rationall, as not to take upon trust the naked assertions of a malicious e∣nemie. * 1.109

For the first, a complaint of rash Excommunication, and persecution therupon, is very impertinent from your mouth: it is not so long that yet it can be forgotten, since you and your Colleagues did allow your Officialls and others to ex∣communicate good people for trifles, yea, for no offence at all, but their zeale to God, and the good of their Country: your Cannons in all the three Kingdomes are extant, your cruelties are fresh, in imprisoning, banishing, Pilloring, stigmatizing the worthiest men for contradicting you in a∣ny one of your numerous ceremonies and traditions.

As for the Church of Scotland, that it did ever meddle to trouble any in their goods, Liberties, or persons, it's very false: what civill penalties the Parliament of a Kingdome thinkes meet to inflict upon those who are refractory, and unamendable by the censures of a Church, the state from whom alone these punishments doe come, are answerable, and not the Church.

That Excommunication in Scotland, is inflicted upon those who cannot assent to every point of Religion determined in their confession, there is nothing more untrue, for wee know it well, that never any person in Scotland, was Ex∣communicate only for his difference of opinion in a Theo∣logick tenet, Excommunication there, is a very dreadfull sentence, and therefore very rare: these last forty yeares, so farre as I have either seen or heard, there has none at all been Excommunicate in Scotland, but some few trafficking Papists, and some very few notoriously flagitious persons, and five or six of you the Prelates for your obstinate impe∣nitency, after your overturning the foundations both of our Church & State, and one most rigid and pragmatick Brow∣nist, who for all that could be done or said, would needs make it his worke to perswade all he was able by discourse, Letters, and spreading of books, that in Scotland there was

neither a Church, nor any Ministery nor any Ordinance.

In Scotland wee count the spirituall Judgement of Ex∣communication most heavie, but any temporall inconveni∣ence that follows upon it, is not very considerable: for first there is not any civill hazard at all to any excommunicate man, who will suffer himselfe to be brought to any measure of repentance. Secondly, were they never so impenitent, ther is no harme can come to them (as I remember) a whole yeare after the long processe and finall sentence of Excōmu∣nication. Thirdly after a yeares cōtumacy, though the Letter of the Act of Parliament be heavy, yet I appeale to any who has lived in Scotland, among the very few whom they have knowne Excommunicate, how many did they ever heare to have been hurt in their goods, imprisoned, or banished. I am sure that Huntly, Arrole, and Angus, and the other po∣pish Lords, though for their plotting to undermine the State, their persons after Excommunication have been se∣cured, yet no penny of their estates went to the Kings Ex∣chequer, or to the hands of any of their unfriends: but as the ordinary custome is, upon the pretext of a small com∣position, what ever the Letter of the Law takes from them, it is all put in the hand of such of their friends whom they doe most trust; Scotlands guilt may well be too much in∣dulgence, but of any excessive rigour towards spirituall oftenders, they will bee condemned by none that knowes them. * 1.110

Your other imputation, that our generall Assembly takes upon it to be judge what is Treason, and who are fit to bee Counsellours, nothing is more false. But here you doe us the favour to prove your Alleageance by a long story, to which I have given a full answer in the other Treatise: At that time of King James minority, Spotswood himselfe being witnesse our State was miserably misguided, the Tyrannie of Captaine Iames, supported too much by the favour of the Earle of Lennex, was very grievous, both to Church and State: I touch but upon one instance. The greatest subject of the Kingdome, and at that time neerest to the King in blood was Iames Hamilton Earle of Arran, a very gracious and most brave man before his sicknesse: without

any fault at all, so much as alleaged for he was uncapable at that time of any crime, being vinted with a distemper that made him keep his house, and hindred him from meddling with any affaires of State, yet was he spoiled by the fraud and violence of Captaine Iames Stewart, of all his Lands and honour. This violent oppressour was made Earle of Arran, and Chancelour of the Kingdome. At that time the designe was cleere and confessed, to bring Queen Mary out of her prison in England, to set her againe upon her Throne, to advance the Catholique League which then was newly made, betwixt the Guises, King Iames his grand Uncles and the King of Spain••, for the destroying Queen Elizabeth and the whole Protestant party; For the preventing of these mischiefs, the prime Nobility found it absolutely necessa∣ry, to have the advancers of these counsels removed from the minor King. What ever fault was in this action, the Assembly is unjustly charged therewith. Their advice was never sought thereto, only halfe a yeare after it was done, his Majesty sent a speciall Command to the Assembly for their approbation thereof: for as by divers of his Letters to all the neighbour Princes, he did signifie his good liking of that action, so in all the great Courts of the Kingdome hee required it to be approved. The privy Councell, the con∣vention of Estates, the generall Assembly by his Majesties expresse Commission did all assent to his will. It is true Captaine Iames, so soon as he crept in againe into Court, did change the young Kings mind, but the event of that al∣teration was a more horrible confusion both of Church and State. The Earle of Gowry was beheaded; as a litt••e before the Earle of Morton, sundry Gentlemen of good quality, most innocent, were hanged; many of the prime Noble∣men, Gentlemen, and Ministers, were forced to flee for their lives out of the Kingdome; till all of them joyning together did ride in Armes to Stirling, and by violence. though without hurt to any mans person, did the second time remove those Courtiers, and for ever after kept them from the King, to the full quieting both of Church and State. This Rode of Stirling was much more cried out upon by the wicked Prelates and Courtiers, then the former

of Ruthven, yet was it approved for good service to the King and State, not only as the former by the privie Coun∣se••l, and convention of States, but also by the ensuing Par∣liament and so it remaines unquarrelled unto this day.

Your third complaint is, * 1.111 that the generall Assemblies doe alter what the Law has established: all your examples hereof are, The Votes of the late generall Assembly at Glasgow, condemning the civill places of Church-men, pro∣nouncing the very office it selfe of Bishops to be unlawfull in the Church, and crying downe the high Commission Court. Here you fall upon the Parliament of England as fooles and Traitours for letting themselves bee perswaded by the Scots to swallow downe their wicked Covenant. To all this, our Apologie is briefe, what ever power our generall Assembly possesses, is all well allowed by the King and Parliament. The acts of that Assembly you complaine of, are all ratified by the State: the order of our proceeding is appointed by Law, all matters Spirituall and Ecclesia∣stick, are first determined by the generall Assembly, if the nature of the things require a civill Sanction, the Votes of the Assembly are transmitted to the Parliament, if a Ge∣nerall Assembly have voted an Errour, or any thing that's wrong, and that corruption hath been ratified by an Act of Parliament: a Posterior generall Assembly recognosces the matter, and finding an errour in Religion, notwith∣standing of the prior votes both of the Assembly and Par∣liament, does condemne it, and appoints Commissioners to represent the reasons of their vote to the next Parliament with an humble supplication to annull these Acts and Laws which did confirme the condemned corruption. This has been the method of proceeding in Scotland, since the first erection of a generall Assembly: in this way were all the Errours of Popery first condemned in the Assembly before the Parliament did recall their old Lawes whi•••• ••••nfirmed them. The forme of this proceeding established by the Parliament it selfe, does not import any subordination ei∣ther of the lawes, or the Parliament to the Assembly. * 1.112

At this place p. 46. you bring us another story whereupon you make tragick out-cryes of the Assemblies insolent usur∣pations,

it seems, you thought that this your book should ne∣ver have come from Oxford into the hands of any Scottish man, who knew the Custome of the Judicatories of Scot∣land: I doe marvell much at your impudence, that you should speake of the Assemblies incroaching upon the Lords of Session, or medling with any Civill cause, which the Law commits to any temporall Judicatory; there is no better harmony in the world, then alwayes has been in Scotland between the civill and Ecclesiasticall Judicatories; no interfeiring was ever among them, but what the Bi∣shops made. You indeed in your high Commission did take causes both civill and Ecclesiasticall to your Cognisance from all the Courts of the Kingdome, and did at your plea∣sure, without, and contrary to all known Lawes, finally de∣termine them, without any appeale, but to the King, by whom you were sure ever to be best be••eeved.

For the story in hand, * 1.113 I am content Spotswood be Judge, as he relates it, the matter was thus, Mr. Iohn Graham, one of the Lords of Session, or Judges of the Common Pleas, a very false and dishonest man, intended an action against some poore men, to put them from their Lands; for to effectuate his purpose, he seduced a publique Notary dwelling at Stir∣ling, and perswaded him to subscribe a false Writte, upon the which the poore men by a decree of the Lords of Ses∣sion were removed from their possessions. The oppressed soules cryd out of their injurie, and intended action against the Notary for his false Writ; they got him arrested and imprisoned: The Minister of the bounds, Mr. Patrick Simp∣son, whom King James and all Scotland knew to be a most learned, zealous, and pious Pastor as was in the whole Isle, dealt with the Prisoner to confesse the truth; after some conference, he confessed all, and declared how Mr. John Graham had sent his Brother to him, with a false Writte, which hee did subscribe; an assize was called, the poore No∣tary upon his own cousession was condemned and hanged. Mr. John Graham, as covetous and false, so a most proud man would not rest satisfied, but presently summoned Ma∣ster Patrick Simpson to appeare before the Lords of Session, as a seducer of the honest Notary to lye against his owne

life; Mr. Patrick was ready to cleare his own innocencie, whereof all were well perswaded, but shamefully wronged by an impudent man in his good name, he caused cite him before the Assembly, as a slanderer of a Minister in the work of his calling: the Lords of Session not content that any of their number should be called before the Assembly for any action depending in their Court, did send som of their num∣ber to the Assembly for to debate the whole matter. The Assembly told them that they would not meddle with a∣ny thing that was civill, nor which belonged to their Court; that they intended to take no notice of their decrees, at Mr. John Grahams instance to cast the poore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of their Land, whether it was right or wrong: nor the notaries Instrument wherefore he was hanged, whether it was true or false. They told them also, that whatsoever they had to say to Mr. Patrick Simpson, hee was to answer them as they should thinke fit, in due time and place; the Assemblies question was alone about the slander of one of their Mem∣bers whom Mr. Iohn Graham did openly challenge as a Se∣ducer, of a Notary to beare false witnesse; They had cited Mr. John Graham before them to make this good, that so they might censure Mr. Patrick Simpson, as a man unwor∣thy of the Ministry, or if Mr. John Graham's challenge was found a meere calumny, that he might bee brought to re∣pentance for it in acknowledging of his wrong. Let any equitable man judge how insolent the Assemblies proceed∣ing in this action was; for a time there was some contro∣versie about this matter betwixt the Assembly and the Ses∣sion, but at last all was amicably composed, and God deci∣ded the question with the violent death, and publick dis∣grace of Mr. Iohn Graham.

What ye subjoyne of King Iames trouble to the shedding of teares, I take it for your meere invention: * 1.114 for Spotswood the fountaine of all your stories, who never failes to relate to the full, what ever is meete to draw any envy upon the good Ministers, who opposed the Episcopall designes, makes no mention at all of King Iames teares. I grant he reports that advice of the Chancellour, and some such reply to it as you speake of, but how t••uly I cannot tell, onely this

is most certaine that what ever difference King Iames had with the Ministers, it was alone about the great Idoll of his Prerogative, to do as a Monarch in Church and State what he thought convenient, with his prerogative in matters of State they did never meddle, but his designe to bring Bi∣shops and Ceremonies in the Church as they conceived, against law and reason, the most honest of the Ministry did ever oppose it to their power, albeit in a humble and war∣rantable way: others for their own gain and advancement, did yeeld to his desires, and assisted him with all their pow∣er, to advance his Prerogative so high, as to do, without any resistance, all his pleasure both in Church and State. But the Lord now has cleered that controversie, and has made the righteousnesse of these oppressed men shine as the light, and the basenesse of these flatterers appeare, in its owne base and vile colours.

Concerning his Majesties discourses at the Conference of Hampton Court, * 1.115 we confesse they cannot be very favou∣rable to any who opposed Episcopacy, which these of your Coat long before that time had made him believe was the maine pillar of his Throne, and had perswaded him to looke upon all, that was disaffected thereunto, as enemies to his Crowne. But how farre you are here mistaken in fastning upon Presbiteriall government any furtherance of Demo∣cracy, not reason alone, but now also ample experience makes it evident, there is not such a barre this day, as both friends and foes doe well know against the Sectaries de∣signes to bring in a popular government in the Church, as Presbitery: And if your rules be right enemies to Demo∣cracie in the Church, will never be instruments to bring it in to the State.

If Presbitery could be partiall towards any one civill Go∣vernment more then another, * 1.116 its similitude and consan∣guinity with the constitution of a Parliament might make it suspected to be inclinable to the rights of that Court, more then a Prince or the multitude could desire: but the truth is it medles not to the prejudice of any civill Go∣vernment which it finds established by Law, but what ever that be, it supports it to its power, and how serviceable it

has ever been to Monarchy in Scotland, examples both of old and late doe demonstrate. Who were the prime instru∣ments of settling King Iames in his infancy upon his Throne, who kept him into his Throne against all the assaults of his potent enemies? to whom in all his great straits had he ever his recourse during his abode in Scotland? to no other but to the Presbiterian Nobles, Gentry & Ministers if these had been disposed to have changed the government of the state there was oft no considerable impediments upon earth to have opposed them; but such a desire never entered into their thoughts. And of later times when the Presbitery in Scotland hath attained its highest aimes, and is in capacity as you say to make what factions it will, when its provoca∣tions to a••ger were as great as readily can be againe and the madnes of you Malignant Prelates had laid the Crowne in Scotland very low at such a season did the least disloyalty appeare in any of the Presbiterian side, were not they and they only the men which set••ed that throne which you had caused to shake and astened the Crowne upon that head from whence you hands by your extreame unjustice pride and folly had we•• nere pulled it away? And at this very houre when you and all your friends are able to make no helpe at all to releive not only the King and his house but the Royalty it selfe from that extreame hazard of ruine wherein you alone both have cast them, and with all your hearts would stil continue them upon some phantastick hope which yet you have of attaining all your former desires, or else to revenge your disappointments though all the world should perish: At this time when you have cast the Crown, the Throne and Scepter in the dust who is able who now is willing to save the King or to keepe Monarchy on foote? I hope albeit your dementation be great yet even you must see and confesse that it is the Presbiterians and these alone by whose hearts and hands this worke must be done which indeed your goodnes and wisdome has made extreamely difficult and well nere unfeasible.

You fall very needlesly on Mr. Catherwood the Author of that Booke altare darna scenum, * 1.117 a man of greater worth then all the Prelates that ever Scotland bred, put them

all in one. Durst ever any or all of you looke that man or his Booke, in the face? you had long twenty yeares leasure to answer, but was ever the courage among you all to as∣say it? I doe not love to speake, or when it is spoken by o∣thers, to defend any thing that may rub upon authority, yet when sycophanticall Prelates make it their worke to bring most honest and gracious men in disgrace with Princes for some incomodious phrases which in the heat and cur∣rent of large discourses have escaped their pens, who shall but vindicate their innocency from such flaterers accusa∣tions.

Is it a crime for Master Catherwood to write, that in all Kings naturally their is a hatred to Christ; what doe you here intend to censure? are not all men naturally enemies to God? unto this natural Corruption that is Cōmon to all flesh does not great places in the world especially Crowns and Throns, adde many provocations, from which poverty and meannes gives exemption; what would you here re∣prove? speake out plainly your Pelagian tenet, deny origi∣nall sin, make it one of the Royall Prerogatives in vertue of the Crowne, to be naturally gracious and an advancer of Christs Kingdome.

The other word you make your adversary to say (albeit you professe you speake per cur) is, that King Iames was a most insense enemy to the purity of Religion: If such tearmes were ever expressed, of what thinke you must they be understood, what is the subject of that speech and of the whole Booke wherein you say it stands? Is it not of the Go∣vernment of the Church and the English Ceremonies a∣lone? to say that King Iames was a great friend to these, and agreat opposite to the contrary, which yet the Parlia∣ments of both Kingdomes now, and the rest of the refor∣med Churches ever did professe was truth, and a part of the purity of Religion: the affirmation of so much I hope will not be found a very monstrous crime, * 1.118 though you be∣leeve Episcopacy to be so fundamentall a truth that all its opposits must needs be most properly Hereticks.

In the remnant of your Booke from the page 48. to the 53. you make your declamatiōs against the Cōmissioners of the

Generall Assembly, you will have them to be the foun∣taine of all the Treasons, Seditions, Rebellions of the Land; but you should do well to prove this rather then to say it, for you know that your assertions have no faith and deserve none in Scotland: reason you can have none in the nature of the thing, for all established Courts either in Church or State have naturally a power in themselves to make Committees for the furthering of that worke which the Lawes of the Kingdome put in their hands. It is true, Committees under that name, were not early knowne in Scotland, the name and a part of the thing we learned from our Neighbours of England, but so soon as the Ge∣nerall Assemblies did thinke meet to appoint some of their number to be a standing Committee to their next mee∣ting, the expedient was unanimously embraced and liked of by none so well after a little tryall, as by King Iames and the State. I did never heare any hurt charged upon these Committees but one, that by the Kings extraordinary diligence with some of them, they were seduced to lay some ground stones, whereupon Episcopall Chaires were afterward set downe; but what here you lay to their charge is evidently false. Queen Regent was suspended from her authority by the state before there was any Generall As∣sembly in Scotland, Queen Mary was put from the Go∣vernment and King Iames established therein by the Par∣liament; the Nobility at Ruthven did persuade King Iames to send the Duke of Lenox back to France, and remove Captaine Iames from Court before any Commissioners of a Generall Assembly were so much as thought upon: Be∣ing of necessity must precede all operation, It is folly to charge crimes upon a Committee before it had any ex∣istence, but all these your discourses are used as a preface and introduction to that grand Common place of the bit∣terest invectives of all your friends, the 17. day of December which you make the topstone and close of all your ca∣lumnies.

That much tossed matter, * 1.119 as I find it in Spotswood and o∣thers much more worthy Authors, was this. After the mis∣carriage of the Spanish designe upon this Isle in 88.

the Popish faction of Scotland did still keep correspon∣dence with Philip and his Ministers both in Spaine and West Flanders: Agents, Letters, Monies were ever going be∣twixt them; great hopes yearly of a new Navy, which fay∣ling, the Iesuits moved Huntly and his complices to enter∣prise by themselves; these things were all discovered. Queen Elizabeth, who in all the popish designes was primely ai∣med at, did send frequent advertisements of their plots, which by intelligencers in Rome and Spaine, she came to understand. The Generall Assembly did excommunicate Huntly, the head of that turbulent faction, The King de∣nounced him Rebell, he was often relaxed from the sen∣tence both civill and Ecclesiastick, yet he ever relapsed and entered in new conspiracys for the overthrow of the Religion and Kingdome. The man was very bloody powerfull and active.

After Chancellour Maitlands death the prime Courtiers were knowne Papists, and drew the Kings mind to receive Huntly againe into favour, contrary to the Supplications of all his well-affected Subjects, and the manifold Letters of the Queen of England; these same Courtiers under pre∣tence of mannaging the Kings rent, did graspe into their hands all the Offices of State, and favours of the Prince, to the extreame discontent of the most of their fellow Courtiers: Besides all this, they made it their chiefe designe to kindle the Kings wrath against the most zealous of the Ministry; they brought matters to such a passe in the beginning of December 1596. that the King in displea∣sure did Command by Proclamation the Commissioners of the Generall Assembly to dissolve, and goe out of Edinbo∣rough, they presently obeyed the charge; So what ever fol∣lowed thereafter is unjustly charged upon that Committee, which long before the seventeenth day was dissolved and gone out of Towne.

On the sixteenth day, Huntly, who had killed the Earle of Murray, had defeat Argyles Army, had come to the fields against the King in person, conspired with the Spa∣niard to bring in the Armado, solicited often the Prince of Farma for a new Navy, plotted the taking of the King,

and killing of the Chancellour in his presence, This man though both banished and excommunicate, comming boldly to Court, put all Edinburgh in a just feare. So much the more, as in the morning o•• the sevententh day, some of the Kings chiefe Servants and Bedchamber men (who it seems indeed had a reall intention to raise some trouble against the Octavians, by whom they were spoyled of their places and meanes) did informe the Ministers and others, of Huntlies privie conference with the King the evening be∣fore, till midnight: this afterward was found to be but feigned by them; yet it was most true, that by these mens misinformations, that very night the King by Proclama∣tion as he had done before with the Commissioners of the Gene••all Assembly commanded in the morning of the 17 Twenty foure of the cheefe and most zealous Citizens of Edinburgh to depart the Towne. All these things fal∣ling out together put the people in extreame feare of a present Massacre by the hands of Huntly, of the popish Courtiers and their faction. To prevent this mischiefe Mr. Balcanquall whom it fell to preach that day, after Sermon desired the cheefe of them who were present to stay for advisement what was needfull to be done for their owne safety: in the meeting, nothing at all was resolved upon, but a humble supplication to his Majestie that they might be in security from the dangerous plotts of the Papists, That the Lady Huntly, an excommunicate Papist, might be removed from Court and sent home, That three of the Counsellours knowne papists and correspondents with Rome, (as their Letters thereafter found with the Pope did prove) might not vote at the Counsell Table in the causes of Ministers, That the Citizens banished out of E∣dinburgh without the allegeance of any cause might be re∣turned to their houses. This most innocent Petition was sent to his Majestie by two noble men, Lindsay and For∣bes, two Barons, Bargeny and Blachan, and two Ministers, Master Robert Bruce, and Master William Watson. Master Robert Bruce did speake to his Majestie so humbly and with so much reason that he gave no offence, but when his Majestie did enquire at the Noblemen how they durst

conveene without his expresse warrant; Lindsay, by kind a zealous Spirit, but ever most Loyall, being in passion at this, question, that when their Lives and Religion (as they concea∣ved) were in extreame and present hazard, they should be quarrelled for meeting in a peaceable manner, only to draw a modest supplication, did say, that they durst doe more then meet, to supplicate; with these words his Majestie was offended but not in that degree as to cast downe his coun∣tenance on the Noble man therefore; only he went away without giving any answer to their petition.

What here you add of your owne, of craving justice a∣gainst the Counsellors, of laying hold upon some of their garments, all is grosly false even Spotswood being Judge; who had much better reason to know the Acts of that day then you, who then was scarce borne, but he was one of the most diligent of all the company, to arme himselfe and all others he could, especially his pat••on Tarfichen.

The Messengers returning to them that sent them, re∣ported the matter as it was, that his Majestie had not deigned them with any answer at all this did much increase the feare of the whole company, while they are in consulta∣tion what to doe, some without the doors suborned by the malecontent Courtiers did cry, that Huntly and the Po∣pish Lords were comming upon them to make a massacre: Master Robert Bruce did what he was able to compose the people, but amazement had stopped their eares, all got to their Arms, in which they did not continue a full half houre: for before the Sermon ended it behoved to be nere ten, and before they could conveene draw up their supplication, goe to the King and returne, doubtles it was more then e∣leven, and long before twelve all the tumult was quieted, the King on foot went downe the streets in peace, to his dinner in the Abby, and came up againe to Counsell, before two of the clocke, no violence at all was so much as offered to any man. The people being frighted, and apprehending upon very probable grounds a present surprise of their towne and persons, run to their Arms for defence, but finding no Enemie to appeare, presently they laid aside their weapons without any compulsion either from the

Hammer men or any other: for such a poore resistance, as all their opposits were able then to have made, could have saved no man out of their hand, to whom they had inten∣ded any reall harme. No tumult in the world was ever more harmeles in the effects, nor more innocent in the causes, if you consider all those who did openly act therein.

What you speake of a Letter to Hamilton, you are ex∣treamely malitious therein: when you have told us two great untruths, first that the result of the Ministers delibe∣ration was to goe to armes: Secondly that they did con∣clude to pull the Counseliours from His Majesties side, in both which, Spo••swood who was present at all these Coun∣sells is against you; you will contradict him in this third al∣so: for he tells us that there was no word of any Letter to any man that day of the tumult: but to morrow, when at Court their was nothing heard, but hanging of Ministers and Citizens, heading of Noblemen and Barons, razeing of the Towne of Edinburgh, and plowing of it to be sowen with Salt: then some Letters were appointed to be sent to Hamilton, Bacleugh and others to come and countenance their Brethren, that Religion might not be ruined, this was all the direction as your Author setts it downe. He says indeed that Master Robert Bruce wrot some more to my Lord Hamilton, but who dare trust a Prelates word when his designe is to disgrace his enemy, or if all were true, what does the Letter of any particular Minister con∣cerne the Church of Scotland or the Generall Assembly.

This was the 17. day of December, the Courtiers and Prelaticall faction did exaggerate it to the most horrid re∣bellion that ever was upon the earth, but how unjustly. Queen Elizabeth by her wise Letters recorded by Spe••s∣wood, does well declare. It was indeed a most sad day to all the Godly; but most joyfull to all their enemies; for as they did insolently but too truly boast, it paved them a very faire way, to bring Prerogative to its Throne, yea to set it up upon the highest pinacle of power they could desire, and withall to make Bishops get upon their kick∣ing horse which before would never receave them; It put into the hand of the Prince a facility without any hazard

of future resistance, to doe in the Church and State what ever seemed good in his eyes. Such advantages are exceed∣ing sweet in the mouth, and are swallowed downe with a great deale of greedinesse by those who long have been ly∣ing in waite to catch them; but ere all bee done, they be∣come in the belly wormwood and gall, as the royall family to our griefe, but the Prelates and Malignant Courtiers to our good enough liking, doe feele this day.

Wee are come at last to the end of your Calumnious stories which your selfe upon very good reason confesseth to be wearisome. * 1.120 But yet before you can be drawne off, you must hint at on another as false and malicious as any of the former. Your Author in this and the rest of your narra∣tions, is only Spotswood, whom in this wicked fable though you and he both would sweare it, no intelligent Scotsman would beleeve.

Who will believe that Master James Melvil, a most gra∣cious and wife man very much in favour with the King, more then any of those who then were hunting after Bi∣shopricks; that this faithfull man having in his hands the religious aimes and charitable contribution of the Coun∣try, to the distressed towne of Geneva, the City in the whole world, which Scotland at that time loved best should send it to the Earle Bothwell to raise an Army against the King at a time when his Majestie was in so good tearmes with the Church as ever either after or before: when the Towne of Edinborough, was most ready for one word of the Kings mouth to run out presently with him and fight with Bothwell, who then was much hated by all the god••y for his adulteries and other personall crimes, and was knowne to bee confederate with the popish Lords against the Church, and who lately in the eighty eight, had been a for∣ward perswader to invade England by Land, as the Spani∣ards did by Sea that such a man should be assisted against the King and Town of Edinborough, by any moneys much lesse by the almes gathered for Geneva, and that al this should be done by Master Iames Melvil, is such a calumnie, as Satan could not fancie a falser, but a farre more foolish lyar then either you or Spotswood, might easily have contrived a more

probable fable, this is like the Tale of Beza's conversion to poperie, of Calvins consultation to change the Sabbath day; of Luthers conference with the Devill.

When you have over-wearied both your selfe and us, * 1.121 you will yet adde as a mantissa and appendix, two other points, first you set down the twelve Articles of our Creed, Since you are so good at the confessing of your Neighbours, I would gladly know what your own faith may be: what you ascribe here to us, ye doe it without any ground, either of reason or Authoritie: your simple assertions must be the very Articles of your Creed. Some yeares agoe we did see a book called Ladonsium Autocatacrisis, wherein by for∣mall and expresse testimonies, not the articles of your faith, for you are an avowed paucifidian, but such opinions as you and your companions did preach and print, are set down at large. Wherein it was demonstrate, that you and your bo∣some friends in Aberdeen and Edinburgh, did hold grosser Arminianisme, Popery and Tiranny then the worst of the Canterburians in England: also in the beginning of this Treatise, we did see under your owne hand, such a confes∣sion of your faith, as few of the most malignant of your party will have the impudence to subscribe it with you.

But be your faith what it may, for it is like that times and occasions may make you hide or open, yea, vary and change, as you find it most convenient for your purpose: I am content freely to tell you my mind, in all these Articles (as you stile them) of our Creed. I never heard of the first, but in your Pamphlet; no Presbiterian ever dreamed of any necessity, to change the government of the State, that it might be conforme to the Church; but many Epis∣copall and all Erastians doe hold the government of the Church to bee a matter of so indifferent arbitrary and changeable a nature, that it may well comply, and ought to be conformed to the model of every State wherein it re∣quires to be entertained. The true tenet of all approved among us, so farre as I know is, that the government of the Church and State are two really distinct policies, both or∣dained of God, which without his displeasure may not bee confounded, nor ought not to encroach one upon another.

That the wrath of God will be on that Church, and on these Church-men, who for any advantage they apprehend, can come either to the Church, or to themselves, will go to trouble or change any civil State, be it Monarchy, Aristocra∣cie, Democracy, or what ever els, which by the just lawes of any people is setled in a Land; on the other side that God will be angry with every State, and all those Statesmen who for the advancement of their owne, or the States interest, will goe to impede, trouble, or change that government of the Church, which Christ in his Testament has left to his servants unto his second comming.

For the second we doe maintaine a parity among Mini∣sters, courting it an Antichristian ambition for any one, to make himselfe Lord Bishop over the rest, but this is farre from any Democracy, for wee put all the Ministers of a Kingdome under the jurisdiction of a Nationall Assembly, the rules whereof use to be so just and exact, that where they are reverenced, there is no danger of any popular con∣fusion, much lesse then where Episcopall either Tiranny, or Obligarchy does prevaile.

For the third to our Consistories we give no Indepen∣dent power, these with us are all subordinate to Classicall Presbiteries, and to our Nationall Assemblies wee give no power to meddle with any temporall things at all, nor any Legislative power about things spirituall. When they have past their Votes upon a matter spiri∣tuall according to the rules of the word of God. If any Law or civill Sanction bee needfull, they supplicate the Magistrate whom they never presume to command to be an executioner of their Decrees, (these be but your ca∣lumnies) only they intreat him to make such Laws as hee finds the equity of the matter in his own conscience to re∣quire. You indeed professe an inthronization of Bishops, and give to them not only a directive power over the King, but an authoritative to excommunicate him, and if he to save his Crowne will be content that his Parliaments doe with your Thrones and Myters what they thinke expedient; you print to the world, that this shall bring a remedilesse and

perpetuall ruine both on the King and his people, them∣selves and their posterities.

For the fourth, the Lawes of Scotland allow to the Gene∣rall Assembly a power to Judge of all divine truths and heresies, so that if they find popish, Episcopall or what ever Errours established by Acts of Parliament, yet they are au∣thorized to proceed to give their sentence from the word of God, not of the Law, but of the Errour, to which Church∣men in their ignorance have procured a Sanction; as for the Law, the Parliament when they sit, take it into their owne consideration; never any Assembly of the reformed Church, dealt either with Prince or Parliament, for the re∣claiming of a Law otherwise then by humble supplication. What you speake of a corrective power, the Church of Scot∣land did ever disclaime it, all compulsion by outward in∣convenients they remitted ever to the State. As for the censures of the Church, no faction ever has been more pro∣digall of them both in doctrine and practise, then you and your gracious Brethren the Prelats.

For the fifth, we exeem no Minister who preaches Trea∣son, from the cognisance and punishment of the Magistrate, only by the Laws of our Kingdome, the judgement of Mini∣sters doctrine in the first instance, belongs to the Ecclesia∣stich Judicatory.

For the sixth, we pretend no power to make the Magi∣strate adde the civill Sanction to any of our Assemblies Decrees, further then his own conscience, the Justice of the thing, the former Laws of the Land, the humble and earnest desire of the Subjects does plead for: but you before your Tippets and Rotchets be laid aside, will permit three King∣domes to be consumed with fire and sword, without any re∣medy: unlesse your thrones may bee re-established, King and people must be destroyed for ever; And this you tell us must be and shall be, but in many things wee have found you false prophets, and feare not your causelesse curses.

For the seventh, we maintain no power of the Church to reforme and preserve Religion, but such as does well consist

with that duty which God has laid upon the Magistrate, both for the reformation of Religion, and preservation of it when it is reformed.

For the eight, wee maintaine that the sins of the Magi∣strate does not excuse the people for their neglect of any duty that God has laid upon them, and when Superiours are resolved to live and dye in Idolatrie, we thinke that every inferiour Magistrate, and every person is obliged to keepe himselfe free of corruption, and so farre as he is able, to re∣forme his owne soule, but not to be a publick reformer of a Country without a lawfull calling.

For the ninth, all the Covenants of our Land are war∣ranted by Acts of Parliament, and how ever by the mis∣information of Prelats, the King for a time judged them il∣legall, yet at last he found them just and necessary, according to the Laws and Customes of the Kingdome; wee indeed doe maintaine, when a handfull of wicked Prelats doe se∣duce a Prince to destroy himselfe and whole Kingdomes, that in that case it is lawfull for the Nobles and States of a Land to stand upon their guard, and wee cannot subscribe to these prime fundamentall Articles of your faith, That the Supremacie of Britaine is so farre exalted above all Law divine and humane, that the Parliaments of both King∣domes for their most necessary defensive Armes, are to be condemned by God and all men, for Traitors and Rebels, yet your good friends, the Idolatrous murtherers of Ireland, must be registred to posterity for good Catholick subjects. No marvell you beleeve all this, when you professe your advice to all Princes, rather to admit of the worst whor∣domes of Rome, the very Jesuitisme of Raviliack and Faux, then of the Presbiteriall government. Behold whither de∣spite may carry the spirit of an excommunicate Prelate.

For the tenth, our Assemblies meddle not with questi∣ons of State, if the originall of royalty be so from heaven, that men on earth had never any hand in making of a King: if in any immaginable case, a King be censurable such que∣stions were never proposed so much as for debate in any Assembly of Scotland; unhappy Bishops, who must needs

prophane the Crowns of Kings, by making their Sove∣raignty and mysterious Prerogatives, their ordinary quod∣libets to be tossed as Tennis balls in their common dis∣course, Sermons and Pamphets. It was a very unhappy day for the Kings of Britaine, when the feet of Prelats got first leave to touch the threshold of the Court, and their evill eyes to behold the Jewels of the Crown, or their soule hands to touch the hemme of the royall Robes: such infaust harppies polute all things though most sacred, to which they approach.

For the eleventh, though it never came to be scanned in any Assembly, yet I know no honest man of Scotland that makes question of the thing. The King and Parliament has inacted the lawfulnesse of our late defensive Armes; but the Acts of that Parliament are not much to your mind, for they cast you out of your native Country, as a prime incendiary unfit to breath more in that Aire.

The twelfth is, but to make up the number, being the same with the former.

The conclusion of your Articles, is but a malicious rai∣ling invective, very sutable to your mouth: it's contrary to reason and experience, as oft wee have said before, but you cannot spare Tauttologies.

The second part of your Appendix is your Postscript, * 1.122 wherein you make a large muster of your Episcopall Ter∣ritories and tell us that the major part of the reformed Churches in Christendome, doe retaine Episcopacie also that the removall thereof from England, is the fountaine of all our present Sects: you may know that all our Here∣sies and Sects, did breed under the wings of Episcopacie, the reason why now they appeare so thick in publick, is not the removall of Episcopacie, but the retarding of Presbi∣teriall government, and the plague of our too too long annarchie.

That your Episcopacie is to be found in any reformed Church, is a great untruth, we grant it is to be seen in your Easterne and Westerne Churches, the first of your Cata∣logue: but you would speake a little more plainly, that

people may understand your mind, what Westerne Church is this that you propone unto us for a patterne of Episco∣pacy? is it any other then the good old Mother Church of Rome, which many of you cry up for so true a Church, that all Protestants are Shismaticks, for their needlesse separa∣tion-there-from, and that among Princes those are most happy, who shall heale that breach, and once againe make us all to be one: under our holy Father the Pope, the first Bishop of Christendome, whom all the Bishops in Britaine, and in the whole world, ought by a good Ecclesiastick right, to reverence as the first Patriarch, the constant moderator of all Oecumenick Counsells.

Your Easterne Churches are those of Greece and Asia, whose corruptions, albeit not like to these of Rome, yet are so many and grosse, as none, but such as you will pro∣pone them for patternes of imitation.

In the rest of you•• Catalogue you are pleased to play the Herauld and Cosmographer, of purpose to terrifie simple people, by the many names of your large territories. You know the world scornes the Rodomontades of Spain, their King must not be stiled as his neighbours of France, and great Britaine: but he will be called the King of Castile, the King of Arragon, the King of Portugall, the King of Leon, and a large & caetera of many Kingdomes, yet all in Spaine. Might you not have said that Episcopacie was continued in all the Lutheran Churches of Germany, which will not make the third part of that Country, deducing the Calvinists and Papists.

In your great vanity you reckon up the Earldome of Henneberg, Lenning, and these that follow to the number of Thirteene, as if they were all great, and considerable Pro∣vinces: and yet put them all together, they will scarce make up one fifth part of some English shires.

But for the matter, are the Lutheran Churches esteemed by any well advised Protestants the best reformed, whereof our Covenant speaks; It seems, the worse Churches be re∣formed you like them the better, for they are so much neerer to your best beloved in Rome, but true Covenanters are not of your mind.

Further, what you speake of the Lutheran Churches is altogether false: That in Germany, or any where else among Protestants, any thing which you call Episcopacie is to be sound, I marvell if you should beleeve it: for I pray where∣ever, except in England, did any Protestants spoile all Pa∣stors of all power, both of Ordination and Jurisdiction to put it in the hand of one Prelat: to be exercised either by him∣selfe, or by any depute Ecclesiastick, or civill, as he thought fittest.

The Dutch Superintendens are as like to English Bi∣shops, as an Emperour in the dayes of Fabius Maximus, * 1.123 when the Senate ruled all, to an Emperour in the dayes of Tiberius or Nero, when an absolute Prince, I will not say a Tirant, did governe all at his pleasure. The name is one, but the things are essentially different, and so farre distant as the East is from the West.

While you cast your selfe upon the Smectymnians, and will still raile upon our Covenant, we desiderate your pie∣ty, but while you appeale to Calvin and Beza for your E∣piscopacie, we misse your Common sence. All the Episcopa∣cie, which ever you had or ever aimed at, was most immo∣derate, and the most moderate Episcopacie that can be con∣ceived, is a meere human invention, which has no ground at all in the word of God; which in all times and places has proved unhappy to the Church, and which at this time is talked of by some for no other end, but to be a new be∣ginning and step to such a Prelacie as may be serviceable to the Prince as before, for the advanceing of his Preroga∣tive in Church and State, above all Law and reason. How ridiculous is it to heare most immoderate spirits talke of moderation: to speake of a moderate Episcopacie, a mo∣derate Popedome, a moderate Tyranny, is to tell us of a chast Bordell an honest cousinage a meeke murther, and such like repugnancies: men now are no more childish to be couzened by your distinctions out of their Covenant.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Iss••chars burthen will stu••ble no solide and ad∣vised minde.
• * 1.2

  The Author of it is a man infamous, an Excommuni∣cate Prelate and in••endia∣gy.
• * 1.3

  A man obsti∣nate and ob∣dured in wic∣kednesse.
• * 1.4

  A man very corrupt in doctrine.
• * 1.5

  The most ma∣licious enemy to the Parlia∣ment of Eng∣land that ever yet has writ∣ten.
• (a) 1.6

  Sacro-Sanct. p. 19. All op∣position by force, resisting of Kings by Armes, whether in a defensive or offensive way, is against God, and unlawfull, ibid. p. 66. They com∣mit the highest Treasons against God & man, & make poor people die Traytors to both ibid. p. 68. fancying to themselves that they fight the Lords battels for Religi∣on & Liberties, they dream they die Martyrs when they die Tray∣tors to God and his Anoynted, ibid. p. 132. They set the simple people upon Rebellion against God and his Anoynted to the destru∣ction of State, soul and body tem∣porally and eternally.
• (b) 1.7

  Vide supra. a. also ibid. 63. This Co∣venant maketh every man to be armed with power, and the way left to himselfe, for ought wee know, it may be Raviliacks way or Guido Faux his way ibid, p. 7. For as bad as the Iesuite is, in my conceiving the Puritan is worse.
• (c) 1.8

  Ibid. Preface to Ormond, you were assaulted with two of the worst extreames of opinions, enraged both of them with the same degrees of madnesse.
• (d) 1.9

  Ibid. You whose piety is ad∣mirable, whose wisdom and pru∣dence is above the ordinary, and all your equals, so experienced in matters of State, that it is a wonder to them who know you, and incredible to them who have not been eye witnesses.
• (e) 1.10

  Ibid. Your heroicall Acts are worthy of the greatest Caesar, you gained so much as their valiant Hannib••s and Scipios.
• (f) 1.11

  Sacro Sanct. p. 180. One of the Sectaries principles wher∣by they intoxicate the Vulgar, is that in a Monarchy the Le∣gislative power is communicable to the subject, ibid. p. 94. At the admittance of Saul God giveth to the subject Legem parendi; Soveraignity is an undivided en∣tity, how can you share it among more?
• (g) 1.12

  Ibid p. 141. You to∣tally destroy Monarchy, and must say down right our graci∣ous Soveragne is no Monarch, p. 142. An impotent King is the same with no King.
• (h) 1.13

  Ibid. p. 144. The worst bargaine ever subject made, was at any rate to purchase a possession of the sacred Rights of Kings; till these Kingdomes be purged of sacriledge so highly committed against God, by wronging his Anointed and he be restored to his sacred Rights, we need look for no effectuall blessings of God.
• (i) 1.14

  Ibid p. 142. I doubt not to affirme, but if any good Prince or his Royall Ancestors have been or are cheated, out of their sacred Right by fraud or force, he may at the first op∣portunity when God in his wise providence offereth occasion resume it.
• * 1.15

  A favorer of ••rosse Popery ••nd Arminia∣••isme.
• (k) 1.16

  Issachar, p. 1. In the E∣dition of Oxford, Episcopa∣cy is the true necessary and perpetuall Government of the Church institute by Christ; wee deceive our selves to ex∣pect deliverance from our trou∣bles if wee subordinate fun∣damentals in Religion, necessary truths to our civill good.
• (l) 1.17

  I∣bid. p. 31. Now is forgotten that of the councel of Chalcedon, con∣cilium est Episcoporum, and that old barbarous but Christi∣an enough verse, Ite foras laici, non est vobis locus ici.
• (m) 1.18

  I∣bid. p. 2. What peace hath King or Kingdome enjoyed here or in Ireland since Epi∣scopacy by Law in Scotland was damned?
• (n) 1.19

  Ibid. p. 49. Abbots and Priors to Melvils time were nominate and admit∣ted to Abbeys and Priories as Church men: but this great Doctor found out another Di∣vinity, that for Abbots and Priors there was none such in the Word of God.
• (o) 1.20

  Ibid p. 43. Cardinall Beton a Priest and Archbishop of so high Digni∣ty
• (p) 1.21

  Sacro. Sanct. p. 58. The Pope the Bishop of Rome hath no more by Divine Right, except it bee in extent then the mea∣nest Bishop in his Diocesse; what hee may have by positive Ec∣clesiasticall right, its not pertinent for us now to examine. Hierome compareth three of the meanest Bishops with three of the greatest Patriarcks, Priviledged at that time by Ecclesi∣asticall Canons.
• (q) 1.22

  Issachar: Edition Oxford, p. 30. The ••ing is in a worse con∣dition under this soveraignty, then under the Pope, ibid p. 45. The Presbytery it or may be in time a mother of as much rebel∣lion and treason as any Iesuitisme of the highest die; if not more: cer∣tainly Rome, although a whore, is not so bad, nor so abominable.
• (r) 1.23

  Ibid. p. 36. This gave life to that tumultuary Reformation, we will never wrong Reformed Religion so much as to count of that as an orderly Reformati∣on; We doubt not but it was at∣tended with much sedition, facti∣on and Rebellion: p. 41. I daily heartily bewail that too too much idolised Reformation; if Knox and his complices had kept in the way of the old Martyrs, we had bin more happy; sure I am the great and more then ordinary sinnes in them and us, and our forefathers, have brought us to be plunged in these miseries, God so punishing the sins of that first Reformation, by this second spurious Reformation.
• (s) 1.24

  Sacro sanct. p. 59. Would God both sides in this and other controversies, would submit to the judgement and determina∣tion of the holy Fathers.
• (t) 1.25

  p. 39. If our strait, laced brethren would be pleased to cast an eye upon Apocrypha, I refer them to Ec∣clesiasticus.
• (u) 1.26

  Sacro sanct. p. 105. These Seraphicall Doctors make so bold with almighty God, as to unfold the secrets of Predesti∣nation, and to define who are the Elect, and who the Reprobate.
• (x) 1.27

  Ibid. p. 91. The first act of mans will necessarily, fertur in sum∣mum bonum, this is actus necessarius non liber, not so free as it may choose or reject, it is elicited by force, constraint, or ne∣cessity.
• (y) 1.28

  Ibid. p. 121. Schoolmen do confesse, that the Sacraments doe not confer grace, vi naturali phy∣sica & inhaerente, but vi mo∣rali supernaturali & superve∣niente.
• (z) 1.29

  Ibid. p. He was for∣ced to flee and with 40. years pe∣nance and repentance wash away that guiltinesse,
• (aa) 1.30

  Its high time for Prince and Priest to strengthen one another,
• (bb) 1.31

  Ibid. p. 38. No moderate Sectary if any such be, p. 68. People thus madded by mad Sectaries and Shebaes.
• * 1.32

  It is strange that any gra∣cious English∣man should be apt to hear slanders a∣gainst the Church of Scotland.
• * 1.33

  Scotlands old obligations to England.
• * 1.34

  Englands late of ligations to Scotland.
• * 1.35

  The Indepen∣dents and Era∣stians in print∣ing and publi∣shing this book are ma∣ny waies faul∣ty.
• * 1.36

  The title Issa∣chars burthen is a doltish re∣proach of this present Palia∣ment.
• * 1.37

  The ground∣••esse calumnies of the title-page con∣••emptible.
• * 1.38

  All the Liber∣••y he grants to ••eople is to be ••aves to Ty∣••ants.
• * 1.39

  The discord a••t ••oncord of relates, Era∣••tians, & Inde∣••endents, in ••e point of ••upremacy.
• * 1.40

  The pubishing of this book is a grievous injury to the Parliament.
• * 1.41

  A Petition ex∣tremly unrea∣sonable, to be∣lieve an infa¦mous mans word without any proefe.
• * 1.42

  A false and mad prophesy.
• * 1.43

  The whole Treatise is but an extract of the most false and venemous parts of Spois∣woods story.
• * 1.44

  Page 1. The Church of Scotland gives no more pow∣er to congre∣gationall El∣derships then both the Inde∣pendents and Erastians doe allow.
• * 1.45

  The ground of the Prelates quarrell is absurd.
• * 1.46

  The Prelates give much more Ecclesi∣asticall power to Laymen, then we to ruling ••lders
• * 1.47

  We grant to Deacons no power of ju∣risdicton, we wish there were Doctors in populous congregations page 2. In some few congregations Elders have a dispensation for a time.
• * 1.48

  Page 3. No Eldership inflicts any ci∣vill punish∣ment although the Magistrate in the Elder∣ship doth so sometimes.
• * 1.49

  Bishops con∣found misera∣bly the spiritu∣all and civill office.
• * 1.50

  We refuse Bap∣tism to no in∣sant where either of the Parents will undertake for Christian edu∣cation.
• * 1.51

  Page 4, 5. No Prince pleads for any exemption from Ecclesi∣astick juris∣diction.
• * 1.52

  No Presbyte∣ry did ever en∣ter in any pro∣cess with a su∣pream Magi∣strate.
• * 1.53

  All the mode∣rat is of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••embly are preachers.
• * 1.54

  Expectants are not Lay-Preachers.
• * 1.55

  The Presbyte∣ry of Eding∣burgh usurp no power over any other.
• * 1.56

  Pag. 6. King Iames a∣version from Presbytery and affliction to Episcopacy makes not this the better not that the worse.
• * 1.57

  Page 7, 8. No Presbyte∣ry did ever keep any state with the King.
• * 1.58

  The Presbyte∣ry is very ten∣der of the fame of all persons, though the Magistrate punish strum∣pets.
• * 1.59

  It does not cu∣riously inquire in secret faults but knowne crimes it doth not passe by.
• * 1.60

  Page 9, 10. The Presby∣teries meddle not with mat∣ters of trade or debt.
• * 1.61

  They never took upon them to change a Mar∣ket day.
• * 1.62

  Nor to trans∣port Ministers at any mans pleasure.
• * 1.63

  They ••ever did dilapidate any benefice.
• * 1.64

  Page 12. Nor favour Gentlemen in their wicked∣nesse.
• * 1.65

  They never did counte∣nance any feud; all these were the Pre∣lates crimes.
• * 1.66

  Page 13. Prelaticall principles take away the very being of Elderships and Assem∣blies.
• * 1.67

  Presbytetians would not use wicks to cor∣••upt the As∣sembly; there∣••ore Bishops were se••••p to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.68

  Page 14. Ministers ge∣nerally were ever and still are more ho∣noured in Scot∣land then any where else.
• * 1.69

  P. 15, 16, 17. Mr. Robert Bruce vindica∣ted.
• * 1.70

  Page 18, 19, 20, 21. The reason of the Authors malice against the generall Assembly.
• * 1.71

  False and ray∣ling slanders against the ge∣nerall Assem∣bly.
• * 1.72

  It exercises no power but what the King and the Laws authorize.
• * 1.73

  The Commis∣sioners of Bur∣roughs and Vniversities are all Elders.
• * 1.74

  We ascribe to the King so much power in the Assem∣blies as the Lawes allow, albeit not such a Tyranny as Prelats would flatter him in∣to.
• * 1.75

  The Assembly alters no Laws, but only sup∣plicates the King and Par∣liament to al∣ter such ••aws as confirm e∣vident errors,
• * 1.76

  Your oftrepea∣ted quarrell against ruling E••ders is ab∣surd.
• * 1.77

  Page 22, 23, 24, 25, 26. The Assembly and Parlia∣ment with us, use not to differ.
• * 1.78

  Your inve∣ctives against our first Re∣formation are wicked.
• * 1.79

  The Vindica∣tion of Iohn Kno••, and the first Reformers of Scotland, from base ca∣lumnies.
• * 1.80

  The suspension of the Queene Regen••s au∣thority was an act of the State which did nothing I rejudice the Soveraignty.
• * 1.81

  The Presby∣terians have often suppor∣ted but never hurt ••oyalty.
• * 1.82

  Knox did ne∣ver preach for the pulling down of any Church.
• * 1.83

  Page 17, 28.
• * 1.84

  The Armes of Scotland a∣gainst the Ti∣ranny of the French were necessary and just.
• * 1.85

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very wicked and Popish.
• * 1.86

  P. 29.30.
• * 1.87

  Cardinall Be∣ton by all Law and reason de∣served death, yet Knox did not defend the way of his slaughter.
• * 1.88

  P. 31. An account of the tumult at Edinburgh for the Service-booke.
• * 1.89

  Vide the large Declaration.
• * 1.90

  P. 32. Our Assemb∣lies did ever deferre all loy∣all subjection to the King.
• * 1.91

  Mr. Hinderson is farr from all disloyall and papall hu∣mours.
• * 1.92

  Our first re∣formation was authorized by Parliament.
• * 1.93

  P. 33.34.35. Episcopa••••e was never ••p∣proved by any lawfull Assem∣bly in Scotland.
• * 1.94

  The short confession of Faith was sub∣scribed by King James 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the year 1 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.95

  The Presbite∣rian govern∣ment was fully agreed to be∣fore that 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.96

  The King and his Counsell did set up the Presbyteries over all the Land at the same time.
• * 1.97

  The Generall Assembly did never approve of Abbots and Priors.
• * 1.98

  P. 36. The Ministers in Scotland were wont to give the King seasonable Counsell, but in all wisdome and humility.
• * 1.99

  P. 37.38. No affront was offered to the King by the fast at E∣dinburgh.
• * 1.100

  If any should Preach Trea∣son with us he is censurable both by Church and state.
• * 1.101

  The Erasti∣an and Pre∣laticall prin∣ciples brought great trouble on the Mini∣sters of Scot∣land.
• * 1.102

  P. 39. The case of Iames Gibson.
• * 1.103

  Master David Black his case.
• * 1.104

  P. 40. A clea••e vin∣dication of the assembly at A∣berdeen in the yeare 1605.
• * 1.105

  Mr. Welsh, and Master Forbes, their oppressi∣on.
• * 1.106

  Bancroft a per∣secutor of the Scottish Pres∣biterians.
• * 1.107

  The undoing of Mr. Andrew and Mr. James Melvils.
• * 1.108

  P. 41. Prelaticall calumnies.
• * 1.109

  The discipline of Scotland is farre from all rigour and Tiranny.
• * 1.110

  P. 42.43.44. A narration of the roads of Ruthven and Stirling.
• * 1.111

  P. 45. The Assembly repeales no lawes, but sup∣plicates the Parliament to recall their ratifications of Ecclesiasti∣call corrupti∣ons.
• * 1.112

  P. 46. It meddles with no civill Courts.
• * 1.113

  The case of Mr. John Gra∣ham.
• * 1.114

  P. 47. The grea•• controversie betwixt the King and the Church, was about the in∣finite extent of the Prero∣gative.
• * 1.115

  The Presbite∣rie is a great barre to keep out Democra∣cy and Ty∣rannie, both from Church and State.
• * 1.116

  It is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 singu∣lar help both to Parlia∣ments & Iust Monarchie.
• * 1.117

  P. 18. Mr. Cather∣woods vindi∣cation.
• * 1.118

  P. 48.49. The Commis∣sioners of the generall As∣sembly un∣justly slande∣red.
• * 1.119

  P. 50.51.52. A full account of the 17. day of December.
• * 1.120

  Mr. Iames Melvil vindi∣cated from as∣sisting of Bo∣thuel against the King.
• * 1.121

  P. 53.54. A Declaration upon all the 12. Articles imputed to us.
• * 1.122

  P. 55.56. No shadow of Episcopacie remaines in a∣ny well refor∣med Church.
• * 1.123

  The Dutch Superinten∣dents are very farre from the English Bi∣shops.