An answer to a discourse intituled, Truth it's manifest, &c
Babington, Abraham
Page  1

An Answer to a Discourse, intituled TRUTH IT'S MANIFEST, &c.

IN this time of scribling when every man is bold to write a print what he please, some make use of this Liberty to ge•• subsistence, and vent weekly News to the people for a li•• profit, wherein, sometimes with no less folly than boldn•• they will take upon them to write and make their own co¦ments upon several passages, and give their advises; Oth finding the people taken with these Pamphlets, and so 〈◊〉 happy as to suffer themselves oftentimes to be transported by some of th before they have examined the truth of that which is in them, or been so wdvised as to consider the end that those might have who intended to abuse th hereby, have of late thought this a better and safer way to carry on their de∣igns and disguise them, than by sending another Cranford to the Exchange to ent palpable lies there amongst the multitude, and start another Hare for them o run after; that their eyes might thereby be taken off from that which other∣ise no Manifesto, Pamphlet, or Paper-practise, though followed with never so much industry in the Citie, could so easily have given an escape unto; which was hat unhappy and unseasonable march of their Scottish Army backwards into West∣erland, with the consequents thereof: This being resolved of, out comes a Pam∣phleter of another Port and Garb than ordinary, a Zanzummim, who looks own upon the rest of his Companions as so many Grashoppers, and with a ord of disdain kicks them all out of his way as a company of mercinary flatte∣rs, or splenitive and scurilous detractours of mens persons; For himself, if you ill take it upon his own word, he comes to set before the people (Truth its anifest) a specious vizard, under which you shall finde upon the examination ••at there is masked the most malicious, false and seditious libell that yet hath een offered to impone upon the people, either from Oxford, or else where: so onfident are they now grown of the peoples patience, credulity, and readiness o be abused by taking things upon trust from them.

This man makes his entry through the great gate of a long Epistle to the Rea∣er, that he may make his way with more state than the common Pamphletters, nd be received with more credit. The fist part of his Epistle is to that end be∣owed in a large commendation of himself▪ First for his personal endowments, Se∣ondly, for the competencie of his estate giving him some advantages, and being b•••vient to his resolutions of speaking to the point, as he saith: The qualitie〈◊〉 his minde he sets forth to be, such a calmness and freedom of Spirit, void of am∣bition Page  2 and covetousness, that no hopes nor fears can work upon him; he can speak to the point, and tell truth down-right, his tongue indeed can run through the earth, and he is not afraid to offend the gods, although thereby his hopes be crossed, and he may be hindered in his private interest; as he saith, it seems then the man hath some hopes and private interest, but sure they are in Scot∣land, not in England, and then in this discourse of his he hath secured them suf∣ficiently. In a word, this man, as he proves it, through his whole discourse is one of those who is not afraid to speak evil of Dignities, having filled his mouth with the swelling words of vanity and falshood. Next his estate cooperates much to the continuance of these virtues, he hath Far modicum, a sufficient Viaticum which he preferreth to the glystering slavery of ambitious men. Here you have an ample Testimony given of himself by himself, and certainly there is more than need of all this if any man would believe it the sooner for his saying it, when you shall compare his carriages in his discourse following with this profes∣sion in his Epistle. In the second part of his Epistle he will give you evidence and demonstration of his impartial proceeding, that you may not rest upon his bare word alone; and therefore he will begin with his own Nation, the Kingdom of Scotland (for no man that reads him will doubt of his being a Scot) the report goeth also that he hath been a School-master, or a Tutor, who hath been ac∣customed to have Boys under his Rod; and this is very probable, considering how Magisterially he carrieth himself all along, for we know your Peda∣gogue is ever the onely forward putting man; if you will make use of him, you may put him upon any thing, as this man, who having wrapped his head up in his own dream, like that bird, which useth to thrust her head into a bush, thinks he shall never be discovered and flushed, and thereupon he goes on to threaten Kingdoms, reprove Parliaments, counsel the Commissioners of another King∣dom to stir up the people of this Kingdom to sedition, and appeal from the Parliament wherein resides the Supream power, unto the multitude, he traduceth the Committee of both Kingdoms, casts the froth and falshood of his brain upon particular men of both Houses that are of greatest fidelity and integrity, he doth not name them in∣deed, that he tells you he will forbear, but so describes them that he need not say there is a Nose in the middest of your face; could you expect all this from any other but your Pedagogue? who in the mean time may fancie himself walk∣ing with his serrula in his hand up & down in the middest of his boys, elevated to the height of a supercilious gravity, as his phrase and manner of speech sheweth. Yet let us hear what he will say of the Kingdom of Scotland, it may be he hath exceeded his Commission, and will have no thanks for his labour, though his good intentions were onely to flourish there, that the better way might be made for him to give a home-thrust, where he intended it, against the Kingdom of England.

He saith, not few, but many, not small ones, but the chief and leaders of the rest, not through infirmity and weakness, but with study and a high hand, upon malice, had left their integrity and sincerity to the cause of God, and followed the devises which pride and covetousness carried them unto, and for their private interest fall to plot∣ting and caballing how to supplant one another, and increase their own factions, still busying their thoughts to bear down their opposites, not sorry in their hearts at the Enemies success, hoping thereby to make advantages for the setting up of their own party. This with much more of the same kinde, he scatters up and down in the Page  3 Map presented to us by him of his own Kingdom of Scotland, and the chief lea∣ders therein. What instruction would the man have the simpler sort and well meaning people (to abuse whom is the end of this discourse) gather from all this? would he have them think, and put them in fear, that what he affirmeth to have been the practice of their chief and leading men, and most cried up for their zeal to the good cause in hand in their own kingdom, where they had greatest obligations, and no want of Oaths and Covenants, may fall out to be so in this? we will hope better things, though this mans premises (the proof where∣of we leave to himself) look towards such a conclusion, in as good Logick or bet∣ter than he makes use of all along in this discourse to asperse others withall. He complains further, that those, who were employed against the enemies, betrayed their trust, omitted many fair opportunities and good occasions, which in appearance might have made an end of the War, that others complyed with the Enemie and helped him secretly with advice; ill symptoms all in such a time as this is: But because the man takes upon him to declare, in the name of the Scots, what he pleaseth, as pag. 60. and to avow and disavow in their behalf, (by what Commission, and by whom instructed, it were well worth the knowing) we will suppose him also instructed to answer, any demands in their names, which shall be made: he can tell us how it came to pass that such men were imployed, who brake their trust, and such in∣trusted, who did comply with the enemie for the advancement of their own Fa∣ctions: Did it arise from hence, that in all their affairs and negotiations, they are an open hearted and plain dealing people in whom there is no guile, no cun∣ning, but measuring others by themselves, they are the less cautious and more apt to be deceived, being not at all suspitious? If this be a right character of them, as he sometimes will have it, we have lighted very unhappily amongst so many plain hearts, upon such a one as he is, and some others of them like himself, who with so much industrie, as the father of lyes can hardly exceed it, studie and en∣deavor nothing more by their Pamphlets, Papers, and Emissaries for the carry∣ing on of their designes, than to raise jealousies, and suspitions in the minds of the simpler sort of those persons, and for such things, as it is probable they that raise them, do not themselves believe either the persons guiltie thereof, or the things true. Remember, the hidden things of darkness will one day be brought to light. If you turn to the 118, 119, 120. pages of this discourse, there you shall have himself very freely and liberally giving in unto you, the cause why such men, by whom he saith they have been betrayed, were intrusted. In these late Troubles, which in humane reason had ended in the ruine both of their Li∣berties, and that which this man so often calls their Religion, had not their Bre∣thren of England refused absolutely to assist or engage against them, though all means were used both in Parliament and out of Parliament, by threats, by pro∣mises, by oaths invented to ensnare them and oblige them thereunto; which refusal proved an assistance unto them, enabling them to do their work and cost them nothing, a thing that deserves much better to be remembered than that which this man so often lays in our dish. Yea, when they had done their own work by this means, this Nation was content to pay them their wages in the bro∣therly assistance so freely given them: all this is written in the Sands, and our ears are filled with nothing but the Miracles done for us by the SCOTS; well, yet when we had put this advantage into their hands, of Settling their own Af∣fairs as they would themselves, what Peace did they make? In the Conclusion Page  4 to piece up all; this mans Friend, that mans Kinsman, and the Allies of another must be spared; to facilitate which, Titles of Honor, and Offices of profit must be conferred, and when this was done, these men must be received into their societies, yea, into their Councils and imployments, though they had been found guiltie, and declared Enemies to the State, as this man tells you with regreet, for saith he, What is there that the Scots will not do for their Friends, Kindred, and Allies: by making up their breaches in this manner, when so much had been dis∣covered, as that they sent the Examinations up to the Parliament in this King∣dom; they had gotten a Wolf by the ears; if the men connived at wear not also confided in, but laid aside, they would become Enemies again: if trusted and imployed, they had opportunitie put into their hands, to strengthen their par∣tie, and increase their Faction, that which the School-master saith (and is much scandalized at it) they altogether studied and aimed at, plotting, cabballing, and de∣vising how to supplant one another to that end: these are his own words, and it should seem by him something is effected in regard of their Factions. The tables are turned, the High men before are now become Low men. Let the Honest men therefore amongst them look to themselves, and keep to their old friends, notwithstanding the lessons this School-master would teach them. The man takes this occasion to make ostentation of his Impartiallitie, Tros Tyriúsque mihi, nullo discrimine agetur; be he a Scot, or be he an English man, all is one, he shall have his lesson taught him, and so he begins to read some lectures fit for boys to hear, and the simpler sort to be cosened withall, every wise man seeth what is aymed at, he would gain some credit hereby to be the sooner believed in those Scandals he desires to fix upon honester men than himself, to take credit from them, that they may not keep his well meaning people from being abused by him and those of his Council, which is the main end and drift of this Pamphlet. But lay aside your Stage-Play, your grave documents to those of your own Na∣tion, and let them take out this one lesson from their own experience and learn it well, that will be to some purpose, all this is but histrionicall, and you do but personam agere in it: Let them take heed in respect to themselves, as well as of us, that they do not byas us into a Peace which shall not be safe and well ground∣ed. These are good words and often used, let nothing be practised which con∣sists not with them, let them not be made use of to bring about other mens ends (which it may be they see not into the depth of) hoping to make use of such men again to effect their own, lest God who will curss the one, do also justly cross the other. Let them not endeavour to make their advantages of our fool∣ish divisions amongst our selves, lest in the issue they finde themselves thereby divided from the true cause and end, which they should onely promote and aym at in their Coming into this Kingdom, at which God being displeased, can easily lay open all to the world, and as easily crush them in the closing of those divisi∣ons, which they would needs thrust themselves between to hold up, and conti∣nue for their own ends. There needs none of these carnal and fleshly devises (for such are all Divisions and Contentions made use of) to carry on a good cause: neither doth he like to be helped by mens sinful devises, but rather de∣light to catch the craftie, and intangle them in their own wiles.

Being thus fallen upon this subject of Peace, the present practices on foot will require a little digression in discoursing of it, which I shall the rather take libertie to do, because it is the continual practise of this Pamphleter and others of his Page  5 complices, who have his aims and ends, to buz into the peoples ears, That there are some who would have no peace but keep them always in war for their own ends and interest, the falshood whereof I will stay a little upon the discovering in this place, that I may not be put to further trouble about it, and may prevent the mischief intended by the often inculcating of these lies. In the first place let this be considered by those who are apt to hearken to these false suggestions, that there is not a greater mark of a seditious incendiary than this, to go about to possess the people with an opinion that the Parliament would not most gladly put an end to their troubles by a peace safe for them, and their posterity, if by any means it may be obtained; For this is to alienate the hearts of the people from the Parliament; that which is answered in this case, and accordingly made use of by this man, that they speak not of the Parliament, but of some swaying par∣ties in the houses of Parliament, was Oxford language long ago, when they called the Parliament Traitours, they said they meant it of a swaying party, or faction in both houses: I wish these who now take up their language, do not drive on their designs, and become the Heyfers amongst us, with whom they at Oxford plow. But for the thing it self there is not a wise, nor an honest man in either house that doth not desire, indeavour and pray for a safe and well grounded peace. Those men that are such do indeed take care that the Parliament be not cheated, or forced into a peace which is neither safe, well grounded, nor likely therefore to continue; but onely carried on, and accommodated to the ends and advantages of particular men who affect to be esteemed the contrivers thereof, and to enjoy the rewards of making it such as may be acceptable at Oxford: This, honest men watch to prevent according to the trust the people have re∣posed in them, and this is it for which they suffer all these slanders, calumnies, and false accusations, this subjects them to all the envy they ly under; and we hope God in his time will so disabuse and open the eyes of the people that they shall clearly see it. A demonstration of this, sufficient to convince any that is not wilfully blinde, is that course the Parliament hath now taken to select and chuse out of the rest of the propositions those onely which are absolutely necessary for the present settlement, and future security of the Kingdom, which if the King shall pass in Bils sent unto him, the War is at end, he may come up to his Par∣liament and settle all other things in a Parlamentary way afterwards, Arms being laid down, and the Kingdom in peace: But if the King shall refuse to do this untill he first come to Westminster; or if others shall refuse to consent to the set∣lement of a peace upon these Propositions, though they onely concern the safety of this Kingdom, and be by both Houses (whose the judgement is) judged necessary thereunto, except they may interest themselves in our Government, when they in the mean time require that we should demand of the King for them, not onely what ever their Parliament, or Convention of Estates have agreed upon for their safety, but that he grant all such further acts as they shall agree upon hereafter; If this shall fall out, let all the World judge between us, whether there be true meaning, or no, and whether it be not rather likely that there lieth some pad hid in the straw which we see not. This is a discovering time, God hath made great discoveries of late, and if men would be so wise as not to be precipitated and hurried on blind-fold into snares and pits which they will not through prejudice suffer other men to keep them from falling into, they would, before it be too late (suspending their judgements but for a little time) Page  6 see the danger they are in, and be contented that wise men, who foresee it should deliver them out of it. To conclude this point, that I may not return to it, and as I said, trouble my self again with it upon every occasion given, God doth know we would be glad of a safe peace, we would have the King come to the Parliament; but we would first provide he might so come, as that he might not be capable by making divisions and factions amongst us, and by being tempted and misled as formerly by ambitious men (where∣of we have here too many) to cast himself and the Kingdom again into the same, or worse troubles. And yet we would have the World to know ths also, that there be some things which have been whispered up and down (it may be this man hath met with them in some of his Cabals) that we will not have to make our peace; The one is, to set up the Son, and depose the Fa∣ther; we will none of this expedient: Every wise man foreseeth what the issue of this must needs prove; Either the Son will imbrace it with a real intention to carry it on for himself, and then the war is continued, or the Father must run Edward the seconds fortune to put an end to it: or else he will dissem∣ble his intentions in accepting the Crown, and hereby inable himself to ef∣fect his Fathers designs by their means, who have opposed them, and in their ruine. We love him too well and the Crown, to subject either to parricidian guilt; we know what the success of it hath been, Non gaudet tertius haeres; and we love our selves and the Kingdom too well to dig a pit with our own hands to bury our selves and our posterity in for perpetual slaves. There is another we like as ill as this, and that is a totall alteration of the Government from a mixed Mo∣narchy, duely bounded as this is, into something else, they that fancie it and talk of it know not what themselves; any thing so there be a change, though from the best to the worst of all: we will none of this expedient neither, the fire is as bad and worse than the frying pan, as we say: as we hate Tyranny in one, so we do fa∣ctions in a few equals, and as much, or more confusion in the many headed mul∣titude. We resolve therefore to keep the three estates co-ordinate equally to poyse and ballance each other; and by a due interposition to be a just boundary and limit one to the other to prevent extreams. We need not, we will not, to gain a peace, be without a King, no nor without this King: Onely he himself hath brought this necessity upon us, not to trust him with that power whereby he may do us and himself hurt; but with so much alone as shall be sufficient to inable him to do us good: A mortal man as he is subject to failings, and consi∣dering with himself what he hath already done, might cheerfully, yea, thank∣fully close with his people upon these terms. A third is that which we scorn to have obtruded upon us, and I believe there is not any English heart amongst us but riseth against it, where ambition, envy, or some other fascination from the Priests doth not byas and squint the mindes of men, and it is this, That if the government according to the pattern in the North may be set up and established amongst us for the Church; for our ancient English Government of the Kingdom set∣led by mutual stipulations and Oaths; For our Judicatories fundamental to this government, for our Laws and Liberties in and by them preserved, we shall be lft to shift for our selves. This is the price the King must pay for a peace, and if this be yielded, other things shall be accommodated to his content, his prerogative and the maintaining thereof shall be made a matter of conscience, and much ten∣derness pretended of touching upon the Kings power, for fear of Oaths and Pro∣testations. Page  7 To meet with these things from Enemies is no more than we had cause to expect, but contrary to our expectations we have met with them also where we did little look for them: indeed this Agent for the Scots, throughout his whole Pamphlet, would make us believe, our Brethren came in for no other end; this was their Errant, the onely Diana, great amongst them, this is the Cause of God, of the Church, and State, with such like stuff. But we expect that they themselves should make another interpretation of our taking up Arms, which was our just defence in the things before specified, both in respect to our selves and our posteritie; and to assist us therein, it was that we called them into the Kingdom for; their securitie in the same particular, depending upon their de∣fending us in the Vindication of our just Rights, the cause being one & the same, and the quarrel about it as it began with them, so would it certainly end in their ruin, if they should suffer us to perish first: this is their advantage, they determin and preserve their own Right at our Charge, and save their own house from be∣ing set on fire, by quenching the fire that burns their neighbours. Some passa∣ges at the late debates in the Conference about the propositions to be sent to the King at the Isle of Wight, have been so strange and unexpected to us to come from the Commissioners of Scotland, that they have called to rememberance things, before either slighted, or suspended in mens minds, and have raised new jealousies, these argumentations of theirs being compared with some former acti∣ons, and late informations and discoveries. Yet we will hope the best, and de∣serve no other, but confidently affirm this as the sence of every English heart, that we will not bestow such vast sums of money, and endure those pressures, which their Free-quarter and Plundering hath occasioned in many parts of this Kingdom, to obtain an assistance from our Brethren of Scotland, which shall one∣ly end in this, that instead of one slavery, wherein they would leave us as before, we shall by their means, be cast under another as bad or worse; That of the Prince, this of the Priest; and so purchase to our selves at so dear a rate this pre∣ferment, to become two-fold more the children of slaverie than before, by being made their Proselites. We know very well who they are that compass Sea and Land to make these Proselites, what pains they take both in Press and Pulpit, where they collegiate themselves, hold their Cabals, lay their Designs, and issue out the results of their Consultations, and how they deceive men otherways well affected, and make them their conduits, to convey through the whole Citie, this imbittering water, whereby they leaven and sour the spirits of men against those, to whom they ought to be most sweet and indeared; the end and aym of this mysterie is not discovered by many an honest man who acts in it, and truly that is to be lamented, and it doth sad the spirits of godly men, that even those of the Ministerie whom we believe not onely to profess pietie, but to be truly godly, and whom we have and do still esteem and reverence as such, yet these suffer themselves, with Barnabas, to be led into the same dissimulation, not having Peter for their companion therein, which would not excuse them, but men of a far differing spirit, such, who if they may attain to their ends, regard not whether the means they use be such as becometh the Ministers of the Gospel: how ill doth it become them who are the Messengers of Peace to be the occasions of danger∣ous divisions, how far distant from that simplicitie, which the Gospel requires in teaching, is this practising with the people to sow in them the seeds of Sedition by Sermons and written Discourses, to the disparagement of the Parliament, Page  8 whereby the people are inflamed and imbittered against the highest Powers to whom they ought to be taught by the Ministers all subjection? and what can in probabilitie be the end of this, but that they may be incited in a tumultuous way, to extort frō the Supream Power what these men would have, or at the best be rendered disaffected to them whom they ought to honor & obey? should not godly Ministers rather suffer wrong, if it were so, than joyn with others to speak evil of Dignities? what man like Job, as it is well said by Elhu, would make himself a companion with those who blaspheme them that are called Gods, and fill his mouth with the North-blasting wind? God will certainly abase those that are his for these practises; how much better had it been to proceed so far as the Magistrate could be convinced, and wait for what you think remaineth untill God shall reveal it? Certainly godliness had thereby been much more promo∣ted, and the Gospel in your Ministry would have had a freer passage and better acceptance in the mindes of men, than which nothing, not life it self should be dearer to you: it may be you will not believe it, but it is too true that while you seem to men, to preach to get power into your hands, the power of your Ministry is so weakned & withered in the consciences of men, in respect of what it hath formerly been, that if you desist not from this teaching after an unlimited Power, and making the world believe you have turned our Zeal for Religion into a Contestation for the advancement of the Clergies power, as in the time of Poperie, and now amongst them, under the name of the Church, all Religion was made but a Stalking-horse to the ambition of Clergie men; you will speedi∣ly contest your selves out of the consciences of good men, and the power of godliness out of this Kingdom. Men alreadie begin to say, Where shall we go to hear Christ preached? others, who care not much whether they go to a Ser∣mon or not, say they had rather stay at home than go to hear the Parliament railed upon. What I have here spoken of these of the Ministerie, is no way spo∣ken with any desire to disgrace Ministers, but with a sad heart in respect of those of them whom I believe to be godly, desiring from my soul, that they would consider it and lay it to heart, and not involve themselves in the guilt of other mens ambition, to the prejudice of their own Ministeries, and to the casting of stumbling-blocks and offences in the way of Gods people. This digression may be of use at this time, and therefore born withall, since it is applyed to take away from this Incendiarie, the chief engine by which he works upon his simpler sort, and well-meaning people, indeavouring to poyson their affections, and incense them against the Parliament, by infusing an opinion into them, that they intend no Peace, but an alteration of the Government, thereby to disjoyn them from the Parliament, and so prepare them for a conjunction which may put coercion upon the same; and certainly to this end, if not in the intentions of the Agents, yet in the effect of the work done, concur the practises of those men, whose eyes hereby I would be glad I could open, that they might timely see what they are doing and invited unto, though it may be many of them go as those whom Abso∣lon invited in the simplicitie of their hearts: But to prevent this mischief, and to stop the projects and practises of those men, who in their meetings, whisper up and down, and make overtures privately of such things as these whereof I have spoken to gain a Peace by, I have here clearly and truly expressed what the two Houses of Parliament have in their intentions, as to that which concerneth the Peace of the Kingdom, which by their many Declarations and constant Proceed∣ings Page  9 suitable thereunto they have made manifest to all men.

But to proceed with this Pamphleter; after the man hath plaid his part to gain the credit of much zeal for the Church, as he calls it, and that without all partiality, He falls upon the Kingdom of England, and makes his entry thus: If judgement begin at the house of God (that is, Scotland whereof he had spoken) then let England look to it, that is, where shall the wicked and ungodly appear? I like not to enter into comparisons, but since the man will needs begin, and make themselves Bethel, and us Beth-aven; I will appeal to the conscience of every observing judicious man that hath lived any time in both these King∣doms, and conversed with men of all ranks and professions both in the one and the other, whether there be not an hundred in this Kingdom, for one in your Bethel, that holds forth the power of Godliness in a holy life and unblameable conversation, without Hypocrisie, cosenage, and deceiveable unrighteousness, notwithstanding your Government and Stool of repentance, a devise of as much spiritual use as our old white sheet? so undoubted a truth was that lately preach∣ed before the House of Commons by Mr. Strong, now one of the Assembly; this might have shut the door upon him, and whether he hath been taught his lesson better since his admission, he best knows? but certainly that was a truth, which all experience of former and later times in all places beareth witness unto. The sins of Scotland, he saith, are raigning in England, bat besides that, there are ma∣ny more which have not been seen in Scotland; and of these many, when he comes to his instances, he names but onely two, which are two notorious slanders, laid upon the Government to no other end, but to bely some particular men in Au∣thority: Heresies, Errours, and Sects of all sorts, he saith are countenanced by some of those who are in Authority: black mouthed man, instance in one that is countenanced, and by whom, Dolosus versatur in generalibus, a Jugler keeps himself in generals: But this mans Heresies, Errours, and Sects, what are they? Not to conform exactly to the pattern in the North, as you may see by his se∣cond instance, which is all he hath to make us in comparison of Scotland, his house of God, to be Beth-aven, the wicked and ungodly; There be some of power and credit, he saith, who are so far from furthering the Reformation of the Church, as they hinder it, not by undermining plots alone, but by open profession against it; wherein consists his Reformation which the man in all this Pam∣phlet of his so much cries out to be opposed? Onely in the alteration of the Government by Bishops, into the Discipline set up in the Church of Scotland, and then no doubt all are instantly Saints: and this he would make the World be∣lieve, we are bound to by the Covenant, whereas there is no such thing, but Scotland is as much bound to conform to us by the Covenant, as we to them, if we come nearer to the word of God, then they, in our Reformation. But who, I pray, are those in power and credit, That thus oppose your Reformation of Reli∣gion? You will very readily answer, that they are the men whom you put the name of Independents upon in both Houses; for now every one is an Independent who refuseth the Altar you would bring in according to the pattern which you have seen, though it should fall out, and upon examination be found, that the Brasen and true Altar should be laid aside for it.

We see the design you and those who set you on work, and that concur wit you, drive on? you would cosen and deceive the simpler sort, and well me••ing people as you term them, by way of insinuation and flattery as you wo•• have it Page  10 received, but with scorn and contempt enough, as they may well understand it, when you would put out their eyes, and then become their guides, perswade them by lies and slanders to entertain an ill opinion of those men, who are most able to serve them, most faithfull to them, and most watchfull over them, to pre∣vent their being insnared, and inslaved both spiritually, and civily, and which is worst of all, irrecoverably at their own instance, and by their own means, before they see what it is they are about to do; your way herein with these well meaning people, is the same decribed by the Oratour, to perswade the silly sheep to fall out with, and banish all the dogs that watch the flock, and then they shall have Peace; these be those that hinder their peace and good agreement with the Wolves; stop their mouths, hearken no longer to them, and all shall be well: you would have men so simple, as to take it upon trust from you, and such emissaries as are sent about with your Pedlars pack and deceitfull wares, that these men oppose Reformation, and the setling of any Government in the Church, because they desire all Heresies, Errours and Sects may be tolerated: And that they op∣pose the Propositions for peace, and keep the Kingdom in War, because they intend the alteration of the Government for their own inteests and advance∣ment; Whereas the truth is (and no conscientious in either House can deny it) that these are the men in both Houses, by whose care and endeavour the Ordi∣nances for Church Government have been prepared, and the passig of them pressed on untill they were finished and passed, when by others they were let to lie still, and stick in the birth, whether purposely to raise a clamour, and hereby inforce the Parliament to yield what some are reaching after, let their con∣sciences answer, which being brought into the sight of God, will finde such a practise, neither acceptable to him nor justifiable before men. They will not have their consciences pressed to act according to what is setled, except the set∣tlement be such as they like of: and will they, who pretend conscience herein, press upon the Magistrate to act against conscience, against the trust reposed in them, to maintain the Subjects Liberty from being incroached upon under any pretence whatsoever, before light received sufficient to convince them of a su∣periour Authority and Divine right calling for the same, and appointing it? and this to be effected in a seditious and tumultuous manner by the seduced and inflamed multitude; will this be esteemed a practise fit for conscientious men?

For the Propositions for peace, who were those that laboured in composing of them, that laboured most for the passing of them that they might be speedily sent, that moved and obtained that some few, such onely as were absolutely ne∣cessary for the settling of a peace that might be safe for the Subject and well grounded, should be first sent away, that if the King would pass them by Com∣mission sent unto him, whereby it might appear he came up with clear and fair intentions to agree with his Parliament, in that which was necessary for the se∣curity of the Subjects just Right and Liberties, and the good of the Kingdom; these Bills being passed he might come and settle other things in a Parliamenta∣ry way, the Kingdom in the mean time enjoying peace, and Forces disbanded: was not all this promoted, pressed on, and to their uttermost power indeavoured 〈◊〉 those very men, whom this incendiary all along seeks to raise jealousies of, and slandereth with having contrary intentions for their own ends? No man, but he ••t makes no conscience of speaking untruths for to advance his plots, Page  11 will denie it. Indeed where there are secret plots and designs carried under ground, cloaked with pretences of Religion, and Zeal for Reformation, these fair Names and specious Titles being made Stalking-horses for the ends of those men, who to obtain their designs, must cosen honester men than themselves; there we have no hope to convince or satisfie such Contrivers; for they seek their ends aymed at, not satisfaction to their reasons, whereof those reasons that are patent they are not led by, they use them but as Varnish, the latent reasons, which will not abide the light, those onely sway them; and therefore the most evincing arguments are cast away, and it were but labor spent in vain to use any, were it not to disabuse those, who are strangers to these Mysteries of iniquitie, and yet so deluded by these Jugglers, as to be made to play other mens games to their own utter undoing, when they shall have made them winners. For their sakes therefore, and to prevent that mischief which may arise to the Publick, by mens being still carried on in mistaking both of things and persons, I cannot for∣bear, but must again take a little more libertie to insist upon these two heads of Church Government, and Peace; the spcious pretences which the same men, who were formerly observed most to oppose, now find it necessarie to seem very zea∣lous for, that thereby they may take the people and make use of them to gain and compass their own designs by heir help, which the people, blinded with these fair vizards, are not able to discern: But what the designs of such men, who thus abuse them, are like to prove, there have been of late strange Discoveries made, yet who so blind as those that will not see?

The constant endeavours of honest men (whom it concerns these juggling Contrivers, for the better attaining of their ends, to blast and blemish in the o∣pinion of the people) hath been observed of late, to be so eviden and apparent in promoting both thse in the Houses, that being not able to denie it, they now begin to accuse them, that they do it out of design; promoting the Settle∣ment of Church Government, bu such as they knew could not be yielded unto, that so there might be none exercised, but all heresies and errors still maintain∣ed; the Propositions for Peace agreed upon, such also as cannot be admitted by our Brethren of Scotland, and so our Troubles continued. What will not envie, malice and spight, pricked on by ambition, when it either is, or fears to be cros∣sed, say ad do? Let us examin the reaons why the Church Government, set∣tled by Odinance, cannot be yielded unto, nor the Propositions for Pace con∣sented unto by our Brethren of Scotland. For the first it is alleadged, The Mi∣nisters will be enforced to admit such unto the Sacrament, who are scandalous, and so sin against their consciences; and herein they are left without remedie, the remedie provided by the Ordinance, being Commissioners, is as much against their consciences to submit unto as the other. Both Houses of Parliament have Declared, that ignorant & scandalous persons shall be kept from the Sacrament, the question is, Who are these Ignorant and Scandalous persons that shall be excluded Communion, and by whom they shall be judged to be such? the Mi∣nisters will have it to be by themselves Arbitrarily without limitation, without appeal to the civil Magistrate at all in any cause, otherways their consciences cannot be satisfied: The Parliament wils them to enumerate sins which they e∣steem to be scandalous, that they may thereby judge how that Power will be ex∣ercised, which the Ministers will have them force the subjects under, & that they may provide against giving into the Ministers hands by a Law, such an Arbitrarie Page  12 and unlimitted Power, as to exclude men from the Sacrament, for whatsoever they will call Scandalous; for not paying their Tithes it may be, as they think fit, and call for; for not making their bargains as they please, nor letting their Lands to their Tenants as the Ministers think reasonable, for this they will call, the one Sacrilege, the other Oppression, and therefore both Scandalous; if a man obtain a Decree in a Court of Justice, he must not have the execution thereof, if they shall judge it hard and ujust; this hath been practised in Scotland, where they have obtained this unlimited Independent Power into their hands, as one of their own Countrey-men writes. Now against this abuse and pressure upon the subjects by an Arbitrarie and unlimited Power, the Parliament had reason according to the trust reposed in them, to provide; yet they still offered to consider of any other sins that may be thought scandalous, if the Ministers would present them, and add those to such as were enumerated, if they should be made appear to be of that nature: and further, because it was pretended, there might fall out to be emergencies so circumstantiated as might make sins scanda∣lous, which could not be foreseen, and in such cases Ministers would be put to act against conscience, untill the case might be brought to the Parliament, and there adjudged (for they would not directly seem to decline the judgement of Parliament) the Parliament appointed Commissioners, who upon all occasions of emergencie might be readie to judge of them, and be at hand to State them rightly, and convey them to the Parliament as the case should require; that so the subject might not be left without all remedie, and the Ministers be made their own sole Judges over them in all sins, nay in all things, for by the old hook of the Clergie, in Ordine ad spiritualia, they would draw all under their net, this expedient was found out in their behalf, and for the more speedie dispatch of business; otherways they might, if they would, have put the Ordinance in execu∣tion before, when the Appeal lay onely to the Parliament: But this expedient could not in conscience be admitted, and the Pulpit and Press were both full of strange language and expressions against it, when every wise man and indiffe∣rent, saw clearly, that this had no one reason which lay against it, that did not e∣very whit as much lie against the Parliament it self being judge, or determining in these cases, onely the Parliament might be preached against and spoken a∣gainst through the sides of these Commissioners with less danger and offence, than in direct terms. But wherein were these Comissioners an offence to con∣science? in that it would make the Reformation to be, not according to the Word of God, nor according to the practises of other reformed Churches, espe∣cially that of Scotland, and so be against the Covenant which we have taken: where shall we find a Classis in the Word of God, where Triers, where a Provin∣cial Synod, or a National Assemblie with Coercion in either, or Subordination of other Churches to the Coercive power of any such? The two later were, when ever they were called, for advice and counsel onely: where doth the Word of God shew any foot step of such an infallibilitie placed any where since the Apostles times, as that thereupon a Coercive power was left in any, or might by them be exercised over particular Churches? you must step a step higher upon this Ladder of your own framing, and so do some of your Ministers in their wri∣tings, and that is to an Oecumenicall Council, whereunto add your Coercion, and you will in Ecclesiastical matters bring in Forreign Power, and so fairly fall into Treason, which will prepare another Ladder for such pragmaticks.

Page  13

For that of Commissioners in other reformed Churches, that there are none such, the people are meerly abused therein; for there is not any Church where the people are compelled under this Power of the Ministers, but there is either Commissioners, or that which is equivalent thereunto, unto whom there may be appeals, tht the Subjects be not left without remedie under the tyrannie of the Clergie, a thing which this Nation, in the greatest height of Papal power, would never endure. In the Church of Scotland it self, there are Commissioners by name, who sit in the Supreamest Courts of their Ecclesiasticall Judicatories, their Gene∣ral Assemblies; one for the King with other Assessors, & some for the Burrough of Eden-borough, and others for the Universities; who sit and Vote even in mat∣ters of Excommunication, quatenus Commissioners. In the Palatinate the Ap∣peal is to the Prince his Privie Council: In France and the Low-Countreys no man is compelled under the power of the Presbyterie by the Magistrate, they exercise it over those alone, who willingly submit themselves thereunto: these men, who reach after this Power here, should have asked no more of the Magi∣strate, and much good might it have done them, and they done with it. In Ge∣neva, the Syndicks of that Town would not suffer this unlimited Arbitrarie Power to be exercised over the people without Appeal, notwithstanding all that Calvin could do at first, neither could he, when it was referred, obtain with all his earnest solicitation, the adjoyning Churches, and Magistrates of the Pro∣testant Cantons, to determin for him in that case, that it was Jure divino, but one∣ly that it came near unto the Word of God; and yet in his Epistles it appears how much he labored to have had it so determined by them. The States of the Low-Countreys would never endure it. The Clergie being sick in all times of this humor, have made assayes every where, but could never prevail, much less here in England, when the blindness and tyrannie of Poperie was at the highest, as I have said; and this will appear by divers Laws made in those times; what they may effect in this time I know not. Commissioners we see then is no such stran∣ger to other Reformed Churches, as that mens Consciences, by reason of the Covenant should be troubled at it, or the Pulpit crie out of it as a Monstrum hor∣rendum: No, this is done but, by abusing, to stir up the people. For the Word of God, it is certainly conform thereunto, that the Magistrate should pro∣vide, The people be no way oppressed by any Power which is called for from them, but that if they be required to subject the people under any power, they likewise judge whether that power be exercised over them without oppression; otherwise they do not bear the Sword for their good, which is their office from God. The Ministers confess, that in the case of male administration, the Magi∣strate may judge, and that must be not onely for the manner but the matter also, for otherwise a man may be Excommunicated, as the use was in the Bishops times, for a Groat, or a Pig, or an Apple not paid; and the proceedings for the manner being every way regular and orderly, the Magistrate can give no relief, though this be an administration of such a censure bad enough. Well then, if the Magistrate may judge of Excommunication, when it is ill administered, to reprove and punish it being done, is it not strange it should be held so great a transgression against the Word, for him to judge of it before it be done, that being evil and punishable if it should be done, it might thereby rather be pre∣vented, and not done at all. The truth is, respect to the Covenant need not to have made any mans conscience to have stumbled, or been offended at Commis∣sioners, Page  14 and that is apparent enough to every wise man; for had that offended conscience, the changing of Commssioners into a Committee of Parliament men, which mutato nomine, is the same thing, would never have satisfied conscience: all that is gained hereby is no more but this, The Ministers have had their wills of the Parliament, and truly I fear that gain will add little to their comfort, when they shall reflect upon what is gained, and by what means they have gained it, what effects it hath alreadie had, and in the precedent may have hereafter; when a Parliament must alter a Law before any obedience yielded unto it, or in∣convenience found by it, to satisfie those, who instead of yielding obedience thereunto, oppose their judgements to the judgement of Parliament in the most Sovereign power thereof, which is the Legislative, a precedent never before pra∣ctised, but of the first edition, and may it be the last.

By this which hath been said, let the indifferent Reader judge of all these bwlings, which he so often meets withall in this Pamphlet, gainst those men which this incendiary will make to be opposers of the Church and te Reforma∣tion of Religion. Now to that of Peace, that the Commissioners of Scotland should not be satisfied with the Propositions, which this Kingom judgeth safe for them to settle Peace upon, we know no cause at all: for we are neither to have their consent nor advise in framing and making 〈◊〉 cnditions ad terms, upon which this Kingdom is to be settled in Peace; the League and Treaie be∣tween the two Kingdoms doth not interest the one at all in the Government of the other; or in a capacity and power to judge and determine of the just Rights and Liberties belonging to the same, whether yielded to them, or denied them. For those therefore who came into this Kingdom to help us to defend that which of Right belongs unto us, in stead of giving assistance, to take upon them to become Arbitrators and Judges, what they think fit for us to demad, or the King to yield, whereupon a safe peace may be made consisting with the Govern∣ment of this Kingdom, and the security hereof according to the right constitu∣tion of it, will appear to all understanding men so strange a superstruction raised upon the Treaty between us and them, hat it hath neither foundation therein, nor in reason, or justice: and this both Houses of Parliament have re∣solved in their answer to the Scots Papers of the 16. of March, and 6. of April 1646. concerning the Propositions to be sent to the King, which Answer I will here insert.

Die Veneris, 10. Aprilis, 1646.

THe Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, having taken into consideration your Paper of the 6. of April, concerning the Propositions to be sent to the King, do return this answer, That we having communicated to you some of those Propositions which we desired for the present should be sent unto his Majesty for a safe and well grounded peace, and judging upon perusal of your Paper of the 16. of March, your Lordships have not consented that those should be sent that are desired by us for the good and security of the Kingdomes of England and Ireland, with your reasons for the same.

After serious consideration thereof, we thought fit to adhere to our first resolutions, and again to desire your concurrence for the sending them unto the King, and although Page  15 we clearly satisfied our own judgements therein, yet out of our earnest desires to carry on all businesses in a brotherly way, we did appoint our Committees to communicate those our Resolutions to shw the grounds thereof, and to remove any doubts that might stick therein with your Lordships: all which being considered, and that we have never denied our consent that such Propositions should be presented to the King, as your Lord∣ships conceived to be for the good and securitie of the Kingdom of Scotland; The mat∣ter in your Paper of the 6. of April we did not expect, wherein you do desire, That the resolutions of both Houses (after so long and mature deliberation) should be subje∣cted to the debates and alterations of a Committee of both Houses, to be joyned with you for that purpose; And that upon grounds which we can by no means admit of, in re∣gard that by the Treaty, both Kingdoms are not bound to a joint advise and judgement in framing the Propositions as is affirmed in your Paper; But that no cessation nor any pacification, or agreement for Peace whatsoever is to be made by either Kingdom, or the Army of either Kingdom, without the mutual consent of both Kingdoms, which is all in this particular they are obliged to by the Treaty. And therefore out of our earnest desires to make use of the present opportunitie for setling the peace of the Kingdoms, and that we may clear our selves before God and the World, that we have neglected no means that may procure the same, especially since, as your Lordships well remember, we have so often declared to the King, that they are speedily to be sent, and the granting of them will be an effectual means to give satisfaction to both Kingdoms; We do again desire your consent that those Propositions, as we have sent them to your Lordships, may be sent to his Majestie: and we shall speedily communicate to your Lordships the two other Propositions, concerning Delinquents, and the Citie of London, that they may be sent with the others.

We hear what the judgement of both Houses is, and how earnest their de∣sires were for speeding away the Propositions, that such a Peace might be obtain∣ed as would be safe for the Kingdom; will our brethren, or their Commissioners say to us, Though you have fully satisfied your own judgements in that which concerneth your own Kingdom, for the setlement and peace thereof, wherein we are not to be judges, and that you are ready also to insist upon any Propositions, which we shall judge necessary for the Kingdom of Scotland, wherein you pre∣tend not to intermeddle, or have ought to do; yet we will not agree you shall conclude a peace, though these things may be accorded and granted both to you and us: we would not willingly believe this of those, who we desire to hope, and that we may finde cause to believe, came into this Kingdom with fairer intenti∣ons; for this would be capable of no other construction in the minds of all men, but that they intended we should still keep their Army in the Kingdom at our charge, and they keep our Towns in their hands, though there were no cause to be alleadged for the same, that any indifferent man could rest satisfied withall: for though the Treaty between the two Kingdoms do require, that the one shall not conclude a Peace alone, and leave the other to shift for it self (a usual clause in Treaties where two States ingage in a War to defend and maintain their just Rights respectively, against those who invade them both therein) yet doth it no way, as I have said, interest either Kingdom in the matter of the Propositions of the other whereupon peace is to be made, but that as they are the proper and onely Judges of what is necessary for the safety and good Government of either Kingdom, who are of that Kingdom, and to that end assembled in Parliament; so if experience in future times shall make it appear, that what is now desired Page  16 and resolved upon for either of the Kingdoms respecting themselves, prove not to be for the safety and good Government thereof, they may alter and change the same as they shall finde it to be necessary for their several Governments re∣spectively, without any dependency one upon the other in that respect, and will do so; and they who do not admit of this, by intermedling with that they have nothing to do withall, instead of setling a firm Union and lasting peace between these two Kingdoms, which they do so much pretend unto, do lay the founda∣tion of certain and continuing differences between them, which will be in∣avoidable; for neither Kingdom will be bound to a dependency upon the other in the Sovereign power thereof, which is the legislative, neither will they for∣bear in these particulars which shall be now setled, to make new Laws and alter these, as it shall be found necessary for the safety and good Government of ei∣ther Kingdom: and so often as they shall so do, by the foolish Tenent of these men, there is the ground of a quarrel between the Kingdoms. To prevent this and clear it to all men, the Houses before the sending of these Propositions to the King, saw it fit to make this Declaration which I will here insert.

Die Veneris, 3. July 1646.

WHereas the Lords and Commons Assembled in the Parliament of England, in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, in the name, and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, have thought fit to send unto the King the humble desires and Propositions for a safe, and well grounded peace, agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively: The Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England do declare, That it is not their intention, that any construction should be made there∣upon, as if either Kingdom had any interest in the matter of each others Propositions; or in the legislative power of each other concerning any of the said Propositions; But that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdom respectively: And that notwithstanding any joint proceedings upon the said Propositions, either Kingdom hath power of them∣selves to continue, repeal, or alter any Law that shall be made upon the said Proposi∣tions, for the good and Government of either Kingdom respectively.

And it is hereby declared, that both Houses are fully resolved to maintain and pre∣serve inviolable the solemne League and Covenant, and the Treaties betwixt the Kingdoms of England and Scotland.

Those who either do not, or will not understand the evil consequences of this Tenent, That the Kingdoms now United, are mutually interressed in the mat∣ter of the Propositions of each other to be offered unto the King, and what grounds of present and future differences this must needs occasion, finding the Treatie between the two Kingdoms will not make out what they would have herein, add the Covenant to it in supply, and then, when they have once named the solemne League and Covenant, they presume they have proof enough for their assertion: Truly I should be very glad, these men who pretend it so much, would intend that which might indeed conduce to the firmest conjunction of these two Kingdoms in Unity for all future ages, and that will be when they shall perswade them to joyn in this alone, to obtain for either Kingdom, that which in the judgement of either respectively, is the just right thereof, without inter∣medling, Page  17 or affecting to make themselves Judges in alienâ republicâ on either side; and when this shall be once obtained, firmly and constantly to adhere one to the other for the maintaining thereof; this will certainly continue an Union, because their own ends and preservation will herein continue them United; But to think to lay bounds, and put shakles one upon another, for their own advan∣tages, or to take upon them to be Judges, what is fit to be asked of the King, or fit for him to grant to either, and hereby to put themselves into the place of Arbitrators between the King and either Kingdom, or for one of them to im∣pose what sence they please upon those things which have been passed and re∣solved in the Parliament of the other, and pretend themselves interessed ac∣cordingly to require performance agreeable to such a sense and Interpretation as they will put upon what hath passed; all this can have no other issue, but certain breaches and quarrels between the Kingdoms, a thing the enemy waits for: and yet either ignorantly, or wilfully (for some ends) these things have been most insisted upon, by those men who would be thought most zealous for Union, and against any breach between the Kingdoms, though every wise man knoweth, that the pressing and insisting upon these things must needs end in breaches and differences, except they hope we will leave to be English men and become their underlings: the carriage and arguments of the Scotch Commissioners, at the conference about the Propositions to be sent to the King to the Isle of Wight, which they had nothing to do withall, nor to intermedle with, is to all that heard it, and will duely consider it, a Demonstration of this that I have said, and what followed thereupon, confirms it. For their arguments out of these two words, solemn League and Covenant, either they are two names of one and the same thing; and then it is but a Covenant still; or else they confound things that differ so much, to serve their purpose; for if, by the League, they will mean the Treatie between the two Kingdoms, and add that to the Covenant, as if both were of the same kind and did bind alike in respect of persons in∣teressed and things to be performed and challenged by them, they will find themselves much mistaken; for the Treatie is an obligation of the nations, one to perform to the other what is therein agreed, and the one may challenge it from the other Kingdom, as concluded by the representative body of either Kingdom, the name of the Kingdom; But the Covenant is onely an Obligation of every particular man that takes it, to God, for the performance of what is therein contained, and no bond, or stipulation between the Nations, that they may vindicate the breach thereof one upon another; they are to leave the re∣venge of breach of Covenant to the Lord, upon any particular person that shall therein perjure himself: therefore Parliament men took it as particular men, not as representing the Kingdom; for had that been the intention, the rest of the Subjects needed to have been required to take it; so that every individual per∣son layeth a bond upon his own conscience, according to the sence wherein he takes the Covenant, for which he is answerable to God; but this doth no way make one Kingdom answerable to the other for non-performance of what is contained in the Covenant, much less according to such sence and interpreta∣tion as either shall think fit for their ends, to put upon it, and then urge the same upon the other; should this be granted, it would minister to them that sought it, sufficient matter and grounds of quarrel between the Kingdoms; for if one Kingdom did judge men in the other did not reform their lives, as by the Page  18 Covenant they have bound themselves to do, but continued Swearers, Drun∣kards, Whor masters, Coseners, Lyers, not withstanding the Covenant that they have taken, here is a quarrel, for prophaness is a breach of the Covenant, as well as tolerating Sects, Schism, and Heresies; if one judge, that they do pro∣ceed to the ooting out of Sects, Schisms, and Hersies according to the Word of God, that is, according o such rules as the Word of God in that case doth prescribe them o poceed by; and the other think, they do not root them out as they shuld, and by he Covenant are bound to do, because they do not presently ba∣nish all such the Land, as they think liable to these terms, and will call by these names; there is another quarrel: and again for extirpating Episcopacie according to their place ad calling; for maintaining the Kings power in the maintainance of Religion and Libertie; different judgements herein shall cause a quarrel; nay, if this shall be made the sence of taking the Covenant, not onely quarrels and wars between the two Kingdoms might be occasioned by it, but between parties in the same Kingdom, every one believing it belongs to him, and he is bound to vindicate the breach of the Covenant; and this is likely to make good work, as it hath begun already to do; and this is the fruit of making Oaths and Cove∣nants stalking-Horses to obtain their worldly advantages, and bring about their designs; and therefore when they have put upon them sences that may serve their turns, then they urge them in their debates and Printed Papers spread about to those ends: Let those therefore that truely desire a firm and constant Union between the two Kingdoms, indeavour their Conjunction in settling, and when they are settled, in maintaing the just Rights and Liberties, and Govern∣ment of either Kingdom, not interessing themselves not intermedling in one an∣others Government; such a mutual assistance appears to be void of private inte∣rests and advantages sought after, and will root and increase mutual affections, the surest bond of Union; the other breeds jealousies, and will soon occasion quarrels and Divisions.

I have now discovered the false grounds and rotten foundations, upon which this deceitfull worker builds and carries on his whole design, which is by these lies to poyson the peoples affections, and to their own ruine (for that would prove the issue) to alienate their hearts from the Parliament, that they might be fitted to receive other Lords and Guides and serve their ends; a design as mischievous, as the means used to abuse and cheat the honest meaning simpler sort (as he calls them) into it, are false and malicious: as for the Malignants and Court party, who now hold up their heads more than ever, they fall in with it readily and promote it industriously, knowing a greater advantage cannot be put into their hands, than this, whereby to attain their ends, The overthrow of this Parliament, and thereby the destruction of all honest and godly men in the Kingdom, and the ruine of the Famous Citie of London, by whose means prin∣cipaly, if not onely they hope to effect what they have projected; which being done, the Citie shall be called to an after reckoning, for the Court will make use of it, to be inabled thereby to be revenged upon it, and it is like enough not spare the Heyfers themselves therein wherewith they now plow, how scarce soever they for the present esteem their condition to be.

I expect I may fall under the censure, of transgressing these rules of making an Answer, by these long digressions made upon occasion, which seem to be wholy of another nature; but I weigh it not at all, so long as I may in any mea∣sure Page  19 obtain that which I chiefly aim at, which is to prevent the mischief and ill consequences of this Lie-tell Pamphlet, if credit should be given unto it; to shew where the poyson lies, and what will be the effect, if once it be swallowed; to vindicate the two Houses of Parliament, and the honest men therein in re∣spect of their intentions and proceedings, from those lies and slanders which this Incendiary endeavours to cast upon both, hoping thereby to make that go down with the multitude and simpler sort more easily and without examination, that may serve his turn, and those who set him on work: if herein I follow him not step by step in this his wild-goose chase, it will be because I think it not worth the labour; in those pieces I take in hand, I will shew his falshood, malice and mischievous practises, whereby those who are not willing to be deceived may make a judgement of the rest, being all Ejusdem farinae, a bundle of Tales, some false, some true, but all falsely applied and made use of to the same end, to poyson the peoples affections (as I have said) and prepare them for commotions and tumultuous proceedings against Supream Authority. One thing more he hath before he comes to his Discourse (as he terms it) which I will not omit, because I cannot much differ with him in it, such is our unhappiness at present, and that is where he saith, never was good cause so ill handled, through the igno∣rance of some weak ones, and the malice of wicked ones; he omits an ingredient, or two, and those which have greatest operation, I will add them, and then we shall not differ about this matter; they are Ambition, and Envy, wherewith some are ready to burst; the truth is, these have cast our affairs into such a condition, what with tinckling Negotiations at Court, and our own Factions and divisions here, that if God prevent it not, even now in the winding up of all, we are in danger to be in a worse condition than at any times before: when we consider what hath fallen, or broken out now of late by the practises of Montril the French Agent; what we finde at home, what we dayly hear from abroad; we may well resolve, that if those that are honest in both Kingdoms and have right aims and intentions (as I am perswaded the generality in both have, and it is as certain there are those, who what ever they pretend, are false in both) do not firmly Unite themselves together, laying aside their differences for the present, (which are but concerning the outside of Religion and Liberty, and may both stand without what is contested about) that by their joynt forces they may op∣pose and disapoint the secret plots and designs of their common Adversaries, they are like to give themselves up into their hands, to de laughed at first, and ruined afterwards; Non putarem being written upon their Tombs.

All this while we have stayed in the porch, discovering the rotten foundati∣ons of this building, we will now go into the House, and see what wares there are within; unraveling the pieces, and discovering the deceitfull working, with the false and rotten ground work it hath throughout the whole piece; in doing of which it may be we shall lay open to the view of the World some pieces worth observation, in stead of his counterfeit slips.

He begins with a great complaint of the ill usage of our brethren of Scotland, by slanders and false reports, spread abroad, as he saith, by Athists, Sectaries, Prela∣tists, &c. to abuse the simpler sort of people: in setting forth this, and directing the Commissioners of Scotland what course they ought to take to obviate this inconvenience, and in reproving of them for their great mistakes and want of prudence, in that they had not used so much wisdom herein as he thinks fit they should have done, he Page  20 spends 14 pages of his discourse: concerning this remedie, and wherein he thinks them failing with the manner of his reproofs, we shall speak hereafter; first we will observe that both in this place, and upon all occasions throughout this Pam∣phlet in many parts thereof, he is large in making Invectives against the Parlia∣ment, as the truth is, though in shew and colourably against some parties, and leading men in both Houses, for ill using of his Countrey men, and ill requiting their well deserving; which to aggravate the more, he sets forth our low and lost condition, as he would have men believe, when they come in to assist us, and am∣plifieth their merit and services very hyperbolically: I have no desire to detract ought from their merit; I wish their affections to us, and assistance of us may by all be duly valued, but this man, who will make himself their Agent, hath dealt foolishly, and done them no good office, when to advance their well deserving, he will needs charge us with ingratitude and ill deserving of them, in that we spread a broad reports to their disgrace; forcing us hereby upon a just defence, in a particular wherein we shall be able to return the imputation, not onely to our own clearing therein, but to the reproach and shame of those, who charge us with it: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes?

What these sinister Reports spred abroad are, we hear not; generals serve his turn, whose end is to deceive; but it is too true, there wanted not matter for re∣ports, had we been willing to spread them: the Letters taken in Digbies cabinet, which were not written to be intercepted, as we may see by the brags he makes of his care to keep them safe, though the King had lost his, these being taken sometime after; In one of these letters, written from him to Jermyne, he speaks plainly of a Treatie he had with the Scotch Commissioners, he being the Kings principal Secretarie; and he is very earnest with Jermyne, to take care, that the Queen, when she shall leave off this Treatie between him and them, do not mis∣construe his intentions in it, as if he would yield to any thing contrary to the directions left by her, and agreed on between her and the King; willing him to assure her, that the offer of this Treatie was made to him by them before ever he thought of it, and that the use of it should be onely to abuse them, and so being dexterously handled much advantage might be made of it: another letter from Jermyne confirmeth the same thing. These be not Robin Hoods tales, nor Robin Wrights, nor the unknown Knights, with descanting upon which names you have endeavored to fence your selves against other informations come from abroad, which sound ill enough; but secret intelligences, passing between such who had no mind to deceive one another, nor could have no end in framing such an un∣truth: did we Print these Letters with other passages, and spread them about the Citie with Henry Elsigns name subscribed? no, nor the many Letters written unto us out of the North, complaining of unheard of abuses; nor the Reports made unto us by our Committees of Lords and Commons, who were upon the place and heard the Examinations and Proofs of those horrid abuses offered at Tickhil, and what little or no justice was done thereupon; nor the Protestation of our Committees, by which, together with those of the Kingdom of Scotland, as a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms, by the Treatie and League between the Kingdoms, the Scotish Armie was to be ordered, when notwithstanding that Armie in taking in of Carlile, and in marching into Westmoreland to that end, so much to the prejudice of the publick service, did not onely act this without their knowledge, but contrarie to their consent, yea, to their protesting against it: Nor Page  21 the information of Sir John Haumar; nor the confession of Audson, which who so will ask any Member of the House of Commons, shall understand to be a con∣fession of the Kings acting those very things a week after, which Sir John Haumar informeth, he was told by a Scotch Commissioner and his brother, a week before, the King would do, both agreeing very much in matter, manner and circum∣stances; neither these, nor divers others of like nature, which I delight not to reckon up, could provoke us to fall upon such a course, as to take advantage thereupon to traduce our Brethren, to spread abroad reports amongst the multi∣tude, and stir up the people against them, by filling their minds with fears and jealousies, which these things being spread would quickly have done: Now there∣fore let the world judge what honestie or conscience, nay rather what shameless impudencie this man useth, in endeavouring to make the people believe this hath been our carriage towards the Scots, when it is known, the House of Commons was content, upon a motion of one of their friends, to Order, that all those Letters which did any way concern the Scots, should be culled out from the rest, and not Printed in that respect, when the rest were to be Printed, and Mr. John Chesley, I think, had the care of it, and they were accordingly, or any passages in them reflecting upon the Scots, suppressed: But on the other side, he knoweth very well and all men else, that their Papers given into the Houses (so penned, as shewed what use they intended to make of them) being full of bitter expostulations, unjust imputations, and little better than accusations to the greatest disadvantage of the Parliament, were not onely Printed, and spread, and cried about the streets, but when that was ill taken and wondered at by all, insomuch as one of their friends in the House, to excuse it, affirmed it was done without their consent or knowledge, and that they disliked it as much as we did; the Printer thereupon being questioned, and the matter enquired into, the Scotch Commissioners were so far from disclaiming this practise, that they set forth these invective Papers in Print again, with an Epistle to avow the Commu∣nicating of them to the people, Mr. John Chesleys name (their Secretary) subscri∣bed; and this afterwards they made a common practise: he that cals the people to come and see a mote in another mans eye, may well be ashamed when they shall find a beam in his own: but it is observed that usually the wrong doers are the first complainers; and here the man hath done it no less foolishly than un∣justly, thereby occasioning, and drawing forth this Reply, which sheweth what reports we had to spread (as he that will take the pains to satisfie himself, may at any time see them in the hands of Mr. Henry Elsinge the Clerk of the Com∣mons House of Parliament) and withall what our respect shewed to them was in suppressing them, contrarie to this mans tales and lyes, and how unworthy their carriage on the other side was towards us in requital, even in the same par∣ticular. Truly I am sorrie, this School-master should find his lessons so well learn∣ed, and his reproofs so effectuall in their operation; I will now shew what his Les∣sons and reproofs are for matter and manner; For manner first most sutable to Mr. School-master, as you shall hear; You have mistaken the right way, Sirs, Sirs, herein you are hugely mistaken, and again herein I value your goodness, yet in this I cannot esteem your prudence; Excellent well for a pedantical Pedagogue, tutoring the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland in matters of State: Is not the Shoo-make here advanced beyond his Last? and yet we shall find him hereaf∣ter very gravely (more suo) reproving others (saving their wisdom) that they would Page  22 fall into such an error, as to put men into imployments wherein (as he will have it) they had not been experienced: belike this man was bred a great Statesman, and therefore may take upon him to shew the Commissioners of Scotland their igno∣rance and weakness in mannaging affairs of State, for so he doth sufficiently. For the matter, whosoever weigheth the scope and end aymed at, in what he would have done, shall find, that in the result, it will be of the same nature with those two or three desperate Remonstrances, which since the beginning of these troubles, have been spread about, inviting the people to take notice of the proceed∣ings of Parliament, and if they be not such as give them content, to remonstrate against them and inforce that which they approve of, or else let the Parliament know, as they have intrusted them, so they can, when they please, reassume that power which they gave them: This is a line drawn which meets in the same centre, for what is the end that this man hath in pressing the Scotch Commissioners (with so much impu∣dencie, as to befool them for that they had not done it) that they must not con∣tent themselves in having delivered their Papers into the Parliament, but must communicate them to the people? is it onely to tell the people a storie? In their Papers, which were fitted for the purpose, there are not onely Apologies for themselves, but complaints in respect of conditions not performed to them, and that sharp pointed enough; Now what can be intended by this man, when he will have these complaints carried to the people and spred about in the Citie, but that the Appeal must be made to them, and they stirred up, by their Petitions and Remonstrances, to cause the Parliament to do their dutie, that is, to do that which this man and his companions, and twentie others such like Jack Straws met together, shall judge to be their duties, what ever they themselves upon ma∣ture consultation, being therewith wholly intrusted by the established Govern∣ment of this Kingdom, shall have resolved of as fit for the Kingdom in the pre∣sent condition thereof? had this man been cured of the itching humour of Scri∣bling, and forborn until the Conference between the Committees of Lords and Commons, and the Scotch Commissioners, upon the Propositions to be sent to the King at the Isle of weight, and there heard one of the Commissioners plead, with so much zeal, for the Kings Prerogative to be upheld in this Kingdom, that a Lord could not forbear to tell him; The Kings Attorney Herbert would not have inforced it more, and the Commissioners for the King at Uxbridge, he was per∣swaded, did not press it further, nor with other Arguments: since he might have feared, this seditious counsel of his, which tendeth to the overthrow not onely of Monarchical, but of all Government, reducing all into the first Chaos of a popular confusion, would not have been so well liked, much less hearkened un∣to and followed by his Masters; the truth is, there was hardly any one thing that did more unsatisfie wise men, than this, that the Commissioners of another King∣dom, who were sent to the Parliament to keep unitie between the two King∣doms, and who did so much pretend thereunto, should, by scattering papers a∣bout the Citie, appeal from the Parliament, and cause a disaffection, and a divi∣sion between the Parliament and the people, who are included in the Parliament, and their Votes and consents involved in what they shall resolve upon: for this fellow, that doth give the advice, there is little heed to be taken, what such a pedant shall say in matters of State; but for Statesmen, imployed from one State to another, in a time of so much danger and libertie, not to foresee the ill con∣sequences of such a practise, and how ill it would have been relished in their own Page  23 Kingdom, or any other in like case, is not to be excused: we are not to cut the very nerves and sinews of Government, that we may serve a present turn; they that do so see not far before them, when to serve their turn for the present time; they will do that which will be certain to return upon them at another time to their greater prejudice, yea to the overturning of all Government, whereunto such practises as these tend directly.

He hath one instance, which you must take as a Demonstration of all this, he saith, such as will not onely make you know it, but feel it to be according to sence and reason; we did indeed feel that to our cost sufficiently, which produced those Papes, he makes his instance, given in about the latter end of May, when there were high murmurings (as he calls them) in both Houses and elsewhere, upon their Ar∣mies marching unexpectedly clean another way, when they should have come up to Darbie, according to the rendezvous set and agreed upon, both here by their Commissioners at the Committee of both Kingdoms, and there by their General with our Committee upon the place, and this when our Committees there least thought of it: But for the satisfaction he speaks of, given by those papers, they sa∣tisfied no man, but those who meant to be satisfied with any thing; for could any man, that would not forfeit his reason, and put out his own eyes, be satis∣fied for the overthrow of a Summers design, as well laid as any ever was (had not this corner stone sunk away, and failed) with such a tale as this, that a Scout of Sr. William Bruertons, and one come to him from the enemy (it may be sent pur∣posely) told him, the King meant to send 500. Horses, by the way of Lancashire, in∣to Scotland? What if this Scout told a tale, he heard, or made under a hedge; was such a fellow likely to be made acquainted with the Kings Counsels? We know well how apt Sr. William Bruerton was to take Alarms, and upon how little ground; was this a ground for the whole Army to March from the service ap∣pointed of greatest concernment, and let all fall to the ground that was built upon their advancing Southward, and instead thereof run Northward with such speed, as had they according to direction (and as is reported their Generals de∣sire) advanced but half so fast Southward, neither Lecester had been taken, the Counties adjoyning spoiled and plundered, nor the Kings Army, or Oxford in probability escaped out of our hands? behold the mans sensible Demonstration; yet I will not wrong him, there is one thing more in the Manifests, which is, that there was want of draughts: it must be want of draughts to go forward; for there was no want of them to go backwards 14. miles in a day, before ever the Committee, by whom they were to be directed, so much as heard of the Armies removing: the Committee was sure to blame, too provide Carts with such wheels as could run Northward, but neither go nor stir Southwards. He tells us, after some dayes a Copie of these papers fell by chance into the hands of a well-willer of the Scots, and he printed it, and gave a name to it, calling it [The Scots Manifest,] and then all the World became satisfied, and this did them more good than all that ever they had done, yea, as he was told, it flew over beyond the Seas, and did great matters there for the Scots: do these men think, lying may not be enumerated for one of the scandalous sins? were these papers printed by chance? did they so fall into this mans hands who printed them? and take a journey over the Seas (if there were any such thing) and all by chance, without the knowledge of the Scots? even so just as this Pamphlet (lies manifest) had its birth, and travels be∣yond the Seas (for the further from home, the easier credited) all was by Page  24 chance: most probable it is, this very man was the same, who hath been made the Midwife, to bring to the birth all those Gipsies, that have of late run up and down, to cheat and cosen the people. But if you will have a true Character of this Incendiary, who when he had indeavoured to set all the Town on fire, takes his heels and runs away; if you would see what flame it is he would kindle here amongst us, take it from the 11 and 12 pages, where when he had reproved the Scotch Commissioners for their want of stoutness, and for being (as he calleth it) Meal-mouthed both in the Assembly and other meetings (where likewise he runs out and reviles those men that are much honester than himself, or those who set him on this work, and approved of, both to sit in Parliament and in the Assembly) he then falls into an admiration of Knox and Buchanan and the carriage of busines∣ses in those times, when he saith, nothing did prevail or do good to the cause, but resolution and zeal in Carrying things, not onely against the common Enemie, but a∣gainst false friends; though the Lairds be new, yet the Game, he saith, is the same with that, their Fathers played in Scotland: we may imagin what he would be at, the good cause in hand must be so carried on now, as it was then; the multitude stir∣red up, by the Pulpit and the Press, to rise against lawful Authoritie, and force what they think good to call for, or shall be cosened and cheated into the desire of, under the specious pretences of Religion and Reformation; and if any, whom such a fellow as this is will design out for opposers and false friends, because they shall be found to stand for the preservation of the Government established, and the Priviledges, Libertie and Freedom of the Houses of Parliament according to the Covenant (which part of it, by these men, is usually skipped over) then some men, full of his zeal, must break into their chambers and cut their throats, of their own Authoritie, that so they may carrie on the good cause with stout∣ness, for there is no way to make the wicked leave or grow wearie of resisting and op∣pressing goodness, he saith, but by a vigorous and stout opposition; and what that is, he tells you, in telling you what times, and whose examples in those times you are to imitate; this will be indeed to play the old game in the same manner, though with new cards: For my part, I should much rather have cast a mantle upon the nakedness of those times, than affected to discover the same, had not this despe∣rate man proposed them to imitation in a time so unseasonable, and in an ill conjuncture of affairs to produce such examples in: I know the intentions of ma∣ny were good and pious in those times, it may be many things were done which those good men approved not of: besides the game was not the same; they plaid for the kernel it self, we for the shell of Religion; yet I never heard of any sober Divine, that would justifie the carrying on of Reformation in that manner, by private men, against the Laws and Government established in a Kingdom: The removing of Idolatrie out of a Kingdom, and introducing the Truth of the Go∣spel, is a blessing to be desired and preferred before all earthly things, but we must wait upon God for it, that we may have what he promiseth, in his way, and in his time, and not think to help him by our lyes; he needs not the sin of man to help forwards that which is for his glorie and the good of his children; he will certainly (as Job saith) reprove it, as he doth abhor it: but such men as these, whom we now deal withall, if they make themselves, and can once make others believe, it is the blessing which they seek, they care not what the means be they use to obtain it, be it lying, cosening, or deceiving even their own Fa∣thers.

Page  25

After an Epistle of 16 pages, and 14 more of his Discourse, spent in preparato∣rie tales and devises, at length he tels us he will now Thus begin; and there begins a storie, wherein are so many falshoods mixed with some truths, and the truths themselves so disguised, to serve his malice against some, and magnifie others beyond all belief, yea, beyond what is the known truth; that it looks like those pieces of ancient storie, which we endeavor to gather out of Poets, who to ad∣vance some particular man or men, whom they intend to make the principal subject of their Poem, destroy the Historie; disgracing some men, to extol others, with so many fictions, and made-tales, that no man knoweth what is truth: so here, the scope and end aymed at being to advance and magnifie his own Nati∣on (for which this impartial man makes himself throughout this whole Pamphlet an advocate) he makes such a Romance of it in their behalf, and manifesteth, in stead of truth, so much falshood against this Nation in general, traducing both Parliament and Committees of Parliament, and against particular men, who have deserved best, and for the most part all in generals, ut Dolosus, neither instancing in things, nor persons particularly; that no wise man will suffer himself to be a∣bused by it, but regard it as a Rattle, onely fit to draw together, and lead chil∣dren and fools.

I envie not the praise that the merit of the Scots shall duly acquire them, I wish it were much more than it is, and would not detract from what is due in the least degree, and it is my desire that now in the winding up of all, their carriage may be found so fair, that they may thereby stop the mouthes that have been opened against them, and by real actions (which, where there hath been so much cause given, can onely do it) root out all jealousies; but this I will say, that where there is true worth, it needs not the disgracing of other men to set it forth, and no generous spirit would do it, or endure it should be done for him.

This man having with impudencie enough reproched the Scots Commission∣ers, for being Mealie-mouthed, as I have shewed before, now begins his tale, in the first enterance falls so fouly upon the King, that you may be secure he means not therein to be found guiltie of that fault; The Design laid, he saith, was to o∣verthrow Religion and th Civil Government, introducing spiritual and temporal slaverie; for the King finding the Parliament not onely to hinder, but utterly destroy his Design, resolves to destroy his Parliament; to that end practises first with his own Armie to bring them up, to that purpose, offering to them in reward the plunder of the Citie of London; this being discovered and not taking, next he dealeth with the Scotch Army, to ingage them in this good work, making the same offer to them of the plun∣der of the City, and that it might not fail, adds thereunto the four Northern Counties, to be given them and adjoyned to their Kingdom, of this, that they may be assured, jewels of great value are offered to be pawned unto them; this failing also, in the third place, that he might not always be disappointed, he takes by the hand the Pa∣pists of Ireland, his good friends, and sends them Commission under the broad Seal of the Kingdom of Scotland (which was then, as he saith in his own keeping) to take up arms according o former agreement, which so soon as they had the Commissi∣on, they did, and brake forth into that Rebellion, wherein so many English men, so many Protestants, because such, have been so barbarously murthered; this done by Agreement, by Commission under the broad Seal of Scotland: then concludes, he will affirm, that in the latter end of King James his time, and in King Charles, by their Commissions, approbations, connivencies, and not forbidding, at home and a Page  26 broad, there hath been more Christian bloud shed, than in the time of the Roman Persecutions, all which upon the matter they might have stopped, if it had been their pleasure. You will believe in this particular the mans mouth was not stopped with meal: But what is his meaning in all this? is it, that we might be the more care∣full, not to diminish any thing of the Kings Power? to take care that the Militia might not be taken out of his hands? but his prerogative maintained, and we taught what the Oath of Alleageance, here in England, obligeth us unto, by the Scots Commissioners, for fear we should devest the King of any of that power which we see, if we may believe what this man tells us, he is likely to imploy so much to our safety? is it to perswade the Parliament and Citie, that now the Army may securely be disbanded, they need keep up no Forces whereby their safety may be in their own hands and keeping, but put themselves wholly into the Kings protection, and theirs, who carry on his designs here amongst us? we know this hath been contended for, in the late conference upon the Propositi∣ons, by the Scots Commissioners, with long Orations, and elaborate penned speeches, read out of a Paper and fitted for the Press, afterward Printed and spread about the Citie; we know likewise what practises there have been, and still are to disband this Army, though another Army be yet in the Kingdom, of strangers, our Towns not delivered, and when the King was kept under a Guard in that Army in our own Kingdom and refusing to grant our Propositions, but in stead thereof, the Peace with the Rebels of Ireland, since his being in that Army, confirmed, and the Rebels going on with all violence to root both Pro∣testants and English out of Ireland: The man certainly could not think these things, he would have the World know and believe to have been the Kings practises, are requisite precognita, to fit men to become idonei auditores hujus Philosophiae, which by his masters, the Scots Commissioners (for whom he will make himself an Agent all along) was taught and pressed with so much Zeal; and therefore he should have advised better with those his Countrey-men, who mannaged the Conference about the Propositions, before he had suffered his Pen to lash out in this manner in these particulars, the proof whereof I leave to himself, and the credit to be given thereunto, to those who esteem him worthy to be believed; but if they be truths, the Citie of London may now be warned, to have a more watchfull eye upon their Malignants, who drive on the Court de∣signs amongst them; for having cajoled and deceived the honest meaning men, by perswading them, they are for Reformation of Religion, the Presbyterian Government, and against Sects, Schisms and Heresies, (whereof they have no more care, than of their old shoes, but as they may make these specious pre∣tences stalking-Horses to compass their own ends) they, strengthned by the numbers of these, whom they have drawn along with them (as the men of Israel, who went out of Jerusalem in the simplicity of their hearts after Absolom, who intended treason) drive on their designs now for the Court, like Jehu, the Son of Nimshi, sharp, furiously, never so audacious, never so industrious as of late; & had not God prevented them by making some discoveries unexpected to them, and very cross to their contrivements, when the King came so near London and waited there, untill advertisement came unto him; that which lies under ground, and is the more easily hid, because men will not see, had broken forth openly and shewed it self in its own colours: in the beginning of these troubles a Ma∣lignant, or Court-partisan could not peep up and shew his head, but the vigi∣lancy Page  27 of the well-affected was such, as they were presently nipped in the very bud of their plots; but now forsooth they are become well-affected men them∣selves, such as love Reformation, and are carefull the King may receive no wrong, in his Prerogative onely, according to the Covenant; a strange altera∣tion, God grant it prove not an infection sent from Heaven, because God is not pleased with us, nor with the contentions and divisions, which grow amongst us, and that if not timely considered and looked unto, it indanger not this famous Citie to taste of that cup, which this man saith, hath been twice prepared for them: they, who being twice threatned, and warned the third time, shall yet suffer themselves to be led into the ditch, are surely blind folded and worse than a beast. But this I must observe before I leave this passage, that whatever else be true in it, that is assuredly false which he saith concerning the Scots giving advertisements, of the Negotiations with their Army, to the Parliament and Citie, at that time when it was in acting, that they might make their best use of it: It was indeed generously done of them, to abhor such an overture, as that was, which would have made them, or any other, infamous to all posterity; neither will I say, that they were any way obliged, as things then stood, to make an open di∣scovery of it (which this man will needs figment for their advantages) the truth being so far contrary to it, that one, who had been imployed a Commissioner to this Kingdom, out of Scotland, did long after, to an English Commissioner sent into Scotland, accuse an English Peer, for having dealt unfaithfully, in discovering to the King this great secret of Hendersons Negotiation with their Army, when it was spoken of, as he said, onely in the presence of three, and no more; and they would needs have that Lord to be the man of those three who did discover to the King, that it had been revealed here in England; therefore you see what a secret it was at that time, and how far from being revealed to the Parliament and Citie; for if both Parliament and Citie had known it, would any man be so simple as to imagin the King should be ignorant of its being revealed here in England, that he needed the discovery of a secret, to know that which could be no secret, when once in such hands as Parliament and Citie: but that Lord, whom I have heard they named, was unjustly traduced in it, as he himself hath since professed: the Scots Commissioner was the Earle of Crafford, Linsey, the English Mr. Henry Darloe; and I believe the Lord Linsey (for so he was then, being made an Earle afterwards) to be so Noble that he would not have done that Lord so much wrong, but that he was wronged himself by some, that, it may be being of the Cabal, had informed the King, and would excuse themselves, by accusing a man that was innocent: but this I instance in, to shew this mans falshood: To over-do officiously in the commendation, and setting forth of his Countrey-men, this man takes to be no sin; you must give him leave, in this Pamphlet of his, to be of the Popish faith in that particular point.

Having cast durt upon the King, and laid him low enough in the opinion of those that will believe what he saith (for I dare say, he cannot instance in one of those whom he fills his cheeks continually and swells out in railing against, when he meets with their names, as Independents, Sectaries, Schismaticks, or those hot headed men, who set wholy upon violence, as he saith in one place, could not like of the moderation of his Countrey-men, who upon all occasions desired to draw on a Treaty upon Propositions; there is not one amongst them all, that sets forth the King and represents him so unfit to be treated with, and Page  28 trusted with Government, as this hot head here hath done) having thus begun with the head, he proceeds to lay the Kingdom also in a condition as low as the dust; and all this he thinks little enough to advance the potencie, and set forth the charity of his Countrey-men: he tells us in the first place, what a condition we were in, when the contest was between the King and them about the Service-book, and will needs make the World believe, the Kings Armie was ready to starve for want of provisions, that had England at the back of it; but theirs, that had Scot∣land behinde it, so plentifully provided of all things, that out of their abundance and charitie they supplied the wants of the English Armie, which they might have undone if they would. This is known to be such a falshood, and, by any understanding man who knows their Nation, will easily be believed to be so, that it may very well be coupled with that which next followeth, which is, that they had the flower of the Kings Armie in their power, and suffered them to return safe back; he means, he tells you, the Partie that went to Dunslaw; by which you may see the Pedant takes up things upon trust, or in the streets as they are brought to him, for there was no such party went to Dunslaw at all, but to Kelsoe, and these might have been taken indeed, if they could (as we bid Children take Birds) have laid Salt upon their tails; they were Horses, and that piece of the Scots Ar∣my, which was at Kelsoe, were Foot, it is very likely, that Horse could not re∣turn from Foot, without their leave: you must give the Gentelman liberty to speak of matters of War according to his experience, for he will not be found to meddle in things he hath not been bred up to, that he is very severe against others for: base fopperies; it is well enough known, that Lord, who commanded the party which went to Kelsoe, was willing rather to return, than to be made the first man that should ingage these two Kingdoms in a war, and that was well enough known to be the sence of all the Nobility and Gentry which were drawn thi∣ther, and of this whole Kingdom, as appeared afterwards in Parliament: To this alone, under God, had you ingenuity enough to do it, you should attribute, not onely the saving of that party of yours at Kelsoe, but your whole Army and your Kingdom; for the King knew he had power enough to effect what he de∣sired, and you in humane reason could not be thought able to resist it; but he had not the hearts of these for this work, who were with him, and therefore he knew he could make little use of their hands in it: this it was which gave you means both at first, and the second time, to do your business to your content, yet we must be told what favours we received the second bout, when by the wicked practises of the Arch-Bishop Laud, confederating himself with the Lieutenant of Ireland, that he might the better carry on his design (which God brought upon their own heads, to the severing of them from their bodies) the agreement between the King and Scots, whereat all this Kingdom rejoyced, was broken, and preparations for War renewed on both sides: he tells us, the Scots, not thinking it fit, the seat of the War should be in their own Kingdom, invade Eng∣land, and after they had routed a partie of their Enemies, they did not, as it was in their power, pursue their victorie, but staid at New-Castle untill an agreement was made between the King and them: It is very true, they were too wise to pursue that which he calls a victory, for after some of our Forces had received a ruffle, which was not much considerable, if they had pressed upon the whole bo∣dy of the Army, which was much stronger than theirs and better Armed, they might not onely have lost their victory, which he brags of, but their Army, and Page  29 been constrained to go home without their Errant: they knew their staying in New-Castle would give their friends (who abhorred the dashing of the two Kingdoms one against another in a causeless War, as much as Joab did the com∣mandment of the King to number the people) opportunity to make their peace, and obtain their desires much better, sooner, and with more safety to them, than if by shewing forwardness to shed English bloud, they should have incensed them, and in stead of friends, made both them and the whole Kingdom real Enemies unto them; he that wrings the Nose, will bring forth bloud: it had been too great folly for them, to fall into, to provoke this Kingdom and ingage it in earnest against them; the King would have desired no more (as he saith) so little did he, or indeed had cause to fear the power of the Scots, would the Nobility and Power of England have ingaged with him; but he quickly saw what he might expect (and what the Scots knew well enough, and did prudently, to wait for) by that Petition, which the Noble men sent from London to him, and which was seconded by the desires of the Citie and whole Kingdom. This affe∣ction to your peace, and good, manifested then, and afterwards without parallel, by giving you the brotherly assistance (things never to be forgotten by that Kingdom) prevented your ruine, obtained your peace upon your own terms, and made you rich; it was not any fear of your Army, which without these things could have effected nothing but your own hurt: I speak to you Mr. Pam∣phleter in the same person, you will needs at your pleasure assume; you will take upon you, when you please, to personate the Scots Commissioners, some∣times again all the Scots, another time the Estates of Scotland; you shall Sir, at my pleasure, so receive your answers. But what notice doth this pedant take of the Noble mens Petition? No more than of a sign-post in his way, looks up∣on it onely, and rides on, though it was the very hinge upon which all our affairs for the good of both Kingdoms at that time turned about; he saith the incoming of the Scots gave occasion and libertie to divers of the Nobles of England to desire a Parliament; what effect had that? nothing? all must be attributed unto the Scots Army; whereas that, without this Petition, and the known sence of the Citie and Kingdom concurring therewith, had been no more, than the fly upon the wheel; and yet he will needs mark the granting of the Parliament, and the continuance of it, to be done by the King for fear of the Scots Army, yea fur∣ther, the preservation thereof also from total destruction and ruine must be put in to set forth the merit, and magnifie the great works done by that Army; a fop∣pery so ridiculous, as is sufficient of it self to discover this Agent for the Scots, and his work in this Pamphlet to all knowing men: what the deeds of that Army were, which he attributes our preservation unto, I shall shew hereafter; in the mean time see the impudency of this spatterer, in casting durt upon those Noble men, whom posterity hath cause to honour to all generations, and that they might have this honour, in the beginning of this Parliament the House of Peers publickly gave them thanks, and appointed withall, that their names should be entered upon record in their Journal book, with their thanks given unto them, as an acknowledgement of the service they had done the Kingdom by that act of theirs? This fellow makes no other use of it than to magnifie the Scots Army, and asperse those Noble men, of whom he saith some have betrayed the cause of God and his people, what by open War, and what by clandestine undermining; those, who by open War have opposed the Parliament are known, and let them Page  30 bear their shame; but for the other aspersion of clandestine undermining, it is applicable to any of them being left uncertain, and therefore none of them are free from it; The man hath evil thoughts against some of whom he can speak no ill, for if he could, you should be sure to have it; it is a secret, that, the truth is, he himself was never acquainted withall, onely he hath so little charity as to make himself a Judge out of his own evil thoughts, and would very willingly have other men do so to, hoping they may fix upon those persons his malice would render suspected, whose worth dazels his eyes, and stirs his spleen the more, because he findes the constant integrity of their carriage to be such that it muzzes up his soul mouth.

(Poetica licentia)

Magne Pater divum Lippos punire bubones
Hand alia ratione velis, cum dira libido
Moverit Ingenium ferventi tincta veneno,
Virtutem ut videant, intabescantque relicta.

He comes now to the breaking forth of the Irish Rebellion, the occasion and rise he gives the King the honour of, as hath been observed, and that by his Commission under the broad Seal of Scotland; but this is not sufficient to serve his turn, except the King be made to have a plot, which neither came into his head, and was as far from his heart, and all this to set forth how formidable the Scots Army was; the plot was, by his Court Parasites and other Emissaries, to possess the people with jealousies of the Scots Armie, that they may be sent home and disband∣ed, for untill that were done, the Irish neither would, nor durst enter upon any action, as before he had said, the fear of them kept the English Army from doing what they had promised: the King did so little fear this bug-bear, of his setting up, that having prevailed with some of the chief Officers of his own Army, and thereby put in hope to bring the Army to his desires, he would have been glad rather of such an occasion to keep them still on foot, than plotted the going of the Scots Army out of the Kingdom, whereupon he knew his own must needs be disband∣ed; for he very well knew, if he could master the Parliament and Citie by his own Army, he should easily bring the Scots Army to what terms he pleased: But what may we gather out of this to be their meaning? when we had given the Scots 300000 l. (a sum seldom, or never heard of in that Kingdom) for an income, and paid them so well for doing their own work; have they the confi∣dence to expect, that we should besides have made their Army a state for term of life within the Kingdom? belike it was our silliness, that we did not dis∣band our own Army, the War being ended, and keep on foot theirs, which came in to invade us, for our safe-guard: he intends not sure to put us to so much charge, as to have kept both Armies when all was agreed, but thinks it was very fit for us to put our trust under their shadow, for there we are sure to be safe: I begin now to fear, that if they shall perceive, we can by Pamphlets and Papers Printed to be spread about, be made such Ideots as to believe this to be made manifest truth, that it was a great silliness in us, not to keep their Army in our Kingdom for our Guard, when they came in as Enemies to invade us, they may be incouraged to hope that in time, fit means being used to abuse Page  31 the people (as long tedious papers spread amongst them, with long sentences, in∣volving the sence that the silly ones will never understand, and some specious ar∣guments intermixed, lest all should be thought non-sence and unintelligible) they may prevail to make us further sensible of our own condition, and perswade us, we are indeed grown lunatick and not of a disposing capacitie; and as we are not fit to be trusted with disposing of the Kings person within the Kingdom, so as unfit are we to dispose of our Towns, or our selves without their care; and therefore to save charges we may do well to disband our own Armie (a thing that by many practises hath been attempted, and take theirs to be our Keepers, and to keep the King and our Towns for us: for the case is much altered, and much fairer now; this Armie came in as Friends and Brethren, joyned in the same cause with us, and by a holy League and Covenant bound to take care of our safetie and preservation, no less than of the safetie & preservation of the Kings person; and esteeming us so extreamly Scotomised of late and in the dark, that we are not able to discern the dangers that may befall us, nor to defend our selves against them without their eyes to see by, and their hands to help us, being also warned by former experience, as this fellow sheweth, what danger befel us by their going out of the Kingdom before with their Armie, and how great a silli∣ness it was, both in us and them, to be so over-reached by the Malignants at that time, as not to keep that Armie in the Kingdom; no doubt the Scots and this Armie of theirs now will be so acquainted with the height of mischief, which they were not then, as he saith, that they will not suffer us to fall into it again, for want of their help, and the help of their Armie; and we will be perswaded not to be so silly as to trust our own Army, that consists of Schismaticks, Here∣ticks and independents, and send theirs out of the Kingdom, who are all Ortho∣dox, and all such as we may take by the hand in the mist that is now cast before our eyes, and let them lead us whither they please without fear: for the man tels us the Scots ever did, and still do, pursue their point (that is his expression) I think he means, that which is now worn thread-bare by being so often spoken, and so little minded, the ends contained in the Covenant; yet what point he means, I leave to himself to explain; but what point hath been pursued by them, especial∣ly of late and still is, every wise man may easily discern; for the Covenant, if that be the point, it serveth and will stand (as it is now made use of) to all the points of the Compass, made a very stalking-horse to politick designs, made what every man pleaseth, and so the name of God is taken in vain to a great provocation. I have cause to fear, by what I see expressed by this Emissarie and Agent in his Pamphlet, and what I have observed elsewhere since, that we may have some such point pursued as I have here spoken of, and that by colour of the Covenant; for we are grown not onely dark and blind, but sufficiently esteemed such; and truly if such things as these lately practised to be put upon us, and in such a man∣ner put forward, as we have seen, will not prove eye-salve unto us, we are stark stone blind, and fit to be sent ad Antyceras to recover their wits.

The King was in Scotland when this barbarous rebellion brake forth; the Scots he saith, offered him their service to repress it, before it grew worse; the King re∣fuseth it by pretence of doing nothing without the advise of his Parliament in Eng∣land, whither he posteth; when he came there, he goeth seldom to the Parliament, said nothing of the Irish Rebellion, untill he was constrained to it, and then little, cold, and ambiguous: so this man here again will make the King author of that Page  32 Rebellion, and lay uppon him the guilt of all that bloud of the Protestant and Englishmen so barbarously and inhumanely shed by those cruel Rebels.

I wish with all my heart he had not contracted too much of the guilt thereof, by that Peace he made with those barbarous beasts to advance his ill begun, and worse prosecuted designes here: God from heaven, by the success, hath made it manifest, how detestable both were unto him; God grant the King may lay it to his heart, and make his use of it, leaving to trust to new plots, least the same hand be stretched out still against him, and cause a worse thng to befall him, which yet he may prevent by repenting, by being plain, and clear in his ways with his people, and cashiering Juglers, and so be happy yet in his latter end. he Scots he saith, follow the King to London with their Commissioners to of∣fer the assistance of 10000. men to be sent into Ireland: we no way doubt of their willingness to settle 10000. men in Ireland; you may spare your labor in en∣deavouring to prove it by their coming such a journey to promote it: he com∣plaines, that both in Councell and Parliament it met with opposition, and was de∣laied by the corrupt and ignorant party then; belike it was a party that hath been better instructed since, and made more sound by such applications, as have been used to recover them; you know it very well to be so, and how effected by your Commissioners; but for the opposition, he speaes of, which was made to their proposition of 10000. men (for fewer they would not send) had it been then believed, that it would have been so long before they had been landed there, that we might have sent as many out of England that would have been there before them, certainly not onely a party, but every man would have been against the sending of them; for nothing did sway with those, who were for the admitting of their propositions, but the hope alone that men from those parts might be so speedily put over into that Kingdom, that the rebellion thereby might have been crushed in the bud, and first rise of it; but it proved altogether otherways; for we could have sent as many from our own King∣dom as soon, if not sooner, than they landed there to be of any use to us; and there is none, who would not have been of that minde, that it was much bet∣ter to use our own than strangers; they would certainly have done our work as well, obeyed our commands much better, and that Kingdom would have maintained them at as cheap rates, and the reckoning, which they would have brought us in at last, would have been as little and as easily discharged.

Though they came late, yet when they came, he brags they went on with such success, that they quickly cleared the North countrey of Ireland, of the rebels: I I wish the rebels do not clear it of them; I will not say what they did when they came, but if we should believe the reports of those, who have their estates there in the North of Ireland, and are imployed here in England, some of them in Parliament, and there constantly have gone along with those the Scots take for their great friends at this time, and therefore they cannot be thought to speak out of ill affection, they have said, that when there have been fair opportu∣nities offered, to clear the Countrey indeed of the Rebels, and wholly break them; whereby there might have been made a speedie end of the War, they have desired the Commander in Chief of the Scots there, to lay hold of those advantages, and joyn with the British Forces to that end, and have been not onely refused that, but when they have desired to have leave to do it themselves, they have been forbidden and hindered; I leave the proof hereof to the speak∣ers Page  33 themselves, onely I will say if this be true, here they did not pursue their point, and for the truth thereof, ask Sr. John Clotworthie, your great friend.

After many races run from one Kingdome to another, and many turnings from one devise to another, to turn his storie of the Scots and their Armies, both for us and against us, into a sillie Romance, to make it appear how they pursued their point, notwithstanding all the hardship that befel them, and the great adven∣tures of cold and hunger they encountered with; he comes in the 22 page to remember himself of returning to England, and there begins to shew, how the misled King, by the assistance of those Traitors that followed him (all other devises & plots contrived by him and his to that end failing) sets this designe on foot, to make o∣pen war against his Parliament to destroy it: it is true, it was not for a Service-book, or for abolishing Episcopacie, this War was made; in this, by chance, he is stum∣bled upon a truth; it was indeed a War made to destroy the Parliament of Eng∣land, that is the Government of England in the very root and foundation there∣of; and hereby it appears, what it was that we defended, and how just and ne∣cessarie that defence was: we do not hold it lawful to take up Arms, thereby to force the alteration of laws alreadie made, or the making of new; there are other ways and means to be used, whereby the three Estates, who are Coordinate in this Legislative, which is the highest Power, may come to agree and consent in that which shall appear to be for the publick good in the making and alteration of Laws; we took up Arms to defend the two Houses of Parliament, which are the two estates coordinate with the third, the King, in the Supream power of this Kingdom, from being out-raged by a company of Ruffins gathered toge∣ther in the Kings House, and keep there some dayes for that purpose, and in the end led to the doors of the Commons House of Parliament by the King, with Swords and Pistols, to pull out the Members thereof by violence upon faigned and groundless pretences, whereof there never was so much alleadged as the least shew of proof to this day; and the World is sufficiently satisfied, that there was nothing in it that had a colour, or shadow of truth; that this might not be effected another time, as it was then attempted, we were necessitated to desire a Guard, which was denied, except we would have it in such hands as we knew would be a Guard upon us, and not to secure us; this demand was no more than what the intrusted power the King hath, must by constitution of this Govern∣ment, be imployed to provide for inferiour Courts of Judicature in the King∣dom, which are by Law established, for the sworn Officer, which is the Sherieff, not any other whom the King please, must raise the whole power of the County, if need require, to secure those Courts, that Justice may be administred in them according to Law, without terrour, and that such judgements as they shall give, may be duely executed; for the Law is the Rule of every such judgement, not the Kings will, and the Application of this Rule must be in the Courts esta∣blished by Law, not otherwise at the Kings pleasure, and that by sworn Judges also, not by any other person whom the King will think fit to appoint, neither is the execution to be left to whom the King will send, but the sworn Officers to King & Kingdom must see it done, & may raise power to that end by their Office, the power of the whole County, and thereby suppress any power that shall op∣pose, or hinder the same, though warranted by the Kings Command in word, or writing; and in doing this the Sherieff shall do no more than mainain the Kings Power in his politick capacity, as King of England, against the passions and lusts Page  34 of his person, as a private man missed by the evil Counsels of Sycophants: Now if this be a truth, according to the constitution of this Government, that the power, which this Kingdom hath invested the King thereof with, for the good and safety of it, must be thus exercised, as concerning inferiour Courts and sub∣ordinate, that they may sit without terrour, in giving judgements according to Law without fear, or favour, or respect to persons: that Delinquents may not be taken and kept by force from Justice in those judicatories, nor the execution of their judgements, pronounced according to the Laws of the Land, by vio∣lency be opposed, but that violence, if any be offered, must be suppressed by the Kings legal power (which is all the power that of right he hath) though it should be countenanced by his personal Commands and presence, which as King he cannot be supposed to do: how much more ought this Supreamest Court to have all this performed to them, by the Posse, not of the County alone where they sit, but of all the Counties, the Posse totius Regni, which they repre∣sent: and of that assistance, this highest Court of the Kingdom and Supreamest judicatory (wherein the two estates, in the very first constitution and Coalition of this Government, are joyned as coordinate with the third, not subordinate) stood in need, yea, had been utterly subverted without it. This man hath so much of truth in his discourse as to say it was intended, and all men saw it was practised and pursued; Forces were raised under the shadow of vain and frivo∣lous pretenses to destroy them, and Traitors to the State and Kingdom by force detained from their justice, yea, from trial by them. In such a case, when one estate of three, that is intrusted with the executive power, will not exercise the same, to the ends for which he hath that trust, when necessarily required so to do, but withdraw, or oppose, that failer must be supplied by the other; for there must be an exercise of power intrusted, to the ends for which it is intrusted, that the Kingdom suffer not destructive detriment: Common reason will dictate to every man in such cases of wilfull failer and desertion, Coordinata supplent, and it is their duty so to do; subordinate indeed are onely subservient, and they ought all to be subservient, when necessity shall require the Coordinata to supply the defect of that estate, which doth wilfully desert its trust and duty, to the unavoidable damage of the Kingdom otherwise. I have been willing upon this occasion to insist a little upon this particular, of the two Houses of Parliament taking up of Arms, not onely to state the cause and quarrel aright, that the peo∣ple might not by this Pamphletter, and those who set him on work, be abused, and misled into mistakes of it, as afterwards you shall see he indeavours, but also that I might open and clear to others (who are strangers to our affairs and pro∣ceedings, in these late unhappy Wars, and its probable to the Government of this Kingdom in the right & true constitution of it) the necessity that the Houses of Parliament had to do it, and the Justice that there was in that which they did; least being deceived by the Court party, & such Remonstrances and Decla∣rations as have been set forth to that end, they may misjudge the Houses of Par∣liament, and think they rose up disobediently against Authority, when they maintained and defended the lawfull Authority of this Kingdom against vio∣lence and manifest oppression, by which otherwise it had been subverted: stran∣gers of other Nations, ignorant of this Government, may easily be led into such an errour, and therefore I thought it my part and duty, to take this occasion to vindicate the honour, integrity and justice of the two Houses of Parliament in Page  35 that action, at that time, and upon that occasion done by them: what hath been done by others since without them, yea against them, can with no justice be im∣puted to them.

The man, before he was aware, states the quarrel right, the King makes open War, with intent to destroy the Parliament, they are forced to take up Arms to defend and preserve themselves, and in them the English Government from be∣ing destroyed; and what they took up Arms for, that they called their bre∣thren of Scotland to assist them in: I believe this Zelot will finde some of his ends contained in the Covenant, as he would have it believed, and so often there∣fore inculcates it, wanting in thus stating the quarrel; he would have that, which he calls the Reformation of Religion, the thing we fight for, and therefore batters the peoples ears, almost in every leaf, with standing for the cause of God, the service of the Church, the ends contained in the Covenant, promoting the cause of the Church, and such like; but what is all this in his intention? Nothing else but the casting out of Bishops, and setting up in England the Government of the Church of Scotland; this with him is Religion from top to toe, head to foot, whereas were it what it ought to be, and what they would have it believed to be, it is so far from that, that it is but the shell to the kernel, the utmost mound Wall to the Temple, the Pins to the Tabernacle. Could he say, and make it good, the Kings design was, to make open War to alter the Laws established concerning Religion here in England, and by force to bring in Popery against Law, he might well make it a part of the quarrel, and think and say, we ought to defend Religion established by Law, against idolatry, by opposing force to force (I mean the two Houses of Parliament, and so would alwayes be understood in this case of taking up of Arms in defence of the Laws, and opposing force with force, not of private men when I say we) but men will easily perceive, except they be some of those, you so often call your simpler sort, how great a difference there is between fighting to maintain the Laws and true Religion established by them against idolatry; and fighting against Law to overthrow one Govern∣ment thereby established, and set up another in the Church, which hath no Law for it; when true Religion may stand, though both those should fall; neither the one, as you have framed it, and use it, no more than the other, being better than a meer humane policie. You, and those who set you on work, shall give us leave to state our own cause; in assisting us you must take up what we avow; if you have any thing else of your own to promote, you may be left to abound in your own sence, and do it in your own Kingdom, and answer therein your own con∣sciences: but you often urge, we are bound to make good the ends contained in the Covenant, and that your Nation would not ingage, untill that Covenant was framed, and entered into; and from hence you would infer, that Reformation of Church-Government, according to that sence you put upon the Covenant, to serve your turn, is that we are bound to contend and fight for: you are out of the way, a thing usual with you; we do acknowledge the entering into a Covenant was pro∣posed, for that must not be wanting with you when you undertake things of this nature, and to give you satisfaction it was agreed unto by us, and lastly framed here in England, but with these limitations purposely (according to our place and calling:) we would have you prove, that we are in our place, when we are in Arms, to force the alteration of Laws already made, or the ma∣king of new; or shew us what calling we have to take up Arms, having Page  36 no other cause but this alone for it: it is true, as hath been proved, that we have just cause to take up Arms to defend the Government and Laws of the Kingdom, and our selves in the defence thereof, from violence, Arms being taken up first, as you affirm, to destroy us: the Reformation of these abuses in the Church, and preventing the disturbance of peace in the Civil Government, occasioned there∣by, through the never failing pide and ambition of the Clergy, falls into our hands in a providenial way of Gods ordering things for the good of Church and state, which price, as God hath put it into our hands, so shall we not want a heart to improve it by all good wayes and lawfull means (that, we call, according to our place and calling) for the extirpating of Hierachical Episcopacy, and Refor∣mation of Religion according to the word of God, and the example of the best Reformed Churches (especially that of Scotland.) This is your addition to the Covenant, there being no such word in it, we finde your skill in Addition and Substraction when it serves for your turn, all your Pamphlet over, wherein you shew little pity, or skill therein, so far as these Reformed Churches make the word of God their pattern and example; follow me, saith the Apostle, as you see me follow Christ: otherwise we have nothing to do with your example, or theirs: we shall also keep to our Covenant for the extirpating of all Sects, Schisms and Heresies, according to the word of God; which as it was particularly explained at the debate that was at the framing of the Covenant, is to be understood, not onely in respect of the errours themselves, which are to be tried and examined by the word of God, but of the proceedings to be had with those persons, who shall be found to hold such errours, which proceedings also must be according to the rules of the word of God; not presently to call for fire to come down from Heaven and consume them, this fiery Zeal from the flesh, not from the Al∣tar, this will pull up Wheat, instead of Tares; but what the Spirit of Christ (for these men know not of what Spirit they are) doth in his word direct to be done with such persons as being corrupted in judgement, indeavour to corrupt others, and disturb the peace of the Church and of the state (for that will unavoydably follow) and cause rents and divisions in both; we according to these rules, shall keep to our Covenant in dealing with such, as faithfully and sincerely as any hot head of them all. Thus much upon this occasion, for stating the quarrel, aright, before we follow the man in his story of carrying on this quarrel which was taken up against us, and hath been prosecuted with so much violence, practise and falshood of all kindes; we would not have the people abused and drawn into a mistake in that point, what it was, we took up Arms for, and do justifie, we may and must fight for, by his continual pratling of the holy League and Covenant, as if all things contained therein were the ground, and had been the cause of this quarrel; we shall not fight I think if whoring, swearing, juggling, false dealing, drunkenness, and other abominable prophane practises open and secret be not reformed in our lives and conversations; and yet we are as much bound by the Covenant to do this, and see it done, as to reform those things this Pamphleter cries out so much for, and doth so frequently buze into the peoples ears: I would it might please God to work mens hearts to a through repentance for these, you should not need then to trouble your self much for the other you are so zealous against, for they would quickly fall away of themselves, being the just judgements and punishments sent of God for the forenamed abominations, he sends upon men strong delusions because they receive not the truth in the love thereof, Page  37 but delight in unrighteousness; they have a shew of godliness, but in their lives and conversations with men, they denie the power of it: This makes some run into a∣bominable errors on the one hand, and others turn bloudie persecutors on the other hand, both receiving the just reward of their hypocisie.

But before I pass on further I will ask you one question, and it is this, by what rule shall we know them, whom you call by the name of Independents, Sectaries, Schismaticks, and Hereticks, against whom you would have the people believe your bow is bent, and your arrows sharpened; and the persecution of whom is, with you, the cause of God, and the end contained in your Covenant? I suppose you will not say those who in Doctrine and Discipline refuse to conform to what you and yours have set up in your fancies, and call the Cause of God, and the good work in hand, the settling of the Church and such like? this were too gross; I expect, if you be urged, you will rather say, you mean such as refuse to be con∣formable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Word of God; but what it is, that the Word of God doth hold forth concerning these, must be agreed upon by that Church and State where such men live, whom you would have branded with these names; otherwise if no Rule be set, how can there be a Separation from it? or the word Sectarie, or Heretick imputed to one man more than to another? Now if we examin, when this Pamphleter did write, what it was that was esta∣blished here by the State and Church of England, it will be found to have been Episcopacie and the Service-book; are not your fiercest Presbyterians then as great Separists, Sectaries, and Schismaticks, as Independents? for I hope they will now pretend themselves to be as opposite to these, as your greatest Indepen∣dents; what ever they were in the Bishops times, and what they did then, the most of them we know well enough; At this time since the State hath agreed upon the Directorie, and that Government, which they think fit and meet to set∣tle here in this Kingdom for the Churches thereof, is there an Independent, nay a Schismatick, Sectarie, or Heretick amongst them all, that will not conform to it as fully as any Presbyterian, with that Explanation and Reservation which the Presbyterians in plain terms tell the Parliament they will take to themselves in conforming, and conform no further? they have had the confidence to give in papers, or at least to print and spread about papers to this purpose, a Copie whereof you shall here see; and let the same libertie be given to Independents or to the worst of Hereticks (which this Pamphleter and others to the disgrace of the English Churches amongst forreign Nations, would make the world be∣lieve we swarm withall) and there is none such amongst us who will not be as conformable as any of those who by a rigid pressing of Conformitie to their own wills and fancies, overthrow that unitie in what is the known will of God, which otherwise might be carried on in love according to the Apostles rule, Phil. 2.1, 2, 3. and 3.16. notwithstanding difference of judgement in some parti∣culars not destructive to the foundation of Christian Religion.

Page  38

Certain Considerations and Cautions agreed upon by the Ministers of London, Westminster, and within the Lines of Commu∣nication, June 19. 1646. according to which they resolve to put the Presbyterial Government in execution, upon the Ordinances of PARLIAMENT heretofore published.

WE Ministers of Christ, residing within the Cities of London and Westmin∣ster, and Lines of Communication, having seen and read an Order of the Honorable House of Commons assembled in PARLIAMENT, bearing date June 9. 1646. Requiring and Injoyning all the Ministers of the Province of London forth∣with to put in execution the Ordinances concerning Church Government, Hold it re∣quisite humbly and faithfully as in the sight of God to shew our judgements and reso∣lutions about this weightie matter, for the clearing of our Integrities, and preserving our Consciences void of offence both towards God and towards man.

We have seriously pondered the present state of things; and find our selves, whether we act as is required, or act not, to be in a very great strait. On the one hand, Prela∣cie, being justly pulled down, and the Church miserably groaning under Disorder & Confusion, many things crie aloud upon us in our places to put Church Government into actual execution; The glory of God, the edification of his Church, the Dutie of our Function, the Ingagement of our solemn Covenant with God, the command of the Ci∣vil Magistrate (which so far as we can with a good Conscience, we are resolved and hold it our Dutie to obey,) and the present unspeakable miseries of the Church by wo∣full Divisions, Blasphemies, Heresies, abominable Looseness, Libertinism, and Athe∣ism, and the spiritual Ruin of many Congregations through false Teachers, or want of faithfull Pastors for lack of Ordination. On the other hand, upon consideration of all the Ordinances of Parliament about Church-Government, we find many necessarie things not yet established, and some things wherein our Consciences are not so full sa∣tisfied: And therefore in our beginning to act, we cannot but foresee, how likely we are to be sinisterly interpreted by many, who are prone to misconstrue all our actions of this nature. We thereupon hold it necessarie to express upon what Grounds we may pro∣ceed, to act upon the Ordinances alreadie established by Authoritie.

Although we conceive the power of Church-censures, and in particular the keeping off Ignorant and Scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, to be in Church-Officers by the Will and Appointment of Jesus Christ, and from him they re∣ceive their Office and Authoritie: Yet we acknowledge, it belongs to the Magistrate to have his Conscience satisfied in the truth of that Government of the Church which he will set up by his Authoritie, from whom the Church Officers do receive Authoritie of the publick exercise of their Offices in his Dominions. And in case the Magistrate be not so fully informed, as to set up a right and perfect Rule in every particular, the Church Officers may yet act under that Rule; Provided, that they do not subscribe to, or otherwise acknowledge that Rule to be intire and right in all points.

And therefore for these particular Ordinances, although we humbly conceive that they do not hold forth a compleat Rule, nor are in all points satisfactorie to our Consci∣ences: Yet because we find many things established in them, agreeable to the Word of God (for which we desire heartily to bless God, and to be thankfull to the Honorable Houses,) Provision being made for inabling the Elderships by their Authoritie, to keep Page  39 away from the Lords Supper all Ignorant persons, and many Scandalous persons, with a Declaration of their Resolution, that all Notorious and Scandalous Offenders shall be kept from the Sacrament, and that there shall be a further addition to the Scandalous offences formerly enumerated; We conceive it is our dutie to begin to act in reference to Church-Government by Congregational, Classical, Provincial, and National Assemblies; Resolving by the Grace of God to walk in all things according to the Rule of the Word, and according to these Ordinances so far as we conceive them correspondent to it; and to be accountable to the Magi∣strate whensoever he shall call us thereunto; Hoping so to carry our selves, as not onely to injoy his concurrence with us on all occasions; but also that he will supply what is lacking to make the Government intire, and likewise make alterations in all things that shall appear to be amiss. And in thus doing, we trust we shall not grieve the spirits of the truly godly either at home or abroad; nor give any just occasion to them that are contrarie minded, to blame our proceedings.

Thus much that I may trouble my self the less hereafter with these names which, ad faciendum Populum as your manner is, you stuff almost everie page withall; now to your long tale, the Fox hath left such a scent behind him as he go∣eth along, that many have come out and barked at him, but were afraid to come too near, close up to him for fear of being bitten; where any have discovered him, I may save a labour, and endeavour to find him out in his other jugling ways; he tels us first of the sending of a Commissioner to move the King and Parlia∣ment to extirpate Bishops out of the Church, as they had cast them out from Civil Go∣vernment; this tale is told to make way for the aspersing of the Parliament, by telling what the King answered the Commissioner concerning the Parliaments favouring of Schismes and Sectaries; and that this was the end, you may see by the addition of his judgement therein; belike the Parliament was too favourable to you and your partie, for as I have said before, Independents can be no more said here to be Sectaries and differ from the Rule established, than you and your partie: But I will add this, that neither Independent (against whom your sto∣mach riseth) nor any other, nay put them altogether, have made such rents, di∣visions and distractions amongst us, as you and your partie have done and still are endeavouring to do, by Pamphlets, Papers, Emissaries, spread and sent among the people to poyson their affections by Manifest Lyes, under the name of Truths Manifest, witness this lying Pamphlet, and Cranford with his notorious lyes, sent by Mr. Bailyes a Scoth Minister: and Commissioner to publish the same upon the Exchange, and all this to alienate the people from the Parliament, which is to stir them up against Government, and cause them to despise lawfull Au∣thority and dominion, and to murmur against, and speak evil of dignities; this as you continually do your selves, so by these means you plot and contrive to excite the people to do the same: take heed God in just judgement do not give you up for this, to be found also those filthy dreamers that defile the flesh. In the next place when things were grown to great height between the King and Parlia∣ment, he saith, the Scots sent Commissioners to intermediate between them, and com∣plaineth that the Court rulers and Malignants spewed abroad reports (its his phrase though none be more subject to the disease than himself) that this was dishonou∣rable to the English Nation, for them being Subjects, to come with their intermise be∣tween Page  40 the King and Parliament, the simpler sort he saith, are taken with it, for all are simple with him that are not as foolish as himself, and were he wiser than he is, he would think as the Parliament hath resolved, that neither Subjects of an∣other Kingdom, no nor any forreign states were fit to be used in this difference; but the two Houses of Parliament being the great Councell of the Kingdom, as representing the whole body thereof, are to offer to the King, that which they, who onely are concerned, do conceive to be fit, for the good and safety thereof, the preservation of the Laws, and their just Rights and Liberties; which having done, their counsel is therein to be hearkened unto, none other having right, or interest to intermeddle; neither should their mediation need to move the King to hearken unto the great Council of his Kingdome in things concerning the good thereof, nor ought any such thing to be admitted by that great Council to their prejudice, who have intrusted them, and whom they represent.

Now we have him entering upon the stage (for a very stage play) for posterity to read and be abused by, he makes of it) and that the turn and Catastrophe in our affrirs may be made more eminent and remarkable, the whole glorie where∣of he intends to bestow upon his Countrey-men (for that alone is his design throughout his whole Pamphlet) we forsooth must be reduced into a condition of utter despair, as if there were no hope left for us, but the incoming of the Scots to be our Saviours; and the man here falls to his politick observations ve∣ry gravely, telling us, that the Parliament did well and wisely, to trie what they could do themselves, for what need a man call to his Neighbours for help, when he can do his business himself; but yet he saith, those, who dive more deeply into things of this nature, do hold it dangerous, to stay till things be too low, before you call for help: what depth is in this? such belike as the Parliament could not fathom, but you found it out in Lillies politick, which you are versed in; this poor pas∣sage, in which there is nothing that every Idiot will not say, serves yet for your stage play, which since you will needs turn your story into, you and others, who set you on work, and seek to make your advantages of such fictions, must and shall be content to hear truth, which will altogether spoil your play; and that is, that if God, by his blessing alone and good providence, had not inabled us so to overcome our own difficulties, in casting our Enemies upon sieges to break their own strength, and give us thereby time to recover a blow we had received, and the sickness that weakned our other Army, whereby we were able not one∣ly to defend our selves, but send you help to bring you into our assistance; you had stuck in the very birth, and in all probality never been delivered from the Lord of New-Castles Armies, and the Countrey Forces joyned with him, but by returning the way you came, into your own Kingdom; and this kind of Cata∣strophe would have suted very ill to your design, and spoiled all your play, made to magnifie the Scots and their Army: In the South we had beaten the Kings Forces at Newberry, and possessed our selves of Reading, which we might have kept, and followed the victory to the scattering of all the Kings Forces, that kept the Fields, if a Committee sent from Parliament, whereof the Sollicitor St. Johns was one, and Alderman Foulk and others sent from the Citie purpose∣ly to offer the staying of the Citie Forces to that end, could have prevailed with the General to stay in Reading and follow his advantages, which never was done, witness Edge hill business; but nothing would be hearkened unto, but taking up winter quarters in Windsor; however we were in no lost condition when Page  41 the King was beaten out of the Field, and we Masters of it. In the North the Lord Manchester and Cromwell had beaten and routed all New-Castles horses, not far from Horn-Castle, and for his Foot, he had broken them against Hull, from whence he was driven, when he had wearied and wasted that part of his Army: all this time, while we are recovering our losses by our own Forces, so that we had brought our affairs into that condition that we have three Armies on Foot (the Generals, the Lord Manchesters and Sr. William Wallers) where, in the play, shall we finde our deliverers in the time of despair? what are they doing? in the tyring house all this while; yea, not stirring a foot, untill the con∣ditions be made to their own content and advantage (at which they are good and too hard for us) and herein so much time is spent in sending Commissio∣ners from one Kingdom to the other forwards and backwards, untill their own demands are yielded them, that the Lord of New-Castle had thereby time and means to recruit himself, and raise such a strength in those Northern parts, where the people abhorred to hear of the coming in of the Scots, that, as I have said, had not we been able to deliver them from him, which was our chief care at that time, both by my Lord Fairfax pressing him behinde, and by causing the Lord Manchesters Army to be drawn down that way, our deliverers had certainly left us to shift for our selves, and the Gentleman had been deprived of a pre∣tence to make the subject of his stage-play, and set forth the Champions, he makes of his Countrey-men, in the following fictions and fables he tells; with which main design, the better to garnish it forth, there are mixed many foolish things not worth taking notice of, onely their Zeal for Church-Government must not be forgotten, that he makes the condition, sine qua non; and to tha end, he saith, thy must have a Covenant: we have by experience found the ends of that Covenant, and uses made of it; some pieces of it are twisted as strong as Cables, while other parts of it are made like Sampsons Coards by the same persons; this is to mock that God, who in the end will make it appear, he is not mocked, neither can any mist be cast before his eyes: to conclude this, let no man be abused by this stage-player, that acts his part in all this Pamphlet (a stage-players proper name is a Hypocrite, he doth Personam agere) nor be made believe we were in a desperate condition, and that made us send to call for help from the Scots, the thing is altogether false. They have lately in their Paper practises set forth some speeches, which they intitle speeches of Indepen∣dents, spoken at the Guild-Hall in London, at that time when the Citie was made acquainted with the reasons and motives, the Parliament had to desire a conjun∣ction with their brethren of Scotland in this cause, and call them into their as∣sistance; amongst these speeches, there is one of the Sollicitor St. Johns, which is the largest, and containeth the reasons which are of the greatest weight; is there a word there of our lost and desperate condition, or any thing that looks that way? that which he urged for it, and insisted upon was this, that though we might settle our affairs our selves, yet nothing could conduce so much to the security of both Kingdoms for future times, in what should be settled, and would so well main∣tain their just Rights and Liberties which they contended for, as to Unite themselves together in the settlement thereof, which consequently would Uite them in maintain∣ing the same being settled, that one Kingdom might never be made the instrument to inslave the other, reserving for themselves threby no other priviledge but to be the lat∣ter in slavery: This one reason was that indeed which could onely bear weight in Page  42 in the scales, against many which might have been urged on the other side; and although things now through Gods blessing are so settled, as that the Forces raised against the Parliament are broken, which might have been done without calling in the Scots; onely, as he then spake, their calling in would render it more certain; yet if we shall fail of that, which was the onely end, for which we had cause to desire their incoming, and bear those incoveniences which were sure to accompany the same, much more if in the winding up of all, we should fall into a quarrel; certainly much better had it been for us, to have saved our charges, avoided our burthens, & trusted God with the justice of our cause in the use of our own Forces, which in humane reason were sufficient: But let us hope, our brethren, were it onely in consideration of their own good, being as they will finde, as much concerned in this, as our selves, will prove both wise and faithfull, in keeping firmly that Union between the Kingdoms, which may parta tueri, and cut off all occasions from Kings in future times, to make their King∣doms and themselves miserable, in dashing them one against another; striving to recover into their hands, their former incroachments upon the just Rights and Liberties of their Subjects, and to set up the ambitious Clergie again, as fit instruments to be made use of for such designs: they may remember what was done, in King James his time, in Scotland, the storie is late, and fresh in memo∣ry, solemne Covenants did not avail then to keep the ambitious Clergy men from complying with the King (when he had gotten power into his hands) to set up Episcopacy again, and subject the Presbyteries unto those Bishops he re∣stored; there were found enough amongst your zealous Covenanters, who renouncing their Covenant, not onely yielded to power, but became the in∣struments of that power, and so subservient unto it, that taking Bishopricks rea∣dily, they as eagerly persecuted their brethren, who opposed the same: let this late experience teach us and our brethren, to keep our selves united, to keep power in our hands, untill things be well settled, and not prove so void of under∣standing and mad, as to think we cannot make hast enough to divest our selves of all forces, which being done before any thing settled, will as speedily and certainly reinvest the King with all: this is the design now vigorously driven on; and such an infatuation is befallen us, that the Court-party have the cunning, and of late the boldness, to drive us on therein, and make us draw in the same yoak with them, advancing the Kings prerogative and pleading for the same, as was done at the conference about the Propositions, by the Scots Commissioners in such a manner, as was most strange for them to do in another Kingdom, whe∣ther they were sent, not to direct, what we should demand for our safety, and the security of our Government, but to assist us in the obtaining thereof, which, what it is, in the right constitution of it, the Parliament, not they were to be Judges and determine: This to their conviction and condemnation, in acting with us in such a manner, was made apparent by themselves, when they expected and de∣manded of us, that we should insist upon for them in their own Kingdom, not what we should think fit for the King to grant them, but that he should grant unto them a confirmation of all that the Estates of that Kingdom had re∣solved upon and passed already, and not that alone, but what they should agree upon and pass, as Acts hereafter; a Proposition of a large extent for hose, who at the same time would take upon them, to limit and direct us in our demands. But I have before observed this strange proceeding of Page  43 theirs, and indeed hardly could there be a stranger, or more unreasonable in such a case, as they handled it.

The man means not to be thus turned off the stage, no, he will instance in particulars, the North he saith was all lost but Hull, the West also almost altogether gone by the loss of Exceter, the defeat at the Devizes, and the base surrender of Bristol and Banbury: by giving it this Epithite, and placing his Emphasis there, you may know the Gentlemans disease, he is sick of the overflowing of the Gaul, and therefore takes a Pill of Presbyterian Spleen (otherwise called Zeal by them) to ease his stomack, and up comes all, though never so false; this ingredient is so quick and strong in working, that it will turn the stomack many times, the more is the pitie, though it be in the Pulpit. I write it not to disgrace those men who are for Presbytery in their judgements, many of whom I love and reverence as Godly men; but to bring such of them, whose apparent known malice, envy, and uncharitableness, together with a busie and pragmatical exercise of these vices, they use to cover over with this pretence and title of Zeal for the cause of God, to see, and repent for that scandal, they hereby cast upon the Gospel and the profession thereof in the eyes of prophane men, as may be seen in this man throughout this whole Paper project of his, which is compiled to slander, and traduce most falsly well deserving men, wherein no difference of times, or di∣stance of place stops the operation of his spleen and malice, as we may here ob∣serve, East shall rather be made West; for what hath Banbury to do with the loss of the West, or the surrender of that (had any such thing been) with the surrender of Bristol either in time, or place? But that he might vomit up that poysonfull humour (which as appears all along his stomack is full of) upon those who did more, and suffered more for his Countrey-men in the beginning of their troubles, than all those whom he flatters, fawns upon, and gives titles to; yea, at that time when some of those were in Arms against them: this gross lie is dragged in, and tied together with the rest, as we use to say with points. We hear him often talking of an ingagement by Covenant, he might remember who it was that stopped a general ingagement of this whole Kingdom by an Oath, framed and tendered to that purpose at York against the Scottish Nation, when they were first to have been invaded. He knows not, it may be, in the broken Parliament when the King indeavoured more to ingage the Parliament to assist him against the Scots (whom he then stiled Rebels) by the grant of mony to that end, then to get the mony, the Gentleman whom he here spits his venom at, though but a young Parliament man then, was the first that made that motion, That if any mony were granted, it should be with a Declaration of Par∣liament, that they would not have it imployed against their brethren of Scotland; which being approved of by the House, the King hearing of their intention to make such a Declaration, chose rather to break up the Parliament and be with∣out the mony, than have the giving of it so accompanied: gratitude doth not grow in the Gardens and grounds of these men: Omnia dixeris cum Ingratum dixeris.

But leave we him and his companions to be like themselves, and since this Gentleman, in all the railings and lies that have been maliciously spread up and down against him, hath been silent, and committed the judgement to him who judgeth righteously; yea, since the time that God and man hath justified him upon a providence from Heaven, pointing as it were, and as it hath been by Page  44 men observed, at his vindication by suiting all circumstances thereunto in the late regaining of Bristol; and withall working at the same instant in the hearts of men to take that hint, and unanimously upon the occasion, to add their appro∣bation, the whole House of Commons, with expression of much satisfaction, re∣quiring his presence and attendance there: he notwithstanding, though still pro∣voked by these malicious and envious Spirits (who by his clearing are the more vexed) as a man risen out of the grave, who hath forgotten all that is past, both in respect of persons, and things by them done so falsly against him, hath not shewed the least desire of revenge, but continueth his patience, satisfying himself in the conscience of his own integrity; since I say so much patience, with so much evidence of integritie and innocencie in this case will not stop the mouth of envie and malice; I will not be silent, nor wanting to the truth which I know, but bear witness hereby unto it, which I think I am bound to do, that lyes may not be transmitted to posteririe by such malicious spirits in their Pamphlets, as in this, and some others; which one of the Authors, that his malice and bloud-thirstiness might be known to posteritie, hath bound up with other of his invective Works, for such usually are all his writings on which side soever he takes, and when he changeth sides, and if we may believe John Lilburn, whom he ill requited, his leaves use to be almost as full of lyes as lines, & if in any they will be found to be so, I am sure most of all in this: his own silence amidst these base slnders, gives me the more just cause to make that which I know to be true, appear to the world in this case.

At first when that Town was lost, and the crie came up, according to the bit∣terness of mens spirits, who had sustained loss in their private estates, no great mervail if in the present Distemper men were violently transported by their passions against Reason and Truth; and David, though never so innocent, must be stoned, because Ziglag was taken and burned: the crie of the multitude, who use to judge of all things by success, and so are hurried on without any further consideration, might cause some men then to believe that for truth, and act those things thereupon, which were it now to do, when the dust is laid, and things ap∣pear fully as they were, happily would be far from either thinking as then they did, or doing what was done: but for men now against that light and evidence of truth, which convinceth every man that was upon the place, and saw it reta∣ken, and all others who give credit to their reports; yea evn against their own reason, when they hear men relate to them, what it was when they now recover∣ed it, in comparrison to what it then was when he surrendered it, what was done at both times in the defence of it, and what difference there was in the means for the doing thereof: Now, I say, after all this, to snarl and bite still, is without excuse; and it sheweth those who do it, to be mad with envie, a vice most provo∣ked when truth and innocencie is most cleared. Let us examin that which these men cast up out of their foul mouthes: Bristol and Banbury were basely surren∣dered; well coupled together, not for your storie, but for your stomach-sake; the foolerie and falshood of that concerning Banbury we shall shew afterwards: To that of Bristol, in the first place let us observe the impartialitie of this braggado∣chio, who vants himself of nothing more than that in the beginning: belike there hath been no Town in the North, nor Forces in the West basely deserted, when neither were reduced to extremities, but Bristol; if there had, this mans imparti∣alitie could not have passed them by in silence: O but you must know the man Page  45 is blind, stark blind on the one side, and therefore had this Gentleman gone in∣to a Boat, and left the Town to shift for it self without defending of it at all, or making any conditions for it, when all the strength of his Garrison was broken at the Devizes, being left by Sir William Waller and his horse, who run away, while they stood firm together in a bodie, being 2000 Foot, a long time after, and thereupon, every man leaving him in Bristol for lost (as Mr. John Ash first testi∣fied by his Letter to the Council of War, and after before them upon Oath, ha∣ving himself at the time been an eye witness of what he deposed) surely he had done very worthily, and no way basely; provided he would afterwards (whate∣ver he had done before) have complied fully with the partie who went accord∣ing to the ends contained in the solemn League and Covenant, which what it means we cannot be ignorant of: but since he was not of that base temper, to make a Covenant a pretence to hold up a Faction, and drive on a Design, it must be basely done in him, to hold a Town of 4 miles line in Circuit, a storm so long, that 1200 of the Enemies men were killed, 40 Officers, 4 Colonels, and some chief Gentlemen of Cornwall, when he had (except some raw men suddenly ta∣ken up and armed) but 700 of his Garrison left, 7000 being few enough to keep that place, for 5 days was all the time he had, before not onely that Army which beat our Forces at the Devizes, and there brake the strength of his Garrison, but Prince Rupert, with forces from Oxford, joyned with them, came up to be∣siege him, presently, upon the discouragement that our flying Forces brought into the Citie; he had not so much powder left as had been spent in the time they stormed, wherein the Enemie was often beat off with so much loss; for Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Haslerig were so ill provided of Ammunition for their Armie, that he was necessitated to supply them out of his Stores therewith, as well as with 1200 of his best Souldiers, which they both earnestly pressing him to do, when they wrote unto him for it, used this Argument, That if they were beaten in the Field, it was in vain for him to think he could defend the Ci∣tie though all his Garrison remained with him, this was their sence and writing then, however they carried themselves afterwards; and his Council of War being called, to whom he put that very question, resolved the same, where were pre∣sent many Gentlemen of the Countrey and Townsmen, and this he did before he would send out a man; yet to defend the place being left in such a condition, even after the Line was entered, and the Suburbs possessed, until he had made as good or better conditions, both for the Souldiers, Townsmen, and Gentle∣men in the Town, who were friends to the Parliament, than Prince Rupert did when he surrendered it again: This is the business which this pedantical fellow asperseth him withall; the malicious falshood whereof will more appear by the consideration of that difference that there was when the place was surrendered the first, and second time; which in respect of the Fortifications (a Royal Fort being added) was much stronger than that Town could be made, whereas before it had onely an old rotten Castle, as Mr. Hodges testified, not able to bear the discharging of the Ordinances that were upon it, and which, as Cromwel said, he would lay his life was not tenable 24 hours after the Line entered: In respect of the work, at first it was rather an intrenchment hastily cast up about the Town, and that not finished for want of time, but where the Line was entered, left unperfected, than a Fortification that such a place required, but when Retaken, made as strong as that place could be made to make it tenable; the Works then Page  46 made so high, as may appear by the Letters sent to the House, that Ladders oo rounds were too short to scale them: In respect of Souldiers, both Horse and Foot to man it, and of all Ammunition and Provisions no want, nor of able Commanders under Prince Rupert, as Tilliers and many others the best the King had: and lastly, in respect of assurance to be relieved, which the King promised Prince Rupert; but the General to this Gentleman gave assurance, he neither could relieve him for the present, nor did think he ever should be able to do it, which latter part he inserted in the letter with his own hand: All these things being well known, even to the slanderers and lyers themselves, yet they persist still to do the devils work. But that it may appear to the world how basely in∣deed and unworthily this Gentleman was dealt withall in this business, I will o∣pen some of the carriages of this mysterie of iniquitie, which I have learned, all of them I believe are not known but to themselves, & kept amongst themselves, who were the prosecutors and actors therein: I shall therefore desire the reader in the first place to take notice of a falshood continually obtruded, when the malice of these men spits out their venom against this Gentleman upon this sub∣ject, and that is, that he was called in question for it at a Council of War, this to men who know not the carriage of this business for the present, much more will it do so to posteritie hereafter (to whom they desire to transmit this slander, knowing that they are likely to be ignorant of what now justifieth him) holdeth forth as if the General, or Parliament were so unsatisfied with his rendition of that place upon the terms it was yielded, that they called him in question for it, & put him upon trial by that Council of War, which had the will to condemn him; where∣as the truth is, when he gave an account of it first to the Committee of Safetie, when he came up, afterwards to the Parliament, then to the General, they all rested satisfied in it: onely he himself, out of the knowledge of his own integritie in that action, and that he had done what could be done by a man left in that condition, not able to bear the bawlings of some men who had suffered loss, and the malice of others, who running away themselves, were as readie as any to cast blame upon him to hide their own shame, and therefore joyned with those who spake and wrote to his disgrace, though contrarie to their own knowledge and hand writing formerly, as was made appear at the Trial; he, I say, upon this, indiscreetly and unwisely casts himself into the hands of his enemies, gave them the occasion their malice and envie waited for, by not resting to importune the General by himself, and his friends; and having gotten his consent to intreat of the House of Commons (whereof he was a Member) that he might be cleared at a Council of War, whereunto he desired he might be referred, and obtained it onely by his own importunitie; so far was it from that which is constantly and most falsely by them affirmed, that he was called in question for it by the Gene∣ral or Parliament, and by them brought to trial at a Council of war: of which Council of War, how they were composed and fitted, and how they acted, have patience to hear a little: When this Gentleman had procured by his endeavours for his vindication to have a Council of War to hear this business, the two Ho∣thams, Father and Son having friends near the General that could do much with him, they moved the General and obtained it, that Summons might be sent to the Hothams, Father and Son to be tried at the same time, and a Council of War was fitted for that purpose; now though in the General, and in that friend of theirs who put the General upon this, there was not an intention to prejudice Page  47 this Gentleman, but onely to save the Hothams; and it is probable, had that de∣sign taken, they had quitted all, hoping the clearness of this case might have made the other pass with it the more easily; yet in the thing it self there was much to his prejudice, first in reputation, that he should be put (as hereby it would seem to the world) into an equal condition with those whom all know to be guiltie and imprisoned for the same, seeking this Trial onely to escape that which they knew the Parliament would bring them unto, as afterwards they did; Secondly, had this Plot taken and all been acquitted, his acquitting with such companie would have blemished him, and been cried out of notwithstanding his own clearness; but that failing, the Parliament prohibiting their trial at that time, well enough perceiving the design; the Council of War chosen for their safetie, were men fitted for his ruine, both in their dispositions and affections, many of them toward him and his friends; and the rather now being irritated by failing of their design in respect of the other two; in so much that Sir William Balfore, a known able Commander of great experience in the Wars as any, if not before any in these Kingdoms, who not onely cleared him, but said, if it had been in any other Kingdom he would have been so far from being condemned for that service he had done, that he would have been rewarded rather, he knew what belonged to War, and what grounds Counsels of War should go upon in con∣demning and acquitting (the greater part of the rest it is likely never sat in a Council of War before) he being by his pace and appointment of the General to sit President of the Council, coming a quarter, or half an hour later than usual, the Lord Roberts, a sure card for that turn, thrust himself into the place of President, being a Souldier of the first head, never knowing what belonged to a Souldier, Commander, or Council of War before these late troubles, which were of one, or two years standing; of the same standing and experience were the most of the rest of this Council of War: This President, having taken the place upon him out of another mans hands that was appointed, to whom by his place in the Army it appertained, begins to order business according to his ex∣perience, admits the inward Barrister of Lincolns Inne, William Prin a Lawyer to plead at a Council of War against this Gentleman; a thing I think never before heard of; for matters of fact should there be produced and proved by the testi∣mony of fit witnesses, and the Judge Advocate alone should be made use of in point of Law, or prosecution of the party supposed Delinquent: Nay, this mali∣cious bloud-thirsty man, as sufficiently appeared by his subsequent lying Pam∣phlets upon this subject, was suffered by this President to plead and rail accord∣ing to his usual known manner; and to bring for proofs Paper-depositions (ne∣ver to be admitted, especially in case of life) instead of witnesses viva voce, who were capable of being voice examined, and this was suffered for divers dayes to∣gether, and in the end upon such proofs, and some Tapsters, Children, and mean persons, and some who before the siege ran away out of the Town them∣selves as Walker, and other Souldiers and Officers who were there accused for not doing their duty at the time, was this predetermined sentence given and ground∣ed. I do not without ground call it predetermined, for before ever he was heard to speak in his own defence, or any word spoken against him, a Member of the House of Commons came to him, who was so intimate with this good Council of War, that he knew their intentions, and thereupon advised him not to trust to his in••cencie, though he were never so clear, for of his knowledge a major part Page  48 of the Council of War were resolved already to condemne him; an excellent major part of a Council of War, and well prepared for the purpose, as by this you may see: it was indeed carried, but by a major part who were resolved as it seems by this Gentleman, before hand (the Lawyer might have spared his railing, and his declamations of 3 or 4 hours length, till many that heard him fell a∣sleep; the rest, who came not resolved, were satisfied with what they heard and did acquit him thereupon.) I can name the Gentleman, or Knight rather, but without his consent, I will not, least I make his friends who communicated their secrets to him, angry with him for it. Notwithstanding things thus fitted and prepared, when he was heard to speak for himself and the proofs and evi∣dencies produced, which shewed his condition and his carriage therein; Holborn and Ennis, and another Scots Officer who was afterwards killed near Woodstock, and who at the time he heard it, deteste, das he professed to Major Holms his Countrey-man, that a deserving Gentleman should be so wronged, these being Souldiers and not of the Caball, began to say that they could not condemn him, and therefore had acquitted him with the rest, but for the practise used by those, who had resolved what they would do in it; and had these fallen off, though they had continued still the major part, yet it would have much blasted the de∣sign, they being accounted Souldiers of another degree and standing, than the other whom I need not name: hereupon they saw it necessary to put off the gi∣ving of their Judgements in it for a week, which the President did accordingly, in which time the business with these men was wrought about. Holburn and Ennis were dealt withall, and dyning with the Lord Robert, who was President, Holburn was heard to say they could not finde any thing that might give a just ground to condemne him for his carriage in that business, to which the Lord Roberts re∣plied, they must however condemne him for example sake, this being the first, least others should be incouraged to give up Towns when there was no necessi∣ty, and that there would be no danger in it to him, for they were sure the Gene∣ral would pardon him: an excellent piece of Justice, a Gentlemans life and ho∣nour must be cast away, who was in no fault, as they themselves knew and con∣fessed, for fear others might commit faults afterwards. The Earle of Essex Gene∣neral, was heard also to tell the Lord Say, that Holburn did say to him, Col. Fienne was in no fault, but because he would not lay it upon his Officers, the Town be∣ing lost, he must bear it himself; this I know to be true, for I heard it spoken my self: good Justice still, it seems Roberts discourse prevailed. Cannot a Town left in that condition, and without hope of relief, be surrendred upon such condi∣tions as this was, and yet neither Governour nor Officer to blame? or if Officers be to blame, they should be called to account for it; and not a man condemned that they knew had done his duty, and was no way faulty: yet he did at the time accuse some Officers, who refused to obey commands, but it was not Langrige whom they aimed at, and would have had him charge. By all this it appears, what difficulties they were put upon, to effect and bring about this business; at last they finde out the Article of not holding out to the utmost extremity, to do the feat, for as for treachery they cleared him; for Cowardize they could object no∣thing; but forsooth he did not hold it out to the utmost extremity, when there were five particulars all concurring in his case and condition, either of which singly of it self, if it can be truly alleadged and sufficiently proved, as in this case all the five were, is to be accounted, and would have been, and were so Page  49 by those who understood, the grounds a Council of War should proceed up∣on, a holding out to utmost extreamity, and in which cases, if a Governour shall neglect and omit to make the best conditions he can for himself and those that are with him, he is worthy to be questioned and censured for it. Want of Ammu∣nition, want of men to man the Line, and many of those that were, laying down Arms, and deserting their Colours, so that not above five, or six in some Com∣panies could be gotten together, as the Captains affirmed, and upon promise of present mony to be given unto them by himself, of the 1700 which were all he had, or could in that time of five dayes make up his broken Garrison unto, he could not get together above six-score, when the Line was entered and the Suburbs; again these being entered, there was no Intrenchment defencible with∣in; and most of all considerable, though last mentioned, an assurance that he could not be relieved, and this from the General himself as hath been shewed. Now so soon as they had done this in this unworthy manner, lest some of them∣selves might fall into the Net they had contrived to catch this Gentleman in, they think it necessary to explain the Articles of holding out to utmost extre∣mity, and explain it thus, that if it be proved the Souldiers refused to fight, it shall be interpreted to be a holding out to the utmost extreamity; and this they did presently after the Trial, though in his case it prevailed not, being fully proved by divers witnesses, especially those Souldiers that were Towns-men newly raised after the loss of his own Souldiers at the Devizes, being shop keep∣ers, and fearing the Town would be taken, laid down their Arms and would not be seen, nor come to their Colours, but deserted him: could there be a more manifest conviction of themselves in respect of this unjust sentence, than this that was done upon the instant by themselves? But the giving up of Gainsbo∣rough when succours were at hand; and the quitting of Lincoln with all the Or¦dinance and Ammunition left in it, when no Enemy was in sight, nor within ma∣ny miles of it (both by the Lord Willowby a Chief man in that Councill of War) where there was neither extreamity, nor nothing like a siege, and this being done before, made them make this hole in their Net, so soon as they had used it, to serve their present turn: for he could onely alleadge for himself, as he did, that his Souldiers told him, they would not fight, but whether they would be as bad as their words, or no, he resolved to trust them, for he never staid to trie them, but left the Town and all that was in it, upon a report of the Enemies being at, or about Newwark, many miles from thence; here was a holding out to the utmost ex∣tremitie, by one of the Chief and active Judges in this Council of War; it was time to make an explanation: but, as I have said, how palpable a conviction of themselves, and this unjust practise, it was, to do it presently upon the wrong they had done this Gentleman, let the World judge, especialy when this in par∣ticular was so fully proved before them in his case. If I follow another (who was a Chief Agent and contriver in this business) into the West, I shall shew, how this unjust sentence, by Gods just judgement, followed him, either to con∣demne him much more justly in all mens judgements, or make him condemne himself, for giving and drawing others to joyn with him in this unjust sentence upon no ground. When the Army went into the West (after the Kings going out of Oxford, with such Horse and mounted Musketiers, as he could make rea∣dy, that he might not be besieged) the Lord Roberts was made Lord Marshall of the Field, that thereby there might be a reconciliation wrought between him Page  50 and the General, for before they were upon no good terms: the Lord Roberts is a man of good parts, and he knoweth it, therefore he useth to think his reasons too valid and strong to be contradicted by any, he must bear the sway and rule all, or else he will make a party whereof he will be the head: Friends to them both knowing this, and the General finding it by experience in the Army, they perswade the General to use this expedient to make him his, and draw him off from any other parties; but this being done, the General must so far be at his dispose, as not to contradict him, but be ruled by him: as they marched into the West, they understood, the King, with that force of Horse, and mounted Muske∣tiers he had with him, being a very considerable strength, turned into the West also, to joyn the Forces he had with him with the Western Army under Hopton, which was then the greatest strength he had in England, and would be made much stronger by the addition of so many Horse and 2000 mounted Musketiers; upon this advertisement it was debated at a Council of War, whether it were not best for the General with his Army to interpose between these two, and hinder their conjunction before he proceeded farther Westward, a thing the King most feared, his Horse being laggered out and tired, and having neither Foot nor Artillery with him, and the Generals Army being a brave Army, fully furnished with all these; it was resolved by the major part of that Council of War, that it was fit for the Army to fight the Kings Forces, which they might have done with great advantage, and not suffered them to joyn with the other Army in the West, and indeed it stood with all reason so to advise; But the Lord Roberts, now Lord Marshal of the Field, was of another opinion, and that must be yielded unto, though the greater number of the Council of War opposed him in it, and ad∣vised the former; hereupon the Army was drawn into Cornwall with such haste, and so improvidently, that they took not so much care, as to make good the passes behind them, whereby they might safely make their retreat if need were, or have succours and provisions sent them, being drawn into the most Malignant County to them in England; and the King hereby also had means without any op∣position to joyn all those Forces be brought with him, to his Western Army: this gave great discontent to the Army, and caused many to speak very hardly of the Lord Roberts, as if he had brought the Army into all that danger, to secure his own Houses, and Lands, that lay there about, and to be a Convoy for Treasure, he had there, being concealed; but this might proceed onely out of their discon∣tent, being exasperated to finde themselves brought into such a pinfold by his means, in prevailing with the General, contrary to what was advised by the greater part of the Council of War: However this was, or what were the mo∣tives, all the World knoweth what the issue was, the Army being brought into difficulties for want of provisions, partly by the malignancy of that Countrey, and especially by the great strength of Horse, which the Enemy had by the addi∣tion of the Kings Horse to the former Army (which should and might easily have been prevented) whereby they kept the passes, which we might have se∣cured, and thereby kept all provisions from the Army, so that the Horse were not able to subsist for want of provisions and fodder; the Horse first were con∣strained to break through, the Foot then were drawn into a place of advantage, and there stood upon their defence, every Regiment keeping to his post: while this was doing, the General and the Lord Roberts, Lord Marshal of the Field, put themselves into a Boat, and leave the Army, and the Major General of the Army, Page  51 with all the Officers of the Army to shift for themselves, without so much as ever acquaintaing them therewith, or giving them the least notice thereof; insomuch that Major General Skippon, Major General of the Army, understanding by one of the Officers of the Lord Generals Regiment, that, that Regiment did not keep to their Post, as they should, said, that is strange, that Regiment was not wont to do so, why do you not acquaint the General with it? The Officer replied, the General is gone, and the Lord Marshall, away in a Boat: What, said Major General Skippon, hath our General left us thus, and never so much as acquainted us therewith? Then indeed it is time for us to make conditions for our selves, and he and the Officers had it in consultation, before they would treat about conditions, to put that down as the ground of their treating, their Generals deserting the Army in that manner, wherein the Lord Roberts went along with him, who was the special oc∣casion of drawing the Army into that condition: that he was the Authour of that counsel, in such a fashion to withdraw and leave the Army to shift for themselves (when they were in a posture to defend themselves, and refused not to fight, but were, as it is known, more hardly drawn to yield to deliver up their Arms, than to use them to fight in the defence of themselves) I will not say; but he was com∣panion in the action, being, after the General, the Chief Commander in the Ar∣my: neither do I write it, as thinking the man to want courage, for in all other actions during the Wars before, he never shewed any want thereof; and that which he did presently after this, in staying in Plimouth, when it was very pro∣bable the King, upon the defeat of all our Forces, would attempt to take so con∣siderable a place, manifested courage enough in him, as it was a great means to confirm and strenghthen the Towns-men, to defend the same; but I write it, to observe a special providence of God making him by an action, which all know∣ing Souldiers will judge worthy to be much more condemned in a Chief Officer (as being far from holding out to utmost extreamity, but rather a deserting of a whole Army without their knowledge, without making any conditions for them, when they were under his charge) to condemne himself for that unjust sen∣tence, which he was the special actor in, if not the contriver and author of, whereby a Gentleman was condemned, who by the judgement of the best Soul∣dier amongst them, yea, in the Army, or in the Kingdom, Sr. William Balfore, was rather thought worthy of commendation and reward, for what he had done, in holding out to that which is to be accounted utmost extreamity, as I have shewed before: yea, the very Enemies themselves being Judges, as they have often, and divers of them expressed themselves in his case, both the Lord Hopton, the Lord Hawly, and Colonel Busbridge with others. Thus doth the just God often make them, who dig pits for other men, fall into the pit themselves. If any man shall doubt of the truth of this Relation, or any circumstance in it, he may satisfie himself by asking Major General Skippon, an antient experienced able Commander, and withall (which is not usual) a pious religious man; or he may satisfie himself if he will ask any of the Sub-Committee appointed at Darby house, to examin Major General Skippon, Colonel Barkley, and other Officers a∣bout this business, Mr. Pierpoint and Mr. St. Johns the Solicitor (as I take it) be∣ing two of them; any of these know, that when Major General Skippon was ask∣ed whether he spake those words above specified, upon hearing the Lord Gene∣ral, and Lord Marshals being gone in a Boat, he said he did; and that it was very strange to him and the rest of the Officers to hear that they were gone, it being Page  52 demanded of him further, whether they had it not in consultation, to make his leaving of them in such a manner, the reason of their entertaining, or seeking a Treatie about Conditions; he (as he is a very modest man) most humbly desired them not to press him in that particular any further: so the Sub-Committee saw, that as it was left and laid aside by the Officers, out of respect at that time when they had it in consultation, in like manner they desired they might not be pressed further to speak to it then, when they were examined; and there being some friends of the Generals, who were of the Sub-Committee, that moved it might be put on no further, it was passed over both by the Sub-Committee, the Committee, and the House; to which friends of his he hath since made an ill re∣quital, because they were for the new Moulding of the Armie, as they had rea∣son; and although, out of respect to the General, this was for the present passed over, and no further pressed, yet this with other things, then laid the foundati∣on in mens hearts of that resolution, which soon after was put in execution, to new Model the Army, and put the Command into other hands: The Parliament dealt prudently for the present, after the example of the Roman Senate, upon the great defeat and loss of their Armie at the Battle of Cannae; for they gave no discouragement, but rather sent to the General being sick at Portsmouth to shew him a respect, that thereby they might the better recruit again that broken Ar∣mie which he had left, and make the best use of them that remained, against the Kings coming up and following his advantage, which they had cause to expect, and accordingly found to fall out; for he was taught by his experience, in sitting down before Glocester, what advantage he had then lost, and therefore now, would not besiege Plimouth, but onely Face it, and so without staying, marched forwards with all speed: it was therefore necessarie for the Houses of Parliament, to make up that broken Army both Horse and foot with what speed they could, and so make the best of a broken business; to which end they wisely, for the pre∣sent, sent an incouraging visit and message to the General at Portsmouth, all being little enough: for if my Lord Manchesters Armie under Cromwel had not been so near London, that they were brought to joyn with the remainder of this broken Armie, so many of them as in so short a time could be recruited; and also with what remained of Sir William Wallers Armie, broken likewise by lying still, a∣bout Abington, out of a meer pet, because the General would not let him go into the West, which was his design, but went thither himself; and had not this been done by that time, the King could advance so far as Newbury, that he had been able to march up to London without resistance; upon this defeat of our Army in the West, in all probabilitie all had been lost; which had it so fallen out, the true Cause, under God, had been the private spleens, foolish pets, emulations and envie between our Commanders; The onely cause why Sir William Waller would follow the King no longer, when he turned Westward, and thereby the Generals Armie lost, and his own also with lying still and doing nothing the while: This was a just cause of putting our forces into a new Model, under ano∣ther head, and into one hand, as would sufficiently appear, were this miscarri∣age onely laid open particularly, & in all the passages & circumstances thereof; but to write that storie is not my designe, here I onely touch it thus far by the way; I have made this Digression, and insisted the longer upon it, to make the truth appear, for the clearing of this Gentleman from that dishonor, which was so unjustly, and so unworthily cast upon him, by such a Major part of a Council Page  53 of War, because not onely scurrilous Pamphlets, as this and some others of like nature (whose railing and lying, shewing them apparently to be byased by their malice, envie, and other base false ends, every man will despise) but Mr. May, one that pretends to write a Just and Full Historie of the Parliament of England, and in his Preface maketh profession of so much impartialitie, he likewise is drawn (whether by false reports and ill information, or being jogged on the El∣bow by him that set him on work, or some of his partie, he himself best knoweth) to let his pen drop a blot upon the reputation of this Gentleman, and it seemeth Bristol is purposely brought in, and made mention of in that place, that he might give this dash with his pen in a parenthesis: I will not say, that the partie, by whom he was put upon writing this Historie, or any of his, plucked him by the sleeve, while he was writing, and caused him to give this blur needlesly, as any man that reads it may easily perceive, and therefore it may be thought purpose∣ly; for I would not in this particular say and affirm positively, that which I do not certainly know; This I do know, that they were estranged, and ill affected at that time to the friends of this Gentleman, who had done them greatest service to his own prejudice, and that when they were in low esteem amongst the people in the Citie, their hatred unto him being onely in respect of promo∣ting the new Modelling of the Armie, as I have said before; and who it was that put Mr. May upon the writing of his Historie, I very well know by the Ge∣neral speeches, but I will not make an absolute judgement upon conjectures: If it were ill information, he might easily have had better, had he sought it, and I shall now better inform him, and shew him the falshood of both parts of his pa∣renthesis, not by saying alone they are false, but by demonstrating it to be so by undeniable proofs, that when he continueth his Historie, he may reform his er∣ror, and not by transmitting it to posteritie, suffer it, the further it runs, the more to increase that guilt which ever accompanieth wrong doing: he brings in a dis∣course of the Surrender of Bristol to the Kings Forces without any occasion; and then draws in his Parenthesis thus (which was more sudden than could be feared, and for which afterward the Governor Mr. Fiennes was questioned & condemned by a Council of War) for the first part, that it was more sudden than could be feared, whereby he would make the world believe, he was too hastie in Surrendering the place which he might and ought to have kept longer; what hath been said to this alreadie I shall not need to repeat; but to the falshood of it I shall say, that as the Enemie sufficiently felt it before it was surrendered, by such a loss, as I my self heard one of them who was there, a Colonel, since profess, that when they had it Surrendered, they thought and said amongst themselves, they had better been without it, than to have undergone that loss to obtain it; and as I remember another of them, Col. Busbridge, who affirmed in the hearing of divers Parliament men, Col. James Temple being one, he would maintain it with his sword, against any that should say the contrarie, it was as well defended, and they had as sharp a busi∣ness in the Storming of it as he had known, either here in England, or in the Low-Countreys, where he had been a Souldier; he said, that after the Works were enter∣ed, and the Suburbs possessessed by them, there was such a Sally made out upon them, that he saw 20 Officers brought into some houses, and laid there upon the floors, or tables: The Enemie did not find such over much haste made in the Surrender∣ing of the Place, as Mr. May, by what he writes, would have men conceive: and that it was before we feared it or heard of it, is so false, that Mr. John Ash deposed Page  54 at the Council of War, who was there upon the place, that every one gave him and the Town for lost, after the running away of the Horse at the Devizes, and the loss of the strength of his Garrison there by that means, which was the loss of the Town; and Sir William Waller, when he went out of Bristol with those Horse which he had remaining, promising and saying, he hoped to bring him aid, and therefore he was willing he should go, knowing that a few beaten Horse could do him no good without Foot, but would rather spend the Provisions that were in the Town, than afford him any assistance, which by going forth they might have procured; for when Sir William Waller came near my Lord General, who lay about Buckingham, and he about Banbury, some twelve miles off, he sent the General word, in what sad condition Col. Fiennes was left at Bristol, and that without a supply of Forces sent to him, he could not keep the Place; this was then Sir William Wallers judgement, coming from the Place, what ever he manifested afterwards; the General, upon this Message, writ to Sir William Waller, To stay with his Horse where he was, and he would send unto him a supply of Forces to joyn with his, to go back to Bristol, for the strengthening of it, which had it been accord∣ingly done, the Place had been secured; but Sir William Waller had no intenti∣on to return back thither with the Horse he had then with him, whether he had no confidence in them, or what was the cause he knoweth, but in stead of doing what the General required in his Letter, and he, when he left Col. Fiennes, told him he hoped he should do, bring him succours, which had saved the Town, not otherwise to be kept, as he had sent the General word, for his defeat at the De∣vizes had indeed lost it, by breaking all the strength of the Garrison; yet he made the General no answer to his Letter, but by his action, and that was to go the next way as fast as he could to London; which when the General understood, his forces being weakened by sickness, he returns also to Kingston near London; and being again sent unto for a supply of forces sufficient to keep the place, and acquainted in what condition the town was left, he writes back, as hath been rela∣ted before, he neither could send the Governor any forces for the present, nor thought he ever should be able to do it. This Message of Sir William Wallers to the General, and the reports he made of the condition the Town was left in, with the Gene∣rals offer to send Forces to joyn with his, and go back to strengthen and save the place, desiring him to stay where he was to that end, hath been so often spoken of by the General, where Mr. May was no stranger, that it is very probable Mr. May must needs be acquainted with it, and it had suited very well with his profes∣sion of impartialitie, not to have passed it over in silence, when he speaks of the Generals intention, to have relieved the West, after the Defeat at the Devizes, but that he was put from that intention, by what he understood of Sir William Wallers forces, here he comes near it, but to do that Gentleman right (as his impartiali∣tie should have caused him to do, whomsoever it had concerned) he will not come home to it, and lay the truth open fully as it was: But by all this which I have shewed, and which are things so known, that no honest man will denie them, the falshood of that first part of the Parenthesis clearly appeareth; it was both feared, and that fear was heard of, and so timely, that the danger might have been prevented, had it been so much regarded as to have forces brought thi∣ther to defend it, by him who had them offered to him by the General, and who had broken the Garrison, that should have defended the Town immediately be∣fore, and was by the Generals Letters, upon his own report of the condition Page  55 the Town was in, desired to convey that supply of Forces unto it. For the later part of his Parenthesis, that he was questioned for it, and condemned by a Council of War; I have shewed before, that this is the usual falshood, whereby strangers to the carriage of this busines, and especially posteritie, are like to be abused; it is most false, that he was questioned for this, either by the Parliament or by the General, as thinking him to have committed any fault in what he had done, or testing any way unsatisfied with him for it, and thereupon calling him in questi∣on at a Council of War; he was not questioned, but, as hath been said, with Im∣portunitie obtained, that the slanders, spread abroad by base Libellers against him, might be questioned, and he cleared from them: that onely is true in it, that he was condemned by that Council of War, and no mervail, they were re∣solved before hand, as you have heard; and the whole carriage of it hath been truly related, whereof there is not bare affirmations onely, but sufficient proofs. Mr. May, had his affections lean that way, might much more justly and truly have brought in a parenthesis, to commend this Gentlemans fidelity, wisdom, vigilancy, and courage shewed in saving that Town (when Prince Rupert was without with 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot, as himself saith, and a conspiracy with∣in to betray it unto him, of so many, and those so powerfull in the Citie, as one of them was Sherieff that year, or the year before, and the Town at that time little better fortified than any open Village in the Countrey) than here to draw in a parenthesis, purposely to disgrace him; and yet of this, though he handle it in particular, he thinks not fit to speak one word in his commendation. It is well enough known, that if the General had not sent Collonel Fiennes down, having notice of this design of Prince Ruperts upon the Town, by Mr. White, and commanded him to take care of it, the Town had then been lost; and for his own particular, as he hath been since rewarded for his service, it had been better he had let it alone and gone into Glocester-shire, whither at the request of Mr. Stephens, and other Gentlemen of that Countrey, the Lord Say, being Lord Lieutenant thereof, he was sent by the General, with some other Troops of Horse with him under his Command; but at the instance of Mr. White, and upon his information of the danger Bristol was in, by reason of this design upon it, whereof the General had some notice before another way, and finding it con∣firmed by Mr. Whites coming up purposely to inform him thereof; he com∣manded him to take that in his way, and do his best to prevent that danger, if he should perceive any such thing as was feared and reported to be in design up∣on the Town; and onely by his care and industry it was prevented, as all men know, and he afterwards thus rewarded: Mr. May, in all this, takes notice of no∣thing but Prince Ruperts happiness, that he took it afterwards, with more Honour and less bloud-shed, so all the commendation is given to Prince Ruperts good fortune; but mark this falshood with the rest, for it cost Prince Rupert after∣wards so much bloud before he took it, what ever Mr. May is pleased to report in his storie of it, that the purchase by themselves was not thought worth the price they were made to pay for it: I have added this, that Mr. May himself, whom I have heard to be an ingenuous man, may judge, whether in all these things he hath used that indifferency which is, suitable to his promises, considering with what Elogies he followeth other men, reserving discourses, as he saith, purpose∣ly to be handled for that end, apart by themselves; who indeed were the men that left that Town, and by their own confession, under their hands, if they Page  56 should be beaten and lose the Field, when they pressed him that was Governour, to assist them with 1200 of the best Souldiers of his Garrison, sent under the Com∣mand of his Lieutenant Colonel, as the onely way and means to save the Town, as it was resolved, not by themselves alone, but at a Council of War, as I have shewed, before he would yield to part with any of his Guarrison to strengthen them in the Field, for he made that Objection, that they might be beaten, and lose the Field, as they did, and the strength of his Garrison thereby; and how did they lose it? Mr. May will not tell us, when they had betwixt 2 or 3000 Horse, and 2000 stout and good Foot, as they shewed themselves to be, and this against 1100 Horse onely, without Foot, or Artillery, they being furnished with both, for there came no more under Wilmot from Oxford; these things are well known, and might easily have been known to Mr. May, had he been willing to know them; but because he hath no will to take notice of them (for they sute not well to his panegyrick reserved discourses) give me leave a little to discover the truth of those Western businesses, which ended in this unhappy defeat at the Devizes, and how that Army was there lost. Sir William Wallers being sent unto the West, the place he desired to be imployed in, offering to command in chief, and not to be kept under the General in his Army, as all men know, and the sad event, lately mentioned, of the loss of the Generals Army in the West, made it too manifest; he being with his Forces at Bristol, as Mr. May tels us, the King sent Prince Maurice and the Marquess of Hartford, with forces from Oxford into the West, to joyn with Sir Ralph Hopton and his Western Forces drawn out of Devonshire and Cornwall, that by that conjunction there might be an Army strong enough to subdue all the West, and overthrow those Countrey Forces, which the Gentle∣men and Free-holders of those parts, well affected to the Parliament and their own just Rights, had raised for the maintenance thereof; amongst whom, the principal were Sir Francis Popham and his sons, with Sir John Horner and others, this Mr. May toucheth, but tels not, how all their Forces, which were considera∣ble, were suffered to be lost, though so well affected to the Parliament as none more; he tels indeed what Sir William Wallers was a doing, while he suffered them to be lost and scattered by the Enemie, which he might have prevented, and ought, by the Charge committed to him of those Countreys, and so have joyned to his own forces so considerable a strength of the well affected people of those Countreys, raised and armed by the Gentlemen for the Parliament: For had he, when he went out of Bristol, as all men expected, and in all reason was fit to be done, gone to assist those Gentlemen, who had raised the Forces of the Countreys, to oppose Hoptons advance forwards, and Prince Maurice and Marquis Hartfords joyning their Forces with him, they had overthrown them, & broken them severally, before ever they could have meet and joyned their For∣ces together, and all those Countreys Forces, raised by those worthy Gentlemen in the Western Countreys, had been encouraged, assisted, and preserved, (who had shewed such constant affection to the Parliament) to be joyned to the Forces Commanded by Sr. William Waller, which would have made that Army so strong, as all the West of England must needs in all probability have submitted to the Parliament, there being no Forces left that could oppose such a strength as here∣by Sr. William Waller would have had: but in stead of going about so necessary a service, as this then was, what doth he? Contrary to mens expectations, upon some intelligence coming to him, that Hereford, or this, and that other Town in Page  57 those parts might be surprised, out of Bristol he goes, and flies (as Mr. May terms it) clean another way from giving assistance to the Gentlemen, who ex∣pected him, and preventing the conjunction of the Kings Forces, which could admit of no delay; and stayes in taking and plundering Hereford and some other Towns, untill Prince Maurice and Marquis Hartford, in the mean time, without any opposition, or interruption, unite all their Forces together, fall upon those Gentlemen and their Forces, who waited for his coming and assistance, break them and scatter them, to the great disservice and prejudice of the Parliament at present, but especially as it proved afterwards: that which he in the mean time was running up and down after, far from the place that then required his presence, and that which Mr. May reserves his discourse to set forth, was a service which afforded himself plunder, and that, as Mr. May saith, much to his advantage, but neither profit nor advantage to the Parliament at all, for the Towns being plundered, were left, and afterwards possessed by the Enemie again, fortified and kept against the Parliament, as is known by the Siege of Hereford, where the whole Army of the Scots lay after this a long time, and could not reduce it: When this plundering voyage was past, which Mr. May sets forth at large, but putting things together, which, I take it, differed in time (it may be, as they were brought unto him) Sir William Waller returns, when it was too late, towards Bristol, finds Hopton with his Western Army joyned with the Forces brought by Prince Maurice and Marques Hartford, and by them the Countrey Gentlemen and their forces dispersed, the Enemies Army grown so strong by their con∣junction, and those that came in unto them, upon the scattering of the Forces of the Gentlemen, that in the Countreys were well affected, for want of timely assistance, that he with all his forces was not able to encounter them, but con∣strained to press the Governor of Bristol to afford him both men and Ammuni∣tion, otherwise he could not keep the field, and then both Town and Countrey would be lost: This was the effect of that his rambling and running up and down from the service, that required his presence and his Forces, by which, all this disservice and prejudice that the Parliament received, might have been pre∣vented; but this plundering journey diverted him, that he neither gave timely assistance to their friends, nor opposition to the Enemie. The Governor of Bri∣stol, as hath been said, afforded him both Ammunition and 1200 Souldiers, the strength of that Garrison, upon the resolution at a Council of War of his Offi∣cers (some of the chief Gentlemen of the Countreys retired in thither, and Townsmen being present) that as things then stood, the onely means to save that Town was, to strengthen him, that he might not lose the Field: upon this addition of strength, with Ammunition, sent him out of Bristol, they fight the Enemie, the Fight continued till night without any considerable advantage appearing on ei∣ther side; that which seemed to give the advantage to Sir William Waller, was Sir Ralph Hoptons drawing off the Field, and Marching away the next morning, which it was thought was occasioned by want of Ammunition, some accident in the Battle befalling him in that respect; and this is made the more probable, by the Ammunition sent unto him from Oxford to the Devizes, which was intercept∣ed; whatever was the cause, he left the Field and marched away; Sir William Waller, with his Army following, he retreated into the Devizes, and Prince Mau∣rice and Marques Hartford went to Oxford, Sir William Waller with all his Forces, Horse and Foot, blocks them up in this Town, intercepts Ammunition sent un∣to Page  58 them from Oxford, upon this they offer to treat and surrender the place upon conditions, which had it been entertained, all those Cornish Forces and that Ar∣mie had disbanded, and gone home, and the West been in the Parliaments pow∣er, but no Treatie would be hearkened unto; neither was there any Souldier-like course taken, or attempt made to force and storm the place, no man in particu∣lar, nor time appointed for that work, but there they stay about it, doing no∣thing to any purpose, as some of the ablest Foot-Officers observed, and after∣ward spake of it, until Wilmot came from Oxford, with a matter of 1100 Horse, to their assistance that were blocked up within the Town; when he was come, he could neither go into the Town to Hopton, nor be with his Foot come out to him, Sir William Wallers whole Armie being between them; this Partie, which Wilmot brought, seemed so inconsiderable, they having in their Armie of Horse double the number to them, that neglecting the help of their foot, they drew up their Horse a Mile or two before their Foot, leaving them behind, and took from the Foot, to carrie along with their Horse, some pieces of Artillerie, and so, out of an overmuch confidence in the numbers of their Horse, would not make any use of their Foot, nor draw them up with them, which had they done, they must needs have beaten the Enemie out of the Field, for they had neither Foot nor any Ordnance with them, but they will do the business with their Horse, and when they came to do it, they charged not the whole bodie of the Enemies Horse, nor with their own whole bodie of Horse, double in number, as I have said, to the Enemies, but stood disputing a place of advantage, the gaining of the top of a Hill, with one Regiment to one of the Enemies, till at length thereby, two or three of their Regiments being broken, all their Horse began to run and would not be stayed, nay they would not rally themselves behind their Foot, being a Bodie of 2000 that stood firm behind them in the Field, where they might have done it safely, and with their help (which before they had despised) have recovered all, and bearen the Enemie out of the Field certainly enough, notwithstanding that ruffle they had received upon the dispute of that place, which was but some Regiments neither, but when hey set a running, they would not be made to look behind them, until they came to Bristol with the ill news, and shamefull indeed, of having abandoned all their Foot, and left them in the Field to shift for themselves; who not discouraged by all this, stood to their Arms, firm in a Bodie, saying one to another, sure our Horse will come to us again; and when the Enemies Horse came up to charge them, they fired upon them in that manner, that they beat them off, and made them run back in rout and dis∣order, at which time, if their own Horse had been there and fallen on, they had wholly routed and broken them; and thus they kept themselves together and beat off the Enemie, though so shamefully forsaken, untill their own Ordnance were turned upon them, which the Horse had drawn up from them, when fool∣ishly they neglected to make use of their assistance, and running away had left in the Enemies hands, and until they saw Hopton with his Foot marching up out of the Town to joyn with the Enemies Horse against them. Here you have, in particulars, the whole carriage, or rather most unwise, and most unhappie mis∣carriage of this Western business, from the beginning to the end; in no piece of it so managed as deserved a Discourse apart and of purpose to set forth the merit thereof, but rather to shew the disservices that did arise from the ill mannage∣ment of this business from first to last. If those Summersetshire Gentlemen, and Page  59 others of the Western Counteys, constantly faithfull to the Parliament, who at that time were deserted, and altogether failed of the assistance they expected from Sir William Waller, by his running up and down to Hereford and other places, while they were left to the Enemie to be lost, and such of them (as there were some) who were at the last Battle at the Devizes, or Run away Hill, as they call it, and saw all; shll be asked of these particulars, by Mr. May, and of the conse∣quences which necessarily followed thereupon; I assure my self, they will testi∣fie, that what I have relaed is the truth, and Mr. May thereby will be better informed than he hath been: the truth is, this (which Mr. May stiles usual celeritie, and activitie, in running to Hereford and up and down to oher places, to catch Towns and plunder them, so far distant from the place where at that time these active forces, as he terms them, were expected, and ought to have been imployed, for the prevention of these ill consequences, which their failer at that time occasioned, and by their timely attending the business, might certain∣ly have been prevented) fell out also in such an unhappie conjuncture of affairs, that in all probabilitie of humane reason, the consequences of these miscarriages had not onely been the loss of the Western Counteys, the Citie of Bristol, and what so many well affected Gentlemen in those Countries were exposed unto, but the loss of all, Parliament, Citie of London, and the whole Kingdom, had the King taken the advantage and followed it, marching up to London with that nu∣merous Armie made up of all his Forces joyned together, where he would at that time have found the Generals Armie so mouldred away by sickness, and ly∣ing near London, into which they would drop as into a wood, that they were a∣ble to make little resistance; and what they were in his own esteem at that time, his answer sheweth, when he was desired to relieve Bristol; but God was pleased to prevent this, by casting the King upon Sieges, till we could recover our selves. It is very likely, this discourse will kindle coals, when truth is laid open to the view of the world, and all vizards pulled off, those, whose foul faces are thereby discovered, will begin to wince like gall'd bcked horses, when they are rubbed, and as you must expect their heels, so I may expect these mens pens to be dip∣ed in gall and vineger; but I value it not at all, rail and lye as long as they list, all I desire both in this, and in all other particuars, is to hold forth to the pre∣sentage, and transmit to posteriie he naked truth of things without any dresses arising from faction, part-taking, o any other respect; which being done, I leave it to the God of ruth o wok mns hearts to imbrace truth made known to them, or gve them over to believe lies, because they love them better; in his just judgement, as shll sem good to himself. That I have done my dutie, and that which in this tim I think my part to do, shall satisfie me; onely as Mr. May, in his Preface, hath a request to his Reader, so I will here request of him (being, as I before said I have head, a mn of ingeuitie, otherwise I should not trouble my self about it) that he, when he reads this, will not understand it, as intended to cast a reproach upon him or his writings, but onely better to inform him of the truth of things, wherein, as in some other things which I could shew him, so in this particular I am sure, he hath been misinformed. I will conclude with that which I think will satisfie all men in this paricular, but such whose malice, en∣vie, and praengagmnts therein I will not suffer them to be satisfi with any thing, and that is the Testimonie of all the chief Officers of the Armie, for Col. Fiennes his clearing, which as they expressed presently upon the place when t Page  60 was retaken, being abundantly satisfied therein, and taking notice of a special providence ordering things so, as seemed to point at the vindication of his Ho∣nor, so they thought fit, and themselves bound in conscience, (upon the coming forth of a printed Paper, containing a Catalogue of their services and successes, whereunto their names were affixed, which paper, as others, cast a slander up∣on this Gentleman) to set down their opinions therein, and subscribe their names thereunto, in a Declaration which they writ to disavow that slander in the print∣ed Paper, and sent the writing so subscribed by them to the Gentleman; and whether this be not more conducing to his honor, than such a Sentence, of such a Council of War, so prepared, so contrived and carried, as I have shewed before, can prejudice the same, I leave to all indifferent men to judge. I shall add also a Letter, written by Col. Fleetwood, to the Lord Say, instantly after the taking of the Town again by Storm, Col. Fleetwood being upon the place, and in the ser∣vice, that thereby it may appear how the Officers of the Armie reflected upon this particular, and expressed themselves therein: and what was the judgement also of the Officers under Prince Rupert, concerning this unjust proceeding a∣gainst Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, who were at the surrender of the Town when Prince Rupert took it, and saw in what condition it then was, and how notwith∣standing by him defended, whereof certainly they were better able to judge and give testimonie, than a companie of Tapsters, Women, Boys, Run-aways, and Souldiers, who were accused by him for refusing to do their dutie in the action, with paper-Testimonies (the persons themselves not being produced) which might be made in an Ale-house, or under an hedge: and these were the proofs made use of against him, while Gentlemen of worth and understanding, as Mr. John Ash, and Mr. Hodges, with others, testified the truth in his behalf, and for his clearing; but any proofs would serve the turn, the business being before determined. The original of both these Copies are to be seen, that of the let∣ter, in the Lord Say's hand, the other, the Gentleman hath had long by him, but satisfying himself in the clearness of his own conscience, and being cleared also otherwise, in the opinion of the House, actually restified upon the same occasi∣on, he hath kept it by him, and would not publish it: but for my part, consider∣ing the scandalous lyes published by this Incendiarie, and by other railing Pam∣phlets to his disgrace, which may pass to posteritie, and to others for the pre∣sent, who may know as little as posteritie will do of the truth of things in this particular; as those worthie men thought it fit to declare their opinions for his justification, and vindication, so do I think it fit, and my self bound, having the true Copies of both, to publish them to the world: Col. Fleetwood, and Major Harrison, mentioned in this Letter, are Gentlemen that are known to be fide digni, and such as would not speak or write that which were not truth.

Page  61

A Copy of Colonel Fleetwoods Letter, written to the Lord Say from Bristol, upon the taking of that Town by storm from Prince Ru∣pert, by the Army under the command of Sr. Thomas Fairfax.

My Lord,

THis unspeakable mercie of the Lord, in delivering up this Citie into our hands, I doubt not will enlarge the hearts of all the Saints to praise his holy name; that which to me much adds to the mercie, is that it hath pleased God, in this so much to vindicate the honour and innocencie of that Noble Gentleman, Colonel Fiennes, whose nearness of relation to your Lordship silences my Pen from writing what my thoughts of him are, but this I must say, he is now, even by all our Officers, that I speak with, mentioned with much honour and respect, and acknowledged they could not ima∣gine, how more should be done by any man, than he did in this, considering the place, and the men he had to keep it: what, My Lord Hawley and others of the Princes Army say, I shall acquaint you with, that they ever judged the sentence upon Colonel Fiennes, as most unjust, the Town being then so weakly fortified, and the number of men he had to keep it withall, so few, his men being not half the number of what they had; we do look upon this business in the whole procedure of it, as that wherein the Lord did intend to clear Colonel Fiennes innocencie: it is good, my Lord, to trust all our affairs in Gods hands, and to wait his time, being as∣sured of this, that in every seeming frown there is a smile, Love is intended in all, if we do not anticipate Providence we shall see all is best; in every dispensation there is onely this designed, to endear our hearts to Jesus Christ, I doubt not but he hath in this learned to know the minde of God, and hath made such improvement, as he rather re∣joices, than repines at the hand of Providence; Lieutenant General Cromwell intends to make a Relation of this business, wherein he will endeavour to clear the whole business, I shall therefore not further trouble your Lordship, than with this, that I am

Your most humble and Obliged servant Charles Fleetwood.

Bristol,10 Septem∣ber, 1646.

Major Harrison salutes your Lordship with his humble service, he was the per∣son to whom my Lord Hawley expressed, as is above mentioned upon his questioning this particular.

Page  62

A Copie of the Declaration made by the Chief Officers of the Armie, under the Command of Sir Thomas Fairfax (after the Storming of Bristol, and taking of it) in vindication of the honor of Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, who surrendered it before to Prince Rupert, by whom it was now surrendered to this Armie.

WHereas in a Paper lately printed, containing a Catalogue of the Successes of this Armie, the Citie of Bristol is Rcorded to have been cowardly and basely lost, when Surrendered to the Enemis by Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, and we find the name of the General and this Armie prefixed thereunto; lest, by our silence, that should be thought the sence and judgement of the Officers of this Armie (which is far otherwise) we therefore, to do right, as to tht worthy Gentleman, so to truth it self, held our selves bound in conscience, and in th bond of Love, to declare, That the circuit of the Line and Works about that Citie; being above four males, and the Works of little strength then, compared with what they were a••h last taking thereof; and considering how few men Col. Fiennes had then to defnd such a Circuit, the flower of his Garrison, having so lately before been broken and lost by that unhappie blow given to the Parliaments Armie near the Devizes;nd considering, notwith∣standing all this, how powerfull and continued assaults were sustained b him upon a general Storm, and how much bloud, both of Souldiers and considerable Officers, that place cost the Enemie, and that after the Line was entered, the Suburbs were still dis∣puted, till the Common Souldiers, in great numbers, deserted their Colours, and quitted their Guards (of all which, by divers Officers and others that were eye-witnesses of the action, we have been fully assured) Ʋpon all these Considerations we are fully satis∣fied in our judgements and consciences, That the defence of that place, by that Gentle∣man, was both faithfull and honorable; to which a far greater witness, than ours, seems to call for our suffrage, even the Divine hand, eminently pointing at his vindication, in the late happie reduction of that place; when, although it was made much more de∣fencible by the addition of several fortifications, and furnished with a double propor∣tion of all necessaries for a defence, especially of men, most of them tried Souldiers, commanded by Prince Rupert himself, who the former time took it, and many other great Officers under him, men of long experience, great abilities, and known courage and fidelitie to the service they were in, and a bodie of 700 or 800 Horse, to scower within the Line, and beat our Foot when entered; Nevertheless, against all these ad∣vantages, the Divine Providence, clearing the former Governors Honor, and innocen∣cie, delivered the same Town by Storm to this Armie, and that with the sixh part of the loss of men, on our part, the Enemie then suffered, when Col. Fiennes d fended it. Nex for his Surrendeing of it after the Enemie was enterd the Line and Suburbs, and the Souldiers deserted their Guards and Colours, we cannot but consider, that he had in this case no intrenchment defencible with the small number h had then left, except the Castle, which how unteable it was, and is for any time considerable, against an Armie prepared for Batterie and Assult, all that have seen it, and can judge, (will we think) witness with us; that, had he drawn in thither with his Soul∣diers, he must have left that great Citie (one of the Chief in the Kingdom) with the estates and lives of thousands of Inhabitants (mo•• of h m well aff cted, and indeed most of the chief friends the Parliament had i the Countey round about, who were fled in thither for shelter) exposed to spoil and destruction, or at least to the furie of Page  63 the Enemie; so that having in this case no rational hopes of timely relief (the Parlia∣ments Western Forces being then all wholly broken and beaten out of the Field, in that blow at the Devizes, and other defeats further West, and the Earl of Essex his Armie then so low through sickness and weakness, as 't was forced to retire out of the Field) we conceive that Col. Fiennes had good reason to treat for Conditions, and make the best he could for th Citie, and those that were with him in it, and the conditions he made in that case were good and honorable; and wherein also we cannot but take no∣tice of the same hand of God pointing at his Vindication in the late Reduction of that place, wherein, although Prince Rupert had (besides all the advantages afore menti∣oned for a defence, above Col Fiennes his case) the addition of a Royal Fort, not Sub∣ject to batterie, not assailable without much and long work of Aproaches, and both that, and the Castle furnished plentifully with Victuals and Ammunition for a long defence; and though by advantage of the Fort and Castle, he had betwixt both such full command both of the Town, and of the Grounds within the Line, as we could hardly find within the Line where to draw up our men out of their annoyance, but were fain, for the present, to draw back much of the Army out of the Line after our enter∣ance; and though both his Souldierie and the Townsmen for the most part stuck to him, after we were entered; yet finding neither the Castle, nor Fort, nor both sufficient to relieve and secure his whole number of Souldierie, and the rest depending on him (which was Col. Fiennes his case much more clearly) he found reason enough, to make Conditions for himself and them, and upon Treatie to Surrender, on terms not better, nor more advantageous for his partie or the Citie, than those Col. Fiennes obtained, were, if as well kept. And therefore from all these considerations (as the Council of war that censured him, did it without imputation of Cowardise or unfaithfulness to him, and as the Lord General Essex in remitting that sentence, and the House of Com∣mons in his readmission thither, have led us the way, so we do in discharge of our con∣sciences before God, and unto men, hereby testifie unto the world, that our sence upon that whole astion of Col. Fiennes, is far other than the said printed paper does im∣port, and that we neither have in our selves, nor do believe, that there is any cause for others to entertain any such thoughts of dishonor towards him concerning that business. In testimonie whereof, we have hereunto subscribed this _____ of _____ 1646.

  • Thomas Fairfax
  • Oliver Cromwell
  • Henry Ireton
  • Ph. Skippon
  • R. Hammon
  • Char. Fleetwood
  • Th. Harrison
  • Nath. Rich.
  • Rich. Fortescue
  • Rich. Dean.
  • John Hewson
  • W. Stane
  • Leon Watson

For the surrender of Banbury, which he couples with Bristol, it is a Taleso ridi∣culous and false, as that the Reader may see, by this own instance, how eagerly this man catcheth up a false report against his Neighbour, and carrieth it up and down, making himself thereby the Devils Porter to vent his wares, without ever examining, whether they be true, or false, so that they serve his turn, to disgrace those, who will not be drawn into the factious proceedings of his party; and this may be observed throughout this whole Pamphlet of his, as I shall shew when I meet with the particulars in it, and for that purpose it seems he was set upon this work; how ill this becomes those, who have the cause of God so often in their mouths, and how unsuitable it is to a man truly godly, the 15 Psalm teacheth us. Page  62〈1 page duplicate〉Page  63〈1 page duplicate〉Page  64 It is well known that Banbury was never any Garrison of the Parliaments, no more than any other open Village in the Countrey, for such was that Town; neither was the Castle in it any other; than an old house of the Lord Sayes, wherein he never inhabited; the King indeed afterwards made it a strong piece, as most in England, and put a Garrison into it, to the spoiling of that Town, and drawing all the adjacent parts of the Countreys about it under contribution; and for this the Town may thank themselves, and the parts adjacent had little cause to thank them; for the Parliament had twice sent Forces (before the King meddled with it) to fortifie it, once from Coventrie 300 Souldiers, and a second time 200 from Northampton, both times the Town desired they might not be put into the Castle, fearing it might bring the Kings Forces upon them; and thereby what they feared, and might thus have prevented, soon after befell them, the King sending Forces into that Castle, and by Green the Enginier strongly fortifying it. By whom then was Banburie surrendred to the prejudice of the Parliament? was it by the Kings Forces, for never any other had a Garrison in it? Here you see one of his fine fables: but that he may have no creeping hole, like a Fox, to get out at, I will not leave unanswered, that which I can imagine could give any colour to this tale told him, or invented by him: At the first beginning of these unhappy troubles, before any stroke struck, or War begun, when the settling of the Militia by Ordinance of Parliament and Authority thereof, and the Com∣mission of Array by Warrant from the King, were in agitation in several Coun∣ties of the Kingdom, there were several meetings, in the several parts of those Counties, upon the putting in execution the one and the other of these Commis∣sions, but as yet without blows, or bloud-shed: it fell out to be so in Warwick∣shire, the Earle of Northampton, Lord Lieutenant of that County by Commission from the King, indeavouring to execute the Commission of Array, and the Lord Brook on the other side to put in execution the ordinance of Parliament for set∣tling of the Militia; so when the one sent out Warrants to call together the Train-band-men, and Voluntiers, to one side of the Countie, the other sum∣moned them to another: during this contention between them in the Countie, the Lord Brook, without Warrant, either from the General, or the Parliament, (as is to be gathered from his own words) conveys down 4 Peeces of Ordnance from London, to carrie them to his Castle at Warwick; when he had brought them to Banbury, the Gentlemen of Warwickshire, who met the Lord Brook there, doubted they should not be strong enough to go through with that business, and carrie the Ordnance to Warwick, if the Lord of Northampton should meet them upon the way, as they suspected he would, having had notice of it; hereupon the Lord Brook sent unto Mr. John Fiennes, and desired him to accompanie them with so many as he could get to go along with him, which he did, and had so many that voluntarily came unto them, out of Banbury and other Towns adjoyning, that when the Lord of Northamton met them, as he did upon the edge of War∣wickshire, after a little time that they had stood facing one another, there were twice as many with the Lord Brook as there were with him, in so much, that it was reported the Lord of Northampton should say to those Gentlemen, who had put him upon this business, that they had brought him there to lose his Honor; for it was thought if one of the Pieces of Artillerie, whereof they had four, besides a double number of men, had been discharged upon them, they having none, they had all left the Field presently, and, if I mistake not, some of themselves have Page  65 confessed as much: But the Lord Brook and Mr. Purefoy, who were the chief actors in that business, thought it fitter at that time to treat, than fight, and to that end sent to my Lord Northampton to treat with him, who stood stifly upon this, that no Pieces of Artillery should be brought into Warwick-shire, to forti∣fie any place in that County, without the Kings Commission for it, and therefore they must carry the Ordnance back again out of the County; which in conclu∣sion, notwithstanding the great advantage they had, they agreed unto, a thing wondered at, and the Pieces were drawn back out of Warwick-shire to Banburie, being asked by friends, why they would do this, having a double number of men and Artillery besides, the conditions also being dishonorable? they both gave this for the reason (which I know to be true, for I heard it) that it was be∣cause they would not be the first that should begin this unhappy War and strike the first blow in it, and shed the first bloud: it seems also they had no Warrant for what they had done, in bringing of the Pieces down: for the Lord Brook, when they came back again to Banburie, desired Mr. John Fiennes, that he might leave the Pieces in the Castle of Banburie, untill he went to London and got a Warrant from the Parliament to carry them to his Castle at Warwick; whereby it is evi∣dent, he had none before, but had done it of his own head without Authority; he promised also Mr. Fiennes to return again within a week, but he neither came himself, nor brought, nor sent any Warrant from the Parliament, or the Gene∣ral, within a week, a fortnight, or three weeks, as I take it; in which time the King being sent unto by the Lord of Northampton, sent a Warrant to him, to de∣mand the Ordnance in his name, and commanded the Earles of Darbie and Bark∣shire, with the Chief Gentlemen in Office in Oxford-shire, to require the deli∣very of them upon his Warrant; these came to Banburie with the Earl of Northampton and Sr. Nicholas Biron, who was sent by the King with the Warrant to require the Ordnance in the Kings name, and they altogether with the Townsmen desired Mr. Fiennes, that he would not, by disobeding the Kings War∣rant, be the first that should begin a War, and make his own Countrey and theirs, and that Town, the feat of it, and that for the Ordnance of a private man which he had no Warrant to keep; there being the Kings Warrant require∣ing the delivery of them, and challenging them to be his: at that time all War∣rants from the King, which were not by Parliament adjudged illegal (as that of the Commission of Array) were obeyed as formerly, all Writs issued in his name, and under his Seal: Mr. Fiennes upon this Warrant delivered the Ordinance, having no Authority to keep them from the Parliament, or General, which might protect him against that Authority which required the delivery of them, neither was there any Authority for bringing them thither that he knew of, but he might rather suspect it was not approved of, when he could hear nothing of the Lord Brook (who promised to bring a Warrant from the Parliament within a week) in two, or three weeks, and yet he knew he went up purposely for it, as himself said: what wise man can think it fit, for him, without any Warrant, to justifie such an action, to be the beginner of such a quarrel as this, for another man, who upon that very reason, and because he had no Warrant for what e had done, deserts the action himself, and draws back the Ordnance out of Warwick-shire, being required in the Kings name not to bring them into it, without the Kings Warrant for it, and this when no Warrant was shewed uno him from the King, as there was to Mr. Fiennes? if Mr. Fiennes had been the first Page  66 man that had shed bloud, and begun this War to keep these Ordnance without any Warrant for it, nay, seeing a Warrant was not sent when purposely gone for, but so long delaid, and he might thereupon well think denied; what could have excused him from being a Murtherer, a Traitor, the first kindler of this unhappy fire in the Kingdom, and running most foolishly into all these crimes, by doing that without all Obligation thereunto for another, who for fear of this, durst not, or would not do it for himself? The Law would have condemned him justly, and he had no ground to expect protection from the Parliament, having no Autho∣rity, nor Warrant from them for such an action. Thus you have that which I think to be the ground and onely colour for this Tale, which he dresses up, in this Pamphlet, into a false slander, purposely to disgrace that Family, which it is well known hath not deserved ill of this Kingdom, nor of his own Nation, how∣ever requited: If there be any other thing imaginable concerning Banburie that hath come to his ears, which are wide open to receive what ever may give him the least pretence, or colour to cast up his gorge against this Family, it can be no∣thing but what befell Banburie after the Battle at Edge-hill, some five miles from that Town, which, in respect of that Family, is as idle and ridiculous as the for∣mer, not one of them being there, or near the place when the battle was fought: two of them were in the Generals Army when the fight was, and did as good service there, as those who are taken notice of by name, being of the same place and rank in the Army that they were, as Sr. William Balfore and Sr. Philip Stapleton, in whose Regiments they were, could witness: But upon this occa∣sion, it not having been observed by others, I will lay open the miscarriage of that business in particular, with the consequences thereof, which will appear to be one of the most unsouldier-like, unreasonable, and unhappy, that hath fallen out in all these Wars. The Generals Army being, in the beginning of the fight, in some danger, it pleased God yet in the end to turn the day and give him the victory, though a considerable part of his Army were not then come up to the rest, which invited the Enemy the rather to engage in the fight: when all the Kings Foot were broken except two Regiments, and those but pieces of Regi∣ments which remained, their Horse coming up to them, they withdrew out of the Field where the battle had been fought, leaving the General and his Army upon the ground, and so retired up to the top of the Hill, where the Horse stand∣ing sometime, untill they could draw off their Ordnance, the Horse also went away: At that time came in Colonel Hamden, with three fresh Regiments of Foot, and ten Troups of Horse, and some Artillery, to the Generals Army, these coming up after the fight was ended, a fresh supply not having been at all in the battle, when it was expected, the Enemy being beaten out of the Field, and this addition of fresh Forces come to the Army, they would have advanced for∣ward, having but five miles to go to Banburie, and make use of this good success to the compleating of the victory, which had they done, the King had not had one of his Foot remaining, all his Ordnance, Ammunition and baggage taken, and been forced himself to escape with his Horse, which would have been diffi∣cult for him then to have done, for he himself afterwards complains, that the Countreys thereabout were prepared and resolved to rise upon him: In stead of doing this, which in all probability had made an end of this unhappy War in the first beginning of it; The General with Merick and Ballard (it was thought by their advise) suddenly rides back seven miles, to Warwick, a place destitute of Page  67 provisions to refresh the Army (which was the pretence of it) by their having quartered about it as they came but a day, or two before, whereas had they marched to Banburie, they had had all plenty of provisions, where the Countrey expected them, and for their own safety, desired their coming; and this was done so suddenly and unexpectedly to all the rest of the Officers, that Sr. William Bal∣fore, Colonel Hamden, Sr. Philip Stapleton, with divers others, admired at it, and were much grieved for it, as they testified in their speeches one to ano∣ther, and some of them expressed then, what they assured themselves would be the sad effects thereof, which proved so, and quickly appeared; for the King fearing nothing more than the Generals advancing with his Army after him, was going away and passing by Banburie with what speed he could; but when he un∣derstood the General was gone back to Warwick, Prince Rupert with the Horse went to the place where the battle was fought, and the Forces that were passing by Banburie, with the Artillery, were drawn back thither, the Town being as I have said an open Village, having neither Walls, Gates nor Bars, at any enter∣ance into it, but having with Carts, Boards, and such like other things stopped the passages into the Town as well as they could, to prevent the Enemies strag∣ling Horse from plundering the Town, expecting the Generals Army for their defence, when they heard, after the fight and victory, he had left them and was turned back to Warwick, twelve or fourteen miles from them, and saw the Kings Forces thereupon returned to the Town, the Townsmen presently pulled down those Barricadoes, which they had stopped the enterance into the Town with, knowing the other Army having deserted them, they could not hold it an hour against that force the King had left with him, nor the Castle against the Kings Ordnance, being then without any fortification, as hath been said; and this they did, hoping to be better dealt withall, when they made no resistance, which would have been to no purpose; hereupon that Town was taken and plundered, and the whole Countrey of Oxford-shire given up into the Enemies hands, which instantly before had manifested as good affection to the Parliament as any, rea∣dily appearing with their Train-bands, upon the settling of the Militia, for the Parliaments assistance, and that on every side of the County, and all that were observed thereby to have shewed themselves well affected to the Parliament gi∣ven up, by this Counter-march backward, to be sufficiently plundered by the Enemy: but this, though bad enough, was not all; for the King hereupon (as he had a very good colour given him) assumes the victory to himself, indeed all the advantages of a victory were given him hereby, possesseth himself of Oxford, makes that the place of his residence, being in the heart of the King∣dom; also by surprising some Forces of the Generals Army, as the Lord Peter∣boroughs Regiment that accidentally quartered in Banburie, as they were going to the Army, and some others, all which were given up into the Enemies hands, with other Forces taken up in that County, thus given up as the rest to the Ene∣my; and the Forces which came in unto him, upon the fame of his having ob∣tained the victory and beaten back the Parliaments Army, for which he caused a solemn Thanks-giving to be kept in Oxford; he recruits his broken Army, and is put into a capacity again and a fair probability to compass his first design, to march up to London, possess himself of that Citie, and so destroy the Parliament; how near he came unto the effecting of it, the business at Branford makes evi∣dent to all men, who are acquainted with these passages from first to last: Here Page  68 is this Surrender of Banburie, if this be it he aims at, indeed it was likely to have proved the Surrender of Parliament, Citie, and whole Kingdom, and that by a victorie thus given to the Enemy, when obtained by us; for to redeem this over∣sight and prevent the mischiefs likely to follow thereupon, the General was con∣strained to make such long marches, that the King with his recruited Army might not be at London before him, that he brake and weakned his Army very much, and then bringing them into the Citie, lost them as in a Wood, so that when the King came to Branford, within seven miles of London, with his whole Army, so few of the Generals could be gotten together, that some of the Members of both Houses were necessitated to fit up all night with the Major and the Com∣mittee of the Militia of London at Guild-Hall, to perswade them to send forth the Regiments of the Train-bands of London, under Major Skippon to resist the Kings Army; making it appear to them, how much safer it would be for the Ci∣tie, to oppose the Enemies coming into it, than to fight with him in their streets, where he would finde many friends to joyn with him: with no little difficulty, at one of the Clock after-midnight, they were perswaded to send forth a very good strength, which had they not done, all had been indangered, as one, or two of the Regiments of the Generals Army, the Lord Brooks and Mr. Hollis his were surprised and broken in Branford. These were the foul failings, and great miscarriages of our first beginnings in War, when we were but young Soldiers, and had little experience in military affairs in respect of actions of War, or Councils of War, so that it had been better for some, how able soever they were, or what good service soever they had performed, that they had had nothing to do with either; the truth is, untill the new Modelling of the Army, no success was followed to any great advantage of the Parliament, but if one action in a Summer were performed, then presently Winter quarters were thought of, though in the midst of Summer, and in the next Spring the Parliament was new to begin again, both in providing money and men, and so the Wheel turned about, the King having time enough given him thereby, upon any loss fully to recover himself; but when the Army was Moulded anew (occasioned in great part by the observation hereof, and some other things) then the business went on in another manner, with good success, and that followed to good purpose, and all well carried along, so long as the War continued. This particular passage of Banburie, which hath occasioned the opening of this whole business fully, was such, that Mr. May in his Historie cannot pass it by, but tells us that a Noble Gentleman of the Parliaments side, expressed himself much to the same purpose, that I have here related, for the substance of it; and it is likely it was some of those Officers, Members of the House of Parliament, of whom I spake before, that used these speeches to him, for they all professed against it. If any man shall think I have insisted too long upon these two particulars, let him know, that I have the rather done it, that men may see the great difference that there is be∣tween things when they are related nakedly, according to the truth of them, as they were acted, without any factious dressings or vizards put upon them; and when they are disguised with falshood, to serve some mens ends, and carrie on their designs: I shall therefore do the like in other particulars, as I meet with them, strangers and posteritie being the persons most of all abused by these paintings and daubings, malicious scratchings, and dashings, too much used by Historians: besides, I have a good example and president to follow, in vindi∣cating Page  69 the Honor of this Familie, from the lyes and slanders of malicious, or ig∣norant Historians and Pamphleters, the same being formerly done by a French Historian, shewing the falshood and ignorance, or malice of du-Serres, in scan∣dalizing Robert de Fiennes, Constable of France, and making his error therein apparent out of authorities, which if he had had either care or learning enough to have searched and considered, he had never transmitted such a lye and slan∣der to posteritie, concerning a Noble man of worth, who had done good service to the King and Kingdom, acknowledged by the King himself: but these things we must expect from impudent and malitious Pamphleters, and ignorant Histo∣rians, who will be writing whether true or false.

Frisart vol. 1. pag. 369. Anno 1370. * So the old manuscript in the Earle of Arundels Li∣brary hath it.Or fut advisé & regardé en France par l'aduis & Counseil des Nobles & des Prelats & a la commune voix de tout le royaume (que bien y' ayda) qu'il estoit de necessite qui les Francois eussent ung Chef & Governeur nomme Connestable (car messire Moreau de Fiennes, qu' avoit este valiant homme & entreprenant aux armes, se vouloit oster & departer de l'office, &c.

John Tillet Recueil des Traictes entre les Roys de France & d'An∣gleterre, fol. 90. B.Guesclin, par la demission voluntaire de Messire Moreau Sire de Fiennes, fut Créé connestable de France.

Upon these Authorities, the French Historian du Plex doth put that in the Catalogue of du Serres his errours (whereof he hath compiled a whole book) that he affirmeth the Constable Fiennes to have been deposed from his Office for di∣vers Crimes committed by him. But I find in the life of Bertrand du Guesclin, bound together with a book, called [Le Triumphe de Neuf preux,] and printed at Pa∣ris, Ann. 1507. a Discourse between the King of France, and Bertrand de Gues∣clin, when he offered to him the Constables Sword in manner following:

Historie de Bertrand du Gueselin, imprimme a Paris 1507.Bertrand, dict le Roy, nous scavons bien, que vous estes hardy aux armes, heurex en batail, & si avez la grace du peuple de France; & pour ce que nous sommes plainement in∣formes de vostre loyaulte & prud hommie, nous vous voulons monter en honneur & vous donner l'Office de Connestable de France, dont nous vous liurons l'espee pour gar∣der & defendre nostre royaume. Dont Bertrand remercia fort le Roy, mais dict Ber∣trand, Sir, ne pas doncques Connestable le Seigneur de Fiennes, qui est tant bon Cheval∣lier? Bertrand, dict le Roy, Nostre Cousin de Fiennes nous a bien servy, mais il est desormais mault-vieil & foible, pourquoy il ne peult endurer la peine ny soustenir le travail que convient a l'office, & si nous a rendue l'espee en vous recommendant par dessus tous les Chevalliers de ce royaume, &c.

This long digression I hope will offend no honest man that loves truth, and de∣sires to have it vindicated from the slanders that malice and envie hath cast upon it. I shall now return to the chase of this Fox, who runs up & down in a Sheep∣skin, complaining of want of Charitie and disturbing the peace of the Church, pro∣nouncing that those who want Charitie, what other gifts soever they have, of preach∣ing, prayer, tongues or sciences otherways, all is nothing; out of his own mouth let him be judged; in all this Pamphlet what doth he, but spread abroad, and cast Page  70 lies and slanders upon all, to advance his Countrey-men? for when under the name of some do thus, and some are practising that, he leaves his lyes to be fixed by every man, according to his fancie, upon whom he will, like a deceiver keep∣ing himself in generals, no man is free; if he should name the men in particular, his manifest-truths (as he calls them) would evidently appear to be manifest lyes, invented to carrie on their design that set him on work; and who they were, and what their work was, may appear by what he is so bold to blame them for not doing themselves, that is, that they did not cast abroad Papers and Manifestoes to stir up the multitude, and inflame the Citie and rabble thereof against the Parliament, which, after this Incendiaries Pamphlet first made use of, and Cranford sent upon the Exchange to publish a most notorious lye (which he confessed, he was appointed by Mr. Bayly, one of the Scots Commissioners and a Minister, to do openly upon the Exchange) was by them done sufficiently as all men know, and may appear by the Answers, which thereupon the House of Com∣mons thought necessarie to put forth to the Papers, which they had printed and spread about the Citie, in which papers they pleaded as much for the Kings u∣surped Prerogative, against the Subjects just rights in this Kingdom, as they on the other side required we should for them insist upon it, that all they demand∣ed should be put into their hands, and taken out of the Kings, in their own Kingdom: this was a very ill practise in Statesmen; a great deal more suitable to the policie and charitie of such a pedant as this; for them to admit and suffer such a fellow to advise them to take such a course, to practise it, after he had ta∣ken the boldness, and manifested the impudencie to reprove them for not doing it soon enough, was no way becoming their persons and conditions, or present trust and imployment, and so will every wise man judge, that shall read in this Pamphlet, how they are Schooled and Tutored by this Pedogogue, and consider and compare their practise with it afterwards in this particular. This I have here the rather insisted upon, that I may not be troubled to take notice of every Les∣son he reads them, as soon after he doth, for the companie they admitted into pri∣vacie with them, for which, he saith, they were laughed at: for suffering such a fel∣low, or setting him on work to write such a ridiculous storie as this is, they might indeed be much more worthy to be laughed at, and sure to gain neither credit nor advantage by such tales.

But to come to some particulars, he instanceth in; For that of our low estate things being almost, he saith, in despair, a fiction of his own brain, which he still dresseth up like a poor indigent beggar, and brings upon the stage, when he would have it believed, that pure necessitie and fear, made us call for the help of the Scots, and make the world believe, what great assistance they gave us, which what it was the world well knoweth, and we to our cost found; this I will here pass, having given answer to it before, neither will I trouble my self with shewing what those wonders were, which he saith, they did, and strange encounters these resolute men (as he terms them) met withall at their first coming into the Kingdom, and made their way through them all; I have alreadie shewed, that if we had not been in a better condition than his ignorance or falshood reports us to be in, able not onely to defend our selves without them, but to bring them through those difficulties they met withall, they had stuck in the birth, and not been delivered from the Lord Newcastles Armie and the Countreys opposition. I will come to those passages, wherein according to his custome under the name Page  71 of some, he snarls and bites at nameless persons, casting thereby aspersi∣ons upon whom he pleaseth, or you that read him please to fix them; this is slander without limit, for it may be any some you please to imagin; it is very likely, if you ask him whom he would have you understand those to be, that he sets forth by the name of some, he will tell you, those who will not fall down and worship his Diana, the Government of the Kirk, as it is settled in Scot∣land, nor take that for the pattern shewed in the Mount, but dispute, whether that be in all things according to the Word of God; these be the some which usually he would have to be understood, and blasted by this general term, and by the many tales he tels of such, which if he should applie to particular men, and name them, they would appear (as I have said) tales so ridiculous and false, that his sheep-skin would be pulled over his ears, and he appear, in his whole discourse, such as indeed he is, his ends and aims in it being discovered. While the Parliament was thus low, he saith, many faint-hearted, yea Members of the two Houses run away to the Enemie: here that which he adds (Members of the two Houses) is a sufficient Character to make it appear who they were, and there∣by make the assertion capable of trial, whether true or false; had he done so in all the rest, he might have been justified, if that he had spoken of them had been truth, and none could have justly condemned him for it; but the cause he allea∣geth of their going, was, as before, to serve his own turn, being made our low estate and their faint-heartedness thereupon: 'twas rather their ambition, hope of preferment, or it may be, in some affection, or conscience not being rightly in∣formed nor satisfied, in respect of the cause of this War, and taking up of Arms thereupon (for charitie, whereof I would this discourser had one grain, ought to judge and hope the best in things capable thereof) some of these, and not our low estate and their fainting thereupon, is more truly to be made the cause, but that serves not his turn to set forth his Countrey-mens high services, which he must serve, and will in all; yet that this is so, appears by the staying of many of them in the Houses long after that time, and therefore it was not fear that drave the rest away: he adds others did withdraw to their eternal shame, studying to make their peace more plausibly with the Enemie, and not to run over to him, at di∣scretion, as others had done: here he shoots his bolt, and it may light upon whom you lift to place it; if you will be as void of charitie as this discourser is, any man, who at that time had occasion to go to his house, and stay there for some time, for the disposing of his private business, he shall be made one of these others, whom he brandeth with this uncharitable censure, that they withdrew themselves for such an end, to trinckle with the Enemie for making their pace; Let him produce the man or men that did so, and his proofs, otherwise let him be taken, as he de∣serves, for a slanderer: would he like it well, that other men should apply this trinckling with the Enemie to make their Peace, to whomsoever they think fit, as he himself takes a libertie to do, without any ground but his own evil thoughts? some men (to use his own phrase) will apply it to the Scotch Commissioners, and believe they have better ground for it, than any he can produce for this his slan∣der, as appears by Digbyes letter to Jermin, wherein he desireth him to assure the Queen, that he would manage the Treatie which he had entertained with some of the Scots Commissioners, in such a manner as should be for the Kings advantage, and de∣sireth that she would no way doubt of it; to this purpose, the Letters themselves may be consulted, lying in the Committees hands; let this man, who is so readie Page  72 to judge others out of his own evil thoughts, bring forth such an evidence as this, against any one of those others whom he thus asperseth: they that shall be offended at this, may thank their Incendiarie, who leads the way and pro∣vokes hereunto all along; had he better ruled his lying and malicious pen, many things had been passed over in silence, which he hath brought forth to light, to their little advantage, who, it may be, set him on work; at least to magnifie whom, with disgracing others to that end, is the thing aimed at in the whole work: I will pass over (as I have said) his vain historie, of his Countrey-mens coming into the Kingdom, their hinderance by Sectaries, and when they had done such won∣ders, how some at London, not of the meaner sort, sought by whispering against them to cloud their glorie, and when Selbie was taken (which he will needs attribute to the Scots coming in) some said we had now no need of them; these things, with what he speaks also of some, who would not have had Manchester joyn with them, & when he was joyned, of one (but what one? the man in the moon) sent, as he saith, to sow the seeds of division amongst them, and after a while the same design set on foot again by a Partie, some of those who are opposite to the settled Government of the Church, that is forsooth, the Government of his Kirk; and now you have him be∣ginning to manifest who those some are he chiefly spits all his venom at: all these tales and stories of men without name, of things without proof, I cast away, as every wise and judicious Reader will do, easily perceiving by these, what was the mans aym, and end in all the rest of those fictions, which he stuffeth his pam∣phlet with; and indeed well may these give a light unto the rest, and discover of what credit they are.

But there is one storie here begun, and a little afterwards taken up again by him, which I will not pass by, the impudencie and falshood thereof is so notorious to every one that knoweth the business and passages of that time; and that is, of some men, (he calls them of that partie which he indeed desireth most of all men, by his lies to blemish, and lessen the reputation of, if he could) who at first, he saith, did constantly and frequently court the Scots, and thereby so take them up, that they alone were admitted to privacie with them; for which he will needs make the Scots to be laughed at, and according to his manner, begins to lesson, and school them for it: that which he will have to be the cause, why these men made their ap∣plication to the Scots Commissioners, at their first coming into the Kingdom, must be the recoverie of their credit, which he must therefore make to be diminished, and invent some tale for that purpose, as the loss in the West; and this, he saith, their in∣timacie with the Scots, did greatly advantage them to do, because many gave way unto them, when they saw them so intimate with the Scots whom they knew to have no by-ends; by this complying with the Scots Commissioners (whom, he saith, they courted for their own ends, for had it been for the pub∣lick, the Scots always remaining constant to their point (though not with that vi∣gour, this Incendiarie could have wished) they would not have changed, but having obtained their ends, they leave them, and point-blank oppose them) by this help (if his lies may be credited) they chiefly raised their height of reputation and opinon a∣mongst men. Here you have, in his own words, put together out of divers places treating of this subject, this invention of his, wherein as there are many particu∣lar falshoods, so of the whole it may be truely said, Cujus contrarium verum est; for this Gamester, to deceive, hath turned the Tables; turn them again and you shall have the game lie right before you. The Scotch Commissioners at their first Page  73 coming into England, finde these men, whom this fellow will make to be crest∣fallen in their reputations (one of his particular falshoods) to be in highest e∣steem and power in the Houses of Parliament, for their known fidelitie to the publick, and abilitie to do service thereunto, so little need had they of such props, as the Scots, to hold up their reputation; hereupon the Scots apply themselves chiefly to them, and fall into intimacie with them, as conceiving that to be the best means for them to prevail in what they should desire in both Houses: This correspondencie they held with these leading men, or rulers of affairs (as he some∣times names them, complaining withall, that Sectaries prevailed too much with them) untill they found, they could by no means lead them from making The defence of the known just Rights, and Liberties of the Subjects of England, and Priviledges of Parliament (the Supream Court therein) the cause of their ta∣king up of Arms; and in stead thereof, change the state of the quarrel, into a contention about the establshing of their Kirk Government here in England (as if the Parliament either had, or could justifie the taking up of Arms and fighting with the King, upon such a ground) these worthy Patriots would never be drawn to this, to wave the just quarrel, the Parliament had ingaged the people and themselves in; which was the defence of the Laws, and their own Liberties established by them, with the Priviledges of the Supreamest, and inferiour Courts of Justice, wherein those Laws were to be made, and Justice administred according to them, and no Delinquent protected against them; all the compliance of the Scots Com∣missioners and courting of them, till it was, as the School-master tells them, ridi∣culous to others, would not prevail to bring them, in stead of this, to make the setting up of their Church-Government in this Kingdom, and the taking of a Cove∣nant, in such a sence as they would put upon it, the quarrel to be insisted upon, and this Kingdom kept in troubles for, without setling a safe peace, if all other things conducing thereunto should be granted, except this Idol of theirs might also be advanced: that this was the true cause of the falling off of the Scots Com∣missioners, from those men, whom at first they had entertained with so much shew of friendship and intimacie, this Discourser of theirs doth not deny, but calls it the first and main occasion; onely to serve his turn, he turns it upon the other side from his Masters, and then more suo declaims against Sectaries, and Schismaticks; as if all men were such, who will not readily come and bow down before this Golden Image of his; then ignorantly, or willfully, still interprets the Covenant so, as if thereby we were obliged so to do, and that the word of God were not the Rule. To clear this point a little more fully, let it be observed, who they were that the Scots Commissioners took by the hand and entered into privacy and intimacy with, after they fell off from these good Patriots, men known to be faithfull and constant in their integrity, to maintain the just Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, and to seek the publick good of the Kingdom, the true cause in which the Parliament was ingaged; and it will be found, that they were those, who, both in the two Houses of Parliament and in the Citie, carried on the Court designs, such as had fallen off from a vigorous fierceness against the Court in the Parliaments first engaging, and afterwards manifested such a com∣pliance therewith, and such an alteration in their way, as was observed by all men; with these now they had their private meetings, it was known when they were at their Consultations, and Cabals, and the houses where they met; some∣times at this Court-Ladies house, sometimes at that Court-Ladies Chamber, for Page  74 their meetings were often, and the active Ladies for the Court, the great Sem∣pronia's of the time, were admitted into Council, yea, sought after, together with my Lord of Holland and others, who were of the same intelligence, and these were seldom absent: these things being so known, that they cannot be de∣nied without impudent falshood, let all unprejudiced men judge, who they were that for their own private ends and interests, changed Company, and what those ends were likely to be, which this Company, last made choice of, would better sute with and promote, than the former company that were quitted and left; by this also it may appear, at what an easie rate they would have been contented to pass away into the Kings hands, and subjected to his usurped Prerogative, our just Rights and Liberties, which we defended with the expence of so much Treasure and bloud, and they by their League were bound to assist us for the esta∣blishment of, could they thereby but have been assured to settle things, accor∣ding to their own wills, in their own Kingdom, & their Kirk-Government in this, by complying with the Court, and caballing with all the Court partisans in Par∣liament and Citie; the former Company were fit indeed to be left, when such designs were to be set on Foot. But that which of all other things makes their intentions, in these particular carriages, and shifting of Companies, most appa∣rent, was their desire of a conference with the Houses of Parliament, their car∣riage in that conference, and their subsequent actions in pursuance thereof, at that time when the four Bills were to be sent to the King at the Isle of Wight: The Houses of Parliament, though they had then advantage enough, having all in their hands and under their power, yet that they might make it appear to all the World, that they sought no other thing, but to enjoy their just Rights and Liberties by the Laws established unto them, and that they might be secu∣red in the enjoyment of them, and justified in standing in the defence of them, resolved to settle the Peace of the Kingdom, to bring the King to his Throne and Parliament again with Honour, to put an end to War and all the burthens and unhappy consequences thereof, if these substantial and absolutely-neces∣sary things alone might be granted; for other things in difference, which were not essential to the enjoyment of our known Rights and Liberties and security therein, the Houses resolved, these being first granted, and the King thereupon come to his Parliament, they should be considered of and transacted between the King and his two Houses of Parliament in a Parliamentary way; upon this four Bills were drawn up, and passed both Houses, in which those things onely were contained, that might secure us for the future in our Liberties (considering what we had before undergone) and justifie our Lawfull, and necessary standing for them, that all questions for the time to come concerning the same might hereby be taken away; these Bills passed and reduced into Acts, upon the Kings giving his assent to them by Commission, he was presently to come to London to his Parliament, an evidence to all posterity, and to all the World, of the just and sincere intentions of the two Houses of Parliament according to their Decla∣rations and Protestations from the beginning, and that no successes, or advan∣tages put into their hands, could al er them from the same: when this was thus concluded, the Scotch Commissioners interpose and desire they may be heard, in a free conference between both Houses & themselves, whereby first they spend a great deal of time, and thereby retard the sending these Bills to the King; next they oppose what was desired in the Bills, wherewith they had nothing to do, Page  75 nor no right to intermeddle with in this Kingdom, yet they did it with that vio∣lence, and in that manner pleaded for the Kings usurped Prerogative against our just Rights and Liberties (whereof they had no cognizance, nor capacity to judge, and ill enough would they have taken it, if we should have made our selves Judges of the Subjects Liberties and Rights in their Kingdom) that, as I have touched before, they were told by a Noble man at the Conference, that the Com∣missioners for the King at Uxbridge, or the Kings Attorney himself would not have spoken more: all this will fully appear by the Answers, which the House of Commons published to their printed Papers which they had spread about, which Answers, it may be, I shall annex to the end of this Discourse, for the Readers fuller satisfaction, and that the four Bills contained nothing but what I have ex∣pressed, will therein appear; and indeed to every knowing man, the reading of the Bills themselves will evidence it, and the answers of the Houses to the Scotch Papers will shew, that the onely stay of the Kings coming to a personal Treaty at London with his Parliament was, because he would not first give this satifaction desired. For the Scotch Commissioners (after that Louden and Lanerick, be∣ing newly come out of Scotland, had spoken privately with the King) did vehe∣mently press, by their Letters and Papers, that the King might come to London to a Personal Treaty there, before any Propositions sent unto him, or these Bills passed by him; though the same men before (whereby you may perceive who did shew themselves shifters and changers) had in their Orations and Letters de∣nied it to be just, or safe, for the King to be admitted to London, or to any per∣sonal Treaty with the Parliament, untill he had first given satisfaction and secu∣rity to the people. The Houses of Parliament would not therefore, notwith∣standing their Orations at the Conference, and their Papers spread abroad about the Citie, consent to the Kings coming to London to a personal Treaty, before any satisfaction, or security first given, in their answers to the Scotch Papers giving their reasons for it; but drew up the four Bills, as I have said, and sent them to the King, that, passing them, he might come up and settle other things, being in person with his Parliament; and this will more manifestly appear by their De∣claration and Votes passed upon the 17 of January, after the King had sent his denial to pass those four Bills, whereby some security might have been given of his coming, with intention to agree with his Parliament, for the settling of the Rights and just Liberties of the Subjects; which Declaration I will here set down.

The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, after many addresses to his Ma∣jestie, for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raised by him against the Parliament and Kingdom, having lately sent four Bills to his Majestie, which did contain onely matter of safetie and securitie to the Parliament and Kingdom, refer∣ring the Composure of other differences to a personal Treatie with his Majestie; and having received an absolute Negative; do hold themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavours, speedily to settle the present Government, in such a way, as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof. And in order thereunto, and that the Houses may receive no delay nor interruptions in so great and necessarie a work, they have taken these resolutions and passed these Votes following, &c.

Page  76

But their subsequent actions, in pursuance of this Conference, were worst of all; for when they had printed their long Orations, made against the Subjects just Rights, and to advance the Kings Prerogative, and spread them about the Citie, that their Court-party, with whom they had their Cabals frequently, might take notice of their activity this way, and the King himself also; not content with this, when they saw the Houses would not be removed from their resolu∣tion of sending these Bills, and making this offer unto the King, of an agree∣ment upon terms so just and reasonable (though, as I have said, all then was in their hands, and the Kings own person) they go down into the Isle of Wight unto the King, a little before the Houses send their Commissioners with the Bills unto him; and he must needs be a very weak and simple man, that can∣not guess at their business, and imagine what errant they went upon, consi∣dering their proceedings before they went with the Houses of Parliament, and the answer the King returned to the Houses, which was a flat denial, pre∣tending it was meet for him first to consult with his Kingdom of Scotland: For is it imaginable, that the King, in the condition he was, would have refused to come to his Parliament and be set upon his Throne, and his Kingdom set∣led in peace, upon no other terms, than such as might secure the Subjects, to enjoy the Laws and be governed by them and not by will? whereas afterwards he yielded and condescended to grant those things, which were of a far higher nature, than what these Bills required; had he not been encouraged thereunto by the Scotch Commissioners, who went of purpose in the nick of time unto him, and could let him know by their intelligences (kept from time to time, and especially observed at that time, with the principal leaders of the Court-party, in and about the Citie, as my Lord of Holland and others, and no doubt with those in their own Kingdom, not being ignorant of proceedings there) what assistance he might expect from Scotland, and from the Citie and Coun∣treys adjacent; all which soon after appeared, by the coming in of an Army out of Scotland under Hambleton, and by the risings of the Countreys near London under Holland and Goring, expecting the party in the Citie would rise and joyn with them; the breaking forth of all these not long after may give us just ground to suspect, it was the hope of this given unto him, which made the King so per∣emptory at that time in refusing the just and moderate desires of his two Houses of Parliament, and the Correspondencies, Consultations, and frequent Cabals, which passed between the Scotch Commissioners and Holland, one of the chief heads of the Insurrections, and with the rest of that party, most observed (as I have said) at that time, may well make us think what Agents they were in these businesses, when they went down purposely to oppose the passing of those four Bills by the King, as they had before, all they could, the sending of them unto him. This act of theirs, as it was one of the worst, so of the last, wherewith they took their leaves, and time it was to be gone after an action so unseasonable, so unhappy, for which this Kingdom, and their own, yea, it may be the posteri∣ties of both will have just cause to wish (if no worse) that they had never set foot on English ground; For had the King at that time passed those four Bills, a Peace had been setled, safe and just to the Subjects, as Honorable to himself, and all troubles and confusions ended, which, when they will now end, the Lord onely knoweth: these things being known to all men who understand the af∣fairs of that time, with the several passages thereof, let the World judge, as I have Page  77 said, who they were that shifted sides, and for what ends they did it, and what were the principles and the point, which he saith the Scots kept themselves constant unto? if this were their point, to oppose and overthrow the settlement of a Just Peace in this Kingdom, except they might interest themselves and their Nation, in the Government thereof, and strengthen and confirm the same once obteined, by bringing in their Kirk-Government also, and enslaving us thereunto, which ap∣peared to be aymed at by some propositions they formerly made (as I take it) at Ʋxbridge Conference, in the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, and opposing now this Settlement, because the Kingdom of Scotland is not satisfied; Then, I say again, let all men judge, whether this Discourser, to palliate and paint over the by-ends and interests, and false juggling carriages and double dealings of his Masters, have not taken up and prosecuted this Discourse, to asperse & lessen, if he could, the reputation of those men, who could not be drawn to quit the publick interest of this Kingdom, and joyn in a Faction, to promote the advan∣tages that these men sought to make for their own Kingdom, upon the conditi∣on, and present distraction they saw us in? The false colours, and foolish tales, which he must invent for this purpose, as the loss of their esteem with the peo∣ple in respect of miscariages in the West, is known to be a ridiculous Fiction of his fertil brain that way; for what had these men to do in the bu••ness of the Western parts, more than any other of the Parliament? This is o•• of his my∣steries, a mysterie of iniquitie, whereof he hath too many; for such I account all lyes and slanders cast upon honest men, to carry on the better those designs, which his partie had, for their own particular interests to the prejudice of the publick, that they knew and found these men would oppose, and therefore the main endeavour all along is to blast them, and lessen their esteem, as by these lyes and devises they hope to do, at least (as he useth to term them) with the simpler sort; A very simple sort of men indeed they must be, in respect of the knowledge, not of the mysteries of the times, which is his phrase, but of the ordi∣nary affairs of the time, who cannot discern the true face of things, from these false paintings and daubings of his, whereby he seeks to abuse those, whom he would fit and prepare for Tumults and insurrections against the Houses of Parlia∣ment, and the best affected men therein, hoping by such a means his partie may be advantaged to carry on their designs, notwithstanding any opposition; and nothing discovers the mans mind herein more clearly, than the mysterie he tels you of in the 52 page (a mysterie framed in his own brain) that the removing of the Scots Commissioners from the Citie to Worcester House, was not for their conveni∣encie, although so given out, but by the cunning of some men, to weane them from the Citie, and take away their intimacie with their friends there, because they feared they could not carry on their businesses, if the Scots continued intimate and familiar with the Citie. Where, I pray, was this business to be carried on? in the two Houses of Parliament; and what use will the Scots make of their friends in the Citie, to op∣pose and hinder that which shall be carried on in Parliament, wherein the Citie and whole Kingdom are involved, and ought therefore to acquiesce in their de∣terminations? by this passage you may readily find what the man would be at, and what in his intention was to be promoted and practised for the furtherance of the good Cause in hand, that is his Kirk-Government, and how he is troubled that the opportunitie should be taken away; which I verily believe was never thought of by those that did it, but meerly the Scots conveniencie intended; for Page  78 they had beter hopes then of their fair carriage, than to think there was need of such a devise as this, to prevent the contrarie: here you may find the Fox by his scent.

He comes now to the Battle at Marston-moor, for he keeps no method, either in respect of the order of things, or time wherein they were done, but takes them up as in his opinion they may best serve and be made use of, to asperse and calumniate those that are not of his Faction or oppose the same; and so we must follow him to pull off his vizards, though therein we pass to and again, from one end of the Pamphlet to the other. In this Relation he tels, how Prince Rupert raised the Siege before York, and puffed up with that success, resolves to fight the united Forces: then most foolishly, and most unseasonably (for it could not be worse timed) he will needs here insert, that Prince Rupert thought, if the Scots should be once routed (whom this man will have to be the main Let to the Court-pro∣ceedings) then he should easily put an end to the design in hand; he speaks of a blow given to those Forces, but the business is put principally upon the Rout of the Scots, most foolishly, as I have said, in this place of all others; for routed they were, and so wholly run away, that except David Lesley, and some horse with him, which were placed behind the Regiments of Horse under Cromwell, and the Lord Lindsie's Regiment of Foot, which was joyned with the Lord Manchesters Foot Regiments, there was very few, if any one Scot left in the Field, that could tell what became of that days Fight, they made such haste away; and their Ge∣neral, a man of great experience and worth, gave the day for lost, in such man∣ner, that it was the next day, before he knew what became of the Battle; there∣fore you may be sure, the Scots were routed, and sufficiently routed, so that if all had depended upon them, as this foolish Braggadochio will still give it out, all had been lost, and an end put indeed to the design in hand in all likelihood: I write not this out of a design to disgrace any, but the folly of this fellow puts me necessarily upon it, which otherwise I had not touched at all; his unseasona∣ble Romance-like extolling of the Scots, throughout this discourse, made for that purpose, turns to their disadvantage: In speaking soon after, of their ta∣king New-castle, he confesseth their running away at Marston-moor, when he hopes to make amends for it, by relating what valour they shewed there: In his storie of this Battle (which for his end, that is, the magnifying of his Countrey∣men, it had been better for him to have skipped over) that he might extol David Lesley (a man whose worth needs not his lyes, and impudent shameless detract∣ings from the worth of other men, and their known services that day, to help set forth the same, neither can a man, who knows true worth, endure it) he tels such an infamous lye of Cromwell (for that is the man his Presbyterian spleen, in every place where he comes near him, riseth up and bursts forth against) as that I think David Lesley himself hath so much Honor in him, that he will give him the lye in it, and rather spit in his face, than thank him for it. The thing is so notori∣ously false, and known to be so to all that were present and not run away be∣fore the turn of the day, that it is probable, he heard this tale of some of his Countrey-men, whose heels had carried them so far from the place, that they could see neither man nor action upon the same, nor tell how the scales came to be turned: his words are, that those of the partie, he spake of a little before, to indear themselves to the people (poor fellow, they needed no lyes like his to do that) attri∣buted to themselves the Honor of the day, and did not stick to call one of theirs, THE Page  79 SAVIOUR OF THE THREE KINGDOMS, when God knoweth (for he will take the name of God in vain to countenance a lye) he, that they there did extol so much, did not at all appear in the heat of the business, but having at first a little skar, kept off till the worst was passed: then he adds, this had not been spoken at all, if some idle men, to gull the world, had not given the honor of the day to those, who had but lit∣tle or no share in it. Can there be a more palpable gross lye than this, his own Countrey-men (those who staid in the Field) being Judges, whether we respect Cromwell, the man he means, or the Regiments of Horse commanded by him, which are those, he will have, to have little or no share in the honor of that day? it is well known to all that were present, and by their report to all other, who are not willing to believe lyes, rather than receive what is true, that both the General of the Scots Armie, and also the Lord Fairfax, gave the day for lost, and so lost, that the one stayed not till he came to Hull, the other, as is said, went further from the place where the Battle was fought, before he made a stay, and as it is reported by those that were present, at least 10000 ran away, most of the Scotch Armie, if not all, but those I formerly mentioned, were run out of the Field, and the day theirs in the Enemies opinion that were on that side the Field, as also in the opinion of ours, both Generals and Soldiers, who thereupon left the Field: when things were brought into this condition, it pleased God to use, as instruments under him, Cromwell, who Commanded them, and the Regi∣ments of Horse that were in my Lord of Manchesters Armie, to give the turn, win the day, and take the Victorie out of the enemies hands. This was the Lords doing, to whom belong the issues of War, and it was indeed a mervailous mercy; and these were the instruments he was pleased chiefly to use therein, which he, that out of envie will not acknowledge, but rather, as this man doth, belye and disgrace, is not onely false and injurious towards man, but opposeth God by dis∣liking that choise which he thinks fit to make of Instruments, by whom he will please to work and give deliverance. Now, as for that which concerneth Crom∣well himself, that he did not appear at all in the heat of the business, but for a little skar kept himself off, till the worst was past; what man is there, English or Scot, that hath either worth or honestie in him, who was present, that will not abhor such an envious, malicious falshood as this, fit to be fathered by none but the father of lyes himself? for it is known, that Cromwell charged in the Head of those Regiments of Horse in my Lord Manchesters Army, which Horse he Com∣manded, and with those Regiments brake all the Regiments of the Enemies Army, first the Horse, and after that the Foot, and that he continued with them, untill the victory was fully obtained (yea, and the Psalm of praise for it sung to God, to whom alone the Glory was due) commanding all the while they charged, and taking special care to see it observed, that the Regiments of Horse, when they had broken a Regiment of the Enemies, should not divide, and, in pursuit of the Enemie, break their order, but keep themselves still together in bodies, to charge the other Regiments of the Enemy, which stood firm, and were in bo∣dies both of Horse and Foot; by this wise direction and order, which himself was present to see observed, his Regiments at last brake the Enemies Regiments, all, first the Horse, then the Foot; and herein indeed was the good service which David Lesley did that day, with his little light Scotch Nags (for such they were then, and not such as afterwards they made them out of Sr. John Fennicks breed, and our best Northern Horse, for which they at their pleasure would exchange Page  81 their Scotch little Coursers when they came into those parts) I say, in this he did very good service, that when a Regiment of the Enemies was broken, he then fell in, and followed the chase, doing execution upon them, and keeping them from rallying again and getting into Bodies, whereby Cromwell with his Regi∣ments had the better means and opportunity, keeping firm together in Bodies, to fall upon the other Regiments which remained, untill they were, one after another, all broken and routed both Horse and Foot: the Enemies Horse, being many of them, if not the greatest part, Gentlemen, stood very firm along time, coming to a close fight with the Sword, and standing like an Iron Wall, so that they were not easily broken; if the Scots light, but weak Nags had undertaken that work, they had never been able to stand a charge, or indure the shock of the Enemies Horse, both Horse and men being very good, and fighting despe∣rately enough. I appeal to the consciences of those that were present, if this be not the true Relation of that Battle for substance; and in these particulars, how God was pleased to turn the Day, by what instruments principally, together with the manner of it; which being so, let all men judge, whether in this, as all along in other things throughout this Discourse of his, this man under the pre∣tence of Religion, and standing for Reformation, the good Cause in hand, and such like specious terms and Titles, hath not this for his end and aim, To ad∣vance the name and reputation of some who deserved it not, and cast aspersions upon others (though never so false and known to be so) who are men best de∣serving? and where he hath occasion to give due praise to one of his Countrey∣men, as here to David Lesley, for doing good service, yet he cannot do it, but that he must make advantage of it, to disgrace and most falsely disparage those, whom David Lesley himself will confess, I believe, deserved at that time best: and let men observe the end why this is constantly done by him, as they shall read over his Pamphlet (if they mean to trouble themselves so much) and they will finde it to be, To weaken (if he could) the esteem of that partie, as he calls them, which will not comply with his factious (and as he thinks fit they should prove) tumultuous and seditious party; the seeds whereof, to promote his good Cause in hand, in these and other Papers spread abroad by him, he hath been very diligent in sowing: this I touch here again, that by pointing the Reader to it once, or twice, I may leave it to himself, to observe hereafter in the Discourse, as he shall finde it scattered up and down throughout the same, and started up∣on every occasion; wherewith though I would not trouble my self any more, having sufficiently in that point discovered his intentions and pulled off his goodly Vizards, yet his slanders and falshoods are so gross, that I shall hardly sa∣tisfie my self to pass them by in silence.

After this discourse of the Battle at Marston-moor, he comes to speak of the siege and storming of New-Castle, and this must not pass plainly without welt and guard, but be set forth with Relations of the valour of his Countrey-men in taking the Town, and justice and fair carriage in the using of their success and victorie; indeed he may set a mark upon this exploit, and lace it over, and bedaub it with his accustomed extolling and magnifying of all their actions; for as it was the first, so it was the last and onely Town that they stormed; as this Battle before spoken of, was the first and the last and onely ingagement of their whole Army, which it is known they never did, nor would ingage against an Army of the Enemies, without the conjunction of such a Force of ours with them, as was Page  81 sufficient to do the work without them, as in effect was done here in this Battle. Two things concurring in the taking of this Town of New-Castle, the profit it yielded in respect of the Coals, and the conveniencie thereof for their ends, put them upon doing more than was their usual custom, or as it seemed their inten∣tion upon any other occasion, while they were here in this Kingdom to assist us, as appeared when they were before Hereford, and as will appear afterwards in other things when we come to speak of them: but let us hear his brags, they are so Romance-like, that they do his Countrey-men no advantage, but rather make men think all the rest are lies too, and of the same stuff with these: First he tells us of eight men of theirs, that of themselves alone routed two Troups of Horse; if he would have been a little bolder, and said they had routed an Army of the Ene∣mies, then we should have thought the Knight of the Sun and his Brother Rosa∣cleer with their Companions had been alive again: after this he will needs have the very same men, who ran away at Marston-more, to be the men who gave the assault, stormed the Town, and take New-Castle, that he may shew his care and skill in binding up the broken credit of his Countrey-men; indeed if they all ran away at Marston-more, it must needs be the same men. For their fair car∣riage in wronging no Man, Woman, or Childe, when they had taken the Town and made themselves Masters of it, which he much inlargeth, I will leave it to the relation of the men of those Northern parts, what their carriage and demea∣nor was, both there and elsewhere amongst them, much whereof may be seen in that, which came up to the Parliament in Petitions and complaints from those parts, remaining with the Clark amongst the Papers in the House of Commons, which this man it seems was not ignorant of, and therefore he provides a gene∣ral and universal remedy for this disease, which grew very common in those parts, and amongst those Northern people, Epidemical, after some time that the Army had been amongst them; his remedy is, to tell you, that these Nor∣thern people are all Malignants, superstitious and prelatical, not onely the common peo∣ple, but the chief of the Countries, yea, the Committee men whom the Parliament had intrusted, therefore though complaints be sent up to the Parliament from the people, that they are wronged in their persons, in their wives, in their own hou∣ses, in their goods, and that most shamefully, you must believe no such thing, al∣though it be confirmed by the Testimony of the best Gentlemen in those Counties, or recommended to the Parliament, in the behalf of the poor peo∣ple, by the men whom the Parliament have intrusted to take care of those Coun∣treys, for they are all Malignants, and he is much troubled, that any of them should find any favourers: here you have a Catholicon, a Salve that cures any of those sores, if you will take it; let one of his Countrey-men plunder, or com∣mit any villany, the most shamefull, as that at Tickhill about Nottingham, which, when Mr. William Pierepoint with some others were sent thither by the Parliament, was complained off, and the Officers of the Army by these Gen∣tlemen made acquainted with the complaint, the thing being very base, yet you must not believe Malignants in any thing against the honest Scots, who still keep themselves to their point, which point, if it were plundering, what∣ever he brags of their fair carriage, those Northern Countreys will out of their own experience tell you it is too true.

The winter declining, he saith, the Scots dispose themselves to Field srvic;Page  82 for he will have the World believe they are very active, but the hinderances are always from us, and therefore he tells how they were retarded by wont of provi∣sions coming to them, which they required in a verie moderate proportion; then he enumerates the causes, why the same came so late to them, that though at length the Rendez-vous was appointed the 15 of April, yet they could not stir till the first of May: it was likely we should hear of want of draughts again, to draw them South∣ward, though they wanted none to run back Northward fast enough; for here he comes to that business again, which he had touched before, of the Scots Ar∣mies unexpected running Northward, when he told you of a certain man (himself forsooth) that printed and spread abroad a Manifest by chance falling into his hands, which satisfied all men concerning this business; where I have given an∣swer unto it fully, and shewed the unworthiness and ill consequences thereof: but because he will needs go to painting and daubing it over again (whereof, it may well be, he knows there is need enough, notwithstanding his papers spread abroad, which he intitles the Scots manifest, as he tells you, for all the painting stuff in his shop will never be able so to wash over this foul business, as to make it look with a fair face, in the eyes of any understanding man who knows the true carriages of it) I will here also go along with him a little, to observe his skill and art in laying colours: In the first place, by thinking to set forth their great abilities, he tells us what acts they would have done if they had been provided of draughts, whose wheels would have run Southward as fast as Northward (as I have formerly said) and by this he confesseth, all the mischiefs and evils that were done by the Enemy at Lecester and in the Countreys there abouts, came to pass by their not marching Southward according to the directions of those they received Orders from so to do, and whose orders they ought to have obeyed, as the Committees of both Kingdoms at West-minster, and the Committee with them upon the place; for had they done so, these evils, he said, had been prevented; so he makes them justly to be all charged upon them, as falling out because they ran contrary to order, and disobeyed Authority therein: This line was no∣thing skilfully drawn, not to their advantage; for why did they not obey com∣mands and follow directions? they said, old Lesley their General would have had them done it; but they suddenly and unexpectedly run Northward, never calling for draughts, nor staid for want of them; the Committee upon the place, who expected their present advance to Darby, as was appointed, never so much as knowing thereof, untill they were gone from the place a dayes march, though most falsely he saith here, it was with their consent; the falshood where∣of the foolish man himself in the same place sufficiently discovereth, when he saith, news was sent to the Parliament, by those whom they trusted in those Coun∣teys with the management of their affairs, that the Scots were gone, no man knew whither, and that the Parliament press to know what was become of them: will any reasonable man think this could be so, if they had made this turn-about with the consent of the Committees, who were the men the Parliament in∣trusted with the management of their affairs in those parts? Oportet menda∣cem esse memorem: yea, this retrograde motion of theirs, wherein they did Susci∣pere gradum Simeonis, as they use to say in the Schools of Non Proficients, was so contrary to order and unexpected, that the Scotch Commissioners themselves professed, at the Committee of both Kingdoms sitting at Darby-house, that Page  83 they were as ignorant of it, as the rest of the Committee, and did as much wonder at it; but desired that they would suspend their opinions, untill they might send to enquire the cause; which they did, and afterwards went some of them them∣selves, it is likely to consult how it might best be excused, whereupon comes this Letter, which he Prints in his Pamphlet, from the General and two others, wherein they say, their going into Westmerland was necessarie, in regard of the in∣telligence they had received; the same cause the man in this place alleadgeth, whereunto I have given answer before, a Tale, from I know not whom, of a flying Army going through Lancashire into Scotland, which makes them flie so fast backwards, that in four dayes, notwithstanding the difficulties of the way and want of draughts, they are, he saith, from Rippon, upon the borders of Lan∣cashire with the whole Army; and if they had made so much haste Southward at that time, wherein they would have had much less troublesome wayes, and many more conveniencies in the way, a design, laid to end the war in all pro∣bability, besides the saving of Lecester, and the Countreys adjacent, had not been utterly overthrown, as I have formerly shewed: when they came to the bor∣ders of Lancashire, they had intelligence, he saith, of the Enemies return back South∣ward; it is not very probable, they should run so far for such an intelligence, upon no other ground, than such a Tale, when no man knoweth of any such Enemy that either went, or returned; he should, and certainly would, if any such had been, upon such an occasion as this, have named the Forces, and their Commander; but if the flying Army were returned, why did not the Stots Ar∣my presently, seeing their errour, return? what made them not stay upon the Borders of Lancashire, when they finde the cause of their going thither, as they pretended, taken away, but go on still forwards till they came to Carlile, and not rather made the same haste back again, that they might make good the ex∣pectation that there was of their coming Southward, upon occasions so impor∣tant, and when they had received orders so to do? Here, when they are to re∣turn Southward, we shall hear of want of provisions and draughts again; but where is that? not upon the Borders of Lancashire, where they know this fool∣ish Fable, of a flying Army to go into Scotland, is nothing; that stayes them not, but they ask it of the Committees of Cumberland and Westmerland, whom they finde very slow and unwilling to provide them thereof, he saith; what make they in Cumberland and Westmerland? the man toucheth it very tenderly, and quickly passeth from it; Carlile was the business; and to help the matter, he would make the World believe, the Committies were such malignants and so false, that if the Scots had left Carlile then, whereunto they were near (but why came they so near, I pray?) the Enemy had kept it still: give me leave to deal with him, in this particular, in his own way, and to use his own phrases; Those who look (as he useth to say) a little more deeply into the mysteries of things, find two causes of their not coming Southward to Darby, as they were ordered, at that time, though of so great concernment, that in likelyhood it had put an end to all the business; and of their willingness, rather to take an occasion, but especially such a one as this of Carlile, to make such haste Northward: for the first, (what ever this Advocate for the Scots, his Countrey-men so often incul∣cates of their fidelity in counsel, and activity in the field, Elogies most ridicu∣lously heaped upon them, in the eyes of all that knew and observed their car∣riage Page  84 in both, while they were in this Kingdom) it was observed that their Custom was, and their Intentions from thence gathered to be such, That they never would ingage their Army singly alone, with any considerable Forces of the Enemies, much less with his whole Army; except they might have such a conjunction of our Forces with theirs, as were sufficient to do the work without them; other∣wise there would be a want of draughts, or some other impediment lie in the way, that they could not advance; neither did they ever ingage with the Enemy in a set Battle without this, as I have touched before; for that of my Lord New-Ca∣stles Forces at their first coming in, I have shewed, that he had his Army broken before, his Horse by my Lord Manchesters near Horn-Castle in Lincoln-shire, and his Foot worn out in besieging Hull; so that with what he had left, and gathered together out of those Countreys afterwards, he could onely skir∣mish with them, and take the advantages to oppose their advance forward into the Kingdom; which, had not our Forces come upon his back, and put him in fear of being inclosed between both, and losing York also, he had been likely enough to effect. Their intentions were observed to be, The keeping of their Army intire and unfoiled, and therefore they never did, nor would adventure the breaking of it, by ingaging without our Forces joyned with them, especia∣ly after they had run that hazard in the Battle of Marston-moor, and saw by ex∣perience what had become of their whole Army, if our Forces had not there been conjoyned with them: This was made apparent at the Committies of both Kingdoms sitting at Darby house, upon this very occasion I now speak to; for when the speedy advancing of the Scots Army Southward was much pressed at the Committee, considering the advantages we had then, if they accordingly would march up with speed; the Scotch Commissioners alleadge against it, the want and weakness of their Army in respect of Horse in comparison of the Ene∣mies Horse; thereupon the Committee, to take away this Objection, ordered 2500 Horse and Dragooners, under the Command of Vermuden, to march to meet them, and come along with them, desiring the Scotch Commissioners to write to them, to hasten their advance according to order, which they did; but when these 2500 Horse had marched as far as Nottingham, to joyn with their Army, they were gone, none knew whether, nor upon what errant: the same fear also, of being put to ingage with the Enemy alone, without the conjunction of our whole Army, made the Scotch Commissioners dislike, and, as he saith, (whence he hath it I know not) protest against our Armies besieging, or rather as the truth was, lying before Oxford, to which I shall speak afterwards, but their own Army had freed them from this fear, for they were gone far enough out of danger: the true cause therefore that took off their wheels, when they should come Southward, and made them turn about so nimbly when they went Northward, was observed to be this, They understood, that our Army at that time was to be cast into a new model, which the Parliament, as this man con∣fesseth, had just reason to do, though he like not the manner of doing it: they conceived that this was likely to cause so much distraction, and such divisions, that if they should march according to the orders they had recei∣ved, and the agreement, that thereupon they had made with our Committees in those parts; the King, who had drawn his Forces out of Oxford, would have ingaged their Army to fight a Battle with him alone with their own Page  85 Forces, before our Armie could be in readiness to take the Field, and march up to their assistance; now this they resolved to prevent, and there∣fore suddenly and unexpectedly take this course of running 200 miles back∣ward, whereby they were sure to be out of Gun-shot, and have the business (as indeed it was) determined before their return. Another thing which might be used as an Argument to satisfie their partie, especially those of their own Countrey the better, in this unlooked for turn-about of theirs, was, That the Town of Carlile was then upon Treatie of Surrender to our Committees in those parts; this being a strong Town upon the borders of their Kingdom, on the one side, as Barwick was on the other, they intend to get it into their own hands, and keep it when they had so done, and therefore make haste thither where our Committees being in Treatie with the Governor about the Surrender of the Town, they fall to Treat with him, and notwithstanding the protestations of our Committees against the same, yet they grant them in the Town any con∣ditions they will demand, so that the Town may be delivered unto them, which being done, they put a Garrison of their own into it, and kept it, contrarie to the express Articles of Agreement between the two Kingdoms, in the solemn League, which this Discourser so often prattles of, & brags the Scots always kept themselves constant unto? but what is become, I pray, of your solemn League and Covenant now? was this the point your Scots keep themselves so constant unto, to keep our Towns out of our hands for their own advantages, falsifying therein their faith given in the Articles of Agreement between the Kingdoms, where∣upon they were to come in to our assistance? This business of Carlile, the man afterwards makes a great deal of work to daub over, if it were possible, wherein, when we come to it, I shall shew his untempered morter, wherewith he would make up this breach of Faith, and heal the broken credit of his Countrey-men: In the mean time, these were conceived to be the true reasons of this whirligig-business, so extreamly prejudicial to the present affairs of this Kingdom, as that it endangered all, but that the Lord in mercie stood by us, and saved us at Nasc∣bie Fight, when these our Deliverers (as this most foolish fellow will still hold them forth to the world to be, in this Lying Pamphlet made purposely for them) delivered us up to shift for our selves, and into the Enemies hands, if we had not been able, without them, to defend our selves, and maintain our cause against them: His Countrey-men took care to deliver themselves, and therefore would be sure to be far enough off, and near their own kingdom, into which they might quickly have stepped, if the Lord should in this Battle, which was likely to de∣cide and determin all, have cast the Dye of War on the other side against us; but blessed be his name for ever, though man left us in greatest danger, he forsook us not. The 2500 Horse and Dragoons, which were sent to the Scotch Armie, to encourage them to advance Southward and to assist them, when the Scotch Army was not to be heard of, after they had marched as far as Nottingham to seek them, came back very seasonably a day or two before the Battle, where they did good service; by which it appears clearly to all men, that the Scots, had they marched according to Orders given, and their own promises thereupon, might have been advanced further, and inclosed the Enemies either in Oxford, or out of Oxford, between the two Armies: here we have him at his usual trade a∣gain, painting and colouring over these businesses, which had so sullied and Page  86 cast durt upon his Countrey-men and blasted their reputations, that he confes∣eth himself, great murmurings did arise against them; and thus, saith he, the Scots were innocently traduced by Malignants; they that spake truth of them and of their carriages in these businesses, were indeed innocent, here by a mistake, be∣fore he is aware, he spake truth; he will have them Malignants, though they be innocent, if they speak against the Scots; but it was indeed an innocent traducing, to slander them with a matter of truth: Now he brings forth his common salve, to which he flieth when he hath nothing else to say, that will serve the turn to cure the sore, that is, they are all Malignants & traducers that speak any thing against the honest Scots; before I answer in particular to what he alleadgeth in their defence, let it be observed, that this is a threed which runs through the whole work, hardly a piece without it, the discourse for the most part consisting all along of complaints made against his Countrey-men, and his purgations of them, which what are they, but railings and devised tales, to slander those men whom he conceives to have reported, or do believe the things complained of, though never so true and apparent; this you find almost in every leaf; we use to say, So much smoak is not without some fire, and certainly, they are reputed to be of no great innocencie, whose fame is so bad, that they stand in cōtinual need of cōpurgators. Let us now see what the faults are, which they are charged with in these particulars, and how he clears them; the House of Parliament, he saith, press to know, what was become of the Scots, and why they had gone this unexpected way, why after so many earnest calls and Orders for it, they would not march Southward, the good of the publick service so much requiring it? He will not here hold up his common buckler in defence, and say they are all Malignants, Hereticks, Schismaticks, and such as love not the common cause of Religion; but when for the same things objected against the Scots, he will say this of other men, that in so using the Scots, they are to be rank∣ed in the number of Malignants, and that they are neither honest nor faithfull to the cause; through their sides, that complained but of the very same things the two Houses did, he strikes the two Houses of Parliament as much, for their being unsatisfied with the carriage of the Scots herein: he had said a little before, they were Malignants and traducers who found fault with the Scots, for running back∣wards, and leaving the whole burthen of the War upon the Forces of the Parliament in the South; is not this the very same complaint, which he here saith the two Houses make against the Scots for not coming Southward? therefore we see what, in his judgement, they are to be accounted; indeed hereby it may appear what account is to be made of those base slanders, and false imputations, he every where casts upon men of more integritie and sinceritie a great deal, both in re∣spect of Religion, and the common cause of just Libertie, than those he thereby labors to excuse: yet the two Houses of Parliament shall have another way found out to give them satisfaction, and to that end our comes his Scotch Manifest again, which, he saith, he had touched before; he had so, but this sore must have the salve often applyed, and all too little to cure it, except in the minds of those men who are of his simpler sort, who understood nothing of the truth of their carriage in this business; for whatsoever he boasts of the satisfaction these Papers gave to the Members of the House, who would hearken unto them, (it may well be many knew them not worth hearkening unto) it satisfied no man of understanding, that knew, or had a true Relation made unto him of this unexpected and strange Page  87 countercourse of theirs, strange to the Houses, to the Committees, yea to their own Commissioners, as they themselves professed. But I have answered it alrea∣die, where he before touched it, and whipped the Scotch Commissioners most Magisterially, as there you may read, for not using this practise of his, out of he knows not what prudential scrupulositie, as here he saith, which this pedantical Statesman accounts their simplicite and foolerie; reproving them again for their fear to offend in Printing, and spreading abroad amongst the multitude, those things they had by Papers acquainted the Houses withall, whereas if any thing were to be said of them, although without ground, they must hear of it on the deaf side of the ear, & it must be in every bodies mouth: what doth he mean? belike he would have them have a deaf side, and a deaf ear, when any thing shall be spoken of them, though never so true; but how false this is which he saith, may appear to all men in the dealing of the Houses of Parliament with them, when the Letters taken in Dig∣bies cabinet were to be Printed and divulged, for there being in some of those Letters a relation (as I have said before) of the Scotch Comm ssioners trinckling with Digbie, the Kings Secretarie; The Houses ordered, that Mr. John Cheesley, their Secretarie, should have the perusal of all the Letters, and put out such things, as any way might reflect upon the Scots Commissioners, as that particu∣lar, and many other things, it may be, touched them to the quick, as we use to say: This was the carriage of the two Houses towards them; on the other side, for their modestie and fear to offend in Printing and publishing to the people what they had delivered into the Houses of Parliament, though never so bitter, and in∣deed scandalous complaints and invectives against their proceedings, which this man would make the world believe they were too backward in doing, out of that scrupulositie; the many Papers printed and published by them, and after∣wards John Cheesley's name subscribed to them, to avow the act to be theirs, will testifie against them, to all that shall read those printed Papers which they be∣fore had delivered into the Parliament, that there was little modestie, fear or scrupulositie in them, in this particular: for the Malignants he talks of, who sought to hinder the printing of these Papers, and questioned the publishing of them, under the name of the Scotch manifest, or rather that Libel (for so I may cal a nameless Paper disowned, as he saith himself, by the Scotch Commissioners, which, he saith, was a Copie of their Papers given into the Houses of Parliament, (whether it was so or not, or with what additions, made thereunto by him into whose hands it fell, which no doubt was himself, he best knows) but the Malig∣nants he speaks of, were the House of Commons, who questioned the Printer, and the publishing of those Papers, and afterwards for this, and such otherlike Paper practises of his, printing and spreading about Papers in the Citie, to abuse the people, and scandalize the Parliament in a seditious way and manner, at last sought after him and made him betake himself to his heels and run away: these also are those he tetms lye-inventers, though he would have his simpler sort be∣lieve, he means not them, but some other malignants? but the House it was, as I said, that questioned the Printer, and this practise of his. Mr. School-master take the title of Lye-inventer to your self, it sures you best, and that out of an Author your boys are much versed in, tute Lepus es, & pulpamentum quaeris.

Next he tels us, that the House of Commons think fit to send some of their number, to the Scotch Armie, to see how things went, and to hasten them Southward, who met Page  88 them at Rippon, and came with them to Nottingham, from whence returning to the House, they acquainted them, he saith, with the truth of all things: but you will be deceived, if you expect from him a true Relation of all those things they then acquainted the House with; he hath the art of preterition, when it serves to con∣ceal his Countrey-mens foul disorders, and base usage of those Countrey people, therefore you shall hear nothing, in their report to the Houses, from him, of the complaints of the people against the Scotch Army, for plundering, or other soul abuses of men & their wives in their own houses, as the business of Tickhil before spoken of; nor that when these Gentlemen of the Committee, sent by the House, upon the complaints of the people to them, informed the Officers of the Armie of these shamefull abuses, nothing would be done thereupon; this is the strict and exact discipline he so foolishly boasts of in other places; instead of this, he makes the Gentlemens report for them, setting forth what a gallant Army they had seen of brave Commanders, lustie Souldiers, able and readie to do service: but let that report made by these Gentlemen, whom the House of Commons sent, upon their return to the House, be seen, and it will be found to be a report of another nature, than what this Lye-teller frames for them out of his own brain, and nothing to the Scotch Armies advantage, as hath been before touched, though the House of Commons would not divulge it: this painter by his over∣daubing, draws forth the true face of things, which they have little cause to thank him for, for whom he works: it would indeed have pleased honest men, if they could have found in the effects thereof for their assistance, any such thing as this report, which he frames for the Gentlemen of the Committee, sent upon their return; but this braverie, abilitie and readiness to do service, never ap∣peared afterwards, and that the clean contrarie appeared at that time, is mani∣fest, it being the occasion of the Parliaments complaint, and of the sending of these Gentlemen of their own number unto them: it is true, that the Parliament, though they were sensible enough of the overthrow and loss of a design so well laid for that Summers service, and that such a disservice should be accompanied with the taking of so considerable a frontier Town out of their hands, and keep∣ing it from them, contrarie to all justice, and faith given, as if the former had not been sufficient; yet thought it to stand with their wisdom, for the present to dis∣semble their resentment of it, and passe it by, rather than make a quarrel a∣bout it: for the Kingdom having undergone so great a burthen, by the coming in of that Armie to our assistance, by the pay they received, and specially by their Free-quarter and Plundering under pretence thereof, the Parliament thought it fir, to trie if they might be brought to give some assistance answerable thereunto in the future, which might recompence the little they had done for it before, and this disservice now done by them; therefore they were silent, and forbore to expostulate with them about this business, at the return of the Gen∣tlemen, and upon their report, which what it was, is well enough known to Par∣liament men: This prudential proceeding of the Parliament, the man will needs interpret to be from a full satisfaction received by them, and is very care∣full to make the world believe it, but he must get a world of his simpler sort toge∣ther, that can herein be abused by him, for to others it is well known what sence the Parliament had of it: he closeth up all with his common note, which usually followeth the excuses he makes for his Countrey-men, and his magnifying of Page  89 them in such relations as he frames for that purpose; that honest men were much contented and pleased with it, but that it did gaul and vex malignants of all sorts; here you have the burthen of the song. After this, up starts again the unexpressi∣ble difficulties this gallant Army struggles with, for want of provisions and carria∣ges, (the want of draughts, we know indeed, very good use hath been former∣ly made of) and this, he saith, through the neglect of some, and malice of others, not of the meanest sort, and so hereby he makes himself a way for his usual slan∣ders, invectives, and lies against honest men, indeavouring to make the world believe, that all the service they have done, is nothing but a cloak to their ambition and covetousness: here you have his charity, which this fardle of lies that he hath printed, is stuffed withall, and specially then brought forth, when his Country-men are to be excused: is it not fit that such a fardle be ripped up, and the deceitfull wares therein discovered? but he will leave off complaining of those, who, he saith, are neither faithfull to the cause nor honest; why what is the reason? He presently tells you his reason, because they thus use the Scots: the Scots must leave off to do that which needs your excuses, before you will leave off your slanderous false surmises and invectives. Going on in his discourse, and leaving his complaints (a very little while, as you will see) he will clear, he saith, three things, first, about the monies, the Scots have received; secondly, provisions; third∣ly, the disorders committed by them: for the first, he begins with giving an assurance, in the name of the Scots, which boldness in undertaking for the Scots, and in their name, and for the whole estate of Scotland, what they will do, you may see in the 60 page, he saith there to all this the Scots do declare truly, &c. and likewise in that foul business of Carlile, while he is daubing it over, he undertakes what the whole State of Scotland will oblige themselves unto: where is this mans Commission, is he one of the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland? or rather a Commissioner parramount over them all, he doth so often school them, teach them their lessons, for the better carring on the good cause in hand, and reprove them for their indiscreet mistakes, and scrupulosities, and want of vigorous proceedings: Let him shew his Commission, and his undertakings may be considerd; otherways they are to be looked upon, as coming from a Peda∣gogue, who always is, as I have said, the most forward, putting man in the whole Parish: in this very business, wherein he doth so confidently undertake in the name of the Scots, afterwards, he saith, they are (or at least should be) willing unto it; here is a fine undertaker, and hereby shews, what Commission he hath for his bold undertakings: for the things themselves, every wise man knoweth, such a kinde of man as this knew no more of them, nor could speak no more certainly concerning them, than he doth of the things he so boldly presumes to undertake for; that is, either they were so, or at least they should be so, as he would have them to be; and therefore he will tell you, he saith, in general; with his undertakings, and his generals I will trouble my self no farther, they are of equal credit: onely in this last particular, concerning their disorders, he speaks that which all the places where they came will give him credit in, that they were no Angels of light. The letter he sets down from the General, and two others to the Committee, I have already shewed, how it is probable it was oc∣casioned, and drawn up, upon the Scotch Commissioners sending down some of their company to the Army, to see what answer might be found out and given to the complaints of the Parliament, for their irregular Northern voyage, Page  90 wherein they ran counter so fast, and this being then consulted upon between them, was afterwards sent up in this letter: After this letter of the Generals and two others, sent to the Committee, which he sets down and makes theirs, but may make it what he will himself, for where he should have it, or the Copy of it, who knoweth, the reason in it, for their marching contrary to order▪ being no other, then his flying Army which they had intelligence of, a tale I have for∣merly spoken to; he now comes to a recapitulation, of what we have heard, & jumps from the midst of the business back again to the beginning, and so must he that will follow him; that which he hath, in this part of his discourse, which is worth taking notice of, I have before answered fully, as his invectives against those men, who, he saith, opposed the Scots, to whom they had formerly pretended friendship, for their own ends, and the cause of it, which he will have to be, they liked not his Kirk-Government, which falsly he still assumeth, and would have the world believe, the covenant binds us unto, and as falsly, that these men had as∣sented thereunto and promised to promote the same: Enough hath been said, to shew the falshood of his continued slanders & lies cast upon these men: he hath a touch of some others, who he saith, were averse to the incoming of the Scots at first into the Kingdom, lest they should Eclipse their lustre (indeed there was lit∣tle fear of that, as appeared by what was done by them, after their coming in) but for these adversaries, you shall have him and the Scots, so soon as it serves their turn, very readily take them by the hand, and grow intimate friends with them, as he himself will shew you afterwards, that which concerns the Com∣mittee of both Kingdoms, as the setting of it up, the opposing of it by these men, and such other stories as he hath been told about the managing of busi∣nesses therein, he is willing to believe himself, and make the world believe so much of it, as may give him opportunity to say something which he thinks may advantage the Scots, though for that he cast false surmises, suspitions, and lies upon other men; all which, in the issue will prove little to his own credit, or the Scots, when by this means he provokes and gives occasion to those who know the truth of things, to make them manifest to the world, whom he endeavours to abuse: he instanceth in some particulars, one, that the second men (he hath his first and second, you may imagine them whom you please) begin to grum∣ble, that the Scots should be adjoyned to the Committee, and that there was a de∣sign to do businesses without the Scots by naming a Sub-Committee without their knowledge, which made the Scots complain to the Houses: there needed not much matter, to make them put in papers of complaint to the Houses, which after wards they might Print and spread about to disaffect the City to the Parliament, this was a usual course with them; but what cause was there of complaint, if this had been so? If the Scots not being there at the present, the rest of the Committee had appointed a Sub-Committee to examine a business, and pre∣pare it to be reported to the Committee, consisting of English and Scots, who then are acquainted with it before any thing be acted in it (for Sub-Commit∣tees acted nothing, but made report of what they found upon examination, to the Committee for their determination therein) how could this be a design to do business without the Scots, or any cause of complaint to be made by them in that respect? and besides, what need had these second men (as he calls them) or any other of the Committee, to finde out and prosecute any such design? For if the Scots, in any thing that the rest of the Committee thought fit to be Page  91 done, would refuse to consent and gave their Negative, there was no more to be done by the rest, but to acquaint the Houses with it, and leave it to their determination, which being done, they had discharged their duty: but this man writes, as he is informed, and as he and they that gave him his informa∣tions, think to make advantage of it, to carry on their own good cause they have in hand, and who they were that in probability gave him his informations and instructions, and set him on this good work, may appear by these and other particular intelligences, which he relates done at the Committee of both King∣domes which must be made known by some there present. His second instance will likewise manifest whence he hath such particular intelligences, and that is of a secret intelligence given for the surprising of Oxford at a weak place, and provisions being then scant, and the Town unfurnished of them, this was given by one Patrick Napier, to a Sub-Committee of three, whereof there was one a Scot, and this is neglected, notwithstanding the Scots did press it much that it might be at∣tempted: You will make all men think your Scots to be some of your simpler sort, and not fit to sit in such a Committee, when they shall truly understand what this business was, if it had been true that they had pressed the trial of it, for they must have been either fools, or false, and such as were willing to ruine the new modeled Army unto which indeed they had no great affection. The truth of the business was this; the L. Lotherdale, who was the Scot he speaks of in the Sub-Committee of three, and the cause of that Sub-Committee, informed the Committee of both Kingdoms, that there was a man come from Oxford, a ser∣vant of a friend or Kinsman of his there, who had somethings to inform the Com∣mittee of, which were worthie of their knowledge, and because the man was not willing to come before the whole Committee publickly, he desired that a small Com∣mittee might be appointed to receive his intelligence & report it to the Committee; here∣upon he himself was appointed for one, and there was joyned with him the Lord Say, and Mr. William Pierepoint; who withdrawing into another Room, the man was brought by the Lord Lotherdale before them, and being asked, what in∣telligence he could give concerning Oxford; he began to tell of many ordinary things of no use, nor worth regarding, amongst which he said they had no great store of provisions laid in, and he spake of one place which was not strongly fortified, but he thought it might be there stormed, or somewhat to this effect: the other two who were joyned with the Lord Lotherdale in that Sub-Committee, asking him other questions, of things more material, and of some consequence for their satisfaction herein, that the intelligence mght be more certain and worth con∣sideration; the man seeing these generals and ordinary things he had spoken of gave no great satisfaction, answered, he could say no more for the present to what they demanded, but if they would give him a little time, he would come to them again and bring them a more certain and particular information of those things he had spoken of, and they desired to be satisfied in: upon this he was dismissed for that time, and the Sub-Committee went presently into the Chamber where the Committee sat, and made report of what they had heard of this fellow, whom he calls Patrick Napier, which was indeed of little consideration as he then left it; ordinary things and generals, as no great store of provisions, a thing fit∣ter to ground a siege upon, which afterwards his Scots complain so much of, than a surprise, but it was known the Countries round about them lay open to them, being the best Corn-Countries in England, and Corn was brought into Page  92 the Market twice a week, and when they pleased they might command out of the Countreys what they wanted; that there was a weak part in the Town, where he thought it might be surprized, whereof, when he was demanded particu∣lars, he desired some more time to give satisfaction in them, this being presently reported to the Committee, they saw little in it considerable, but expected what his next coming would produce, and so the Sub Committee was continued: the Lord Lotherdale after this was divers times asked, when the man would come to the Sub-Committee again? he answered, from one week to another, that be was not yet readie, but would come as soon as he was readie to give them a fuller satisfaction in his intelligence; so it was put off from time to time, till at last it ap∣peared there was no such man to be found or heard of. Neither did the Sub-Committee, or the Committee of both Kingdoms after that time hear of him a∣ny more: this was an excellent foundation to have laid a design upon, of such consequence as the sending of a great part of the Armie to attempt the surprisal of Oxford, upon an intelligence so uncertain, coming from a man that came from Oxford (it might be sent on purpose to draw the Forces, which should make the attempt, into a trap) one that the Committee never saw before, and when he had promised them to come again, to make out his intelligence more full and satisfactorie, never appeared afterwards, neither did the Committee know what became of him. This being the truth of this business, which I believe none of the Scotch Commissioners will denie, I am sure they cannot with truth; will any wise man think, that they would upon such a ground as this, advise, much less press the Committee to make a trial to surprise Oxford? for my part I believe no such thing, but rather that this man thinking to asperse the whole Committee, for so he doth, the neglect which afterwards he interprets to proceed out of treacherie & falshood, must be theirs if any were, for the whole matter was reported to them and to be ordered by them; in seeking, I say, to disgrace the whole Committee, that he might thereby grace the Scotch Commissioners in the opinion of men, as having more fidelitie and sinceritie, than the rest (a practice usual with him) he puts that disgrace upon their Commissioners in this, for folly and indiscretion, if not falshood, should they, as he saith, have pressed the Committee to do so ridiculous and unreasonable a thing, as I think they themselves, as they were not guiltie of it, so they will, as well as the rest of the Committee, give him the lye in it, which he too often deserveth: this contents him not, but he adds further, that the E∣nemie is made acquainted with the secret advice, and that particularly, and thereup∣on takes notice of the weakness of the place spoken of, which before he had not done, & strengthens & fortifies it: and this is discovered by intercepted Letters, which had not been communicated to the Scotch Commissioners, notwithstanding the common Inter∣est: How come you then Sr. Scot, to know that there were any such Letters, or any such discoverie made by them, if such letters being intercepted were not communicated to the Scotch Commissioners? from whom is it that you usually have your intelligence I pray? they that know no such things themselves, how can they communicate it to you, whose interest it seems is very common with them? But for the Letters and the things discovered in them, they may both, for ought I know, be the fictions of your fertile brain that way, to cast durt upon the Committee; let any such Letters appear, or if there were any such inter∣cepted, that shewed a discoverie was made to the Enemie of this intelli∣gence given, why good Sir, may you not be mistaken and it be the Scot Page  93that did give the Enemie notice of it, rather than any of the English? who was it that brought the man to the Committee that made this tale, or gave this secret intelligence you speak of, was it not the Scot? who afterwards, being often spo∣ken unto to that end, would yet never bring him to light again, but away he go∣eth to Oxford, and the Committee can see him no more: if therefore the Ene∣mie had any such information given him, of a secret intelligence given to encou∣rage an enterprise upon a place that was weak, which thereupon he better for∣tified, and that it be not one of your inventions, or your Countrey-mens, I pray why may it not be your Countrey-mans action rather in all probabilitie, than any other mans? Let any indifferent man judge by all the circumstances; we use to say, the Hound that first found: this man who, as I have said, it may be, might be sent of purpose to give this intelligence to catch our Forces, if we had been so simple as to send any upon such a tale, when he had done his errant, might make haste back again, or be sent by those to whom he came, to give notice, or carrie intelligence about him what service he had done here, that the Enemie might be prepared to make his advantage of it. For the English that were of the Com∣mittee, I assure my self they so little regarded what this fellow said, and so much neglected his Intelligence, especially when they saw he would not appear again according to his promise made to the Sub-Committee, that had any of them had any trinckling with the Enemie (which it had been well if others had been as free from) yet they would have found out things of more moment to acquaint the Enemie withall, than such a ridiculous passage, & so carried as this was: but they are best acquainted how it was discovered to the Enemie (if any such thing were) that can first acquaint us there was such a Discoverie made, which is this lye-inventer (to return his own phrase to himself who best deserves it) or the men from whom he receives his intelligences. If men would use that libertie of judging, which he usually takes to himself upon the like or far less occasions, they would judge, that all this was but an invention from the beginning, to take off the suspition that might be raised by this fellows coming from Oxford, and applying himself to one of the Scotch Commissioners; and therefore the Commis∣sioner, that he might be with him with the more freedom, till the errant he came about was dispatched here in Town, covers him with this cloak, of bringing In∣telligence to the Committee, and makes him tell at first a flimflam tale, and then promise more particulars in a short time, that thereby more time might be gain∣ed for him to stay in Town without suspition, until the business he came about were ended, and then be sent back to Oxford, as he was when the Scotch Com∣missioner and he had thus befooled the Committee: this were a much more likely conjecture, considering Digbies Letter, and a finer storie, nearer the truth a great deal, than many of those which this mans spleen, envie, & malice against those some, and that partie (as he terms them) his stomach still riseth at, makes him invent and cast up, when he can find any occasion so to do, though drawn in by head and shoulders, as we use to say. In the next place he falls upon the Parliament, in saying, the Armie was moulded according to the mind of some few men, and that being done, they must be appointed to besiege Oxford: by whom could either of these be done, but by the Parliament, and their Order? for the Com∣mittee, in matters of such concernment usually acquainted the Houses, and had their direction or approbation. But in the mean time he saith, the Enemie was suffered to run up and down, increase his Forces, spoil the Countreys, and hazard all:Page  94 then he brings in his proverbial speech, which he will needs fasten upon forreign∣ers, that the Parliaments Forces were gnawing the bones, while they suffer the Enemie to feed upon the flesh, and that there was not, they said, fair dealing every where; they said in that very true, there was not, but very foul dealing; for who was the cause of all this mischief done by the Enemie? and of his running up and down to do it, but that Armie, who being ordered to advance up Southward to prevent it, and had promised so to do, and thereupon was expected when this design was laid, instead thereof, runs 200 miles Northward, and that they might be sure to keep themselves far enough out of the Enemies teeth, that their flesh might not be fed upon by him, they leave him at libertie, unexpectedly to all men, to run up and down and devour the flesh of the Countreys, and the Town of Leicester; which all men knew, by their coming up South-ward as was ordered and expected, 2500 Horse and Dragoons being to that end sent to joyn with them, would have been prevented; either they would have given him Bat∣tle with a number far exceeding his at his first going out of Oxford, before he was thus suffered to increase his Forces (at least if they dealt not falsely with us, but were 21000 according to Articles, and as they required pay for so many) or else in stead of plundering up and down the Countreys (which they gave him fair way to do) he must have endeavoured to return again to Oxford, to avoid fighting with Forces so far superior, by the conjunction of the 2500 Horse, to those which he had with him, and Oxford he would have found blocked up, where the rest of his Forces were, and all his Ammunition, and himself, by his return thither inclosed between the two Armies; a design so well laid, that if the King finding himself thus straitened on all sides, should have been forced to go Westward to his Forces there, under Hopton and Goring, Oxford, as I have heard themselves did report, had been taken within three weeks, not expecting a Siege at that time, and therefore no way provided with victuals for it; an Intelligence (had the man so much understanding in these things as to know it) to be made use of onely for a Siege, not for a surprize; but I ground it not at all upon Napiers intelligence given to the Committee, nor did any wise man regard that, onely it sheweth this mans folly; and besides this, the King had been followed into the West, by a conjunction of both Armies assisting each other, a thing so much pressed by General Leven in his Letter before mentioned. This that I have said was so apparent, and lay so open to the view of all men, that the man here can∣not pass it by, but must go to his box for some stuff o paint it over, and excuse it if he could; for he saith, it was then given out, that the Scots not coming Southward, was the cause of all these mischiefs; and well might it be given out, and all men believe it to be so, for had they come Southward in the time they were ordered to do so, and had promised accordingly to do it, with that conjunction of 2500 Horse and Dragoons which were sent to meet them, all this mischief had been prevented, or else they were far from being the gallant Armie he will needs have them reported to be; and the man himself saith, when he thinks thereby he may set forth their worth and praises, that had they come u, the Enemie had not made that spoil he did at Leicester; here we have his own confession, set down before in a brag: but why did they not come up Southward, Let us see his daubing a∣gain here in this place; let reason judge, saith he, whether it were easier for an Ar∣mie near at hand to follow the Enmie, having all provisions, or an Armie above 200 miles distant that wanted provisions and could get no draughts. This ingredient in∣deed Page  95 is never wanting in your painting stuff; but the question is, why that Army would not be as it ought, and timely enough might have been, so near the Ene∣mie as to follow him, disturb, and stop him from increasing his Forces, and do∣ing that mischief he did, while the other Armie in expectation thereof, and up∣on their promise not to frustrate their expectation, was imployed in a design of best advantage to that service in concurrence with them, had they marched Southward? that they would run contrarie to directions, and their own promi∣ses above 200 miles another way, which he would make their excuse, this was their fault, and the cause of all the mischief: here the malicious, or at best un∣charitable man will suggest, that those who contrived the Siege of the Town of Oxford, had no intention to take it by Siege, since they would not trie to take it by Sur∣prize and secret enterprise; a very solid ground to cast such a base imputation up∣on the Committee, by whose diection the Armie lay before Oxford; if the Com∣mittee had done that, the refusing whereof he makes the ground of this slander, I have shewed before they had been justly to be accounted either fools or be∣trayers of their own Forces; but such base lyes and slanders, whom soever it may concern, are usual with him in this Pamphlet, as we may see in this that follow∣eth; the Scots, he saith, did not onely openly dissent, but also protest against this Siege; either this is a lye, which is no great wonder in his Discourse, or else the Siege was directed by the Houses of Parliament, and then his charitable judge∣ment, that they were false in the Cause, lights upon the Houses; for if the Scots, whom he will have to have a negative Vote in the Committee, had dissented and protested against it, it could not be ordered by the Committee, but must be di∣rected in such cases by the Houses: to think to avoid it, by saying, such a Partie, or some men prevailed with the Houses to do it, as it is to impute simplicity to them, so it is no other than the Court trick, when they used, to scandalize the Parlia∣mēt under such a cloak. The partie of Horse, he saith, which was appointed to follow the Enemie, was called back, contrarie to the advice of the Scots; this Partie which he here speaks of, were a Partie of Horse under Cromwell, with some Foot from Abbington joyned with them, which were imployed in the Countreys near about Oxford, and not far from the Armie, that by falling upon those Forces the King had there in several Garrisons, and in those parts straggling up and down, and by hindering the bringing in of Provisions into Oxford, the King to prevent the ru∣ine of his Forces left about Oxford, and to relieve Oxford it self, and those other Garrisons in the parts adjoyning thereto, might be drawn back; or if not, those Forces and Garrisons lost and taken, as many of them were; but for the Scotch Commissioners to desire that this Partie should follow the Kings Armie so far from the bodie of their own, that the King might ingage them apart from it, when the Kings Armie was such and so considerable in their esteem, that they desired 2500 Horse and Dragoons to be sent to their Armie to assist them, if the King should ingage them to fight, would shew they had little care of our Forces and the hazard, nay certain ruine of them, or very little confidence in their own Armie, to which the greatest part of this Partie he speaks of, was sent, in the 2500 Horse and Dragoons sent them: the calling of this Partie back, was upon a Letter from both the Commanders, Cromwell and Major General Brown, who wrote to the Committee, That if they should follow the Kings Armie so far from the Bodie of their own Armie, that the King might turn back and ingage them, it would in all probabilitie be the loss of that Partie; upon which they were called back to Page  96 the Armie, and the 2500 Horse and Dragoons sent to the Scotch Armie; and the Commissioners of Scotland, at whose request it was done, thereupon writ to then to advance to Darby and so Southward; but they with their whole Army, to which these 2500 Horse were to be added, would not come up near the Kings Army, and yet the Sotch Commissioners will have the Kings Army followed with a small party of our Army: now where lieth the just cause of complaint? Let any man of judgement and indifferency judge of it, the truth being thus laid open. Here the pragmatick boutefeu finds fault again, that the Scotch Com∣missioners did not publish their Papers concerning this to the whole world, that their simple sinceritie (as he calls it) might be known, and other mans faults sifted out. I have set down the true relation of these things which this man laboureth thus to disguise, that thereby it may appear, if these were the carriages of the Scots which he holdeth forth, their sincerity, if it were sincerity was indeed a very simple one. He concludes this piece of his story very confidently; saying, let things be tried, and no longer carried in hugger-mugger to the prejudice of the pub∣lick service: I promise you I will do my best so to uncase you, and pull off all your vizards, that you shall carry things no longer in this deceitfull way of yours, to the prejudice of the truth; and when you have done so, make a shew of sim∣ple sincerity, and cast your hugger-mugger upon those men who are sincere indeed and plain hearted.

After this he comes to speak of that, which before I said, it would not be long but that he himself would come out with it, and shew how his first men, as he ranks them (who in the beginning were averse to the coming in of the Scots, and therefore still opposed the setting up of a Committee to joyn with them in the ma∣naging of businesses) now turned about to the Scots, and the Scots to them, and as his manner is all a long in his discourse, he so dresseth it up, that these men must be made to see their error, and the Scots set forth making a declaration to all men, of their regarding no mans person, nor being interessed in any man, but as they judged him to interest himself heartily in the Common cause without by-ends; this they did from the beginning, and this they continue still to do, and thus they will do to the end constant to their principles: this fustian bumbasted Declaration, stuffed with so much other vain ostentation of themselves, that I think they would be a shamed to own it, this forward-putting Pedant takes upon him to put forth in their names, and once or twice to tell you what the Scots do declare to all men; read him but in this place, and you shall see Mr. Rhombus in his ruff, and yet for all this ruffling, he finds this business will not come off so clear, but that he must come in and be their compurgator, which good office he is very often put upon: it seems this turn-about and change from one side to another, was so observed in the Scots, that he saith there was great murmurings against them for having quite left off honest and well affected men, and taking by the hand semi-malig∣nants; here we have his own confession, how this was resented, and generally spoken of amongst men; what they were whom they quitted, and who those were whom they take by the hand in exchange, I have already upon other oc∣casions spoken unto, and therefore will not trouble my self with it ere again; onely by what I have there said, it may appear, the Scots were not so averse from humoring and consulting with women, neither was that so unexpected unto them, as this man in this vain, flaunting, foolish Declaration made in their name very superciliously sets forth for them: At last he saith, of this enough for this Page  97 time; yea, and too much a great deal, except truer and wiser: but yet he remem∣bers himself of one thing, which he cannot pass, though it depend not upon what he had said before, & belong no more unto it, than the Moon to a green Cheese, as we use to speak; but that is his usual custom, to vent any thing as it falls into his fancie, which he thinks may excuse his Scots, and besparter honester men: I confess there is cause enough to move him not to pass it; for the Scots, for whom he makes himself Proctor, need a Purgation in this particular, as much as in any; the thing is this, there are hardly, he saith, any divisions amongst these of this side, but the blame thereof is laid upon the Scots, when as he will needs have it to be well known, that the Scots assistance, faithfull in counsel, and active in the Field, serves not onely to suppress the Enemie, but also to keep together those, who would otherwise fall asunder: for his extolling their fideliie in counsel, and acti∣vitie in the Field, were there truth in it, yet it is so continually inculcated, and so grosly heaped upon them by him, that it is shamefull, and stinks in the nostrils of every wise man, as too much praise out of a mans own mouth ever doth; but for the thing it self, he will prove a Physician of no value, when he comes to purge them of this disease; it will not be done with a bare affirmation, for I shall say and prove it to, that it is well known what divisions they have made, and what their endeavours have been to that end; witness their changing parties, and turning from one side to another; as they saw or thought it might conduce to the furthering of their designs, and obtaining their ends: when there were Emu∣lations, and from thence divisions between the Commanders of the Parliament Forces, from whence did arise great miscarriages of dangerous consequence in the management of the War, sometimes they crie up Sir William Waller, and he is the onely man with them, and the Lord of Essex must be looked upon at a distance, with an evil eye; at another time, especially when the new-modelling of the Armie, and setting up of another General, puts him into a discontent, that in opposition to this new-modelled Armie, which their stomachs could not well digest, he seems to fall in with them, then they presently take him by the hand, and he and his Partie are the onely intimate men with them; and this is that which the Pedant means, when he speaks of the first men, who were averse to the Scots coming into the Kingdom, for fear their lustre should be diminished, who af∣terwards he makes to see their error, and then to go along with the Scots, whereup∣on, out comes his foolish, ridiculous Declaration in the name of the Scots; the envy that both had against this new modelled Army, brings them to agree In eo∣dem tertio at first, and afterwards to grow better acquainted, and go on together in other designs, and correspond in them also: these divisions mae, or foment∣ed by them, though they were of evil consequence, yet were they not considera∣ble in comparison of those mischievous and destructive divisions, endeavoured by their means to be brought to pass, between the Parliament and the Citie; and last of all, but worst of all, between the King and the two Houses of Parliament, witness their continual practise of putting in Papers full of invectives against the proceedings of Parliament, and when they had so done, then causing them to be printed and spread about the Citie, to alienate their affections from the Par∣liament; then had they their Emissaries, as Cranford and such like, to send to the Exchange, and up and down in the Citie to infuse lyes into such as were most likely to be wrought upon by them, and such beagles as this Discourser, by Pa∣pers, Manifests, and slanderous Pamphlets, to follow the Chase when they had Page  98 set it on foot, and to poyson the peoples affections, that they might be fitted and prepared to help on their designs by commotions and tumults; you have heard how this Incendiarie complaineth, that the opportunitie thereof was taken from them, when they were removed out of the Citie to Worcester house, a thing done onely out of respect unto them, and for their conveniencie, but his com∣plaint manifesteth sufficiently what was aimed at: for the divisions and breach between the King and the two Houses of Parliament, continued by their endea∣vours, of all other the most unhappie; I will bring for witness their carriage at the Conference, in pleading for the Kings usurped Prerogative (for that which was grounded upon Law, and exercised according to Law was never denied) a∣gainst the Subjects just and known Rights established by the Laws, the thing defended by Arms, and the true stae of the Quarrel, which they come to assist us in, yet they pleaded against it, and printed their Pleadings, and prosecuted these practises of theirs at the Isle of Wight afterwards so effectually, that the King refused the four Bills sent unto him, which had he then passed, he had been fully united to his two Houses of Parliament again; but of this I have spo∣ken before, here onely I mention it, to shew what unhappie differences they have made, and how industriously they have endeavoured and pursued the same: by all which, I believe it will appear, this Proctor of theirs, might more to their advantage, have passed by this one thing: Notwitstanding he will needs add ano∣ther, as little to the purpose as the former, but so notoriously false, and with that shameless impudencie affirmed, that no man, who knoweth the truth of things, can with patience hear it, without being moved to discover unto the world that truth, which will manifest the shamefull lyes, and falshood of these his brags and boastings of his Countrey-men: I will set down his words, which have no dependencie either upon what goeth before, or comes after, but a no∣torious lye brought in, in a bragging way, to make men believe great matters of the Scots: then I adde, saith he, that the Enemie, how low soever he seems to be at this instant, desires to have no better game, than that the Scots would retire, and withdraw their helping hand from the Service; for he that of nothing made a Par∣tie so great as to carrie all before it, until he was suppressed by the Scots, would raise up his partie again; but in despight of the devil and all opposition, whethr clandestine or open, the Scots will stand firm and faithfull for the carrying on of the work of God and his people: first for the time he speaks of, when the Enemie should seem either to himself or others to be so low, it can be no other but after the Bat∣tle at Nasebie, for before we have him always pratling of the Parliaments low and desperate condition, and that the Enemie, as here, carried all before him, and in the Kings Letters to the Queen, taken at that fight, he writes himself, that he can say his affairs were never in a more hopefull way, therefore it must be that over∣throw, and total rout of his whole Armie, which brought him so low: and I pray, was it here that your Scots suppressed the Enemie? was it their Action at this time that made him desire no better game, than that they would retire? truly then they gave him as fair a game, as he could desire to play, for they did retire so fast from meeting him, that very suddenly they were retired 200 miles and more from him, that they might be sure to be far enough out of his way: but that no man being a stranger and unacquainted with our affairs, may think this to be justly attributed to them in respect of any thing done by them at any other times, I will affirm this, and none with truth can denie it, that the Scots were so Page  99 far from repressing the Enemie, or causing any fear in him, that from their first co∣ming into the Kingdom, untill they went out again (except what they did with my Lord of New-Castles Forces, whereof I have spoken) they never would or did engage their Armie alone with any considerable force of the Enemies, much less with an Armie of his; they never took one Town of any strength by Storm, but New-Castle, where the profit of the place, and the conveniencie thereof to be kept in their hands (which it seemed they intended) made them do more than they ever did afterwards, or as it seemed had resolved to do, witness Hereford: that this may the better appear, let it be considered what they have done, either in assisting of us, or opposing the Enemie from first to last, that this impudent fellow (for in this give me leave so to term him) should brag, that the Enemy carri∣ed all before him untill h was supressed by them: after the Battle at Marston-moor (where the Enemy had expe••ence sufficient to make him know how little cause he had to fear thei rep•••sing 〈◊〉 him, or hindering his designs in the Field, as a little after he Brgg 〈…〉, they complain the Scots onely did) they take Newcastl; & 〈…〉 put themselves upon the hazard of Storming it, may appear by their 〈◊〉ing of 〈◊〉 their hands after they had taken it, as they did that other fo••ier Town Carl••, when they had snatched it out of the hands of our Committees, who were then treat••g aout the surrender of it unto them by the Enemie: after this, I say, it was hoped, they would have done some ser∣vice the next Summer, which was accordingly designed, and their assistance re∣quired by the Parliament, the Committee of both Kingdoms, and by the particu∣lar Letters of their own Commissioners, when they had obtained for them of the Committee so great an assistance of Horse and Dragoons to joyn with them; but what disservice they did in stead thereof, by overthrowing the designs laid for that Summers service, by the Enemies plundering the Countreys upon their running another way, and in the mean time, by taking an opportunitie, as to be far enough out of the Enemies way, so to catch another of our Towns into their hands, and keep it contrarie to agreement and faith given, as they would needs do Newcastle when they had got that, hath been alreadie shewed; and how the Parliament passed all this by in silence, upon expectation of some better service, but all their expectations were frustrated, and as little done afterwards, as be∣fore: indeed nothing done, but instead of repressing the Enemie, oppressing the Countreys by provisions made for them; and by their plunderings of them; for when the Enemies Armie was totally routed at Nasebie Fight, the King go∣ing away and escaping out of the Battle, onely with some Horse, the Officers of the Parliaments Armie were in consultation amongst themselves, whether to fol∣low the Partie of Horse escaped out of the Battle, and thereby prevent the Kings recruiting himself, and raising a new Armie in those Welch Countreys, or march to the relief of that Part of their Armie besieged in Taunton, and the saving of that Town, which had suffered so much for their fidelitie to the Parliament, knowing them both to be in very great straits at that instant, & the consequence of their loss to be the Enemies entire possession of all the West, except two or three Towns; in this difficultie, not knowing well what to resolve on, as most conducing to the service of the publick, they send to the Parliament & the Com∣mittee of both Kingdoms for their advice and direction therein, by which they would be guided, yet not sitting still, but ordering their marching so as that they might be in fit place and posture, either to follow the King into Hereford-shirePage  100 or turn Westward as they should receive directions; hereupon they receive Let∣ters from the Committee of both Kingdoms, letting them know, that they had the consent and good liking of the Committee, and the House also, to march Westward; and for the following of the Horse escaped out of the Battles, Letters were sent to the Scotch Armie, to march towards Worcester and undertake that service; thereupon the Parliaments Armie bent their course presently Westward, where the strength, that the King had left after his overthrow at Nasebie, except a few Horse escaped with himself, was; and indeed it was a great strength, and much more considerable in respect of the disposition and affection of those We∣stern Counties: what success God was pleased to give that Armie, & what great services, by his blessing, they did in the Western parts, even to the ending of the War, is very well known, and cannot be denied by this man, or such as he is, though they burst for envie at it: This Armie being thus imployed by Command, what in the mean time did these his repressers of the Enemie, the Scotch Armie do, in that which was left to them as their charge to prosecute? which was no more but to follow such Horse as were escaped with the King, and see that they did not increase Forces, nor run up and down plundering the Countreys well affected to the Parliament, and that their want, or weakness in Horse might not be a hin∣derance unto them therein, considering they were to follow Horse, a considera∣ble Bodie of Horse again was sent to joyn with them; but they, after they had marched according to their orders towards Hereford, near about Worcester (as I take it) send word, the King was gone into Wales, and their Armie could not follow him into the Mountains; so he was left to run up and down as he pleased, first to Wales, afterwards to New-wark, then to plunder Huntington, and exercise cruel∣ties there, so towards Bedford, & then to Oxford, with such increased Forces, as he could get up and recruite himself withall, whereby he made with his Horse such excursions out of Oxford, that the adjacent Countreys under the Parliaments protection, were greatly annoyed and harrased thereby, insomuch, that the Committee of both Kingdoms were enforced to send to the General, being in the West, for Forces to be sent from his Armie there imployed, to keep in those Horse and secure the Countreys. Thus was the service, left to the Scotch Armie, performed by them, when the Parliaments Armie went into the West against all the remaining Forces of the Enemie, there being left no more for the Scots to do, but to follow and dissipate a partie of Horse, escaped out of the Enemies Armie, wholly routed and overthrown, which Partie did not stay upon inaccessi∣ble hills in Wales (a pretence of theirs not to follow them) but run up and down without being followed by them (though there were sent an addition of Horse to them to that end) and did mischief from Newark in the Northern parts, and so back again all the way, until they came to Oxford: had they not been repres∣sed, when they were sent from Newwark by the King, under Digbie and Lang∣dale, by others then these whom he makes the repressers of the Enemie, who never followed them or came near them, they had joyned with Montross in York shire, which was the design, 1600 of the best of those Horse being sent for that pur∣pose, under the Commanders named, but defeated by our Forces in those parts: those the King brought to Oxford, the Parliaments Armie was constrained to send Forces out of the West, to repress and keep them in from breaking out of Oxford to plunder the Countreys thereabout, though at that time they were in∣gaged against all the forces the King had left, which were very considerable un∣der Page  101 the Prince, Hopton, and Goring in the West, besides the expectation of ten Thousand Horse and Foot out of France to be landed in those West∣ern parts, and many out of Ireland, as appeared by intercepted Letters sent purposely to the Prince, from France and Ireland: let this suffice to shew how the Scots suppressed the Enemy, stopped and opposed all his designs in the field, and what assistance they gave us, and what liberty and freedom our Army had thereby when ingaged in the greatest dangers, and opposing the greatest forces; they having no more in the mean time to do, but to prevent the mischiefs that might be done by a broken discouraged piece of an Army, overthrown & totally routed before by ours, and so to attend their motions that they might not di∣stract or divide our Army, then imployed in the main work of the War and a∣gainst that Army the King had onely left him, and all those strong Garrisons in the West which they reduced: but of all this, though a very small piece of service put upon an Army of 21000 men, with a considerable strength of Horse sent to assist them, yet they did just nothing, but returned answer the King was gone into Wales, and they could not follow him, so they left him to run whether he would and do what he pleased: when they had returned this answer that they might not be thought to lye upon the Countries charge and expect their pay for doing just nothing, they think of besieging a Town, and so sit down before Hereford with their whole Army, where when they had lyen intrenched a great while, the Coun∣tries bringing them in provisions and all thing necessary for a siege, after a breach made by their Canon sufficient for to storm the Town, had they had any minde so to do, they raise their siege dishonourably, without ever making so much as an attempt to take the Town at that breach, which by their battery they had made for that end, and taking occasion upon the news they heard of Montrosse's pro∣ceedings in Scotland, away they march without hazarding a man to gain the Town, which afterwards was gained by an inconsiderable party of our Country forces; they marched Northward towards their own Country, their Horse being gone before them under David Lesly, who coming into Scotland, and overthrow∣ing the forces under Mentross, which being not above 4000 or thereabouts, had mastered all Scotland; when the news hereof came to the Army which was marching after them, they staid, and that which then they set themselves about, was to joyn with our Northern forces under Colonel Poynz a good active soul∣dier, to besiege Newwark, where while they lay (safe enough for any hazard they would put themselves upon) the King fearing to be besieged in Oxford by our Army now returned victorious out of the West, comes and delivers himself unto them, passing thither disguised, the French agent Montril going thither before, and residing in the Scotch Army about a week, to make way for his recep∣tion: upon the Kings coming unto them, the Town by his command is delivered into our hands, he being willing as it seemed the Scots should march away with him, which they did in great haste to Newcastle (kept by them in their hands for any good purpose) fearing lest we should dispute it with them, as well we might, their keeping the King in their power in our Kingdom; and Poynz with the Nor∣thern forces under his command feared them so little, that I have heard he would have done it, and fought with them, before they should have carried the King a∣way, had he known the Parliaments minde therein, and been by them authorised so to do; hereof it seems they had some apprehensions, which made them march away with so much speed. Here you have all that was done by them worth the Page  102 naming, from the time they came into the Kingdom untill they went out: and for this last service, committed to their care, of pursuing this party of Horse esca∣ped out of the battle, when the whole Army was totally routed, and all the Foot Regiments taken at Naseby fight, wherein it was hoped they would have done something, when this their Proctor comes (as he seeth there is need enough) to make their purgation in respect of the murmurings that he saith were against them for it, indeed for doing nothing in it, you may perceive how he is put to it, how he laboureth to piece and patch up an ill business, which passeth his skill to mend, or set any tolerable fair face upon. First we have him at his generall known ward, wherewith he useth to fence off all that his Scots are charged with, the Committees must be Malignants, when they came into Worcester sh. with great diligence intending to follow the Enemy into Wales, the Committee of that shire (whom in derision he stiles noble) lead them a great circuit about out of the way he saith; it is well known they can go out of the way, when they are to come up to the ene∣my, without being led, as appeared when they were appointed before to come to Darby; well notwithstanding this, yet they will finde the Enemy, but in the end he is gone into the hills of Wales, yea, as I have shewed you before to plunder Hunting∣ton, and do other mischiefs, and at last to be so formidable unto them, that the very voice, or a devised tale of his approaching, is the main reason, he gives of their dishonourable raising the siege at Hereford, and not attempting to storm the Town; for before he is aware, he tells us that here, which I shewed before was observed, their resolution to keep their Army intire, they will not therefore divide them to fol∣low the Enemy, though they say he had divided his few run-away Horse, neither will they storm the Town but devise a tale of the Enemies Horse approaching, that might fall upon them while they are in storming: then unskilfully he discovers the reason of their resolution, to keep an Army here in this Kingdom that shall ha∣zard nothing to weaken it, or indanger the breaking of any part of it, for they were far from home, and could not easily make it up again; what service then we may ex∣pect from them every man may hereby judge, yet we must have more Malig∣nants brought in to mend this matter, if it could be, the Committee of both Kingdoms must be Malignants, yea, the Parliament it self, because upon such a tale as this, the Enemies Horse coming towards them in a great body, they would not pre∣sently send away the Horse of their own Army to them, who were then ingaged in the besieging of Bristol; he is hard put to it you see, when to excuse this ill car∣riage of his Scots, he must make the Committee of both Kingdoms, and the Par∣liament also to be in the number of Malignants to them. Many other such foo∣lish fig leaves he makes use of to cover over this foul business, not worth my trouble to answer, nor any mans to read, onely by his own confession, though they staid there long to do nothing for the service of the Parliament, yet thereby di∣vers of them had time enough to trinckle with the Enemie, what was the Subject thereof is best known to themselves, neither will I judge, but that which appear∣ed not long after, was what I have shewed before the Kings putting himself into their hands: we have here his own confession, that the business the Parliament in∣trusted the Scotch Army with at this time, and desired them to take care of, was to pursue the broken Enemy, and to clear the field of him, that he might not recrute him∣self, gather forces and do mischief, which they for all their readiness and diligence, which he prattles of, for fear of dividing their Army, would not do, but the Ene∣mie with his Horse going into Wales, in which Countries he was most likely to Page  103 recruit himself and raise new forces, they let him go and resolve to lie still with their whole Army, and wait till he would come to them, and finde them out, as that which they judge best for the service, and they had lyen still but for the murmures of men (whom therefore he calls simple ones) which made them think of besieging Hereford: this was a likely way to clear the field of the Enemy, and keep him from increasing his forces, which when they had given him libertie to do, and heard but a rumor (if it were not one of his own making) that the Enemy was coming towards them, they raise the siege, and away they go; and had they not undertaken that siege, but lyen still waiting at the entry of the Country for the Enemies coming back, whom he saith they could not finde, for the truth is they never sought after him, certainly when he had raised forces and had come to find them and ingage them, this their raising of their siege upon such a report, and marching away, with what they did formerly, gives us just cause to suspect what they would have done in that case; some report of a flying Army going into their Countrie would in likely-hood have made them make haste Northward again, without staying for draughts: we have his confession that the breach was suffici∣ent for storming, and all things in that readiness, that they had resolved, to storm the Town the next morning, at a Council of War, there being not many forces in the Town: then comes the rumor of the Enemies Horse approaching, and withall the considerati∣on of hazarding their Armie, which they might have need of in their own Countrie, this turns the storm resolved on into a raising of the siege: could a mornings work have detained them so long, either for the Enemies Horse to come near them, or from the relief of their own Countrie? But they resolve to hazard their honour, ra∣ther than any part of their Army: we have his confession, that the Enemy came by them but a great way off for fear of them: they were fearfull bugbears indeed it seems unto them; had they by following the Enemie made themsesves fearfull to him, he had never had the means and opportunity so to strengthen himself, as to come by their noses, and afterwards do all the mischief he did at Huntington, and up and down those Countries, and then make them so afraid of him as to rise and be gone: but David Lesly presently followed them with most of their Horse, and went before them, he saith, but why did he not rather go up to them, but went so, that as he confesseth, it was murmured, he was gone no man knew whither, and the Enemie went whither he would for any opposition that he received from him, to Newwark, then to Huntington and towards Bedford, plundering up and down till he came to Oxford, without being followed at all by these to whom that care was Committed: nay, he so little feared or cared for their following of him, when once he saw himself secure and free from the Parliaments Army, that going to Newwark without opposition or hinderance, he sent from thence, as I have said, 1600 of his Horse under Digby and Langdale into York-shire to joyn with Montross, who in many places, as they went by Doncaster, beat up our quarters, and at Sherborn tooke 800 prisoners; where was David Lesly and his Horse all this while, which he saith were pursuing the Enemie about Trent? had he done any thing in the pursuite of them, you should have been sure to have heard of it, and had it in great Letters: but whereas he saith the Pamphlets at London were stuffed with what our forces did or would do therein, the man (not afraid to use the name of God here) saith God knoweth they were far away from the Enemie, which is so false (as shew me one Pamphlet amongst them all stuffed with so ma∣ny falshoods as this) that it is well known, this party of 1600 Horse going into Page  104York-shire (When David Lesly was gone they knew not whether, for which, he saith, they murmured) was encountred by our York-shire forces under the command of of Colonel Copely and Colonel Lilburn, and by them wholly routed, the 800 prisoners taken at Sherborn rescued, and their Arms recoverd, 400 of the Ene∣mie taken, 600 Horse, many Commanders and men of quality, 40 slain, and Dig∣bies coach with his Cabinet taken, having therein the letters that tell such tales of the secret Treaty between him & the Scotch Commissioners, the man would I believe have been glad, in that respect, our forces had been, as he said, far enough off from the Enemy, when their forces, by the trust reposed in them for that end, should have been as near, but were indeed far enough off from doing any service at all against them; had they been as near as ours were, and had had the same courage to do the like service, they might have saved Mr. John Cheesly a labour in searching out this letter of Digbies, and keeping it from being Printed and pub∣lished, when the rest of the letters were: I have insisted the longer, and been the larger in this particular, that I may refer the Reader thereunto, as a true Relation of all the services, for the assistance of the Parliament, that were done by this Scotch Armie, while they were in the Kingdom, for the great charges they put the Kingdom unto in their pay, and pressures the Countries lay under by their free-quarter and plunder; all which beng duly considered by indifferent men, it will appear to have proved rather disservices, than serviceable assistance given to the Parliament; therefore all his braggings & boastings of them (which this foo∣lish Romance set forth of purpose to delude the world therein) is so stuffed wih, even ad nauseam to all that read it, calling them our deliverers, the Enemies onely re∣pressors, & those that alone give stop to his designs in the field, his fear and onely terror, the causers, continuers, and onely preservers of this Parliament, with I know not how much more of the like stuff; to all, I say, of this ridiculous boasting (so Thrasonical and withall so false, in the knowledge of all that are acquainted with our affairs in these unhappy times, that any ingenious man would be ashamed of it) whenso∣ever the Reader shall meet with the same, I shall give no other answer, but desire him to receive the answer from this true Relation of all their carriages, and per∣formances in this unhappy War, wherein to assist us they came into the King∣dom: had there been the lest ingenuity or discretion in this discourser of theirs, who undertakes to set forth their performances and great acts, he had never done them that wrong as to force out the truth, in answer to his base and most false slanders and calumnies, cast by him upon this nation, and upon men of best de∣sert, sometimes to excuse, and at other times to set forth and extol the Scots: for by that means, thinking to cast a cloak upon the same, he hath occasioned their nakedness to be the more discovered to the world. It may be he might think to abuse strangers and posterity, by these Fables and fictions of his brains, and con∣tent himself with that, though he were laughed at with indignation and scorn by all that truly understood the carriage of things in respect of all parties, both in Council and in War: and that which makes this the more probable, is his making this poor piece of his march forth, as one saith, in Roman Buff, taking the pains to turn it into Latine, that thereby those, who are strangers to our affairs in this Kingdom, and unacquainted both with persons and actions in these late troubles, might be abused, and the more easily drawn to believe by this Romance of his, that out of Scotland came Arthur and his Knights of the round Table to our as∣sistance: but it may be he shall be met withall in his own colours, and paid in his 〈…〉

Page  105

Having, upon their raising the Siege at Hereford, and making haste home∣wards into their own Countrey, when they had done so little here, spoken some∣what of what had befallen them in Scotland by a few Forces under Montross, who by those few subjected to his power the whole Kingdom, and made those who then ruled flie for their safetie, which news was the occasion of calling David Lesley thither for their succour by the Chancellors letter, as he saith, and of the Ar∣mies following after him: let me in this place likewise shew the malicious fals∣hood of this man in representing unto the world the sence wherewith this disa∣ster befallen Scotland, was entertained here in England; and I desire that all the rest of his envious, malicious slanders and lyes, when they are met withall in this Pamphlet which is full of them, may be judged of by this, which I shall make appear to be one of his manifest falshoods: the news of what had befallen them in Scotland, he saith, was written hither by divers from the place and from Barwick, the effect it had was, that good, honest, and well-affected men (and those must onely be such who are of his partie, and for his turn) were much moved and afflicted at it, and he cannot but confess, that the Houses of Parliament ordained a solemn Fast thereupon, for prayers and supplications to be made in behalf of Scotland; but there were divers others, he saith, that did laugh in their selves at this affliction, and were glad in their souls of it, and amongst these (as you must ever expect when the o∣verflowing of the gall takes him, then these must be brought in) the prime of the Faction of the Independents (as he terms them) did leap for joy of the infortune of the Scots; and then runs on not onely to take up and carrie about base lyes concern∣ing them, but to make and invent them, which he that doth, the 15 Psalm shews his condition, and where his place will be, except he repent: but as these later, which he runs out into, are known to be lyes, the men whom he means, under this term he puts upon them, being such, as are no turn-coats for money or prefer∣ment, nor so little esteemed (which is his grief) as not to dare appear in the streets, his own case, when he ran away being sought after to be punished for these, and such other lying seditious practices; so I will make it appear how false and full of malice the former is of their rejoycing at the calamitie of the Scots: it is clear enough, that when he talks of the prime of the Faction of the Independents, he means some of those prime Officers of the New-modelled Army, & that may appear by his des∣canting upon their Letters in this Pamphlet, as we shall see afterwards, and by many other passages, whereby he endeavoureth to disgrace them, and lessen their esteem if he could by many gross lyes forged against them, and spread a∣broad to that end; now with what brotherly affection and Christian compassion these very men, did express themselves towards the Scots, upon the news of this sad accident befallen them in their Countrey, yea, and that when they were marching away thereupon, and leaving the whole burthen of the War upon them, let all the World see by this Letter sent unto them to manifest the same, and thereby judge of this, envious, malicious man, and his writings as they deserve.

A Letter written from the General & Officers of the English Armie, to the Scotch Armie, upon the report of the proceedings and success of Mon∣tross in Scotland.

MAy it please your Excellencie and the rest, honored friends, and beloved brethren, we have not without much grief received the sad report of your affairs in Scot∣land,Page  106 how far God, for his best and secret ends, hath been pleased to suffer the Ene∣mie to prevail there, and are (we speak unfeignedly) not less sensible of your evils, than you have been and are of ours, nor than we are of our own: and the greater cause of sympathie have we with you, and the more do our bowels earn towards you, because what ever you now suffer your selves in your own Kingdome, is chiefly occasioned by your assisting us in ours, against the Power that was risen up against the Lord him∣self, and his anoynted ones. Wherefore we cannot forget your Labor of Love, but thought good, at this season, even amongst our many occasions, to let you know, that when the affairs of this Kingdom will possibly dispence with us, the Parliament allowing, and you accepting of our assistance, we shall be most willing, if need so require, to help and serve you faithfully in your own Kingdom, and to ingage our selves to suppress the Ene∣mie thre, and to establish you again in peace: in the mean time we shall endeavour to help you by our prayers, and to wrestle with God for one blessing of God upon both Na∣tions, between whom, besides many other strong relations and ingagements, we hope the unitie of spirit shall be the surest bond of Peace: and this, what ever suggestions or jealousies may have been to the contrarie, we desire you would believe, as you shall ever really find to proceed from integritie of heart, a sence of your sufferings, and a full purpose to answer any call of God to your assistance, as becomes

Your Christian Friends and Servants in the Lord,

  • Thomas Fairfax
  • Oliver Cromwell
  • Thomas Hammond
  • Henry Ireton
  • Edward Montague
  • Richard Fortescue
  • Richard Ingolsbye
  • John Pickering
  • Christopher Bethel.
  • Hardresse Waller
  • William Herbert
  • Robert Hammond
  • James Gray
  • Thomas Pride
  • Robert Pye
  • Th. Rainsborough
  • Thomas Sheffield
  • Charles Fleetwood
  • Ralph Welden
  • John Raymond
  • Leon. Watson
  • Arthur Evelyn
  • Richard Dean
  • Thomas Jackson
  • John Desborowe

I shall now return to find him out, and what he hath next started, for up he takes that which comes to his fancie, and as he thinks it may serve his turn, with∣out any respect of Order or time: that we find him now upon, is a treatie between the Commissioners of the King, and those of the two Kingdoms; in which, to set forth to the world the integritie of the Scotch Commissioners, their constancie and firmness to their principles, he as his usual course is to do throughout this Pam∣phlet, for that end invents lyes, and casts slanders upon the English Commission∣ers, insinuating their readiness to comply with the Kings Commissioners, who he saith, had felt their pulse, and thereupon promise to themselves, that they could carrie all things to their minds, were it not for the rude and stiff-necked Scots, who were so firm to their principles, that they resolve to carrie on the work with honor and consci∣ence, though with hazard and danger, rather than to yield to a base agreement, to the prejudice of Church and State: then he falls to tell how the Kings Commissioners crie out upon them for this, as the onely hinderers of their ends, and stoppers of their designs, both in the Field and in Council; and ends with magnifying their honestie, faithful∣ness, resolution, prudence, knowledge, and wisheth both Parties to tell you freely, if in the least point they were found failing in any of these virtues and excellencies, where∣with he adorns them and sets them forth: I express him in his own terms, that you may have a Character of him, & see his perfect image throughout this whole Page  107 partial lying Discourse, and judge hereby for what end it was set out & publish∣ed: well, I as one of the Parties whom you call upon, will tell you freely, and all men whom you desire to abuse, that the Scotch Commissioners themselves, without calling to any parties to witness it for them, did so manifest what might be expected from them, in Treaties with the Kings Commissioners, in respect of the King and for his advantage, at the Conference which they desired to have with the two Houses, that they might therein take libertie to plead for the Kings usurped prerogative, before the Commissioners of both Houses were to go to the King, that no man who then heard them, will doubt what their carriage would be at a Treatie at any time, and what the Kings Commissioners, without further feeling of their pulse, might promise to themselves in respect of them: For the Kings Solicitor, and his Attorney General, in the case of Ship-money, did not more rudely and stiff-neckedly (to use his own terms, and sure them to the truth) plead for the Kings usurped power in exacting that money illegally, than they pleaded for the Kings usurped prerogative against the 4 Bills to be sent to him, which onely contained the Subjects just Rights: I have touched this before, and to this carriage of theirs both at the Conference, and afterwards at the Isle of ight in pursuance thereof, I will refer the Reader, thereby to receive an answer, and to make his judgement of them, so often as this Discourser shall speak of their inclinations to Treaties with the King, & of their carriage and behaviours in them: I dare say, whosoever heard them, and saw their carriage at the Confe∣rence, and observed all passages afterwards the time they stayed in the Kingdom, both at the Isle of Wight and after they came from thence, could not read what this their Agent, their Solicitor in this place speaks of them, and attributes to them, but with just indignation at it.

We have him now again at the new modelling of the Armie, which a little before he said was done according to the mind of some few men, imputing that weakness to the Houses of Parliament, that a few men could impone upon them, and lead them as they pleased; this lesson he was taught by the Court, and learned of the Caveliers, as I have shewed, thus would they do when they intended in any par∣ticular, to traduce the proceedings of Parliament, and render them odious to the people: he confesseth the Parliament had just reason to do it, in respect of the many and great miscarriages, which they could not by fair means redress, and that this was by the fault of those imployed in the service, whether for want of skill, or care, or sin∣ceritie, he will not enquire; but had it been in this new-modelled Armie, he would certainly have been so inquisitive, as to have found a fault where none was, which will appear afterwards; onely here he will be modest, for it concerns those whom his Commissioners took so kindly by the hand and embraced, when they quite left off and quitted honest men, at which he acknowledgeth the people murmur∣ed. He takes up this business again, as you may perceive by the ensuing dis∣course, chiefly to vent his spleen against the new-modelled Armie, for who can stand before envie? the better men deserve, and the greater their services are, the more that disease is increased: Two things he snarls at in them, the one, In∣sufficiencie in such as were imployed, the other Independencie (for I told you here you should find the Butt he shoots his bolt at, when before he spake of the prime of the faction of the Independents) this discourse of his he ushereth in by telling of an advice given to the Parliament by the Scotch Commissioners, when they hard of their resolution to reform their Armie, first that they would made choise of experien∣ced Page  108 Souldiers, secondly, none but such as would take the Covenant: these advises, he saith, were not so much regarded as was needfull, therefore many were put out that were of known worth and experience, and new men put in their places, unknown for a∣ny Militarie virtue: before he had said the Scotch Commissioners were informed, that by indirect means, and for by-ends, men were preferred to places of Command, and such as favoured Sects and Schismes, and were professed Enemies to the Covenant, which is, and always with him must be the common Cause in hand: here you have what he would asperse and disgrace this Armie with; and whether true or false in respect of any such advice given by the Scotch Commissioners to the Parlia∣ment, or information received by them, or in respect of the things themselves, all is one so it serve his turn, and carrie on the good cause he hath in hand in this Discourse: he goeth on with admiring, why the Common Soldiers should not be pressed to take the Covenant: then shewing why some men are against the taking of the Co∣venant, & from thēce falls into two foolish discourses, which we shall take up one after another; and last of all ends with a complaint, that so many gallant Scotch Of∣ficers should be cashiered, in whose praises he expatiateth sufficiently: this being done, out comes that envie, and appears, which stirreth in him upon any occasi∣on of mens taking notice of Gods blessing upon the endeavors of honest men in t•• new Armie. For the insufficiencie of the Officers of this Armie, whereby he would insinuate the sufficiencie and experience of the Scotch Officers cashiered, and hold forth therefore the cashiering of them as a great fault, being so many brave fellows, and that all in one day, when they had carried themselves so gallantly and valli∣antly, and yet had no reward, or very little, for which they were constrained to dance attendance a long time; hereby lashing, not onely the new-modelled Ar∣mie and General thereof, whom yet sometimes he will claw, but the Houses of Parliament; To all this, I say, let Action, which is that that manifesteth abili∣tie and sufficiencie in all things, especially in Militarie affairs, be the trial, and give the judgement in this comparison of Officers: let it be considered, what hath been done by the one in a Year, what by the other in divers, what we lost when they were imployed, what Victories and places of strength we gained by the imployment of these unexperienced men, as he would have the world believe them to be. It is not bragging and prating of brave fellows, which makes them such, but acting bravely and wisely: it is true that there were some able and ex∣perienced Commanders of the Scots, who did very good service, and if these would have stayed and kept their Commands, it was that which was desired; but for the generallitie of them, they were found to be such, as that before the new-modelling of this Armie, they were in great numbers left to walk (as in one place he saith of some of them) from the Ayle-horse at Westminster, from one Tavern and Ale-house to another, and then to Westminster-hall; and this was their march for a long time; yet for this these Reformadoes must have some pay to send them home, and we were glad so to be rid of them; at our first taking up of Arms in our own defence, there came store of them to London, under what Titles they pleased to put upon themselves, in respect of the former services they said they had been in; there were not then many experienced Officers and Soldiers of the Parliaments side, so these were taken, and much was expected from them, but when upon some trial it was found, a little experience in these our unhappy Wars could make much more usefull Soldiers, for our service, of our own Nation, these, as I have said before, were left to walk the streets, except it were some who Page  109 indeed were men of worth, and they might have stayed if they would, as himself confesseth. For his long discourse how they were sought and Courted by the Enemy, out of his great opinion of their abilitie, it is his usual way to find out devises to magnifie his Countrey-men, through this whole Pamphlet, as the Reader must needs observe, I will not trouble my self with it in every place, it is so gross, that it renders it self sufficiently ridiculous: what dealing there was between the Ene∣mie and them, I leave to themselves, they best know, but this I will say, as I have had cause to say often, that this vanitie and folly in thus bragging and boasting of the Scots throughout the whole Pamphlet, and inventing long stories to that end, as here concerning the Enemies courting of them, and the great exploits they did at Leicester, doth them no right nor advantage: he talks of the Pamphlets at London, how they would have been filled if any such things had been done by others; but shew one Pamphlet amongst them all so farc'd and crambed with such-like stuff as this is, and that makes every understanding man who reads it, look upon it as a framed thing, set forth for that purpose, and so give little cre∣dit to it, as indeed it deserves no other. Let it likewise again be considered, what hath been done by this new-modelled Armie, with the unexperienced Commanders thereof in one Year or little more, wherein they alone routed and wholly overthrew and dispersed both the Kings Armies, that at Nasebie, and the other in the West under Hopton at Torrington, reduced all the West wth those many strong Towns and Castles under the obedience of the Parliament, & afterwards Oxford, and those other strong Garrison'd places in other parts, and so finished that War; the particular relations whereof are truly and faithfully set forth in that Historie called, Anglia Rediviva, Englands Recoverie; and then compare this with what was done by the Scotch Armie in the mean time, which the man will have to consist of a fair number of brave Commanders, lustie Soldiers, able, readie, and willing to do service, of whose service he would be sure to tell you wonders, had he but the least subject for it, but the truth is, they did none at all, as I have shewed: this so stirs the mans envie, as I said before, that he can∣not pass it by, without being vexed that it should be said God had blessed the ho∣nestie and pietie of some men extraordinarily in the New Armie, so that great things are done by it: He cannot but confess that great things are done indeed of late by this Armie, but his envie so over-powers his charitie, that the profession of ho∣liness in them, he will call hypocrisie, and a cloak for Interest and Faction, rather than be brought to acknowledge the Instruments God is pleased to use in these great works he did by this Armie; nay, he will rather affirm a manifest lye, known to be so by all men, in saying, those men, who would make the world believe, they are the doers of all, if things were tried, had little share in the actions, though they be deep in the praises: this thing is so notoriously false, that it needs no other trial and conviction, but onely the knowledge of the men whom his envie and malice ceaseth not to pursue with such lyes and slanders, and unto that degree of impudencie, that all men, who read and observe it, cannot but abhor the title he puts upon the front of this his Pamphlet, Truths Manifest. The Man whose known merits, his aim in this place, is to detract from, and disgrace, together with those other Commanders who are pious and religious men (whose pietie his charitie, will interpret to be hypocrisie) is the same, whose just praises given him, according to the service done by him at that time, did so sting him at Marston∣moorPage  110 Fight, that there you have him using the same lying language as here with little difference, and with the same known falshood, as in that place I have shew∣ed; where the Reader may see, who the men are his spleen riseth at, and that will be sufficient to discover to him the falshood, the scope and end of this slan∣dering Pamphlet; This man he so often snarls at, (viz. Oliver Cromwell) and the rest of the Commanders whose profession of Religion he will have to be nothing but a cloak for Faction, needed not indirect means to bring them into places of Command; and for by-ends, they are known to be men of more worth and honestie, than to suffer themselves to be made use of for any such ends; but belike the man takes all to be by-ends, which lay-by his Idol, and the setting up of that in this King∣dom, his Scottish Kirk-Government, which he still will have to be the common cause contained in the Covenant, and to which the oath of the National Covenant must tie us all; the quarrel of England (as he would make it) being one and the same with that of Scotland, though not so well cleared to be so by the Parliament as he could wish: that men will not take the Covenant with this sense most falsely put upon it, makes him with open mouth thus fly out upon them, and this is his second quarrel against the New-modelled Armie, as also against all those he terms Inde∣pendents; after a great debate in the Houses, it is resolved, he saith, that all the Commanders should take the Covenant, upon pain of cashiring, but he will not believe this order was observed, you must give him leave to believe but what serves his turn; as for the Common Souldiers, it was not to be pressed upon them, which first he will have to make men admire, then next it astonished them, and for all this he gives a wise reason, either out of ignorance or out of falshood to keep those men he talks of (if any such were and not rather men of straw set up by his own ficti∣on) in their admiration and astonishment; that is, that the Parliaments Soldiers should not be put to take the Covenant, when the Enemies Soldiers, being Prisoners, had an oath tendered to them, and those suspected to adhere to the adverse Partie, be∣ing brought before the Committee of Examination have an Oath put to them, which if they refuse they are, as he phraseth it, censed Malignants: his astonished men may be delivered out of their astonishment, into which he will cast them, very easily when they shall know, The Covenant, ordered not to be pressed upon the com∣mon Soldiers, was one thing, and these Oaths he speaks of, tendered to the Ene∣mies Soldiers that were Prisoners, and to suspected persons, a clean other thing different from the same; for the substance of this later Oath was onely this, that they should swear, hereafter to act nothing in prejudice of the Parliament, knowingly and willingly, which men of meanest capacitie must needs be able to understand what it meant, and what thereby they bound themselves unto; but to press up∣on every ignorant Soldier the taking of an oath, such as the Covenant (the true sense and meaning whereof, though indeavored in the first drawing of it up to be made clear, was grown so doubtfull, so variously construed, and so much con∣troverted at last amongst men of best understanding, and that by means of such pragmaticks as this, and other like him, putting senses upon the same subservi∣ent to their own ends) had been no other than to cause a great many poor men to take the name of God in vain by swearing they knew not what, whereas oaths are to be taken in judgement: and the Parliament had sufficient experience of this, to teach them to be more tender herein for the time to come, by being drawn by that common custom in Scotland, of thrusting oaths upon the ignorant Page  111 people through the whole Kingdom, when they have any design to take in hand, and by their perswasions to order the Covenant here in England, to be pressed upon the people in every Parish, and this at their instance, as I have said, and after their example; a devise of the Scots, no way standing with the care that should be had of preventing the taking of Gods name in vain, and making use of so sacred a thing as an oath, to serve turns and carrie on designs, thereby invol∣ving the whole Kingdom in that sin, which God will not hold him guiltless, that is bold to commit: The Parliament had good reason in this respect, to forbear the Ordering of every common Soldier to take this Oath. Now that he might bring in one of his wise disputes, he tells us the reason why some men are backward to take this oath; and that is because they are adverse to the Government of the Church by Presbyterie; which is a thing that hath no truth in it, but he will feed his fancy with it, because he hath entertained this fancy before, and is very industri∣ous to make others believe it, that by the covenant a man is bound to set up Pres∣byterian government, and such a Presbyterian government as they have moulded and framed and do exercise in Scocland; whereas in the drawing up of the Covenant by the Assemby of Divines, and a Committee of the Houses joyned with them, that care was taken, that the Word of God should be the Rule in all, and then such Cautions and Limitations were set down for every mans proceeding according to that rule, that what he did should not exceed the bounds of his place and cal∣ling; so that, as the sence of the Covenant was then taken to be in the Debate a∣bout it, and agreed upon, there was no Independent (as he distinguisheth them) refused to take the Covenant, more than a Presbyterian; even those of the As∣sembly whom he rails upon, and sharpeneth his invenomed pen against (men for pietie and learning, whose books, he and such as he is, are not worthie to carrie after them) took it as readily as any; and so did his prime Independents, Officers of the Armie, and Members in the Houses (for such they must all be, that his hot Scotch Presbyterian head, to serve his ends, will cast that term upon:) But if any afterwards were backward to take it, the chief reason of it was, that the Scots, and such as desired to make use of it to serve their ends, and carrie on their de∣signes, would put their senses upon it, and make such interpretations of it as served their turns best, and accordingly urge and press some parts and pieces of it, but for the rest regard it as little; this made many refuse the taking of it, or the pressing of it upon others, when they saw such uses made of an Oath; and good reason they had to shew and testifie their dislike of the abuses of Oaths and Covenants wherein the name of God is interessed, when they saw men make that use of them, to carrie on their designs and compass their own ends the better.

The Discourse he first falls into, he brings in thus, a prime man, he saith, a∣mongst those who are adverse to the Government of the Church, spake openly, That though in his judgement, he did not approve of Presbyterial Government in the Church, yet he at all times would submit to what∣soever Church-Government the Parliament should settle, either by active or passive obedience: This the man will needs have to be a great absurditie, while the absurd man in the mean time, either cannot for want of wit, or for want of ingenuitie will not distinguish, between giving obedience to Page  112 the thing commanded by doing of it, and to the Authoritie that doth command it; for to this, obedience is given by submitting to what punishment such Autho∣ritie shall inflict, in case that be not done which is commanded, and that without resistance for conscience sake: lawfull Authoritie (which is not to be resisted but obeyed for conscience sake) may command things unlawfull, which are not to be done; in this case, as Dr Amesius in his Theologie saith, pag. 391, Si Praeceptum fit Illegitimum, tum teleratio poenae cum injuriâ inflictae, vim & locum habet obedientiae: and for proof thereof, he brings that place in the 1 of Peter 2. vers. 19, 20. if any suffer for doing well (which they do who suffer because they refuse to do that which is evil) this, the Apostle saith, is an obedience acceptable to God in servants towards their masters; & so is it in all Inferiors to their Superiors: and what doth this man in denying it, but impute disobedience to authority to all Martyrs of the primi∣tive times, and all those who have suffered in these modern times; for if obedi∣ence may not be performed to authority, by patient undergoing what shall be inflicted by them who are in authority, when men cannot lawfully do what is commanded, then necessarily they all, and whosoever shall follow their example are to be accounted disobedient to authoritie, and so resisters of the ordinance of God, whereby for their Martyrdom they shall receive damnation. Here you have his Divinity; his Philosophy is as good; all virtue consists in action, he saith, obedience be∣ing a virtue, cannot therefore be said to be passive: as if there were no action in suffer∣ing, whereas the highest Act of virtue in a Christian is patient & willing submissi∣on of himself to suffer persecution for righteousness sake; is there no virtuous Act of the will, when it offers the body or state to suffer what authority shall inflict though unjustly, because it will not resist authority, tho it cannot do what is com∣manded thereby, being unlawfull? but I trouble my self too much in answering such a new device, and idle fancy, being contrary to the known received truth by all, both Divines, and others of any understanding; and therefore the Pedagogue should not have been so bold, magisterially (as is his guise) to reprove him that first invented this expression of passive obedience and those also that since have made use of it. At last he remembers himself, that divines speak much of the passive obedi∣ence of our Saviour, and there being gravelled and at a non-plus, having before denied any such thing as passive obedience, he hath nothing else to answer, but that this is of another condition, and belongs to another place: what place I pray shall we finde for that which is nothing? if there be no such thing as passive obedience, then there is no obedience in the passion of our Saviour offered up to God, which were little short of blasphemy to affirm: his willing laying down his life (John 10.18.) as he received Commandement from the Father, and undergoing the wrath of God for our sins, though a passion, was as much an Act of obedience as his doing all that was commanded in the law; and therefore obedience to au∣thority may be performed as truly, and as much, yea more in suffering than in doing, but as I said, I have been too long in confuting such an idle new up-start foolery, onely it may be this may serve to make a discovery of the mans spirit, and others like him, shewing what they would be at, if they can cloak any thing with the name of Religion; the carrying of it on and the compassing of their ends in it, must be by action, though against lawfull authority, not by suffering, by which the antient Martyrs spread religion through the world, but with these men suffering is no virtue.

Page  113

His second discourse which I now come unto, makes this the more probable compared with that which I have noted before of his magnifying the zeale of their ancestors in carrying on the work of religion so actively in Scotland, which how they carried it on is well known: as he brought in, and had one for his first discourse, so he hath for this second another one, who is made to speake publiquely, that the main quarrell the Parliament stood for at first, and for which they took up armes, was not religion: this in the first place he saith is a great wrong to the wisedome of the Parliament, for any to aver, and publish, that the Parliment did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of religion: his argumentations follow∣ing are so little to the purpose, so idle, and needlesse in this particular, that I will not touble my self with the recitall of them: but observe here againe the spirit of this man, he hath no medium between intending reformation of reli∣gion, and forcing of it by armes: as if the Parliament could not intend it and indeavour it also, except they take up armes to force it; and as if there were no other way and meanes for them to manifest their intentions by, but the sword of war, or to be used by them to obtaine their desires herein, but rising up in armes: as I said, if they can cast the name of religion but upon the oumost skirts of religion, which is the religion this man pleads for in all this discourse of his, the Scottish Kirk government, yet the Parliament is not wise in God, because thy have not his feare before their eyes, except they take up armes and fight in this quarrell: you may hereby see, that as he would bring in his Scottish Kirk-go∣vernment amongst us here in England, so would he also bring in their way and manner of riseing up in armes against Authority to force the setting of it up, which zeale he so much extols before in the practises of their predecssors; But we in England have not so learned religion: In the second place he saith, the thing is most false; for did not the Parliament intend from the beginning the reformation of religion? which question he answereth by bringing in of divers in∣stances to prove they did, as pulling downe the high-Commission Court, cubing the tyrannie of Prelats, causing silnced Ministers to preach, &c: it is true, these instances brought by him doe prove, the Parliament did intend, and not onely so, but indeavour to reforme abuses in matters concerning religion; but these very in∣stances doe as well prove him false and most false (to returne his owne phrase ino his owne bosome) when he saith and would make the world believe they tooke up armes upon this occsion, or ever intended so to do; neither could they ever have justified such a deed; but as they intended and endeavoured the reforma∣tion of these abuses, so they obtained the same in a Parliamentary & peaceable way: then he demands if the Parliament did not at first take up armes for religion; when did the Parliament make the reformation of the church its main quarrel? this question you must give him leave to make the answer unto himself, that it was at the j ynng with the Scots in the National Covenant, and therefore the Scots their poor distressed friends at this time for their sakes, and yet negl cted by them, must have the thanks. But the true answere heereunto which we will give is this, that neither before, nor then, nor since armes were taken up, and a quarrell made upon any such occasion, or for any such ends; neither could the Scots by the examples of their owne practises and customes in like cases, or by their desire of a covenant effect any such thing, that we would call them into our a∣sistance upon that ground, or upon any such termes, as was made apparent in the drawing up of the Covenant and at the debate about it; as also by all the Page  114 Declarations of the Parliament, and Propositions for setling a peace and good agreement by them, since tendered unto the King, especially the four Bills so violently opposed by the Scots Commissioners: therefore we will never thank the Scots, much lesse this pragmatick Incendiary of theirs, for stating our quar∣rel for us to their own advantage, and for their own ends, which we neither own, nor do, or can justifie.

This doth manifestly appear in the preface to that Odinance of the Parlia∣ment for a weekly assesment through the whole Kingdom, for the maintenance of the Army, March 4th 1642. the words are these. The Lords and Commons as∣sembled in Parliament, fully satisfied in Conscience that they have lawfully taken up Arms, for the necssary defence of themselves and the Parliament from violence, the Kingdom from forraign invasion, and the bringing notorious offenders to condign pun∣ishment, which are the only causes for which they have raised and do continue an Army and forces: here you see the Parliament it self convinceth him of manifest falshood; but of this I have spoken fully before, upon the mans own affirmati∣on of that which put the Parliament to a necessity of taking up Arms in their own defence, and that was the King seeing all other plots and devices fail, set his de∣sign on foot to make open warre upon the Parliament (though under a hidden notion) to destroy it: these are his words, the man did not well consider, how ill this gound layd by him of putting the Parliament to a necessity of taking up Arms, or be destroyed, and the Government of the Kingdom thereby subverted, would stand with this position of his, which for his Idol of Kirk-Government he would here insinuate, and all along endeavors to perswade men to believe, That the Parliament took up Arms, and by the Covenant were bound so to do to in∣troduce that Government and set it up in England: to this I say I have spoken fully in that place, to which I refer the Reader, having there shewed what it was the Parliament took up Arms for, with the necessity thereof, & the lawful∣nesse in such a case, according to the true constitution of this English Govern∣ment.

I shl lenld my answer to these two discourses of his (made upon two men of straw, set up by himself for that purpose for ought we know) by observing how the humour of the man leads him, upon this or any other occasion, into his common Road of disaffecting the people to the proceedings of Parliament, laboring to make them think, That if this Idol of his, and the setting of it up in this Kingdom were not made the quarrel, and that for which the two Houses of Parliament took up Arms, but only the defence of themselves and the just Rights and Liberties of the Subject therein, and the setling and preservation of those Rights and Liberties to posterity; then the people were brought by this warre into a worse condition then they were in before it, and so reckons up some pressures which they were delivered from, and then labors to shew that they were by the Warre subjected to far greater; and this the Incendiary (who is seems would have it so) make to be vox populi: here you have his claw, by which judge of the whole body of the discourse, and what he aims at: he might have considered if his seditious humour would have permitted him, that whch every wise man will and doth consider in such cases, that it is not to be avoided▪ but that, as in the natural body when wounds are to be searched and dressed that they may be healed, and bones dislocated set again in joynt, here will be greater pains felt for the present while the cure is in hand, then if Page  115 you did forbear to meddle at all with it; but in the one case, the body by in∣during some present pains, is recovered and made perfectly whole, in the other to avoid a present and short pressure, the pain is made perpetual, and the part or whole body indangered to losse and ruine; so it is in the body politick; and therefore as the simplest man will be content to undergoe some sharp pain to have a bone rightly set, or a dangerous wound searched in order to the perfect cure thereof; so every wise man will think it fit to undergoe the charges, and bear the troubles which do accompany the rectifying of those abuses and op∣pressions, which by degrees ae crept into a State or Government by connivence and patience in some long tract of time, rather then like Isachars Asse out of the love of present ease, and for fear of troubles and charge, perpetual y bow down under their burthens, until in the end the back of that State and Government be wholly broken, and it irrecoverably overthrown; especially when they shall see things carried on to such a height, as doth unavoidably threaten as much, if not opposed and in time prevented. In the end he comes in with an acknow∣ledgement of this himself, and a kind or shew of excuse for speaking, as he had done against Taxes, to be imposed in such a case of War as this, but it is after he had sufficiently inlarged and disgorged himself against the proceedings of the Parliament, and the Committees thereof, agravating as much as he can the pressures by them laid upon the people, and extenuating or rather denying a∣ny benefits in respect of the recovery of their Liberties, and setling them in their just Rights which they have, or are like to receive, except in the end they may injoy the happinesse to be brought under the slavery of his Priests and Kirk-Government: thus he spreads abroad his poyson, as his usual manner is, to disaffect the people to the Parliament, and prepare them for tumultuous and seditious proceedings, which may be turned and made use of to carry on his and the Scots common Cause (as he useth to call it) containd in the Covenant; a Cause indeed only proper to themselves, and of their own making: suffer me often to repeat this, for herein lies the poysen wrapped up.

We finde him next as far North as Carlile, the taking of which out of the hands of the Parliaments Committees in those parts, and, instead of delivering the same when they had taken it, into the hands of such as the Parliament should appoint, putting a Garison of their own into it, and keeping it from the Parliament in their own hands, was a thing so foule in the eyes of all men, and so directly contrary to the Articles of Agreement made between the two King∣doms, when the Scots came in to assist the Parliament, that all his dawbing (though he be well exercised therein, as we finde throughout this discourse) will never be able to cover and hide from the sight of men the foule face of that unjust and false dealing: how often do you finde the man talking of the solemn league between the two Kingdoms, and making it a m tter of astonishment, as a little before in speaking of the Souldiers of the new-modelled Army, that any should refuse to take it, which he saith, we are all bound to stand for, beig swon to it by so lawfull and necessary an Oath; he meanes here (as I conceive) the League between the Kingdom and the Articles thereof to be observed by the one to the other, for of the Coenant he had spoken before that the Souldiers were not to be pressed to take that; e therefore makes these two distinct Oaths, and if so, then let him tell us how is Scots (herein did stand) to maintain the Articles of this League which he dot so solemnize, and what regard they had to so lawful Page  116 and necessary an Oath, as he will make it to be, when for their own ends they would so apparently in the eyes of all men violate it, as they did by keeping this Town wih a Garison in their own hands in this Kingdom, and not deliver∣ing it to the Parliament, if they were sworn to the Articles of the League, as he will have it, they then did this with manifest perjury, which no pretences tht this their Proctor can bring wll purge them of, but that they must come to the stool of repentance for it, and that seriously, and not in a meer formality, which maks it ridiculous and despised. Let us yet hear what he can say, and how he wll plead for them in this case; there is a great stir, he saith, about Car∣lile, now in the hands of the Scots for the service of the Parliamnt, that was well ad∣ded indeed; but why I pray may not the Parliament be trusted with it in their own hands for their service? was it therefore taken out of their hands by the Scots, because they knew not how to make use of their own Towns themselves, as might be for their best service? No▪ this shewes for whose service it was that the Scotch Army ran such a race backward to get this Town into their hands. Then for the better understanding of these thigs, he saith, he will take them at a farther rise: he had need indeed draw even his simpler sot (as he often stiles them) farther off from the view of this business, else the foul face of it is such, as that he will not be able to abuse them in it, which is his practice and indeavor both in this and other things; to carry their thoughts therefore far enough off from the matter in question, he begins to tel a story of these two Towns Barwick and Carlile in the times when the Kingdoms were divided under two several Princes, and so goes on to much pur∣pose in his tale; the question being in short this, whether Carlile be not an Englsh Town? and being so, whether by the agreement between the two Kingdoms, when they did resolve to joyn together to defend themselves in their just rights and liberties, against oppression, this were not covenanted be∣tween them, that what Towns the Scots should take in England, except such as the Parliament should assign unto them, which by the agreement was only Bar∣wick, they should deliver unto the Parliament, and into such hands as the Parliament should appoint, and not put a Garison into it themselves, and keep it in their own hands, which is a thing so well known to have been articled and agreed, that the taking and keeping of this Town, and to that end putting a Garison of their own Souldiers into it, contrary thereuno, doth stamp so foul a blot of breach of faih upon their foreheads, that this dauber will never be a∣ble to clear them of it: we will examine his untempered morter, which he brings to make up this breach withall if he could; you have him here first at his old Guard, he N•••hern Committees, and the Leaders of the Parliaments forces that were at th siege, we•• such Malignants that the Scots did not think them fit to be trusted with th Town in their hands; is this the reason that their Army must run twenty miles out of the right way appointed them, to snatch this Town into their own hands, and keep it when they had done? are the Scots to be Judges who are fit to be entrusted with Towns in the Kingdom of England, or the Parliament? but suppose this to be a truth, and tht they were Malignants and carried themselves as he asperseth them; were the two Houses of Parlia∣ment Malignants also, and not to be trusted with their own Town, but that the Scots must keep it for them and from them? I believe not these slanders he casts upon the Committees, and the Commanders and Officers of our for∣ces, Page  117 knowing how familiar it is with him to do the like most fasly against men of greatest integrity and merit when it may serve his turn; but if it had been so, they should have sent to the Parliament, and advised them of the danger that might have insued, if the Town should be put into such hands, and there∣fore desired them to put it into the hands of men that might be confided in; this would have served to keep the Town out of ill hands, and to have kept their own faith also Had they had care and courage enough to have taken He∣reford, when they lay so long intrenched before it, I would know of the man that makes this an excuse for them, whether if after the taking of that Town they had put a Garison of their Army into it, and kept it from the Parliament in their own hands; it would have acquitted them of breach of faith given to observe the Articles of Agreement between the Kingdoms, to say the Commit∣tees of those Counties were Malignants, which you shall finde him upon that occasion, to say of them there, as he doth here of the Northern Committees. In the next place he undertakes to divine what the Parliament would have done if Carlile had been in their hands when they agreed to let the Scots have Barwick, at their coming into England for their assistance; he will undertake to tell us, from no ground but his own fancy, and because it would serve well to help him out with this ill businesse, could he make any body believe it, that the Parlim nt would have delivered that to the Scots without any more adoe, as freely as Barwick: Nay you shall have more of his art in telling you mens thoughts and purposes, such as they never had, nor ever expressed; if it had been but requi∣red then, he saith it had been promised to the Scots: well undertaken upon your usual ground, which is none at all; but what of all this? why therefore in his imagination, and upon these foregoing meer imaginations of his own brain, for they are no other, the Scots may take this Town from the Parliament, contrary to their faith gien, and w••hou so much as asking them, and keep it in their own hands without their consen; were there any truth in this, which the man will needs divine to be the Parliamens mind and intention, the more shame∣ful was this want of truth and faith in the Scots, contrary to agreement to take it, possesse and keep it, without so much as first asking the Parliaments consent thereunto, since (as he will have it believed) they might have had it for asking, and thereby kept both the Town and their faith too: he proceeds to invent some reasons, why the enemy accepted of the Conditions offered them by the Scots, rather then those whch were offered them by the Commanders of our forces and our Committees, which he saith were very great and more advantagious to the enemy, then those upon which they surrendred the Town to the Scots; which is so false, that report came up from them presently after the Scots had possessed themselves of the Town, how that they knowing our Commanders and Com∣mittees were in treaty with the Governor for the surrender of it, upon conditi∣ons much more for the advantage of the Parliaments service, the Scots to get it into their hands yielded them any conditions they would demand, as appeares by those large conditions that were granted them, having liberty to carry all their forces to the enemy, and be safely conducted thither, whereas the Town was reduced to that condition that it could not hold out, but must have sur∣rendered both forces and Arms, and not have brought to the enemy such an addition of strength; but all was one to them, so they might get the Town in∣to their hands; to make which the more sure, they turn their Army into that Page  118 flying army which they speake of going Northward, for other then their owne, that made such hast, though they wanted draughts there was none: and all this post hast out of the right way they should have taken acording to their orders, was that they night come time enough to keepe that towne out of the English mens hands, and get it into their owne: one of his reasons is, the Governour could not trust them, because they were so wicked and false to the Party they professed them∣selves to be of; how ridiculous doth this man make himselfe to any understand∣ing man, by giving this for a reason, why that Governour would not Surrender a towne, which could not be held longer, to those who so much favoured his party, rather then to any other? for if those wicked men (as he will terme them) were false to the party which they professed themselves to be of, that was the Parliament, as this man makes them to be in all his discourse, then they were true to the enemie, and is that a reason why the enemie should be unwilling to deliver the towne into their handes? being such friends unto them, as he would make them by his lyes, that they would shoote pouder at them instead of bul∣lets, and suffer provisions to come in unto them; all which he had before affirmed; had this bin true, the Governour had good cause to trust, that they would have given him good conditions, and taken care ro see them well performed: yea the Inconsidering Schoolemaster, that mindes his matter no better then one of his truanting boyes his lesson, but flings about every way to cast off this foul blot, which cleaves so fast to his Country men, contradicts himselfe most apparently afterwards in saying that the enemies drift was since he could not keep the Town against the Parl: to doe his best to put it into the hands of Malignants that were his friends: Now by his description of these men, where could the enemy have found better friends, and greater malignants to deliver the towne unto? he will not say the scots; I am sure, therefore they either are all lies and slanders which he casts upon the Commanders and Committees to excuse the faithlesse proceed∣ings of the Scots in this particular, which I believe to be the truth; or else this can be no reason why the Governor should not trust these most of any. Next, he saith, it was because they had noe authority; for the Generall of the Scotts army be∣ing there, except there had bin a Committy of both kingdoms upon the place, by agreement things of consequence were to be ordered by the Generall, and there was no such Committy residinge with the army: but what makes the scotch Generall there at that time? when in the meane time the Parliament expected to heare of him and his army at Darby, in conjunction with the forces they had sent to joyne with him for preventing the mischiefs done by the enemy about Lecester and the inclosing of him and his forces betweene the two armies: was he sent to run 200 miles with his army, from the service appointed them, and designe for them, that this might be given for a reason why our Commitees and Commanders might not be treated with, nor order the businesse of Carlile, but he being there, order it into the scots hands? well, suppose him to have bin drawne upon this occasion to make such an unexpected leape out of the way with his whole army, yet if he in such a case being present, and no Committee of both kingdomes residing with that army, was by agreement to have the ordering of businesse, by the same agreement he was bound to order the townes taken in England, into the hands of such as the Parliament should appoint, and not Garrison them with his owne forces as here he did; which if they had intended, as by their faith given they ought to have performed, surely he would never have put the whole Page  119 army to such a long march, and besides have undergon the censue so justly laid upon them, for overthrowing thereby the designes of the Parliament and occasioning all the miischiefes done by the enemy, who in the meane time had faire way given him to spoyle and plunder the Countryes; but of this unhap∣py, strange vigary I have already spoken, and touch it againe here upon this idle reason given by him why the scots should keepe the towne in their handes, the foole y whereof I was willing to make apeare: thus he saith, Carlile is put in obedi∣ence to the Parliament for the publique service according to the first agreement: strange impudency when thus he rather should have said (if he would have spoken truth) Carlile is snatched out of the hands of the Parliament by the scots, and kept under their owne power; for their private ends, directly contrary to the first agreement. After all this he saith, the Scots were cryed out upon by Malig∣nants; and there is enough in all this to cause not Malignants, but those who are best affected to England to cry out of this their false dealing with England con∣trary to agreement, so that there was not an English-man in Parliament, in the Committees of both kingdomes, or else were that understood the agreement betweene the kingdomes and their carriage in this businesse so contrary there∣unto, that could finde reason to be satisfied therewith, though in prudence they might for the tie forbeare to quarrell about it, as I have shewed before they thought fit to doe: but all must be Malignants with him, whether Parliament or Committees, that shall dislike what the scots doe though it be never so unjust. At length he will give a reason, why the Scots put a garrison of their owne men in∣to Carlile, and that was he saith, from the constitution of the present affaires of the two kingdomes, and the consideration of the wicked and base dealing of some of the chiefe men in the Northern Countyes, and unfaithfullnesse of those intrusted by the Parliament in ordering businesses in those parts. Must such a fellow as this is, or all his Scots with him, take upon them to be the Judges of such a constitution of affaires as may judge our Towns in England out of our own hands, and fit to be kept, in theirs, because the Parliament is not able to judge of fit men to be imployed in their businesses? must the Scots thereupon become our Gurdians? how doth his reaston of his aggravate the affront, rather then excuse it? if a∣ny of these men, whom he asperseth, could have been proved unfaithful, upon the information and proof thereof, the Parliament would have disposed the Town (being delivered unto them as it ought to have bin) into other hands, whom they knew to be faithful: but by this fellows argumentation, and his Countrymens action which he defendeth, the Parliament is not judged to be of a disposing capacity in respect of their own Towns, but they must be kept for them in the hands of the Scots, till they come of age, and know how to dispose them into the hands of men fit to be trusted; for when it shll be thought fit for the common good af both Nations the Town will be radily left by the Scots, and this he saith, the State of Scotland will willingly engag it selfe for, by all the assuran∣ces that can in reason be required: who can with patience bear the ignorant im∣pudent boldness of this pedantical fellow, which I shall observe in this particu∣lar, and one more, which twice together he will needs inculcate in this business, as he is dawbing it over: in this the Scots must by him be made the Judges, when it shall be thought fit for the publick good, that the Parliament of Eng∣land may have the disposing of their own Town, till then they must be in wardship; is there a dispute to be made about that, whether it will stand with Page  120 the publick good of both Nations, for the Kingdom and Parliament of England to have their Towns in their own hands and disposing. Then Mr. Schoolmaster carrieth himself as if he were the publick Agent for the State of Scotland, taking upon him to tell us what the State of Scotland will ingage themselves unto: But where, is his Commission here again, as formerly? let this be sufficient to make his ignorant, blind bagardly boldness appear to all men, being joyned to his former undertakings: the other particular is that which besides what he hath of it elsewhere, he twice repeats in this place, and one of those times in different Letters, that he may be sure to have it observed how vainly and falsly he can brag of his Countrymen; which it is likely those amongst them of the wiser sort, knowing how false it is and ridiculous, are a∣shamed of: I have had occasion to touch it before, it is this, mentioning the Parliament now fitting, he saith, that they were gathered together, continued and preserved by the help and aid of the Scots, then adds as the most envious must confess; a leafe or two afterwards he hath it up again, that the Scots were the cause of the assembling the Parliament, continuing it, and preserving it from a great plot, and up∣holding it when it was very low at their first incoming: what little or no assistance the Parliament had by the coming in of the Scots, or while they stayed in the Kingdom, I have fully shewed, as also the falshood of that he speaks, concerning the low estate, when they came in; the Parliament needing their help so little to continue, preserve and uphold them, and they so little able to do any such thing, that had not the Parl▪ not only bin able to preserve & continue themselves without them, but to preserve them also from the opposition of the L Newcastles Army, and the forces of the Northern Counties joyning with him against them, these, whom he would have the world believe, our preservers and up∣holders, would never in likelihood have been able to come into the Kingdom; whether when we had brought them, what did they more then lay burthens upon it? and I dare say, let all be duly considered, and weighed in the ballance of truth, what assistance we have had from them, and on the other side what charge, what pressures upon the people, and what disadvantages both in Coun∣cil and in the field, (of the fidelities and activities whereof he so often boasts) any man of Judgement and indifferency will think, it had bin much better for England they had sat still at home, and never come into this Kingdom to uphold and preserve us, which as I have said we neither needed, nor as I have shewed before, did they any thing towards it: if there were any cause at all, or reason to move us to call them in to joyn with us, it was to prevent their joyning a∣gainst us, which notwithstanding afterwards they did under Hmilton; other∣wise we had much more prejudice by them, all things considered, then assi∣stance; especially if the counsels they gave at the Isle of Wigh, against the Kings passing the four Bills sent unto him (which being passed had closed up all the unhappy difference in a happy peace and agreement) be remembred with the eonsequenses thereof; and many wise men were of opinion, it would fall out to be so, when the debate was about their calling into the Kingdom, whose opinion therein hath since proved too true; this for continuing, and pre∣serving this Parliament for being the cause of ass mbling it; it is true, that when the King seduced by the Counsels of Land of Canterbury, and Strfford, with o∣thers, who perceiving that the counsels of those two men would prevail with Page  121 him, were willing also to humor him in the same way, was going to dash these two Kingdoms in peeces one against another, and to that end had summoned the Nobility to give their attendance at York, that he might ingage them, and by them the more easily the whole Kingdom in that warre; divers of the chief of the Nobility took occasion thereupon, out of the care of this Kingdom, and being friends also to that of Scotland, to petition the King that he would call a Parliament, and be advised by that great Councel of his Kingdom, before he did ingage he two Kingdoms in so unnatura a Warre, which might prove de∣structive to both; it was this Petition that caused the Parliament, together with the knowledge that the King had, that both the City of London, and the whole Kingdom had the same sence of it, which these noble men, to their perpetual honour, then in their Petition expressed; had not this been done, all that the Scots did, or could do, would have wrught very little upon the King to bring him to think of calling a Parlament, and therefore they neither cured it, con∣tinued it, or p eserved it: if I say often the very same things, it is because he will so often tell over the same lies, for his so often inculcated bragg and boast∣ings of this matter ae (as most of the rest) meere falshoods; and as for envy, truly there was nohing done by them capable to be the subject of it while they were in the Kingdom to assist us: he concludes this peece of his pla, made to excuse his Countrymen of so soul a fact, with tellng or, that th comm n enmy did strive by his agents, to make this n Apple of discord beween the two unitd Nati∣ons; but it would fail him, because the wisdom of b••h States is such that the mistake will be taken away shortly▪ and th state of England see clearly, that the Scots in pos∣sessing themselves of Carlile, and excluding those wiked ones above metioned, hve done a very good service: the shame be theirs, and to it will be, that put such an Apple into the common enemies hands, to cast between the Kingdoms; and had it not bin for the wisdom used by the state of England, to passe it by in this conjuncture of affaires (for in the other state there was neither wisdom nor ho∣nesty shewed in what was done) the enemy would not have needed to use A∣gents to stir up the English to vindicate their honor from such an affront put up∣on them, contrary to agreement and faith given: for mistake there was none, but the miss-taking, & as ill detaining and keeping the Town out of our hands, the false dealing with us wherein was so apparent, that no body could m stake it, nor clearly see any thing else in it but beach of saith, except he would use this mans spectacles, & that will not serve the urn, for he must be sharper sight∣ed for than this Scot eyed man or any other, that can see a good service done in this false deaing with us: for what he speaks of excluding those wicked ones, as he calls them, and to serve him present euen, must make them, it is a base shift, as all men may perceive; for the Parliament were those, who by what was done were excluded, into whose hnds the Town ought o have been delivered, and and they alone Judges, who were fit to be intrusted with heir own Towns. Thus I have discovered the untempered morter wheewith h labors to paster over this foul cariage, and what stuffe the poor man is forced to bring to paint a good face upon it, but all in vain. Now we must follow him to Sea, the Land is not large enough to contain his invectives and false sumises vented to stir up disaffection, and breed discontent, for other use, there is none of this his groundless insinuating connivence and false deing to be in those who were by the Parliament imployed for the Sea service; bu because his invention proves bar∣ren Page  122 in this particular, when he had spattered out something to shew his good will, he leaves and sayes, but to another businesse: this is the businesse indeed he now comes unto, wherein his brain is never barren, but so fertile o inventing and spreading abroad so many uncharitable, unchristian, and shameful lies, a∣gainst men of known integrity and honesty, in this his Discourse, that it may thereby appear (if there were nothing else to shew it) by what spirit the man was led and possessed in writing, publishing, and spreading abroad this scanda∣lous Pamphlet. If I should say, in this peece wherei he spits forth the venome of his heart against those he puts the nam of Independents upon, and so like∣wise in other places where he flies out in slanders against them, there are as ma∣ny les as lines, I should it may be, be thought to passe the bounds and limits of truth, but if I say the leaves do not equal the lies when he falls upon this sub∣ject, I shall fall far short by that expression of what will be found to be the truth; theefore to take up every one of those many slanders and falshoods he chageh upon th••, and give answer to it in particular, will not be worth the pains, considering what stuffe it is for the most part: a great deal of adoe he saith there hath ben in th ynod with some few men, and these he stiles factious, fantasti∣cal ••ad st ong once, that we without love to the peace of the Church; the businesse is, th y will not acknowledge th Govenment of the Church by Paroh at Presbyteries, sub∣jctd in Clssical, and Classical to Syodical, to be according to the word of God, and p••ctise of the Apostes, and of the Churches in their times, all whch he saith, with patience, godlnsse, and charity towards these men, was evidently demonstated in ma∣ny dbtes: I shall first speak to the matter; for concerning the men he followeth them aferwards with many more base, vile and fale reproche, which I will answer together: The subordinaion of Congregational Churches (for I leave his Parish and Town Churches to himself and his boyes) with their Officers or Presbyteries to Classical Presbyteries, and all to Synodical, it seems he meanes to Synodical Presbyteries, for his words cannot beare another sense; and that these two latter should have a pwer coercive over a particular Congre∣gation, walking in Church fellowship, being organical and comple•• in them∣selves, in respect of Officers and Members, was no way proved, much lesse evi∣dently demonstrated to be grounded upon the wrd of God, and practise of the Churches in the Apostles times, governed by them; it was not proved in the Synod, it could never be proved by those who have indeavored it in their wri∣tings, nor ever will be out of the word of God, I am most confident: Nay, as these Clssical and Synodical Presbyteries are framed and exercised in their K••k-Government in Scotland, where they usurp and exercise coercive power, even unto excommunication, over the Members and Officers of particular Churches, whereof they themselves are no Members, they are no other then a human device, brought into the Church under the pretence of a necessity to prevent schisme and preserve order, as one speaks of the first usurpation of Bi∣shps in the primitive times, that it was In remedium schismatis, necessary to pre∣vnt schisme and keep order as if the Lord Christ, in his institution of Church-Government by himself and by his Apostles, had bin so defective, that man must stp in with his devce, or order could not be preserved in the Churches: here is the rise and root from whence it is humane device hah sprung, which in all this discourse the man w ll needs cloath some times with the name of Religion, then with the name of the cause of God, the Government of the Church, and such Page  123 like titles, and make himself so zealous for it, that he casts off all Christian cha∣rity, yea moral civility; when as let it be thoroughly looked into, and it will be found, that this Classis of his, with such an usurped power over particular congregational Churches, is no other then a Bishop with his usurpation of power over the Churches; his Synodical Presbyteries, a Metropolitan; his ge∣neral Assembly a Pope; the one exercising their usurped power in a way Mo∣narchical, the other the same, Aristocratically; the one being, as by them u∣sed and maintained, as meere a humane device as the other, which they seeme so much to detest; yea, the Bishop, whom their stomack riseth so much against, hath more to say for himselfe out of the Scripture and practise of the Apostles, then they for this their Classis, the name and office of a B shop being to bee found in the Scripture, as of the Apostles ordination, though not such as by their usurpation of power over the Churches (increasing by degees after the mysterie of inquity began to work) at last they had made hemselves, of Aposto∣lical Bishops turning Popish Pelates: but for their Classical Presbyteries, they will never be able in the Scriptures to finde either name or thing: this Con∣troversie hath bin handled pro and con, by men much more able then the Schoolmaster, (though he usually takes himself to be the ablest man in the Pa∣rish) or my self, therefore I shall speak no farther of it, then to discover his want of charity and want of truth in it: he that will take the pains to read that modest Reply of learned godly Mr. Hooker of New England, unto Mr. Ru∣therford, and others upon this subject, may receive much light and satisfaction therein. As concerning the goodness, patience and charity used towards th se men, by the Presbyterians in their debates in the Synod, this I know and saw that some of his Scotch Ministers, Mr. Hinderson by name, one of the chiefest a∣mongst them, and I believe Mr. Gilaspy knowes it too, were so far from this he talkes of, that they would not have so much patience as to hear them speak out their speeches, but interrupt them, contrary to all order, in the midst of their discourse, and stop them, as Mr. Hinderson used Mr. Nye, a thing so unsemly in such an Assembly, called to treat and consult about matters of that nature, as a sober Divine and a modest man should never do; freedom and liberty of speech is to be afforded to all that are members of the Assembly; when a man hath spoken, then is the time for another to answer, if he like not of what hath bin said: here was neither patience nor charity shewed, but a spirit much after the rate of this their Pamhleter. Next he brings in some men that have, he saith, a shrewd guesse at these men and their wayes, and they assure, that these mn will not tell what absolutely and positively they profess, and would be at, they w ll ne∣ver give a set model of Government unto the publick whereunto thy minde to stand; he then gives two very charitable Reasons hereof (for I take all to come from himself, the men he brings in and sets up, being men of straw, serving to usher in his malicious slanders) the one is, they cannot agree amongst themselves upon any one thing; the second, they will not settle upon any thing at all, but upon continuing in ph••netical fncias: you would think, all this being vmited up, his stomack were pretty well cleared and disgorged, but there is a great deal of foul stuffe behind, for the man shewes he hath a very foul stomack, much overcharged with this Presbyterian spleen: they had little incouragement to set down and give in a set model of that Church-Government, which they hold to be of Chists institution, as unanimously and constantly as Presbyterians in place Page  124 thereof stand for that humane device which they have set up out of humane policy to prevent schisme, and, as they pretend, confusion in the Churches; for they saw plainly it was not desi ed for edification, that light and truth might be imbaced, if thereby it should be made appear, but only to be carped at, and traduced by men prejudiced and preingaged to their own way and opinions, with so much obstinacy therein, that what light soever should appear, their eyes would be shut against it, and all that they desired this for, was but to finde meanes to disgrace it, and thereby lay stumbling blocks before the people, to hinder them from imbracing of it; knowing this, they had little reason there∣fore to do it, yet they did that which sufficiently confutes the malicious lies here set down, for they did (though not to give it into the publick, as his phrase is, that such an advantage and ill use might be made of it) set down their tenents whch they hold concerning Chuch Government, and printed the same, sub∣scribed by Mr. Thomas Goodw••, and Mr. Philip Ny, in the name of the rest, wherein it may be seen they seek not confusion and Anarchy in the Church, as th s man most falsely affirms of them, bu hold a Goernment to be in the Churches, and such as is jure divino of Christs institution: politick humane devices, serving to insnare and inslave the Brethren under the Priests, and give them a Dominion over them, the same (though under other Lords) which the P elates exercise over the people, that indeed they do not hold, but you hold it, and exercise it, which may much more justly be called ph••netical, being a humane divice and fancy, then that Government which can be proved to be instituted by Christ and his Apostles: besides this, what they did hold and a∣gree in was fully declared by them in the Assembly, in the reasons and answers of the dissenting Brethren and the Assembly, and the transactions about accom∣modation given in in writing: and hat they are of one minde and one judgement therein, contrary to these base lies, they that will read what hese wo have set forth in the nme of the rest, and compare it wi h that platform of Church-Discipline set forth in Nw England 1649, agreed upon by all the Churches ther, will clearly see and be satisfied in: in this place, and wheresoever else in this Pamphlet of his he brings in these men, o vent his lies against them, this seldom or never fails, that th y are d stu bers of the peace of the Church in the Syand, and those that are stickl rs for them elsewhere, he meanes belike in Parlia∣ment, that they have no charity at all, that thy sacrifice the peace of the Church to the Idol of their imagination, like those who caused h••r Children to passe through the f••e t Molch: I see I shall be put to fall often upon the same particulars, and thereby it is likely repeat the same things, which may prove tedious to the Rader, but the mans repeating over hi slnders and reproaches, cast by him upon honest men, so often and in so many paces, is the cause of it; for I am unwlling to let them passe without shewing how false they are: let it be consi∣dered, and by the word of God tyed, who those be that sacrifice the peace of the Churches to the Idol of their own magination, that break all bonds of charity, and walk contrary to the Cmmands of our Saviour, love one another as I have loved you, and contrary to the Rule of the Apost e. Philp: 2. verse 1.2.3. and Phil. 3.16 To be of ou minds, and if there be difference in Judgemet, yet that for that here be noent in ff ction, but in that whereunto we have ar••inae and are cme, walk together in love, and for what is indfference, wait until he Lo•• shall re∣veale to all what is his minde, and will therin, and not fly out one against another for Page  125 it, but kep the unity of the spirit in the bond of love and peace, and so wak toge∣ther in those things wherein we agree, and whereunto w hve all atained; this is the doctrine our Saviour delivered by himself, and all his Apostles, not in these places alone, but throughout the whole Gospel; according to which if there shall be a true examination of men, and their carriages one towards an∣other in this respect, it wll be found that these imputations cast by him upon those he termes Independents, wheher in the Synod or those he calls stricklers for them else where, may much more justly and properly be imputd to himelf and his companions those of his complexion and spirit, then charged upon any of these men; for who have more troubled the peace of the Churches, and still continue so to doe, and the peace of ths Kingdome upon that occassion since they came into it, then those who are of this mans spirit, and who it may be finding him full of fire and fit to inflame others in this cause, set him on worke, or incouraged him thereunto? and what is there in all this Pamphlet set forth by him, but that which tendeth to divisions, to stirr up people to seditious aff∣ictions first, and sutable proceedings afterwards, out of a discontent laboured to be setled in them against the proceeding of Parliament, as also by false tales invented to raise scandalls upon some men imployed in publick services, that the multitude and simpler sort, who cannot spye out this craft covered over with a shew of affection to Religion as they pretend it, may be stirred up to animosities and ill affection against them, which are like to end in ill acting, but certain to produce difference and division, with the overthrow of love and peace both in the Churches and in the State? Let any man examine he stuffe that is to be found in this whole fardell of his sent abroad by him and his abetrors, and it will appear to be all such as is fitted and prepared for this pur∣pose: and what is the onely cause and ground of all this, but that an Idol of their making and framing (for it wi l never be proved to be other) will not be worshipped? and to this have they, & still doe sacrifice the peace of the Church∣es and K ngdomes, and disturbe both as all men are witnesses amd most of all their owne actings, plots and indeavours by such scandalous writings as this, & many other practices, though never so unjustifiable, to attain their ends there∣in; i this agreeable with the former rules of Christian love and Charity? for sup∣pose, and let it be granted for the time, which never will be proved, hat this Krke-government of theirs, about which they raise all this division and dissention, were of Chrsts Institution, and not the imagination of their owne brayne and no other then a humane policy as by them framed and exercised; yet is it so far from what the men would make the world believe it to be, by the names they put upon it, of Religion and the cause of God and of his Church (as if all religion consisted in setting up of this Goverment of theirs) that to Religion it is but as the list hem or selvage to the garment, that keepes it close togeher from rening and continues it in that good order, which by he woke man that i bin framed into: therefore for some difference in jugement about this, to cast out all Christian love & Brotherly affction, wherein consisteth Religion, (fo without this all is but vain tinckling and a meere sound) to cast it out of their hearts, out of their mouthes, their writings, looke and conversaton, so that if there appeare never so much of the Imge of Christ in a man, yet f he be of a different Iudgement in this prticular, he shall have neiher good words, nor looke, but instead thereof Reproches, False Surmises, and base Page  126 Slanders cast upon him, which are known to be lies invented and spread abroad; witnesse all this mans Discourse throughout, especially in this place; is this to walke according to the Doctrine of out Saviour, and his Apostles? Is this to love one another as Chist loveth us? would we have him cast us off, because in this or that particular we are ignorant, & not as yet convinced of that which is a truth of an inferiour nature in respect of the Fundamentals of Religion as this, suppose it were a truth, being also contraverted and dlsputed about, as this is? what is this but to make it indeed an Idoll of their own imaginations, and for∣sake that, wherein consists the power and truth of Religion, to fall downe and worship this Idoll which they set up? where doth this appeare more manifestly then in this mans discourse and by his railings; which you will see afterwards to be such and so base and false, as are unbeseeming not onely a Christian, but any morall civil man: let him therefore take the Idoll of Imagination, with want of Charity, and disturbance of the Churches peace, to himselfe and his fellowes, he and they may most justly Challenge them all, as their peculiar: I wish his Country men more Charitable and Christian hearts, and then they will afford their Bretheren, though differing from them in judgement, better affections and better language: I have shewed what in truth the Government of the Churches is, and of what consideration in respect of Fundamentals of Religion, that it is but as the Hedge or Mound-wall thereunto, and that notwithstanding the want of this, those who hold the foundation, and are truly built thereupon, may and ought to grow up as living stones, knit and joynted fast together by love into an holy Temple and Habitation for the Lord by his Spirit; though it is true that this, where it is rightly understood, and accordingly used, is a great help thereunto, and a meanes to preserve the Saints herein: yet that this hath bin practised in many places, and by many people truely Godly, though not agreeing in judgement in this particular, nor having as yet some of them attained to the knowledge of what is the truth in it, experience maketh manifest; yet this man makes it the Ball of Strife and Contention throughout his whole Pamphlet, which still I say sheweth clearely what spirit possessed him in the writing of it: Let us a while further consider, how inconsiderable the difference in this businesse will appeare to be in the result of the debate and dispute about it, being handled by sober & moderate men, who know how to keepe the vnity of the Spirit in the bond love, though differing in judgement in things of such a nature as this is, and not by such hot-headed and fiery spirited men as this and his Companions, who for things of such inferiour allay cast out of their hearts, and banish out of their Societies all Charity, Brotherly kindnesse and Love; is this beseeming Christians? no, it is a sad thing, and the great sin of these times, for which we may well feare these Iudgements are fallen upon the Nations, and I could wish this man and all his party had hearts duely and seriously to consider it, and re∣pent for what they have done in blowing this Coal so eagerly, and kindling this fire of division and dissention by so many base, un∣worthy and unchristian practises: in the issue of all this debate and dispute, the difference will grow to be no other then this; Whether over particular Churches of Christ, there may be ex∣ercised by one over another, or by many united over any one, a Page  127 coercive power by themselves, or by those whom they shall dele∣gate for that purpose, as their Classis and such like, whereof there will not be found in the Scripture any example, or a shadow of solid ground to prove the same: or on the other side, Whether that which we finde in the practise of the primitive Churches in the Apostles times, with their presence, and by their directions, were not in such cases, as required the same done, and so still to be done, by one Church or more, towards another, only by way of counsel, and after advice given by brotherly exhortations, ad∣monitions, and reproofs, as the case, and their cariage thereupon required; and if any Church notwithstanding all these meanes used with prayer and patience, yet shall persist obstinately in any scandalous errors or offences; then by consent, for the discharge of their duties, and keeping their own societies pure from being corrupted by such examples, to declare to such a Church a non-Communion with them, while thy shall continue obstinate in such scandalous sins, and not testifie their repentance for them; and this without any other power usurped, or exercised over them, or any of their Members in Communion with them; but this being performed (which the Communion of Churches, the band and duty of brotherly love to such an erring Church, and to themselves that they be not leavened, and in all, the honour of Christ requires) then to leave the successe to the Lord, not thinking we need supply a defect, in what the Scripture holds forth unto us, by any devices of our own added thereunto: God will work in his own way, and by his own meanes alone, when we have used them we are to goe no farther: The grounds that warrant a proceeding so far as this in such cases, I leave the Reader to see and satisfie himself in at his pleasure, out of Mr. Hookers learned Treatise, entituled, The urvey of Church Discipline, and in that platform of Church Discipline set forth in New England 1649 which I spake of before: for grounds of any further usupation of power, by one Church or more over ano∣ther, or over the Members one of anothers Church, let thi Discourser or any of his party, produce out of Scripture if they can; Mr. Rutherford, one of the learnedest amongst them, hath endeavoured it, and withall to confute this o∣thr opinion that opposeth it; but let any judicious and unprejudiced man read Mr Hookers Answers to him, and others therein, in his Survey of the summe of Church D scipline, and he may be fully satisfied in these particula s, as I con∣ceive. That which hath led me so far in the discourse hereof is this mans in∣venomed pen, steeped in Gall and Vineger, and with so much bitternesse, and so much falsehood dashing upon the reputation, honesty, and piety of those worthy Divines in the Synod; of whom, and others who are of their judge∣ments, you shall see (for now I come to that which he casts upon their persons.) Page  128 how unchristianably, how uncharitably out of his own evil thoughts, how basely and falsely he judgeth & speaketh of them, although all that can be made of this controversie wherein they dissent from him and his zealous party, comes to no more in the issue then what I have said, that is, Whether a coercive power (after which the Clergy have alwayes had an itching humor) or a consul∣tative alone be in such cases to be exercised: Now for that which is of no greater consequence to Religion it selfe in the fundamentals thereof, on which side soever the truth lie, for those who pro∣fesse themselves the Children of God, to walke in the way of carnall men, even the worst of carnall men, laying aside not Charity alone but Civility, Modesty and Truth; let them looke unto it least wrath breake out upon them for it; and let this man and his Copartners walking with him in this way of Strife, Envy, Malice, Uncharitablenesse, Slandering and Backbiting, prevent the same by repenting them timely and truely of such practises as these; let them remember what the Apostle saith 1. Cor. 3.3. When for such things they walke in Envy, Strife, and make divisions, and nourish them amongst others, are they not carnall? let them take heed they be not found like the Pharisees, that being zealous for, and placing all Religion in tithing of mint, anise and cummine, neg∣lect that, wherein true Religion indeed doth stand, Love, Justice, and Truth: if you were able to say truly of that you make all this strife about, this ought to be done, yet for that these ought not to be neglected and cast off, but preferred far before it; but your case rather is that which our Saviour reproves in those quarrelling Pharisees. Matth. 15.2. Who be∣gan to contend with him about his Disciples transgressing the Traditions of the Elders; when he tels them they transgressed the Commandements of God, that they might stabish their own traditiones; take heed the same may not be as truely said of you; and my heart would be glad if the Lord would please to give you all hearts to see this in your selves, and repent truly for it, that your Zeale might be according to Knowledge, and then it would not be void of Charity, & without truth. Commng now o shew the slanders and manifst lyes he casts upon the persons of those men whom he termes Independents, I shall in the first place speak a word to that name; the Devill in these unhappy times to begin and carry on rents and divisions betweene Brethren, and those who doe not onely professe Religion; but truly imbrace it in the power thereof (to mislead whom is his chiefe ayme) hath invented two names Presbyterian and Independent, and these he sets up and carrieth along amongst men to cast a ball of contention and division in all Companies, stirring animosities and ill affections in them one against another hereby and some alienation of affection and coldnesse even in the better sort; a diabolical device to eat out the very heart of Religon, fervent love amongst Brethren; and so let this man and all those who make themselves the Devils Agents herein, and promote his design in the use of these names o such ends, know. These factious ones (as he terms them) have acquired unto themselves this name of Independents, by rejecting all dependency and subordination of inferior Presbyteries to superior in Church-Govern∣ment; he might with as much Scripture ground and reason, as I have said be∣fore, have cast that name upon them for rejecting Bishops, Arch-Bishops, and Page  129 so forwards in Church-Government: they do not deny a dependency and subjection to that Authority which is set over them by God, as the Magistracy, whose Authority in civil things, and in Ecclesiastical, so far as to be Custos utrius{que} tabulae, they do acknowledge with much more dependency and sub∣jection thereunto, than those of this mans Kirk-Government (as it is main∣tained and exercised in Scotland) do; for a more independent thing, except it be the Pope again, let any man shew, than their general Assembly is, nay they therein will not give place to he Pope himself, for In ordine ad spiritualia, they will draw in all things as well as He; an evidence hereof, and of the power they have gained in that Kingdom over the people, and thereby keep and ex∣ercise the same over the highest, not in things spiritual alone, may appear by this, that lately when the Kingdom was invaded by a forraign enemy, the States of Parliament were constrained to send to them to know, Whether they might make use of such men for Souldiers to defend the Kingdom against a forraign invasion: here is an Independency, yea a Papal supremacy rather in∣deed over Magistrates, and the highest Powers, and that in temporal and civil things properly belonging to their direction. I have likewise read out of one of their Countrymen, writing of the power usurped by them in their Church-Government, especially by their general Assembly, divers instances thereof, a∣mongst which one that he brings is, that after men have had judgement given for them by the Judges in Courts of civil justice, upon complaint made by the party cast in the sute, who had Judgement given against him▪ unto these Kirk-Officers of his, they would take cognizance of the cause, and if the Judgement did not appear just to them, they would require the party, and injoyn him up∣on pain of Excommunication, to forbear to take the benefit of the execution of such judgement, because they thought it unjust: these men are not only Inde∣pendent, but will have all that are called Gods here amongst men, depend upon their pleasure; this occasion makes me remember this again, though I touched it before, that the world may judge who they be upon whom this nick∣name may most justly be cast: I suppose they may say, he that wrote this was a Malignant Episcopal man, one that was an enemy to their Church-Govern∣ment; be it so, fides sit penes Authorem, but it is matter of fact, and as I re∣member, the fact not much denyed by him that answereth him, however com∣mon experience amongst them will be sufficient to justifie him, if his affirmati∣on be true; and common experience doth sufficiently manifest to all men, who know their proceedings in that Kingdom, that the independency which their general Assembly would assume to themselves, and exercise there, is so absolute, that it is Paramont to all: to whom then will this name agree so pro∣perly as to themselves, and where can the men be found, that do assume so much independency, even in respect of the highest civil Authority, as these men do, to acquire thereby such a name? notwithstanding that this upon examina∣tion will be found true, yet I would be far from fixing such base slanders and manifest lies upon any of them as this man, out of no other ground then his own evil heart, nor with any other proof then the bare affirmation of his own false deceitful Tongue, chargeth these men withall whom he will have to be Independents; factious, fantastical, head-strong ones, you have had before, next he casts the name of Seekers upon them, alluding to a Company of men, that these men have little to do with all, or little acquaintance with, as he know∣eth Page  130 well enough, and therefore saith that but a fw of them go under that name, but he will needs name them thus, because he saith there never was a Generation amongst men so nimble and active in seeking after preferment and profit: one instance of the man, or of the thing he chargeth them withall, amongst them all he never produceth, nor can produce; Satis est Calumniari fortiter, he hopes something may stick and turn to his advantage thereby; but this in the mean time will stick close to him, and if he cast it not off by true repentance, cast him out of the dores of Gods house, for without shall every one he that maketh or loveth a lie; and lying lippes are an abomination to the Lord: let him not thinke to put it off by saying he could bring many instances, but he forbeares names in all his discourse, as he saith in another place; This is a meere shift as I have said before, this whole Discourse discovereth sufficiently the man not to be of that modesty as to for∣beare Names if he could with any probabilitie fix his slanders upon the persons he did name; as in this place; for let the persons he intends here and would hereby discredit and defame, be named, and he would be thought worthy to be hissed or whipped out of the Towne, for a notorious Lier and Slanderer, let him therefore either instance, in naming the persons that doe such things, and prove it by expressing where and when those things were done by them, or be accounted such, as Iustice requires he should be: he drawes out his lies in length, and goeth on comparing them to Iesuits, but preferring them far before them, in running up and downe to lay hold on power and mouie, wherein they have, by their craft and the sillinesse of other men, he saith, sped well; divers of all rankes he brings in to side and cog with them for profit and imployments, and amongst them he will not except the hgher amongst men: we know very well it is familiar with him to speak evill of Digniies; he proceeds and saith, on the other side, they will receive none into their Societies, but men of meanes and gifts, poore people and simple are prophane in their account; they worke hugely with with Rich mens wives, Widowes, and Daughters; stirrig fellowes in any kinde are good for them; that they may carry on their businesse the more smoothly, they plead for Charity, that there might be a charita∣b e interpretation of their Carriage and proceedings, and then (which is fearfull these being such known lies) he takes the name of God and attests his know∣ledge of it, saying God knoweth they are destitute of all Charity towards the Church or particular men, disturbing the Peace of the Church, and oppressing every honest Man they can reach, in Hatred to Faithfulnesse unto the good of Church and State, a seeking confusion in the one, and Anarchy in the other; then he infinuates with the well-meaning people (as he termes them) who follow them and saith, there be many such honest people that where to Jesuites, but neither the one nor the other are acquainted with their mysteries of iniquity, nor are of their secret fiction, nor of the cabal; con∣cluding with this unchristian judging, that the profession they make of holiness, is no other then Capuchins hypocrisie. I have here ripped up his fardel, and laid open all his stffe, such as it is, which I thought I should not have put my selfe to the trouble to do, but I am contented to take the pains, that the man might ap∣peare to all at large in his right colours, and that it might thereby appear how little conscience he makes of what he speaks or writes, so that it will serve for his turn: for having reckoned up these base slanders of his in particular, I shall willingly appeal to the consciences of any ingenuous men, to whom those Di∣vines in the Synod, upon whom he casts these invented lies of his, are known, if they do not think them as far from the practising or allowing of any such Page  131 things, as he is from truth and honesty in charging them therewith; and in∣deed, when these things which his foul mouth, out of a cankered malicious stomack, belcheth forth against these Divines (for of them he speaketh as we see in the beginning of his railing) shall be compared with their carriage and con∣versations, so well and so long known to godly and pious men of both judge∣ments in this controversie, I do believe this man will be thought worthy to be brought to his stoole of repentance, and that in a serious manner, for such base slanders cast upon the Ministers of God, without so much as the least shadow of truth: to go them over in particular again to confute them is not worth my labor and trouble, since the very knowledge of the men is a sufficient confutati∣on of such base ridiculous stuffe, invented to defame them, which cannot but stink in the nostrils of every good man that knowes them: besides what should I confute, when he only affims of them manifest known lies, and brings no one proof or instance of any one of the things he slandereth them withall? as they are all lies, and known to be so, except he had offered something in proof of a∣ny of them, to which I might have given answer, I will confute them altogether by affirming barely as he doth, but with much more truth, That they are all base invented lies, and known to be so; and this is his way of carrying on his good Cause in hand: matter of fact indeed will confute him in one thing most ap∣parently, which may serve to shew the rest are all of the same stuffe, invented lies as this is known to be, that is, that they will admit of none into their Societies but such as are rich, men of means, and parts; the poor (he saith) they account prophane; the notorious shamelesse impudency of this malicious lie will appear to all men, when they shall look into their Congregations, the neerest and dearest Societies they have, and see them consist most of the poorer sort, for they usually are rich in saith, and receive the Gospel; and such without other respect, these Ministers have received into their Church-fellowships, as is appa∣rent, not having the faith of our Lord Jesus Chist, the Lord of glory, with respect of persons, as he falsely accuseth them. Also for their exceeding Jesuits in the craft and cunning of getting wealth and preferment, the little portion these have gotten of either, will thrust that lie back again down his throat, by the consent of all that know them and their Estates. But for that unchristian judging of his, that their strictnesse in keeping themselves more closely in their Conversations to the rule of the word then other men, is nothing but the hypocrisie of the Capuchins, this is the same which hereofore when the distinguishing names which then were in use, were Protestant at large, & Puritan, or Precisian (for the Devil will ne∣ver he without his dividing names to breed dissention) profane persons, and loose livers were wont to cast upon godly men, whose religious walking disco∣vered their loosnesse of life, they used to say as he doth here, that they were all Hypocrites, and made but a shew of greater holinesse then other men: here he takes up the practise of those who could not indure the light, but hated piety and Reli∣gion, judging others out of their own evil thoughts and malice: but let this man, and all others who joyn with him in these practises, remember what our Saviour hath commanded, and his threatnings, Judge not least you be judged, for with what judgement you judge others, you your selves shall be judged, and with what measure you meat, it shall be meated unto you again; and this often times the Lord so ordereth, that it is done here by men, but if true repentance prevent it not, never faileth to be done by himself. I shall end with bringing in one thing more, Page  132 which he in another place will needs fling upon these men (for wheresoever he meets with them, his cholerlike fire boils up and bursts forth upon them) and that is a Character which he saith one giveth to a certain people; and this must in justice be attributed to them (such justice as he useth all along) arrogant, incon∣stant, and extream jealous of other men, they court and feast men for their own profit, and when their turn is done, reject them and cae not for them; to this I say no more, but could be glad it were not too true, that in this Character he paints forth to the life, those who are nerer home to him, and his Neighbours & Companions, in these his unchristian practises of slandering men of best merit and desert; and I wish ingenuous, especially pious men, who know not these mens conver∣sations, not having been acquainted with them, would but read some of their Books and Sermons which are in print, and see what spirit speaks therein, and thereby judge what spirit this slanderer is possessed withall. He proceeds to tell how the business concerning th Church-Government o no sooner concluded, maugre the Independents, but other d fficulties aris; such obstacles the enemy casts in the way to hinder the building of the Temple; some will not allow it to b of Divine Right, o∣thers make a great stir against the Power of the Presbytery, to cast out and receive into the Church whom they will, and would have this power in the Magistrate; upon this he falls into a discourse, that the power of the Magistrate, and that pewer of the K yes, (as it is termed) which the Magistrate is not to medde with, are two distract powers, the Chuch-Offiers likewise therefore are not to meddle with what belongs to the civil Magistrate; in this last he is right for the Doctrinal part, but let experi∣ence tell, how they in Scotland have observed this towards the Magistrate, and walked answerable thereuno in their practise: Although this be a truth, he de∣livers in this part of his discourse, concerning the distinction that ought to be observed, and kept between Ministers of the civil State, who are not to admi∣nister the Ordinances of Christ in his Churches, nor meddle with things meer∣ly spiritual, as the sentence o Excommunication but onely (as he rightly saith) to oversee the Ministers of these spiritual things, that they do their duty faithfully and diligetly in administring the Odinances of Christ, committed to their admini∣stration for the spiritual Government of his people, and not to meddle farher; although I say, he be right in his stating this difference, alwayes to be observed, that the one incroach not upon the office of the other; yet there is just cause to deny the placing of any such power wholly in their Presbyteries, as they have framed them, and as they do exercise this power alone by them; or indeed in any Presbytery, how rightly soever constituted, or Church-Officers in any Congregation, without the consent of that Church, wherein they are Officers, or a Presbytery as joyned together, which is the same; they are Praeie in the whole businesse, and in the management and ordering thereof in their Churches, and in pronouncing such sentence as the Church shall agree upon; but without the consent of the Church, or contrary thereunto, to place a power in the will of any Presbytery, to cast out and receive in whom they please in the Church, is no other, if without prejudice it be considered and examined, than what he here saith of the Prelates, to make themselves Lords and Masters of Chists Flock and Heritage; for what difference is there, whether this be done by one Preate, or four or five Presbyters? there justly might therefore be an oppositon made (which he calles a stirre) against such an usurpation of power into their own hands alone, as the Prebyters sought after, over the flock Page  133 or flocks of Christ, to Lord it over them at their owne wills; the Clergy, as I have said, and it is but too true, have ever bin leaning this way, and are so stil, even many of the best amongst them, they can see this to be an unjust and unwarantable usurpation in a Bshop, but not in themselves, though the dif∣ference be but what I have before shewed: Let every one keepe within the Limits set by our Saviour, who best knowes how to direct a Government for his Saints, and then there will be neither Tyranny exercised by a Prelate, nor by Company of Priests, nor Confusion and Anarchy in the Churches, which this man so much prattles of, and seemes to feare, if weake men (as he will fancy the Church Members to be) have any hand or consent in the Government thereof, though it be that which concernes their owne Spirituall Communion, but what saith the Apostle, these Saints (which he cals weake men humorous and fancyfull, and therefore all must be left in the hand and power of the Presbyteries to do what they please, as is the Scotch custome and pattern,) shall judge the world, shall judg the bad Angels, and must they be excluded from judging who are fit or unfit, to be admitted into their Fellowship and spiritual Communion, or cast out of it; when neither the one, nor the other is to be done without their consent, for by that it is that they are joyned and knit to∣gether into that spirituall Communion and Fellowship amongst themselves? Wonder not therefore that men stirr against such a tyranny. Then, where as he saith the Church Government was concluded, maugre the Independents, I have shewed before, that these upon whom he would cast that name in the Houses, were the men who desired, and for that end promoted the Ordinances for setling some Goverment in the Churches, when others sat still in it, because their humours and fancies, or this power which they so eagerly grasped after, were not complied with, and granted them by the Houses. To allow that Government, which this man would have to be set up according to his Scotch pattern, in this kingdome, to be of divine right, which neither was demon∣strated, nor ever will be, had bin not to set up and build a Temple, but instead thereof a meer humane device and policy; and were this, you so stickle and strive for, and make such divisions and rents about, the true Temple, we should have it built with fewer knocks and much lesse noyse.

In the next place he plaies the Politick-would be, and runs out into a dis∣course to shew how the neighbouring Nations, for their severall ends, keepe the King in his obstinacy of going on in the way, which he saith they have engaged him in, and then tels you of the Pope, France, Spaine, Holland, and Demarke, with their seve∣rall ends, aims and reasons of keeping us under these troubles, and nourishing this division between the King and Parliament, as if he were of the Cabinet Councel to them all; for this discourse, I leave it as a lecture to be read by him to his Boyes; men of understanding know the man to be beyond his Last, when he falls upon these businesses and would have you believe he can dis∣cover the plots & projects of all Christendom unto you; he will very gravely admonish others, when they take upon them to meddle with those things, they have not bin bred up unto, nor have experience in; but the Pedagogue is a man so well bred, that you must heare him in all things, and what is there that he is not fit for, & experienced in, to direct and reprove all sorts of men? for undertake it he will of what nature soever the things be, as I have touched before upon occasion. Out of this discourse he falls into another of the disaster be∣fallenPage  134 the good partie in his own Countrie, by meanes of Montrosse and the inconsiderable partie joyned with him; this, he saith, he knoweth will be expected from him; cannot tell whether the Scots dd expect such a Relation from him or will give him thankes for it, for he taks upon him to schoole them very magisterially in this place, and soone after he saith of them that there is nothing that a Friend or a Kins-man will not make a Scot to doe. I leave this discourse also to be answered by the Scots his Countie-men, whether it were by Treacherie & the falshood in him who Commanded in chief, with the falsehood of other infriour Offi ers and of men put into Imployment, who were not to be trusted, for which he reproves those that had the Government of things in their hands; or whether it fell out otherwaies; I leave his Countrie-men to give an ac∣count to Mr. Schoolemaster of all at their leasures.

He now returnes to the Independents, and hunts hard to finde out a fault to fix upon them, which since he cannot doe, he accompts it Wisedome to speake freely and raise jealosies of them and suspitions, that so truth, he saith, may be found out? which because it cannot be found out by Math mtical & Metaphysical Demonstrations (to let you know he hath some Schoole termes) therefore he runs into a discourse to shw It is a part of Wisedome to suffer men to vent their imaginations freely, as himselfe all a long doth his lies, and he gives this reason for it, If there be no ground for what is said, it will fall of it selfe; but if there be, by these stirring speaches it will appeare and be bought to light; he farther finds fault, that some have suffered for their f••e expressions concerning these things, for he is confident it had been geater wisdome to let goe free speaches, and not examine them to nicely when thy proceed out of Zeale to the good cause, which may perhaps make a man exceed the exact termes of moderation: a very good Doctrine for to be delivered by a Christian, to find out truth by stirring lies and slanders; it would have fitted a Jesuite much better, but in respect of himself and this discourse of his, it is a ve∣ry necessary advice given, and in respect of his complices; for it may be here he meanes the sufferings of Cranford for his lies vented upon the Exchange, which he when he was questioned for them, said, Mr. Bayli, the Scotch Mini∣ster and Commissioner, sent him thither to divulge, which I have spoken of be∣fore. He forbeares (he saith) instances, as in all his d scourse, keeping himself in generalls, though he could have furnished divers exmples upon every point he hath touched; and though it be said, He that speaks in general to all, and of all, speaks to none and of none; yet all those that be guily, may appy it to themselves: but what if none be guilty of those lies that are spoken and spread abroad? oh then they will fall of themselves, and there is no harm done; but are not you in the mean time, a notorious uncharitable lier and slanderer, and is that no hurt to your selfe and others? mark what an unchristian position is here laid down and maintained by him, yea such as a moral man would be ashmed to owne; to raise groundless jealousies, spe•• freely upon surmises only, and spread a∣broad slanders against mn, if you suspect them, though you have no p oofe, that by this meanes the truth may be found out: this is the substance of what he hath said; a good means found out by a man who presently after professeth to have writ n all this in all sincerity, without the least ill meaning to any man, for the glory of God ad the good of the Church; I wish he did not bring in the name of God in these his practises, God will not be honoured by the Devils means; for such is lying and slandering upon suspition and groundlesse surmises, to bolt out truth, Page  135 which here he makes a part of wisdome, it is not that wisedome which a from a∣bove, but altogether carnall, Sensual, and Devil sh, as appeares Jam. 1.26. and 3.14.15. 1. Cor. 13. God needs not, nor will not be helped, or have his Churches Cause promoted by the lying practises of men. Having laid open this Un∣christian dresse of his, wherein he indeavours the more fairely to carry on and bring in this slander, which upon meere evill surmise he desires to cast upon Independents, and make men thereby jealous of them for false dealing, and having Correspondency with the Enemie; I will now come to the matter it selfe; and as he forbeares Names that he might not be convinced of manifest falsehood, as he would, if he should name the men, in the judgements of all that know them, so I will, that the truth may be the better tryed and known in this particular by any man that will examine it, name the men who can testifie the truth of what I shall say in answer to these jealousies, which his ill affection makes him indeavour to raise in mens mindes against the men his corrupt stomack cannot brooke. He begins this matter thus, there hath been of late great blusterings of some under-hand secret dealings with the enemy by some few men, without the knowledge of the publick: here is the mat∣ter of his slander which he would cast upon Independents, and root a jealousie thereby in mens mindes of them, for to take away or lessen their esteem he thinks to be for the advantage of his good cause; that you may understand the thing more at lngth, he saith, he wil call to minde the Kings sending Commissioners hither the last winter to Cajeole; who according to their order, did Cjeole the Scots and Independents: this is brought in, as he termes it, at length, that he might take occasion thereupon to cleare his Scots, and make the Independents more liable to suspition: how farre they then prevailed with the Independents, he cannot tell (if he could you should be sure to have it) but for the Scot, he is sure they did not gain the least point of any thing, no not of expression, or of thought (for this undertaker will undertake for thoughts) or any thing that might have so much as a doubtful interpretation, and so runs on in their praise, till he be out of breath, as we use to say, both in respect of their faire cariage, and also of their hearts: to all which I will only answer, as I have formerly said I would, in respect of matters of treaty, that how far those caieo∣lers prevailed with the Scots, let their carriage at the Conference, and afer∣wards at the Isle of Wight, and the company they caballed with when they quitted honest and well affected men, (at which he confesseth there were great murmurings) bear witnesse, for all this fell out afterwards. The Treaty being en∣ded without agreement, the Court (he saith) sent one hither, who though he said he stole away, yet this man will have him come with hir knowledge, and not so onely buwith expresse order and directions; for it is enough if he oney think so, he stands not in such things upon mathematical demonstration; if he suspect it, he will affirm it is so, to bring forth truth; and the other affims with a much proofe, but with more knowledge, it is not so; for me, let it stand between them: he gives him foul language enough; in the Court language, he saith, he is a greater cajeoer, in his own plain language, he calls him a meer cheater, this to do is no no∣velty with him, let it concern whom it will; he saith of him h t he hath vow∣ed to cosea those of his party if he can by lies; if this were true, it were indeed something worse than to serve those of his party with lies, as we see here done, though that he bad enough: Now to the businesse, this Cajeolr (as he will Page  136 terme him) first endeavors (he saith) to cajeole the Scots, but finding a cold coale there to blow, he leaves that designe, and makes his addresses to the Independents: what a cold coal he met withall in the Scots, may appear by this, that the next morn∣ing after he came to Town, the chiefest of them was at his bed-side before he was out of his bed, it seems he was not afraid to be cajeoled; of the truth of this report, let him whom I meane to name be asked: for the Independents, here is the misery, how he sped with them, the man doth not know, he cannot hunt out that which he would have to defame them with, yet that it may be in hope, he saith, things are not yet manifested: willingly would he keep up in mens minds an expectation of some great matter against those, whom, though he burst with en∣vy at them, and malice, as appears throughout this Pamphlet, yet he is not able to charge with any crime or falsehood, and prove it; all that he can produce is but surmises, having no other ground than his own evil thoughts, indeavouring thereby to nourish jealousies, and hold up suspitions in the mindes of his sim∣pler sort, though without any ground at all. Some fidling business there hath been between him and them, he saith, whether by the whole caball or some prime of the faction it it unknown to the world; that there was some under hand dealing by them with the enemy, he will at least bring some pretence, that he may continue suspi∣cions, though he can prove nothing; and two things he alledgeth, wherein he saith, there were shrewd proofes; one was Digbies intercepted Letters to Legg, and the other, papers found in the Cajeolers friends Closet, some written with his own hand, which point at things not so fair: here be things spoken in general, fit to nourish jealousies and suspitions in simple peoples mindes, but nothing at all fit to prove what he would asperse these men with; for why doth he not tell the world what it was that was contained in those letters, or what one particular in them did give cause of suspition, that there was any under-hand dealing? and why doth he not speak out, what that was which was found in the papers that pointed at things not so fair? either he knew the particulars, or not; if he knew them, why doth he not set them down that they might be judged of? would they not bear water if produced, you should have them, if he knew not what was in those papers and letters to this purpose, then is he a lyer and de∣ceiver, to offer them to others as grounds of jealousies and suspition, when he himslf knowes not any ground for suspition that may be gathered from them. But how can the man without blushing speak of Digbies intercepted Letters, dis∣covering an under-hand dealing with the enemy, when he shall call to minde what Digies intercepted Letters discovered of that kinde concerning his Scotch Commissioners? when these letters were formerly mentioned, it was not said, there was something in them which gave a shrewd proofe, but what was in them was expressed, which was in plain terme, That the Scotch Commssioners were in Treaty with Digby, being the Kings principal Secretary: this dealing was fair and clear, & had the man such a thing in Digbies Letters, or any where else, you should be sure to have had it in particular, and in great Letters. I shall now clearly & fully in particular, without keeping my selfe deceitfully in gene∣ralls, as this Pamphleter doth, declare what the matter of fact was in this whole businesse, for it can come open faced into the view of any without shame; and whereas the envious man cries out to have it fully and exactly tryed, hoping as he saith, that then he shall have some light for his purpose, it was exactly tryed and fifted to the bottom, by a Committee appointed for that purpose, in favour Page  137 to a friend of his Scotch Commissioners, deeply concerned in the businesse, and by the help and meanes of some of those whom his Commissioners had (as you have heard) lately taken by the hand, as they had done this man concerned, and with whom now their consultations and Caballs were. The man to whom his foul mouth is so liberall of foul language, was the Lord Savil, who coming from Oxford to London (as any might who would submit them selves to the Parli∣ament, and put themselves into their hands) lodged at his first coming thither, in the house of the Lady Temple, one that was his Daughter in Law, a Lady known to be well affected to the Parliament, and Religious, but no Independent, during the time he lodged there, he expressed himself, being now come to the Parliament, willing to do them the best service he could, to manifest the reality of his intentions, and thereupon told the Lady Temple, that having, a little be∣fore he came from Oxford, had conference with the Lord Newport, who had that power with Legge then Governor of Oxford, that he could do any thing with him, he was perswaded by what he had heard from Newport, that upon some good conditions they would be a meanes to deliver Oxford unto the Parliament, and desired he might but have liberty to send thither, if it should be thought fit to make a tryal thereof, and do his best indeavour with Newport and Legge to bring it to passe, intimating farther, as I remember, that at that time they were both in discontent: the Lady Temple hereupon informs some of the Commit∣tee of both Kingdoms, of this which the Lord Savil hath told her, and they acquainted the Committee with it, and procure a passe for him to send one to Oxford to make tryal what my Lord Newport would do herein: the Gentleman that was to go, before his going comes to one of those whom the Lady Temple had first acquainted therewith, and demanded of him, whether he would com∣mand him any thing to Oxford? who answered, he had nothing to do with Ox∣ford, and refused to entertain any speech with him about it: the Gentleman who was sent, was Mr. Howard, one of the Brothers of the Earl of Suffolk, who knoweth this to be a truth: when he came to Oxford, the Lord Newport was not there, but gone into the West; so he delivered the Letters to Legge, openly before others, who thereupon thinking it to be for his safety so to do, (as it was afterward said) acquainted the Lord Dgby therewith, and he the King; upon this, Legge hath directions to entertain the businesse, and carry on the Treaty, it may well be to draw us into a Trap, to which end, that Napier h s Country∣man also, of whom he speaks before, might be sent to tell that tale which after∣wards he would never appear before the Committee to own again: whether the delivery of the Letters so openly (which by the Lord Savil wa made the cause of Legg aqainting the Lord Digby with them) or the Lord Savil con∣fidence in him and N wpor without good ground, or the Lord Newports absence were the occasion that the businesse was so carried when it came to Oxford, I will not trouble my self withall, but the Committee would meddle no more with it, though the Lord Savil said, he would however write again about it to the Lord Newport; and to do him right in it, this is some evidence that he had no ill meaning to the Parliament in the businesse, because when Legge would have continued the Treaty about it, and he knew how it had been carried, he fully acquainted the Committee with it, which had he bin of a plot in the bu∣sinesse he would never have done. Here you have the truth of this businesse, upon which he would cast this false aspersion of under-hand dealing with the Page  138 enemy, upon those he calls Independents: for Digbies Letters, if there were any such to Legge intercepted, it is likely they were to wish him to continue the Treaty with Savil, all which Savil acquainted the Committee with: but ob∣serve herein the malice of this man, not caring what he saith forward and back∣ward, so that by his lies he may raise jealousies of these men, whom he envies for their integrity to the Publick, and refusing, to the prejudice thereof, to go a∣long with his Countrymen for their ends; before you may see the same men whom he aims at, both there and here, though indeed it falls upon the whole Committee in both places, are traduced by him and slandered as false to the cause, because upon that foolish tale of Napier, the relation whereof you have heard before, they would not send forces to surprize Oxford; Now they must be false and have under-hand dealing with the enemy, because upon such an information as this they thought it fit to make a tryall what it would come unto, which could be done without any danger or hazard at all in this case, though not so in that; and here they had the person informing in their hands, but in the other he that inform∣ed was slpped away, and would not appear to own his Intelligence: Every un∣derstanding man, by these, and divers other particulars of the same kind in this Pamphlet to be observed, cannot but see the scope of it to be, for base Scotch-serving ends, to slander and defame men of honesty and integrity by lies, of what fashion, or colour soever they be, though never so inconsistent one with another, so that they may be drawn at least to raise jealousies in the mindes of men against them. I will leave nothing behinde in the relation of this business, that the integrity of those men he is continually snaling at, and his falsehood therein may the more appeare: after this there came a Letter to the Lord Savil from Oxford, in which, with other things discoursed of, there was this pas∣sage; The Parliament man who keeps Intelligence with the King, and from whom be ha h all his Intelligence, is such a Man, and sets down his Name in cypher, the key whereof the Lord Savil had, and therewith presently decyphering of it, knew the name; when he had received this letter, he acquaints the Lady Temple with it, and one Mr. Gurdon a Parliament man, and an honest religions Gentle∣man, but a Presbyterian throughout, though not of this mans fiery Zeale, that cannot endure Godly men if they differ in judgement from him, his religion is more pure and agreable to the commands of our Savi∣our, loving the members of Christ where he seeth them, and image of Christ in them, though in this particular they differ from him in judgement: the Lady Temple and Mr. Gurdon acquaint the former Parties herewith, and the Letter is produced and seen; upon this, those of the Committee who were made ac∣quainted with it, consider amongst themselves, what was fit for them to do therein: the man named in the Letter had many friends in the House, and at that time could sway very much therein by the party he had there; and there being no other proof but a Letter from Oxford, it might be thought a design pur∣posely to disgrace him, and render him suspected; on the other side, his cariage of late had been so different from what it had formerly been in the beginning of the Parliament, and leaning so much towards the Court upon all occasions, that it made such an advertisement the more considerable: therefore after they had debated it amongst themselves some time, they call some of their friends, who were members of the House, and judicious men, whom they acquaint with it, and desire their advice; in the end it was resolved by all, that it was fittest Page  139 for Mr. Gurdon, to whom the Lord Savil had first related it, to acquaint the House with it, and leave it to their consideration; not thinking it to stand with their duty and fidelity, to smother such a business brought to them without their seeking or thinking of it; the house might judge of it as they pleased, and proceed to further examination of it, as they thought fit, they having therein acquitted themselves, and discharged their duty: when Mr. Gurdon had made the House acquainted with it, the Gentleman first protested his Innocen∣cy therein with much passion, even unto Tears; his Party thereupon made a great busling, which were many, consisting not only of those who inclined to the Court, but much augmented by the falling in of all those with them, who were disaffected and stirred up with great animosity against such as they thought to be the Authours or Instruments of the new modelling of the Army, whereby they, by the self-denying Ordinance, were removed, both General and Officers, which both resented sufficiently, and therefore when it came in their way, upon any occasion they were ready to joyn to express their resentment of it, against these men, though they joyned with those for the doing of it, with whom be∣fore they had been at greatest difference, and distance, as appeared in this par∣ticular, and against those by whom they had before bin most obliged, as it is well known, and who not out of dis-respect to them, but respect only to the Publick, did interest themselves in this service of new framing the Army, with how much need let the world judge, and with how much successe let the Lord alone have the praise, who hath pleased to make it manifest; and for the man∣ner of doing it, it was so carried, that it might be done without any disgrace or reflection upon former miscarriages; that which was called the self-denying Ordinance, requiring in generall for the future, That no Member of either House should be an Officer in the Army, and thereby withdrawn from atten∣ding the duty of his place in Parliament, and discharging the trust reposed in him: by the conjunction of these, with the friends of the Gentleman, and the sense the House had of the passion he expressed (those from whom the infor∣mation came, having done thereby their part and duty, not at all speaking or stirring farther in it) the House was moved to examine it, as if it had bin a design of some, and a practise to wrong the Gentleman being a Member of the House, the House therefore desired that there might be a Committee of both Houses to examine it, because there were Members of both Houses, who had bin at first made acqainted with the Letter, and whom it may be some of these disffected men upon the occasion I have mentioned, hoped to find some∣what against, though their obligations unto them deserved more friendship, and a better requital, than to wait for their halting; and which was most strange, the Gentleman himself was made by the House of Commons one of the Com∣mittee, though he only were concerned in the cause: al which I have the ra∣ther fully opened and expressed, that it may appear the business was examined to the utmost, and if any thing could have bin found out, that might have re∣flected upon these men he would slander, he had his desire, for it was hunted after with eagernesse enough: the Lady Temple being examined, and Mr Gur∣don, and then the rest of the Committee of both Kingdoms, to whom they had given the information of the business, which they had received from the Lord Savil; those of the Committee refused not (though happily they might) when they were defied to speak what they knew of it, and answer questions propou〈…〉Page  140 Authority, by Order of both Houses, to examine or interrogate them, they might have made it a question, but they told them clearely what Information they had received, and that they thought it their duty in discharge of the trust reposed in them, to advise Mr. Gurdon to make the House acquainted with it, and that it might remaine to their Iustification, some of them would, and did put it in writing, and so give it to the Committee; when nothing could be sound at all that could in the least degree reflect upon those of the Committee, whom the man will make his Independents, in the issue, for the clearing of the Gentleman, the Lord Savill is flowen upon, who being examined, and justifying the Letter, and his giving the Information to those of the Committee without their prac∣tising with him at all about any such matter, or knowing any such thing, until it came from hm unto them, as it is most certainely true that they did not, nor so much as thinke of it, though their enemies, it may be, hoped, having such an occasion to draw it at least to a suspition of something against them; Savill hereupon must be Banished the Towne, and not live in London to doe the like ill ffices. If the Gentleman were innocent (as for my part I should desire it, and of secret things w ll be no Iudge) he that wrote the Letter did him a great deale of wrong, and hath much to answer for it; but I will maintaine to all the world, that those of the Committee of both Kingdomes considering how it came to them, with all circumstances considered likewise, had failed in their du y, if they had not advised Mr. Gurdon as they did: and could this Envious, Malicious Man finde out against them but any such thing don by them, as the smothering and concealeing of such an information come unto them, concerning any mans holding secret Intell gence with the King, and informing him of all things being a Member of the Parliament, you should have had the man make halfe his Volume of it, and rant it against them without measure, who doth so much now, when he is not able, doe what hi little wirt & lesse honesty can, to squeese out any thing that can reflect upon them. Here you have as I promised, at large in particular, what passed betweene this Caieoler of the Court, and the Inde∣pendents as he is pleased to name them both, that you may as I have often said, the better Iudge of his impudent Falsehood, and their Integrity, whom for his base ends, his aime and scope in all is to slander and belie: it may be also that upon this occasion the truth of some things, which have not bin so well under∣stood, may be the better known, which is and shall be my End in all this Answer to his lying Discourses. What he next comes unto I shall passe having already fully anwered it; as his indeavour to cleare the Scotch Army for not following the Forces escaped out of Newby Fight, their doing nothing afterwards at Here∣ford or else where, neither Fghting, nor so much as seeking the enemie that they might fight him and disperse his Forces; his excusing David Lesley; hs lies against Independents; to all these I have spoken already: his idle Discourse in making objections and answering them againe, with ingrate that thou art, &c; brought in to make the world believe the Scots had made themselves miserable to deliver us out of misery, and that it was not our Money they fought fr, or came for, it is not worthy the answering; that they came not for our Monie, let him be∣lieve it that listeth, but that they fought very little for what monie of ours they had, that we all know: having run out sufficiently in declaring against our in∣gratitude in not helping them, nor pitying them in their misery (which I have shewed to be most false) that though they Crucified themselves for us, yet we〈…〉Page  141 not, nor I think any man else, but for him to Coyne and invent to serve his turne is nothing strange: then he saith this will be blamed by posterity, when it shll be recorded what Scotland hath done and undergone for their Breth en, ond what thankes they have had for their paines; indeed if there should come no other Re∣cords to posterity than this which you hope to transmit that they may be abused by it (for any knowing man in this Age cannot) then it mght prove so: but I shall prevent you in that, for it is likely enough this Answer, which discover∣eth the truth of thing, may be as long-lived as your Romance, and then when posterity shall know how little the Scots have done for our asistance at all, a I have made it appeare, and how much the Kngdome hath suffered and under∣gone by their comming in and doing nothing, that which posterity will have cause to blame will be your notorious Falsehood, wherey to set forth your Scots you would impone upon and abuse them with Tales and Lies invented for that purpose. One passage tht he hath here he will not have passed by, but cals upon us to take notice of it, and it is worth the takng notice of, both in respect of the matter and manner of expression; Here let me tell you Gntlemen (saith he) this late Victory in Scotland hath given the cmmon Enemie the geatest Blowe, that h hath received since the bginning of thse late troubles: First, for the mater; can there be a more ridiculos thing than this Pedant call brag (to set forth the service of his Country-men) in the eyes of all understanding men, that such an ignorant Pedant should undertake to hold forth the overthrow of a few in considerable forces under Montross, by no great number of Hors un∣der David Lesly, as the greatest blowe that the enemie hath received since the beginning of these troubles, whereas if he had received no greaer blowes then this, at Nseby and afterwards in the West, truly he would have regarded this, and would have had cause so to do, no more then the paring of his nayles, or the losing of one of his old shoes? then in the manner of expression, he holds forth the Schoolmaster so lively, as speaking to his young Gentlemen, whom he taught (for being great Lords Sonnes, he might well use to call them Gentle∣men, when he gave any grave documents unto them, and from that use and cu∣stome come out with it now thus, let me tell you Gentlemen) that it is Ipsissimé dictum, he speaks himself in it as fully as Luther used to say of Henry the 8th, it was Henriissimè dictum; you have him at the same in the beginning of this Pamphlet, when he takes upon him to school the Scotch Commissioners, for their want of prudence, according to his manner with his young Gentlemen, you have mistaken the right way Sirs; let any man read Mr. Rhombus in Sir Philip Sydnies Pastoral acted before Queen Elizabeth, and see whether in many things he be not here acted to life by this bold Pedant, who undertakes to direct, cor∣rect and reprove all men of all Sorts, Ranks and Degrees, and that in all busi∣nesses: to tell him of noble blood is but a toy, all blood is alike; for such a one to talk of Nobility, or noble blood, and things of that nature, that he takes upon him to read Lectures of, is as they use to say truly of it, Asinus ad Lyram.

He comes now to take notice of the retaking of Bristol, not with any intention to acknowledge the remarkeable services done by that Army in this yeare, a dumbe and deafe Spirit possesseth him on all that side; but it is evident it was done for no other cause, than that hereby he might againe take occasion to vent the malice that rancles in his heart against a Gentleman who hath deser∣ved well both of this Kingdome and that of Scotland, and whom God hath so 〈…〉Page  142 different man cannot but in his Heart and Conscience acquit him; they onely rest unsatisfied who are sorry to finde him Innocent, and hate and envie him for his abilities. This man tels us, the world is astonished to see him sit in Parli∣ment; and why? because he lives Precario: will he say that every one who hath had hard measure, and bin unjustly condemned, not in the arbitrary unlimited, and unknowne way to our young Souldiers who did this, of Councels of Warre, but in the ordinary legal way of Iustice, and afterwards bin pardoned and ac∣quited from such Sentences, doe live Precario, and are unfit, though men of never so great Parts, to be imploied? wil such a thing turn this man & his world into stones to behold it? he forgets that this lesson of his, which he would willingly in this particular have his simple people take out, or take upon trust from him, doth little right to some of his good Friends who have had this misfortune, and yet are thought fit to be imployed in greatest affaires, and very worthy of it: he might have looked upon that Noble Lord the Lord Balmerino, at that very time imploied here in greatest affaires & trust, as a Commissioner, and worthy of that imployment both for his abilities and integrity, though known to have bin wronged in as high a degreeas this Gentleman, and yet by honest men accounted Innocent; and this might have made him ashamed to vent such a Position, when such an Example stared him in the face while he was writing of it; but these pedants have no reflexe act, or ill memories: Let us see his argu∣mentations, the Gentleman did not continue still a Member of the house, because he did not claime his Priviledge, nor the House vindicate the breach of their Priviledge: he is a man of rare parts, fit to be a Senator, a worse would have bin chosen in his place; what of that? yet if he had bin hanged, in stead of being commanded by the House to come into his place, neither you nor your world would have bin astonished at it, it seems; excellently well desputed Mr. Rhombus; if he upon such an occasion, waved his Priviledge of Parliament, and at his instance and desire the House was content to permitt him so to doe, this makes him not continue a Member of the House; a man in a sute at Law, confident of his right, is content to wave his Priviledge of Parliament, and goe to triall, and desires no Priviledge from the House, but that he may be left to the Law, is cast in his sute not with∣standing his confidence and good cause, by the ignorance or jniustice of the Iudges; doth this make him cease to continue a Member of the House, because he clamed not his Priviledge in that case, nor the House vindicated theirs? Tell these things to your School-boys, men of knowledg and understanding in Parli∣ament priviledges and proceedings will laugh at them: it is true that confidence of his integrity and clearnesse did make him desire the House to give him leave to clear himself of the Slanders which the like Malice to this had cast upon him, & the House did at his request, as also the General for his clearing, not that either of them did at all accuse him, or were unsatisfied with him; and this assurance of his own Innocency, for which he had ground enough as hath bin shewed, made him cast himself into this misfortune, which this Pamphleter with others like him make use of without any end of their Malice, & burst for Envie to see him by such a Providence so cleared by the testimony both of the enemies Officers and of those of our own Army, both being fully convinced of his clearnesse heerin; and expressing as much; yea even such of them who before this experi∣ence had bin much preiudiced against him, were abundantly satisfied when they had bin at the regaining of that Place themselves, and observed the diff••enPage  143 conditions it was in, when first surrendered and now retken. But he saith the Sentence was judged to be just then, and hath not bin judged otherwise since, nor re∣voked, but he alone pardoned: who did judge the Sentence just? they onely who gave it, and but some of them neither, though poving the Major part, and even those some condemning their owne Sentence themselves presently by explain∣ing the Article of holding out to the utmost extremity so, as that any one ws to be accounted to hold out to utmost extremity in case the Souldiers wihdrew and refused to fight, which in his case was manifestly proved before them to be so; Here you may see, even those of the Council of Warr that contrived his condemning (as hath bin made appeare) upon this Article onely, condemned their Sentence, presently after they had given it, of injustice: what greater acquittance of him from this Sentence, and evidence that the Parliament was no way perswaded of the Iustice of it, could there be, than their calling of him to sit with them, and commanding him to his former service amongst them, which he onely out modesty before, because of thi misfortune befallen him, not by their command, had forborne to doe? and this instantly upon he regaining of that place, which made his cleareness, and the unjust and hard measure he had suffered, apparent to all men, but, as I have said, those alone who would not see it, because out of Envie and Malice they would not have had it so; but the Parliament thereupon declared their full satisfaction actually in that matter: let him looke back againe to that instance I gave of that Noble Lord, his Country man (whom I mention rather for his honour than with any other intention, and to shew how this pedantical fellow doth in these his silly argumentations not only wrong him, but many other men of worth, who have had by contrivement unjust sentences given against their lives) was that Sentence against him, or the like against many other innocent men, therefore just, because it was not revoked or judged unjust forensically, but he only par∣doned? will this Schoolmaster teach that for a general and universal lesson, that all men in such cases are not fit to sit in Councell, if thus wronged, nor be im∣ployed afterwards in matters of State and greatest trust? now this wise Poli∣tick in his own opinion, may see whether his not politick, but splenetick Rules and Position will reach, and whom they do blemish and strike at, as well as this Gentleman, whose innocency makes his stomack rise. But the Po∣litick-would be proceeds on very gravely, as if you heard him reading a Lecture to his Pupils, and falls upon his Friends, as having done both the Gentleman and the State wrong, in putting him upon imployments, whereunto he was neither fitted by nature nor breeding, nor of himself inclined unto: belike this man is better ac∣quainted with his Nature and Inclination then his Friends; and for his Breed∣ing, what would this bold controler, and censurer of all things, and all men of all professions (though his own breeding were only to be a Pedagogue) require? it may be he would not think him fit to be made a Souldier, except he had worn a Buffe-Coat in Germany or in Holland; if this be the scrutiny he would put his friends upon in respect of him, to save their wisdom, they can answer, that he hath bin there a Souldier, at the siege and taking of a Town upon Surren∣der, not only stronger then this, which at that time was known to be of no strength at all to resist two Armies besieging it, but a Town stronger then any was in England: but let him put the greatest part of those who condemned him, upon this Tryal for their experience, and breeding in matters of warre, and Page  144 by what he will finde, he will casheere them, as not fit to fit in a Councel of Warre, to judge of mens lives for matters of Warre, who never saw Warre, or a Councel of Warre abroad, or were at all bred up thereunto: what Inclination they had to Warre let him examine; but that they had an inclination and pur∣pose to condemn this Gentleman, however he made it appear he had behaved himself, and what ill condition the place was in, and how untenable, is clear e∣nough; and if that Knight be asked, who told him what they had resolved be∣fore-hand amongst themselves, he can tell they meant not to consult their ex∣perience, had they had any, about this matter: well upon this occasion, he lessons all men, and gives rules to them, how they must behave themselves, they must not take upon them such imployments, whereunto nature and their inclinations hath not fitted them: I would aske this pedant, whether any body but himself will think him by nature or breeding (for his inclination he makes it manifest e∣nough, and such bold forwardnesse is ever to be found in all pedantical men) fitted to controll Parliament, direct Councellers of State in State affaires, re∣prove and befoole Commissioners of greatest quality, and imployed in matters of greatest trust and concernment from one Kingdom to another, and teach them what they should do, as if he were teaching his boyes, giving his judge∣ment of their carriage when they did well, when they did indiscreetly, wanting prudence and courage; so in matters of Warre giving his judgement, when businesses were well managed, and when otherwayes, as is to be seen through∣out this foolsh factious Discourse of his, which he was set about, or set himself about to serve other men in their designes? surely you must needs take him to be one of those noble Genies he talkes of, who he saith, are fitted for all imploy∣ments, otherwise he will fall under his own reproof here; for he makes himself a Judge and a controller, and director in all, as if all knowledge were within the compas of his round Cap, when he walks up and down in the midst of his Boyes; who so bold as blind Bayard.

After these Admonitions given to all men, he remembers himself, that the Scots his Countrymen may happily hereby come under his Ferua, and be lashed together with other men; whereupon he takes occasion to set forth and make ostentation of his impartiality; that you may believe his justnesse, he will re∣spect neither the one nor the other, he saith, to favour this, o excuse that, if they do of∣fend, whether he be Engl sh or Scot, it is all one to him, he will make no difference, which is a lie so grosse and putid, that the whole Discourse throughout makes it apparent, he was set on work, and eagerly carried on to that work he was set about, by his own spleen and falsehood fitting him hereunto, to no other end but to cry up the Scots contrary to all truth, and for the setting forth of their merit to disgrace the English, and the best deserving men amongst them with as much falsehood: indeed he there in the 119. and 120. pages, tells a tale or story no way tending to the credit of his Nation, as I have formerly said, it may be he exceeded his Commission in this particular, to make ostentation of impartiality, and to gain thereby the more credit in other things wherein that he might advance the Scots, he disgraceth, and so shamefully besieth the Eng∣lish, and that in many parts of this most Manifest Forgery of his, that I and eve∣ry man that reads it, may much more truly call it so, than he shamefully put the name of Manifest Truth upon it. I repeat often the same things, for he often puts on the same Vizards and Disguises to deceive, which I would as often pull off.

Page  145

He closeth up this Pamphlet of his (till, as he saith in the end of it, he may have another occasion, that is to exercise his invention again in slandring honest men, and lying more amply and fully) with a Discourse of Two particulars; the first very clearly sheweth of what spirit the man is; the second, what his design was in spread∣ing abroad this seditious Pamphlet, and other papers of the same kind, which was his practise untill the incendary was sought after for it, and made to betake him∣self to his heeles: these last dayes, he saith, he met with a printed paper (that is his usuall phrase, or it fell into his hands, though he sought after it, as a Fox after his prey) which was the later part of a Letter sent from Bristol: this he would make men believe was concealed from the world; and that he, out of his zeal to Church and State (and then comes in the solemn Covenant, which binds him so to doe) will give it to the view of the world: that it was kept from them (if there was any such thing, and not invented by him, to make men the rather think and suspect there was something in it) I know no reason at all; for the piece hath nothing in it but what exhorts to brotherly love and charity, though there be difference in judgement between men in things of inferior allay, and smaller consequence than to hinder them from keeping the unity of spirit in the band of love and peace; and this exhortation he cannot indure; therefore let me return upon himself, where it will be found most true, that grosse lye which he ends this passage withall, that in these few lines the malitious plot of factious Independents is more discovered against Church and State, than by whatsoever hath been said or written by them to this day; and so saith he, take up the passive obedience of these men: to these last words, and the igno∣rant or wilful folly of them out of meer malice, I have already said enough to di∣scover the same: But to his active malice in the former let me say, that in his discourse upon this piece of a Letter, though it be hard for him to exceed himself in what he hath already done of this kind, yet he hath here discovered such an inve∣nomed, imbittered spirit, void of all charity, and that unto such a heighth as is hardly to be paralleled; for not onely to harbour malice and uncharitableness in the heart, and vent it, though full of lies, upon all occasions, but besides to have the heart so deeply poysoned and corrupted, that the desires of love and peace, and exhortations to unity cannot be indured, this is a superlative wickedness, and like a stomack overcharged with choler, and full of all ill humours, which turns all wholsome food into the increase of that ill humour that is predominant in it; but what will not envy produce where it is entertained and beares sway? that this may the more manifestly appear, though he hath set the same down in his Pamphlet, yet I will here insert that part of the Letter, which his corrupted stomack so much riseth against, and then consider his most foolish, and most uncharitable exceptions against it. The Letter was Cromwels, whose very Name is sufficient, as hath ap∣peared, to turn the mans stomack, by stirring the spleen and choler lodged therein, and these are the words:

Presbyterians, Independents, all have here the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same presence and answers, they agree here, know no names of difference; pity it is it should be otherwise any where; all that believe have the reall unity, which is most glorious, because inward and spirituall, in the body and to the head; for being united in formes, commonly called uniformity, every Page  146 Christian will, for peace sake, study and doe as far as Conscience will permit; and from brethren, in things of the mind, we look for no compulsion, but that of light and reason: in other things God hath put the sword into the Parliaments hand, for the terror of evill doers, and the praise of them that doe well; if any plead exemp∣tion from it, he knoweth not the Gospel; if any would wring it out of your hands, or steal it from you, under what pretence soever, I hope they shall doe it without effect: that God will maintain it in your hands, and direct you in the use of it, is the prayer, &c.

What can a man find in all this, but that his spirit will fully close withall, if his heart have truly imbraced the reiterated Commands of our blessed Saviour in his dying words, as I may say, and farewell Sermon, John 14, &c. or hath his spirit truly seasoned and sanctified by imbracing, not in profession onely, but in power, the Doctrine of the Apostles thoroughout the Gospel, and received into his heart that exhortation of the Apostle, Phillip 3.1, 2, 3. verses, pressed by the Apostle with Arguments and Motives so powerfull and effectuall? onely such men as this, who are carried with a Pharisaicall Zeal to prefer their own Traditions before the Commandments of God, and place Religion in the setting up and maintaining the Idol of their own inventions (for which it is usuall for men to have a fiery preposterous Zeal) onely such, I say, could put an ill interpretation upon so christian an exhortation and desire, that all Christians, as they are one body, under one head, and enlivened by one and the same Spirit, might live and walk together in unfained love, without division in affections, though in some out∣ward things of government in the Churches they differ in opinion; and that the names set up by Satans policy to breed and continue contentions between brethren, might not prevail to obtain his end therein; the exhortatin and desire are both pious. The man enters upon his silly Observations (for such I may well term them) with this in the first place, That the words are set down in such a way, that what they mean, he that reads them can hardly reach unto, and that this seems to be done of purpose: The words are so plain, and the meaning so clear to him that will understand, that it may much rather be thought, this man is desirous to cast foggs and mists upon them, that the simpler sort, whom he speakes of afterwards, might be the better prepared to entertain his false glosses upon them to their deluding. That which he desires in this piece of his Letter is (as I have said) that diffe∣rence of judgement in things outward and of smaller consequence, and distin∣guishing names, cast upon men to breed and hold up divisions, might not cause difference in affection amongst brethren: To perswade to this, he first shews it feiseable by their practises and example where he is; and then urgeth that strong and undeniable reason for it, the real unity that there is between those who are believers and true Christians, being members of one body, united to one head, the Lord Christ, and this union being inward and spirituall is so glorious as not to have breaches made in it: for outward formes, and uniformity in them, for peace sake Christians will study to conform unto, so far as with a good conscience pre∣served they may; but untill their judgement and reasons have light sufficient to convince them of the lawfulnesse of things, it is expected (and well may be) from Page  147 brethren, though in Authority, not to compel thereunto a doubting unsatisfied conscience; the commands and lawes of men bind the outward man and reach to his conversation, but the mind and conscience must be left to God to work upon, Cogi non potest fides; what is not done of faith is sin, and to compell to sin is not the Magistrates part or duty: If therefore the things be of such a nature, as that they be grosse scandalous sinnes, and dangerous errors in respect of infection of others, and seducement; the Magistrate may and ought in such cases to proceed in the Negative, to forbid the outward actings and practise of such things, being in their natures destructive to the foundations of Christian Religion, and not suffer and permit men to hold them forth in their conversations amongst others, to offend and leaven them to their ruine; no more than he ought to suffer a man to run up and down, with a Plague sore running upon him, to destroy others: But in the Affirmative to force men outwardly to act that, and not forbear alone, but practise what is contrary to their consciences, and the light which as yet they have attained to, this is not to be done by a Christian Magistrate to any, much lesse to brethren; herein he, as well as others, if he have faith, must have it to himself before God, and not compell other men to sin, by forcing them to act and to doe things contrary unto, or with a doubting conscience, untill they shall be better in∣formed; and if not by example in things of indifferency and inferior considera∣tion, how much lesse, in matters meerly of outward form, by compulsion and force is this to be done? and this is that which is meant by these words, things of the mind, as is cleared by the reference of them to the conviction of enlightned reason, and the opposition of them to outward and other things: In the last place he acknowledgeth the authority of the Magistrate, with this brand upon those who would exempt themselves from it, that they knew not the doctrine of the Gospel, and this to muzzle the foul mouths of those, who cast upon them the names of Anabaptists; and they that shall indeavour, either by pretences of Religion, or whatever else,

to steal the sword out of the Parliaments hands, or by force to wrest it from them (whom he acknowledgeth hereby to be the lawful Authority over them and others) he hopes their indeavours shall be without effect:
Oh well spoken, with all my soul, I wish as well practised! Here is the sum and substance of all contained in this piece of the Letter, which the man snarles so much at; and what could be more christianly desired, or more clearly and plainly delivered? what more consonant to the doctrine of the Apostles, witnesse Romans 13. and many other Scriptures? and who, but he that will muzzle himself up still in his own malice, could find any intricacy and perplexity in the expressions there∣of.

To his 14 Observations upon this piece of the Letter, if I should answer no more but these two words, false and foolish, it were sufficient to any unprejudiced un∣derstanding man; but in respect of his simpler sort, and his well meaning people whom he labours to abuse, I shall trouble my self farther with them. His first Observation is this, If there be no difference between Presbyterians and Indepen∣dents where the Wtiter of the Letter is, how comes this man to discern them one from another, then comes in scornfully with a may be he can dive further into things, and understands more than others: The truth is, he understands little more than a fool that understands not the folly of this Observation, which onely malice and falsehood could be capable to bring forth from a man of any understanding: It is said in the Letter,

Presbyterians, Independents, all here have the same spirit of faith Page  148 and prayer, the same presence and answers, they agree here without taking notice, or so knowing names of difference, as to be hindred thereby from such agreement:
Every man must needs acknowledge this to be his sense, neither can malice wrest out another, but with greatest folly as this man here; for cannot there be a difference in opinion between men in things of small consideration, in respect of these great duties of piety and spiritual graces, which difference may be discerned, but yet have so little operation in the minds of pious men, as not to make the least breach in affection between them, nor give the least interruption to their joyning and sweetly closing together in all the duties of piety, graces of the Spirit, and ordi∣nances of the Gospel, with one heart, being of one mind, and one spirit in all these things? what greater folly than to make a question of this, which experience hath so manifestly evinced to be a truth, and that to the great commendation of the piety and charity of such godly men, that they will not for such differences in opi∣nion be hindered from mintaining the unity of the Spirit in the band of love and peace? heretofore the Devill (as he will never be without them) had two other distinguishing names, Conformist, and Non-Conformist, when Surplice and other Ceremonies were injoyned by the Prelates, wherein all men had not attained to the same measure of light, but were of different judgements, so that their difference of judgement and practise in these things of smaller consideration, and them∣selves by these names could be discerned one from another very easily, without a divining spirit; yet it might be truly said of many reverend and godly men amongst them in those times, both Ministers and Christian brethren, that notwithstanding such a difference, they prayed together, fasted together, had the same gracious pre∣sence of God with them in their praying, and fasting, and answers to their prayers offered up by the same spirit; and took so little notice of these differences of opi∣nion in things of this inferior nature, and of those distinguishing names arising from thence; as that notwithstanding they were of one heart and one soul, walk∣ing together in love as brethren, which is the thing here affirmed in the Letter of those who were where the Writer was. This I my self know to be a truth, and can testifie the same, and could name many of the men, having lived long with them, and seen and known their conversations. I have been willing to insist the longer upon this, not onely to shew how ridiculous his Observation is upon these words of unity in the Spirit of Faith and Prayer, and not suffering names, and differing in opinion in some things to breed difference in affection between those who have the same Faith, the same Spirit, the same Lord and head, and the same God, but most of all, because as he that writes it, so I with my soul desire that this unity of the Spirit in the band of peace and brotherly love might be more observed and practised in all places, notwithstanding these names, and the things for which they have been cast upon men: but I see now, as I did also observe in those times, many hot headed men carried on with a fiery zeal, which comes not from the Altar, so caught by Satan in this Mouse-trap of names, which he hath set up for that purpose, that they cannot indure to hear of a christian exhortation hereunto, or desire thereof, without putting their own unchristian interpretations and wrest∣ings upon the same, as this man here, and so divers others of his Spirit.

His 2d Observation is no other than a false affirmation; let him bring one instance to prove it if he can, and he shall not be thought altogether so false in his affirmations as he will needs publish himself in print to be; let him name the man whom he will have to be an Independent, that hath with fiercenesse opposed, or Page  149 cannot brook, or by cunning sought to supplant and cast out of imployment any Presbyte∣rian as such, if for other designes of theirs prejudiciall to the publick, and the right and interest of this Kingdome they have opposed them, and that constantly and unmovably, it is their faithfulnesse, for which they deserve to be commended: it is hard to undertake for all whom he may cast this name upon, but it is clear enough to them, who read this railing Pamphlet of his, whom he aimes at, those who oppose his Idol and the setting of it up in this Kingdome, though many of them be Presbyterians in judgement, in respect of that which in the issue will onely fall out to be the difference, whether Coercive power be to be exercised by Presby∣teries united or Consultative alone, as before I have expressed.

The 3d is of the same nature, as false, whether we respect the carriage of Presbyterian or Independent, especially those in the Assembly, whom he, as before and here, you may see principally shoots his bolt at (give me leave to say it often, since he so often will deserve it) what meeknesse of mind and patience the Presby∣terians have used towards the Independents in the Assembly, I have shewed before, and those that know and did observe the carriages of both in their debates there, and in their reasons and answers given in in writing one to another, can testifie; he doth no more here than often in other places, fortiter calumniari & impudenter: for the extravagarces the Presbyterians would bring them from, and the truth of God (as he will have it) which they would have them submit unto, what is this but fool∣ishly to beg the question in hand? that he would have them no longer born withall, and indured, but fire come presently from heaven and deliver him and his from them, that is consonant to all the rest which comes from his spirit; I would he knew of what spirit he is therein, that he might repent for it.

His 4th Observation hath such a preheminence in falshood that all experi∣ence can manifest the same to be false, whether you look into City, Town, or Country; for those he will call Independents, whether at home, or abroad, in old England or in New, they are so far from branding a Presbyterian, because such, with the name of prophanenesse, or a thought thereof, or thinking them unworthy of holy society with them, that they doe not, nor will not, for that difference in judge∣ment onely, knowing them otherwise to be truly godly, refuse to admit them into their nearest and dearest Societies, their Church fellowships, neither doe they think they ought; and this common experience of their practise herein will testifie against this impudent falshood of his charged upon them.

In the 5th Observation he makes a riddle, and bids him to solve it who will; it is as easily solved, as foolishly made and called a riddle; his riddle is this, Presbyterians and Independents are said to have an inward unity, whence is it then, that they agree not in things of the mind which are esteemed inward? the conscience is a part of the mind, yet it suffers not Independents to uniform with Presbyterians: Amongst all the riddles that in the riddle book are taught children for sport, I think there is not to be found so childish a one as this: can there be no inward and reall unity, where, in any thing whatever, there is any difference? for in the distinction that he himself makes of things of the mind, he saith, they are things that remain within the mind and goe no further, or things that proceed and come from the mind and are outward, and this latter he extends afterward to all things; for the first, those that remain in the mind, and come not out, nor goe further, there can be no compulsion of them he saith; and so I say, if they never come forth of the mind nor Page  150 be discovered, in them there can be neither agreement nor disagreement, for who can know what they are? therefore the agreement that is between men must be in things that come out from the mind, and so are discovered, not that abide and re∣main in the mind and cannot be known, and these, in his acception of these words [things of the mind] are all things that concern Church or State, all that are proper to men above meerly naturall and sensible creatures, as in his eighth Ob∣servation he hath it: then mark, I will not say what a riddle he makes of this, but what a foolish position and false he layeth down, which no man of understanding would ever have done, if his inconsidering Zeal had not transported him to say he neither knew, or cared what; that is, if there be a difference between men in any one thing, so that they doe not uniform in all things, there can be no inward unity between them, and it is a riddle to say there is: Will not any, who is acquainted with Scripture, or I may say, that is above his meerly naturall and sensible creatures, and hath understanding to observe what hath, and doth daily passe between men in the world, see the falshood and willful folly herein expressed? Paul and Bar∣nabas had an inward unity, the same Spirit of faith and prayer, as here is said, and were united inwardly and spiritually by the same Spirit to one Head, and one to another, as members of the same mysticall body, yet they did not agree in all things of the mind, for one was of the mind that John Mark should not goe to visit that work which he had before deserted, and the other was of opinion that it was fit to take him along with them notwithstanding, and this difference conti∣nued between them, and was sufficiently discernable, and yet will he say it is a riddle to affirm that there was an inward union between them and spiritual unity at that time? So Paul and Peter differed, when Paul reproves him in things con∣cerning Religion: if he shall answer, these were particular actions and passa∣ges falling out in their conversations, not different opinions that they held and professed in matters of Religion, yet they will fall under his acceptation and in∣terpretation of the words, and extending of them to all things in his eighth Ob∣servation, and then they make for him this absurd conclusion, that between these Apostles it were a riddle to say there was any inward spirituall unity. But in those times there were many thousands of the believing Jewes, who were zealous of the Ceremonies of the Law, as the Elders at Jerusalem told Paul, not having yet light enough to convince them, That the Substance being come, these Cere∣monies were to cease; the believing Gentiles, having more light in that particular, were of another mind and judgement according to the truth; and this difference in matters of Religion, and of far greater consideration and consequence than what I have shewed to be between Presbyterians and Independents, was held up and maintained with too much strife and contention between them; conscience not permitting the Jewes to uniform with the Gentiles, as is clear by the directions given therein by the Apostles, and by that 14th Chapter to the Romans; notwith∣standing all this, shall any man be said to speak riddles, that affirmes there was a reall inward spirituall union between these believing Jewes and Christian Gen∣tiles, who had imbraced the Gospel? And that holding the head, they were, as the Apostle saith, Col. 2 19. knit together by joynts and bands which are inward and spirituall, and did increase and grow up together according to the measure of every part with the increases of God: while we live here in this life we are imperfect, and know but in part, and therefore being of different stature in knowledge, there Page  151 is and will be difference of opinion in some things of Religion amongst Christi∣ans, who notwithstanding by an inward and spirituall union, as the Apostle hath it, Ephes. 4.13, 15, 16. Grow up in him who is the head, even Christ, ac∣cording to the measure of every part, as many members, and of severall statures, united in one body, and increasing, and edifying one another in love. I wish these Zealots for tithing of Mint, Anise and Cumin were better acquainted with these great things of the Gospel, which they neglect for such things as are not to be regarded so much, as this tithing in those times, being a thing commanded; they would not then call what in this Letter is affirmed, and, sutably to that example, desired to be practised in other places, a riddle, which their fiery fleshly Zeal and igno∣rance makes them doe: And, but that I am willing to insist upon this point, de∣siring it may be better known, and better practised amongst Christians, occasion being ministred unto me by this ignorant or malicious Observation, I have in∣deed troubled my self and the Reader too much in discovering the sillinesse and va∣nity of it.

His 6th Observation: I have answered in shewing what the Wrier meant by Compulsion in things of the mind, as may be well enough understood by such as have not a will to cavill; for the thing in question is uniformity in formes with Presbyterians, that which he desires and expects from brethren, being Magistrates, is, that men be not compelled thereunto untill they have light sufficient to convince their reasons of the lawfulnesse thereof; therefore to wrest this to such a sence that men may have liberty to say, write, and doe whatsoever is in their mindes, is either great ignorance, or wilfull out of malice; for by compulsion to keep men from saying, writing, and doing whatever comes into their minds, is to put compulsion upon thei outward actions in restraining them, which he grants the Magistrate hath power in; but to compell mens minds to think this or that is lawfull, and therefore to force them to act accordingly, and practise it for uniformities sake, before they shall have light sufficient to convince their reason of the lawfulnesse of it, which is not in the power of man to give; this is a metropolitan and prelatical practise, as we know in the compelling of Subscription; and this he expects Chri∣stian Magistrates will not doe, and well he may expect it, if they will keep them∣selves to the rules of the Apostles doctrine: there is great difference between re∣straining men from venting, publishing, and acting their errors when they are grosse, scandalous, and destructive to others, and compelling and forcing men for to act and practise that, which they in their consciences judge to be unlawfull, for conformity sake: the one the Magistrate may and ought to doe, but not the other; he may, and ought to restrain sin; but not to force men to sin against conscience, by practising and acting what they think to be unlawfull, untill they have light to convince them of the lawfulnesse of such things, as they are required to conform unto: therefore this conclusion, of his is a meer cavill arising from an ignorant, or wilfull mistake and wresting of the words.

In his 7th Observation he cavilleth at the words Light and Reason, and saith, that all the phanaticall phrensies, that have been broached, doe pretend thereunto, no men pleading so much for reason as the Socinians, and Arminians, except our Indepen∣dents. Because all heresies and phanatical men have made use of the Scriptures, and pretended their heresies and phansies to be warranted thereby, is this a Page  152 good reason to object against the right use of the Scriptures, or against those who mention the Scriptures? So if some falsely pretend to light, and attribute too much to Reason, shall it be a fault in others to desire to be guided by Reason inlightned out of the Scriptures, and not compelled to act contrary to the same? For his preferring his Independents (for so he calls them, and well may he, be∣ing such onely of his own making) before the Socinians and Arminians, in pleading for reason, it is well known, that no men keep themselves more closely and exactly to the Word, without admitting of any humane policies, or humane reason, in the very matters of Church government, than these men doe whom he would make Independents, acknowledging the discipline and government of Churches to be instituted by Christ and the Apostles, and nothing that is to be done therein, in the least circumstance, to be left to the reason and policy of men, but ordered by the Word, either in the expresse precepts thereof, or by the generall rules of order, decency, and edification, set down therein; and I am sure this Zealot for his Kirk government cannot say so much for That, and prove it, if their practise be examined, and proof out of the Scriptures be brought for it; and that in respect of divers particulars. How their Rabbies in the Synod have proved their light to be clear, and their reasons to be true, it is well known, he saith: I agree with him, it is so well known by their reasons and answers given in in writing, that by whom those shall be seen either now or hereafter, it will appear how false that is which he affirmes of their being convin∣ced by the Word of God, or their light proved thereby to be darknesse, and their reason erroneous; and therefore untill that could be done, which will be found to be far from being done at that time, they had reason to continue in that judge∣ment which they had warrant for out of the Word of God: for the practise of the reformed Churches, that is no rule, farther than their practise is agreeable to the Word of God, which is the onely rule; and as they have reformed many things, so there may be the same need yet to reform in some other things, wherein they may be wanting, or have been mistaken: for the state of the best and most reformed here in this life is a state short of perfection.

In his 8th Observation he comes in with, again he saith, "We look for no com∣pulsion; the Writer saith no such thing again, but this man will needs cavill again, and to that end bring it in again; well let us see what he will be at now again; though I have answered this; and many of the rest, by shewing the true meaning of the Writer in those words ["Compulsion for things of the mind] then I pray thee, saith he, is not the common Law of England a thing of the mind; whom speaks he to, is he now turned to some Petty-fogger of the Law? well, what then? why this man denieth the Parliament to have any thing to doe with it, nor with the Church, nor with the State, seeing they have nothing to doe with things of the mind: Well argued and concluded once again Mr. Rhombus; or wittingly and wilfully contrary to clear light: for in this sense, wherein the man will take things of the mind, that is, which come forth from the mind, as all actions proper: o men doe, as he himself concludes in this 8th Observation; as he saith, the Common Law of England is a thing of the mind, so he may as well (as himself confesseth) say the same of any thing whatsoever done by a man indued with reason, and not by a beast or unreasonable creature: How can he then with any conscience or care of speaking Page  153 truth, make this the sense of the Writer, when in the very next words which he himselfe repeats, he tells us what the Writer saith concerning other things, that they are subjected to the sword of the Parliament. To use his owne manner of speech, wherewith I am now so well acquainted, I pray thee then tell me what those other things are, which in the Writers sense are subjected to the Parliaments authority, since all things done by men, whatever they be, are things of the minde: was he so butish, or will you be s, to intend by those other things distinguished from things of the mind in his Letter, the actions done by beasts? You would make this his absurdity, but it is no other than your owne most absud and ridiculous cavilling against that, which as I have shewed before, hath a plaine and cleare sense, which every understanding man that is ingenuous, will acknowledge, yea, though an advesary.

His 9th. Ob ervation is of the same kinde; bu he contradicts himslfe by re∣straining he meaning of the words, now to the denying of the Parliament to have to doe with holy things, whereas before he would understand them of the Com∣mon Law of England, and of all things: but he knows not what to doe with those other things, which the Writer acknowledgeth

the Parliament to have the Sword put into their hands to order and compell in, for the terrour of those that do ill, and the praise of those that do well,
as his words are; and therefore here he is constrained to interpret things of the minde to be holy thngs, which the Parliament is not to meddle with; then in this, and his two following Observations, he runnes out from this foolish interpretation to draw conclusions, and make consequences an∣swerable thereunto, whereas he neiher doth, nor can prove any such thing to be meant by the Writer, or intended in those words, therefore both conclusions and consequences are nothing else bu fooleries and falshoods, having no other foun∣dation but his owne malicious fancy, that will have it so, to give him a pretence at least to raile against the Writer, whose snse and meaning in the words I have sufficiently expressed before to any who will understand truth; but bray a Fool in a Mortar & he will still be the same; for what folly & malice doth he shew in all this? that first he will have the words to be understood of all things that are poper to a rea∣sonable creature, then he will restrain them to holy things; & whereas the writer speaks of other things separated and excepted from what he intends by things of the mind, these he will have to be no things: so malice & envy makes him turne this way and that way, & every way to make something out of nothing rather than not to find a fault, for there can be nothing found in those words, or that whole piece, that doth not well stand with the acknowledgement of the Mgistrates power in things civill, and also in things of Religion so far forth, as to be Custos ucriusque tabulae: notwithstanding which acknowledgement, there may well be an expectation that a Christian Magistrte will not force and compell any man to act contrary to his minde and conscience, till light received sufficient to convince him, that what is required of him is lawfull: This being the duty of every Chistian Magistrate that will walk charitaby, and the true sense of the Witers words: I shall not need therefore to trouble my selfe any farther with his consequences drawn from his owne evill imaginations alone, in this 9th. Observation, or the 10th, and 11th. being nothing else but Castles built in the Aire, without any foundation. I will onely observe his usuall custome in speaking of the Covenant, and the Parlia∣ments Declarations at their first taking up of Armes, which is still to leave out those words which purposely were put in to explaine their meaning, and this he Page  154 doth either out of ignorance (to judge the best of it) or purposely to serve for his designe, in mentioning the Covenant, where he still presseth, That by this Oath we are bound to reforme the Church according to the Word of God, &c. he will still omit these words ["according to our places and callings] which is a Limitation that was purposely put in, that it might not be thought we bound our selves to fight at all for Reformation of Church Government, much lesse accor∣ding to the example of the Church of Scotland, which he would make men believe we bound our selves unto by this Oath, and are fighting for that cause, though no such thing was ever meant, but puposely provided against by this Caution: then when he mentioneth the maintaining of the Doctrine, Discipline, and Government of the Church of Scotland in the Covenant, he sets it downe absolutely, omitting this which was purposely also put into that clause [against Popery] not binding our selves any farther; and in the Declaration of both Houses before their taking up of Arms, he leaves out what the Houses onely intended, and particularly expressed,
the de∣fence of the true Protestant Religion, established by Law in England against Po∣perie;
and therefore for him to say it is a lie to affirme the Parliment did not make Religion in general its quarrell (especially understanding it to be the Refor∣mation of Church Government, and introducing his Church Government, and setting of that up in the place of Prelates here in England, which is that he all along takes for Reformation of Religion in this Pamphlet of his) is so impudent, grosse, known a lie, that at the first taking up of Armes, it was not so much as thought of; But they declared,
They would maintaine the true Protestant Religi∣on established by Lawes in this Kingdome against Popery, if need should be, and would defend the Laws of the Kingdome in preservation thereof, by Armes,
as they might justly; but against the Lawes then in force, to take up Arms for the setting up of his Church Government, his Idol, and casting out of Bishops, by the Sword, for that end; I dare say it was so far from the thoughts of the two Houses of Par∣liament, who were constrained to take up armes for their own defence onely, a∣gainst force prepared to ruine them, that if any such thing had been then proposed, they would much sooner have taken up Arms against it, and by the Lawes of the Kingdome, as then they stood, might much more lawfully have done it, if by force such a thing had been endeavoured to be obtruded upon the Kingdome. These omissions are usuall with him, for in speaking of these things they serve not for his turn, therefore he hath a Figure called Preterition alwaies for them also.

The 12. Observation is a question made to no purpose that I know, Whether the Uniformity between Presbyterian and Independent be not externall, the inward being already by this mans words, as he saith; if it be externall, then the Parliament hath power over it. And who denied the Parliaments having power over it? I think the Writer, and every wise and good man, did and doth desire that the Parliament would use their power, there being an inward union in the maine things of true Religion between them, to forbid and prevent strife, contentions, and divisions among them, to the disturbance of the peace both of Churches and the State, in respect of an externall uniformity onely in things of forme, which none are such eager sticklers in, and set on foot so much as this hot-headed Presbyterian, and those of his spirit; and this were a right use of their power in such things of out∣ward formes, not to suffer contentions to arise about them, to the prejudice of that inward unity and power of godlinesse, which true Christians should grow up in, and hereunto tendeth the Writers desire in what he said; but how foolishly and Page  155 falsely doth the man gather and assume this, when he concludes what is sought for to be externall, because the inward was already, by the Writers words? when the Writer only sheweth it was so amongst them where he was, but that it was not so elsewhere, which is his griefe, saying "it was pity it should be otherwise any where; but for this man to be labouring to make something out of nothing, if he could, to serve his turne, is usuall with him, though he make himselfe ridiculous thereby.

In his 13. Observation, he saith, it seems in that Army, that the externall unifor∣miy is also, by this mans saying, between Presbyterian and Independent: Marke how he tumbles up and downe fom one side to another to cavill; in that which went but next before he had said, the Externall was sought for between them, the Inward being already by this mans words, now in this Observation of his, the Externall must be by this mans words, if the Externall be already by this mans words, how can it be sought for? Will that be raised also from the same words? that it is, and yet it is to seek; hre indeed take your Riddle; are not these grave and weighty Obser∣vations much worth observing? but he brought this in by hook and crook, as we say, to have a jerke at some Independent Officers for preaching, as he clls it, whereun∣to no Presbyterian will give his consent, much lesse practice it, and therefore there can be no uniformity, at least without difference: There can be no Uniformity, if there be a Dfference in any thing; as before there could be no Union, if in any one thing proper to a Man there were a difference; If one Man love Cheese, and another will not eate it, there can be no Unity nor Uniformity between these Men: I should be unwilling to send my Child to such a Schoolmaster: but to his instance, suppose the Army or any part of it were necessitated to be in such places upon the Lords day, where they could not enjoy the preaching of the Word for their com∣fort and edification, if upon such an occasion some gifted man amongst them (as there were many such, both Scholars from the Universities and others) should han∣dle a piece of Scripture for their mutuall edifications, and the better helping of themselves to imploy the Lords day in holy exercises, according to the Comman∣dement; would any sober, modest, pious Presbyterian be offended hereat? I believe no such thing, but rather that they would willingly joyne therein, both to heare what should be profitably delivered by others, and, being gifted, and there∣by by fitted thereunto, take their turnes to doe the like upon like occasion themselves: Hath this mans malice so far transported him, that he will be transformed there∣by into a Popish or Prelaticall garbe, to suffer none to handle the Word for ex∣hortation, and edification one of another, except he be first made by them a Dea∣con, or have added thereunto afterwards the indeleble character of a Priest at large, a Minister without a charge, a Pastor without a Flock, and an unfixed wan∣dring Starre, as the Prelates to uphold and maintaine their usuped power over the Ministers, use to doe? though they seem to be at a great distance and deadly feud, yet examine things fully, and in the point of usurpation of power, under pretence of Order, and preventing Confusion and Anarchy, which is that they use to pretend and hold forth, you shall finde Prelats and their classicall Presbyteries differ little or nothing: That Tyranny, which is used over Churches and the Members thereof by the one in a Diocesse, is exercised in a Circuit containing many particular Churches by the other, the difference being nothing at all in the things done, but in the persons by whom they are done, here by Oe, there by a Few; the one, or few having neither of them any warrant from the Word of God, for the power they usurp and exercise; this he hath led me into by being so per∣remptory Page  156 in undertaking that no Presbyterian will consent unto, much lesse practice the exercise of the gift of Prophecy, for mutuall edification by a Man being out of Of∣fice, which either for probation, or mutuall edification, may be done upon occa∣sion, and I dare say, many Godly men of Presbyterian judgement, will assent thereunto; let this generall undertaker undertake what he pleaseth, and best ser∣veth his present turne, what his Scotch Classicall meetings, which they call their Presbyterian Churches, will doe, I know not. Yet by this I have spoken, I in∣tend not to justifie all that hath been done of this kinde in these times; for it may be upon pretence, and under the name of a time of Liberty to all men, as many other things have been done, which no good man or wise will justifie; so in this particular, many ignorant and yet conceited men of their owne abiliti , it may very well be, have too often taken upon thm to handle the Word of God unskil∣fully, and thereby taken the Name of God in vaine, presuming above that which was meet for men of their gifts and abilities; and this the weakest men are aptest to run into, but the abuse (which often falls out of the best things) must not take away and condemne the right use thereof.

In his lst Observation, he speaketh of winging or stealing the Sword out of the Par∣liaments hands, and this he brings in, to take occasion to fall into his so often rei∣trated, and so notoriously false Discourse of the Scots Presbyterians (as he here calls them) putting the Sword into the Parliaments hands, and also keeping it there; but because they are the same things I have so fully spoken to before, I will not trouble my selfe-here againe with them, there being nothing new in what he here saith, but in the last particular of stealing the Sword out of their hands, for which; he saith, he knowes none, nor feares none, but those who deny them to have any power in Church affaires; and I say, who those are, whether Independents, or their classi∣call Presbyteries, especially their generall Assembly, let the world judge; for these are so far from acknowledging the supreame civill Authority in their Church af∣faires, that they doe hold the supreame authority in the State, not only obliged to submit to their determinations in thir generall Assembly, but also bound by civill sanction to establish in the Kingdom, what they shall in the Assembly resolve and determine in Church matters, which In ordine ad Spiritualia they will extend far enough; here is an Independency not to be paralleled but by the Pope, neither can He at this time, and in this age flye so high, his wings having been of late clipped. Thus in respect to his simpler sort whom he would abuse, I have put my selfe to the trouble to discover this simplicity, and falsity of his multiplyed Ob∣servations upon this piece of Cromwlls Letter, which he that reades without pre∣judice and malice, will finde nothing to observe in, but a Christian affection, and desire from thence, that Peace and Love may be maintained between Brethen, and the Magistrates power (which is acknowledged) may be exercised rather for the preservation thereof, than, to humour violent men, be imployed in a rigid way of compelling Uniformity in matters of outward fome, which alwayes hath been obseved to overthrow unity of spirit in things of Religion which are substan∣tial.

Having in this piece of a Letter, met with the name of Independents, his spleen is so stirred, that he cannot give over till (as his usuall manner is) he hath railed, slandered, and lyed sufficiently, though very hardly can he thinke any thing suf∣ficient of this kinde, and upon this occasion, till another point fall into his fancy and put it out, and then you shall have him say as he doth here, no more of this Page  157 now; but the next time enough, though the same things over againe, old lyes ra∣ther than none in this case. The prime sticklers of the Independents, he saith, have scrued themselves in the service of the Parliament, and elsewhere into imployment, to make the world believe they are the men that doe ll, and the onely Patriots, and for this end he saith, they have gained most of the scribling Pamphleters in the City, to set forth lyes and tales for them, and they must be the onely men named and proned (his owne terme) in Churches, if they chance to be where any action is with successe, though they have but little hand in it: to set downe In terminis these his lyes, to those who know the men he aymes to disgrace thereby, is a sufficient conviction of his false∣hood, and manifestation of that envy, which gnaws and eats out his stomach; for the knowne fidelity and ablity of those men, whom he would cast these lyes upon, having brought them into the Parliaments service and imployment, and God having pleased to answer their faithfulnesse and diligence in doing service, with successe, this so encreases his disease, that he is ready to burst for envy at it, and from thence come these slanders, contrary to the knowne truth, not having the least shadow of any proofe for any of them; for let him instance in one of those men he flyes our upon with these lyes, and makes it apparent enough he aimes at in this scurrile Discourse of his, who hath not rather been sought after, than sought imployment; and been desired rather for the Parliaments service, than scrued themselves into it; being put into imployment in the Parliaments service, they have indeavoured to doe the best they could to answer the trust reposed in them as good Patriots, not to doe little or nothing, and then, as he saith, to be thought to doe all, but have done so much in the knowledge of all men, and con∣fession of those, who without envy and malice looke upon it, that they neede not Pamphleters to tell lyes and tales for them, nor proning in Churches (to use his Scotch phrase) the things done, and services performed, speaking sufficiently for them without these. But who can chuse but observe here in this man, that which com∣mon experience manifesteth to be true? Such as man are themselves, such they judge other men to be; for hath there been, or can there be found out amongst them all such a practice of Pamphleting, to set forth the praises of men that have indeed done little or nothing, and to make the world believe they are the men who have done all, as this scriblers Pamphlet set forth to magnifie the Scots? I may well say this scribling Pamphleter compared with all the Pamphleters about the City, or in the Kingdome, is to them all like one of the Sons of Anack, and they all but like Grashoppers to him in this respect; therefore he or they who set him about this worke, being conscious to themselves of their owne practice, should have done much more wisely to have forborne to charge others falsely, with that which they knew themselves so apparently guilty of; for what man will not readily hereupon hold up this Pamphlet (which all men see to be set forth for that purpose) before this scriblers eyes, and theirs he scribles for, and bid them therein see their owne faces as in a Glasse? the foolish man hath very often brought forth such Glasses, thinking therein to shew the world an ugly face, which he would represent for theirs he scribles against, when being brought forth into the light, it hath too clearly held forth the visage of those his Pamphlet is scribled for, I have formerly shewed how little right he hath done them thereby; he goeth on railing, and takes the name of God in vaine, saying, God knoweth those things, which indeed he doth know to be most falsely spoken of them he intends, by his Independents, that they are the cause of disturbances, Blasphemies, damnable Heresies, and what else his foule Page  158 mouth belcheth out against them: the time will come, when if this railing man prevent it not by his repentance, which I desire for him, he will know to his cost, all these things to be as base slanders, as any wicked man could cast abroad against the Children of God, and that these mad and damnable Heresies, which have run about, have been much more hatefull to the men he intends to brand with them, than to himselfe and his fiery Presbyterians, whose zeale is more for the Sctch kire government, as appeareth by him, than for the truth. He now b ings in his hopes, and shweth what his desires are by his assurance, Credimus quod cupimus; that is, That as God is bringing low the publick Enemy, so he will pull downe erelong the undermining Independents: Well look to it, that for your uncharitable wishes and desires, the same things fall not upon you Zealots for an Idoll of you s, a humane device, and policy, which you wish and desire to befall those, who indeavour to serve God in truth, according to his Will revealed in his Word, both in respect of Doctrine and Discipline: let the remembrance of these words bring you to rpent for such unchristian and uncharitable hopes, desires, lyes, and slanders as this Pamphlet is full of,

With what measure you mete, it shall be measured againe unto you.

That which followeth is nothing else but a manifestation of the same spirit of Malice, Falsehood, and Envy; for finding well-deserving in the men, and not being able to deny the services performed by them, he will invent some matter to detract from their merit, as Envy alwaies doth, though never so false and foolish, and that here he doth, beginning with non-sence: If it were against a Forraign Enemy, he saith, he would acknowledge the service done by the Independents, to be the part of good Patriots; but the case is otherwise here, we have a civill Warre for Religion and Liberty, both which, the declared Enemy, though intestine, would subvert and spoyle by any meanes, if he could, and set up Tyranny; and what then? there he leaves, lest he should fall into one of these two, either to praise the Independent as a good Patriot for his service herein; or else say, that to help or assist against those that indeavour to subvert Religion and Liberty, though by an intestine Warre and Enemy, were not praise-worthy: what a foolish argumentation have we here? he would make a difference, where, in respect of the good service done, there is no difference, but this that is to their advantage, that assisting in the later, (a Civill Warre against Religion and Liberty to overthrow both) makes the service, in resisting thereof, to be of greater merit, because it manifesteth greater sincerity to Religion and Liberty, from the defence whereof no private relations could withdraw them, and so makes his Objection most idle, therefore in the end he breakes off abruptly, and con∣cludes just nothing from the difference he had begun withall: the Man had run himself cleane out of breath with railing, and so sits downe as one at a losse, who knew not where he was, nor what he had said, and what to say next. The rest is all of the same stuffe, false, foolish, ridiculously foolish, as the Reader may observe, and hath been often before shewed; therefore I will not take the paines to run after him any farther, in this idle piece of the Discourse, which makes it appeare his malice can hardly end, no not when it grows to be ridiculous in the eyes of any ju∣dicious man, if the subject of his Discourse be the men that he thinkes will never be brought to worship his Idoll, for his spleen so blindes him, that be seeth not, this difference casts out his Scots with all their great services from being good Patriots, as much as the Independents.

We are come at last to that wherewih he closeth up this his Pamphlet, framed Page  159 for such a purpose, together with the extolling of his Countrimen, and making ex∣cuses for them (whereof they had need enough) such at least as he could, being the second particular I before spake of, wherein the Reader may see what hath been hatching by this Pamphlet, the other Paper-practises, Manifesto's, Libells, and such like, spread about the City by this Incendiary and his complices, sent up and downe the Town as fit Emissaries for such a design: the Egg was brought forth, but miscarried in the hatching, therefore he would let you see what it should have been, if the Parliament would have received it: A Petition to be offered by a Company of his well-meaning people, prepared by such artifices as these for that purpose; and the Petition, as is most probable, prepared before hand for them; that the Parliament wanting wisdome in the matte s of his Religion, that is, his Scotch Kirk Government, might be better instructed by his simpler sort, stirred up by the seditious practises used by him, and those of his counsell and party, whose Emissary he was The Parliament wanting zeale also for his good cause in hand, and being neglectfull of their Oath and Covenant, which he will interpret for them, as may serve his turne, might be reproved for their slacknesse, and by his well-meaning people directed and prescribed the time when to do these businesses they are entrusted with, and also what they shall doe therein; which if the like had come unto them in the times of peace from the King himself, they would have ac∣counted it (as it is well known to be) so great a breach of the Priviledges of the Parliament, that they would have sate still, as they have done, in that case, and med∣led with no businesse untill they had been righted therein: for by Priviledge of Parliament, None is to take notice of what is in agitation in the Houses, untill they themselves shall publish it: and this is to be observed even betweene the two Houses one towards another, or they will, and constantly do complaine of breach of priviledge, if either House shall offer to do any such things to the other; how much lesse may such a thing be offered by private men, who are all involved in the Houses that represent them, and therefore as they have intrusted them wholly with the management of all businesses, so are they to refer the same unto them, and wait their resolutions and determinations therein, not so much as taking up∣on them to take any notice how they are proceeded in, or stand in either House, untill the Houses shall communicate them one to another, and then declare them publiquely to the King and Kingdome: therefore the impuden: falshood of this shamelesse Pedant may appeare herein, that he is bold to impute the Houses not receiving this Chicke of his hatching, and his sitting on, as is most likely, unto the practise of Independents; when as the house would rather have punished it, had it been offered, as a grosse breach of their Priviledges, than entertained any Pe∣tition of that nature. Next, as his manner is, he sets up Objections of his owne framing, and then frames Answers to them, like a bold Ignoramus, that will be medling in things he understands not, which wih him is very usuall: He talkes of other Petitions offered to the Houses; not being able, or wilfully neglecting to distinguish between such a Petition as this is, and Petitions that are usuall and agreeable to duty, as when by Petition men shall present their readinesse upon all occasions to obey and serve the Parliament, and this in testimony of their good affections to them, which these times ministred occasions for, and whereof consi∣sted most of the Petitions he ignorantly compares with this, or otherwise when men shall make known some to the Parliament grievances, and thereupon the humble desires of some Counties or Townes, which before they had not been acquainted Page  160 with, not taken cognisance of; in these Petitions there is presented in the one du∣tifull affections, with promise of obedience to the Houses, for to encourage them in difficult times as these were; in the other there is offered unto them some grievances not before knowne unto them, with desire that they would take them into consideration, and so leaving them wholly to their determination whom they have intrusted with all: but this Petition is of a far other nature, taking notice of what lies in consideration before them, of their slacknesse in proceeding in it, and directs what they are to doe, and the time when, that there be no longer delay in the businesse; then they come in with their Reasons and Arguments to enforce the same, as if the Houses wanted such men as these are to instruct them how, and when they should proceed in the businesse that lay before them: had such a Pe∣tition been laid down, and drawn in the fairest termes, and humblest manner, that a much modester, and beter pen than this mans, could have expressed it in, yet could it not but have been accounted worthy to be rejected as a very great and grosse breach of priviledge of Parliament, as all men know, who are acquainted with priviledges of Parliament. For his farther prosecution of this businesse in justi∣fication of the Petition, first by rayling against Independents, and then by the silly Objections nothing to the purpose made by himselfe, and as sillily and little to the purpose in this case, answered by him; the first being but the same wherein I have so often before discovered his malice and false-hood; and for the other ha∣ving shewed the nature of this Petition, and the priviledges of Parliament with which is cannot consist, so that all he speakes of Petitions to Princes, and of our Prayers to God and such like, in this case must needs be idlely and ignorantly spoken, quite besides the matter and to no purpose; I shall not therefore trouble my selfe any farther with it: only I desire here againe, that every man that reads him would from this, with which he ends, observe what was the maine designe of those who set this Pedant on work, to spread this seditious Pamphlet, and many such other Papers, Manifesto's, and lying Libells from time to time about the Town, and not thinking that sufficient, in sending their Emissaries also into the Towne, and upon the Exchange, to inflame the multitude, and abuse the igno∣rant people by tales and lies, to fill their heads with jealousies and suspitions a∣gainst the Parliament, and Parliament-men of greatest fidelity, because they would not be brought to comply with them to the prejudice of this Kingdome, as I be∣fore have often touched; it was that which you may see here they indevoured to bing about by these unworthy meanes, and courses, if they could, that the mul∣tiude seduced by their lying tales, might have been stired up, contrary to the authority and priviledge of Parliament, to come with such directing and enfor∣cing Petitions to gaine these mens ends, and wrest from that Parliament what they would have, though the Parliament (the onely Judge of what is for the King∣domes and Peoples good) did not judge it to be so: Now for men who pretend to Religion, to set on foot such practises as these in another Kingdome (into which they came to assist the Parliament in maintaining their Rights and Priviled∣ges against the oppression and force of the King) as to stir up the people to infringe the Liberties, and breake the priviledges of Parliament as they have often done, though in a disguised way, by their appeales divers times made to the City, when after they had put in their Paper into the Houses of Parliament, they would print them, publish them, and puposely spread them about the City, to make the City Judges between the Parliament and them: Nay they proceeded so far, as to Page  161 procure the States of Scotland to addresse themselves to the City by their Letetrs, the Parliament sitting, as if they had not been involved in the Houses of Parlia∣ment, and to be wholly subjected to their determination: these unworthy practi∣ses, and such other as I have spoken of before, acted by this, and other Emis∣saries of theirs, sent up and downe the Town for that end, let the World, and all honest men in it, be Iudges of, whether they do agree with those Vertues, which for thei praise, this Trumpeter of their great acts and services, spreads abroad so often, so vainely, indeed so much to their disgrace; and let every wise man a∣mongst themselves consider, whether it had nor been much more for their advan∣tages, the Schoolmaster had been left to his proper imployment, Tutoring his Boyes, than set on work to bring forth such a Manifest as this proves, being truly examined?

I cannot choose but observe one thing more here, which sticks so fast in his teeth, that he cannot be rid of it nor get it downe, and that is the murmur of the people for the Scots marching Northward, which he will meet withall againe in this last leaf, and notwithstanding all that he had said before to excuse it, it seemes his simpler sort, as he here saith, cannot be satisfied with it: No mervaile, for it was a thing so unworthy, and so great a dis-service, that he must be a very simple man indeed, and ignorant, that could not discerne it, and therefore justly rest unsatisfied with it: neither can all his braggs afterwards, of the Scotch Nation and their carriage in this businesse (a thing usuall with him) for which he gives us nothing more than his bare word, nor his exclamations against us, for our ill requiting of them, which hath no better evidence, ever be able to wipe out this Blot of their marching in that manner, and to that end, and at such a time, Northward; nor indeed many other blots which they, especially some of them, have cast upon themselves in these businesses, and this Pedant in thinking to wash them off, will needs do them the ill service to set them upon the stage in the open view of all men, which his Manifest lyes for them, and slanders cast upon other men, hath beene the onely occasion of.

I Have now done with this Fox that ran up and downe the Towne, like one of Sampson's, with a Firebrand in his Tayl, indeavouring to inflame the people, and possesse them with an ill opinion of the Parliament and their Proceedings, that so they might be the better fitted and prepared to be made use of, by those who set him on work, and set on foot such other like practises amongst the people in the City for the end, thinking thereby to compasse their designes.

Page  162

I shall end with making an Apology for my self, that I, who often reproach him for Unharitableness, may be thought my selfe failing therein, because my Answer to this Discourse of his in many places is somewhat tart and sharp. I confesse my heart doth no way approve of overmuch sharpnesse in Polemic writings; but this man, to pass by his vaine and foolish boastings and braggs of his Country-men the Scots, and that to the disgrace of this Nation, not easily borne withall by an English man, hath in many places besides so basely and falsely, in mine owne knowledge, traduced and slandered truly pious and godly men, charging them with those things that they abhor to think of, much more to pactise; and all this to the end to create offences and scandalls, and lay stumbling blocks in the way of those, who being well-affected people, see not into his Design, which he covers over with the shew of Zeale for the Church, which he calls Religion, and who are likely thereby to be turned out of the right way and made a prey of, if by pulling off the vizard and clearly and fully discovering the foule face that lies hid under it unto them, they be not disabused and preserved from being taken in this Grinn laid to in∣trap them, that I therefore think it necessary in such a case (to use his owne words, but with more reason and upon better ground) to answer a Foole according to his folly, lest he seeme both to himselfe and to others, to their hurt, wise in what he hath most falsely said, and to as ill an end. The Vizard of Zeale for Religion pevailes very much with well-meaning people, as he termes them, in an insinuating way, whom he would abuse and bring to give credit to his lies and slanders, there∣by to draw them to have an ill opinion, both of men, and of wayes of truth; therefore it is not onely lawfull, but necessary in such cases, to discover unto the people such men and their practises to the full, which they use to mask under the specious Nams of Truth and Religion, pulling off their Vailes and Masks, and making their practises appeare such as indeed they are, that the people may be the better and sooner hrought to discerne them, hate them, and be kept from being insnaed by them: and in this respect we see what the Prophet Elijah did, and what his carriage was in jeering the Priests of Baal, that he might thereby discover them and their falshood and madnesse the more apparently to the people: this was in him, and in like cases will be so in others, the exercise of Charity; and no breach of Charity, to have more respect to the people, that they may not be abused to their hurt, than to those, and their credits who seeke to abuse them; where I therefore have indeavoured to doe the same in this particular, having the same End, and doing nothing out of malice to the Party, (for whom I can desire and pray that being hereby the more convinced of his falsehood in things of greatst concernment, and of his slanders so often reiterated against men truly godly and of greatest worth and merit, he may be brought to prevent the judgements of God by true and timely repentance) I hope I may rest satisfied that I have not broke the Rules of Charity in this Answer; and that others also will so account of it.

To conclude, I now leave it to those who are Indifferent and Unprejudiced, to judge, by Whom Truth is manifested.

Page  163

HAving had just occasion, in this my Answer, more than once to mention the sending of Emissaries into the City, and upon the Exchange, such as Cran∣ford to vent notorious lyes and base devised slanders, against honest men; that it may appear to all the world what Gound I had for that my Assertion, I shall here, as an APPENDIX to the foregoing Answer, set downe what was witnessed by one Abraham Babington a Citizen, concerning that base slander, which Cranford published openly upon the Exchange, going thither on purpose for that end: This which Babington certified with others, as I remember, against Cranford, at the Barre in the House of Commons, when Cranford had there first denyed the thing, made him acknowledge it, and for his excuse, he had nothing to say, But that Mr. Baylie, one of the Scotch Commissioners and Ministers, wished him to doe it; but the least Proof thereof, or the least ground of suspition for such a thing, he could not shew, nor never was by any produced. Cranford was fined as I remem∣ber 500 l, and Imprisoned for breach of the Priviledges of the House. The Lords would never take any farther notice of it, in respect of their Members, but de∣spised so base a practice in such a person, having been openly in the House of Commons, convinced of it, and so censured for it; Spreta vanescunt: But a Member of the House of Lords, did goe to Alderman Langham's House, being a friend of his, to be satisfied, whether his two Sons would witnesse this, or not; which they did both much to this pupose, and as I remember, set it also under their hands. All that I wish concerning Cranford (to whom I beare no malice) is, that he may truely repent for so base and false a slander cast upon men of that Place and Worth, and to such an End, in such a Time and Place: whether it were a Lie of his owne inventing, or that he would carry it about being invented by another, the 15. Psalme may admonish him to repent for it. And as there could not be a baser Lye, than that of the Plot, whereof neither He, nor any Man in the world, as I have said, could ever shew the least colour or shadow of proofe; so that which he farther addeth concerning a Committee of seven Lords, and 14. Commons appointed to examine it, who would not meet together, because some of themselves were Parties, is easily to be manifested to be a notorious false in∣vented Lye; for there never was any such Committee, nor any such thing thought of in the Houses; or heard of, to appoint a Committee about, till he (as he saith) was sent to publish it upon the Exchange, for which he was presently sent for, and censured in the House, where, if there had been any such Committee appointed, he would certainly have alledged that in excuse of himselfe.

Being lately at Mr. Bellamy's Shop in Cornhill, about Exchange time, there came hastily into the Shop the second Son of Alderman Langham (who came immediately from the Exchange) and asked me, if I heard the news (speaking also to those in the Shop) I answered, I heard no news; No? answered he, there is as dangerous a Plot disco∣vered as hath been known, which was related by him to this effect; that a Sub-Com∣mitte of the grand Committee, or Committee of both Kingdomes had, and did hold correspondency with the Kings party, endeavouring to secure to themselves, their Estates and Lives, and in answer hereof engaged themselves to deliver up into the Kings hands all such Townes, Forts, Magazines, &c. as were intrusted in their hands, or what else, in furtherance of the Kings Designes: This he af∣firmed that Mr. Cranford the Minister should make publick upon the Exchange, in the hearing of many, wishing (I meane Mr. Cranford) that those that heard him Page  164 would make it more publick, and say to this effect, and he would make all good; and saith Mr. Langham, Mr. Cranford is now come from the House, and therefore you need not doubt of it, as Cranford himselfe had related. But within three houres after, going to the Excise Office, with one of the Officers of Excise, I met, in Broadstreet, both Alderman Langhams Sons, who were giving a large description of this afore∣mentioned businesse to Alderman Cullam, and after they had made it knowne to the full, it fell to my share againe to demand, if he could justifie what before he had infor∣med me concerning the great Plot; the Elder Gentleman, with the second, answered, that their Father had sent them both to M. Cranford, to know farther of the great Plot that he had made so publick upon the Exchange; Mr. Cranford (as they told me) seemed very glad to heare that they were sent by their Father, (for so he ex∣pressed) saying, your Father is a stirring man, and I desire he should know the full of it, which, saith Mr. Cranford is thus; There is a Sub-Committe, of the grand Committee of both Kingdomes, and this Sub-Committee have indeavored to betray us and the Kingdome to save their owne Lives and Estates: In what man∣ner would they have betray'd the Kingdome, demands the Eldest Son? Mr. Cranford an∣swers, Sir, the Plot is as dangerous a Plot of Treason, as hath been known for a long time; for saith Mr. Cranford, this Sub-Committee have held correspondency with the Kings party, and have engaged themselves to give the King notice of all our designes, and doe what lay in their power, to deliver up all Townes, Forts, Castles, Magazines, and that they would assist him to the utmost, provided they might have security for their owne Lives and Estates. Mr. Langham farther de∣sired Mr. Cranford to tell him who they were that thus endeavored to betray the King∣dome? Sir, (saith Mr. Cranford) I have a Bedroll of Ten of them in my pocket, and you shall know who they are, for saith he, I desire they may be knowne, and to make the businesse as publick as I may; their names are these, viz. the Lord Say, the Lord Wharton, Sir Henry Vane Junior, Mr. Sollicitor, these are freshest in my memory, therefore I insert no other, onely the Lord of Northumberland; yea farther, saith Mr. Cranford, (according to these Gentlemens relation) there is a Com∣mittee of seven Lords and fourteeen Commons chosen to examine this Plot, and an Order, That unlesse all were present, it should not be examined; and that these seaven Lords and fourteen Commons would not be got together, many of them being parties in the Plot. This that I have told you (saith Mr. Cranford) you may make it publick, and I will make it good; every part hereof I question not but will be made good by those two Gentlemen before inserted: This very relation to the full did I hear from them a third time the same Evening upon the Exchange in the hearing of many; it being Mr. Cranfords desire to make it publick. This is the summe of what I heard from them.

Abraham Babington.