Historical antiquities, in two books the first treating in general of Great-Brettain and Ireland : the second containing particular remarks concerning Cheshire / faithfully collected out of authentick histories, old deeds, records, and evidences, by Sir Peter Leycester, Baronet ; whereunto is annexed a transcript of Doomsday-book, so far as it concerneth Cheshire, taken out of the original record.

CHAP. IV.

Of Randle the Second.

I. RAndle the Second, sirnamed Gernouns,* 1.1 be∣cause

[illustration] blazon or coat of arms

Gules, a Lion ram∣pant, Ar.

he was born at Gernon-Castle in Nor∣mandy* 1.2, was Son and Successor to his Father Randle the First in the Earldom of Chester, and in all his Patrimony both in England and Normandy, Anno 1128. Ordericus, lib. 12. pag. 871. Gemeticensis, lib. 8. cap. 38. Polycronicon, lib. 7. cap. 17.

Anno Domini 1139. King Stephen made Henry, Son of David King of Scotland, Earl of Northumber∣land, at Durham; and gave him Carlisle and Cumber∣land, upon a Peace then concluded between Stephen and the King of Scotland: Which incensed this Ran∣dle Earl of Chester more vehemently against Stephen; howbeit in respect of his Alliance to Robert Earl of Glocester, whose Daughter he had Married, Randle was more apt to be drawn unto the Part of Maude the Empress: So that John Prior of Hagulsted, in his Continuation of the History of Simon of Durham, pa. 268. tells us, That in Anno 1140. Henry Son of the King of Scotland, with his Wife, coming to visit King Stephen in England, this Earl of Chester was much displeased at him; for Randle required Carlisle and Cumberland as his rightful Patrimony, and would have fought the said Henry in his Return to Scotland: But Stephen having notice of Randle's intentions, sent Henry back into his Countrey safe from all danger; and afterwards was the Earl of Chester's indignation bent against King Stephen, and the Earl surprised the Castle of Lincoln, and possessed himself of all the Strong Holds in Lincolnshire.

II. This Randle was a gallant Man at Arms, and took King Stephen Prisoner at the Battel near Lincoln, on Candlemas-day, Anno Domini 1141. Ordericus, Huntington, and Hoveden. But Mat. Paris placeth this Battel in Anno 1140. The Story is set down at large by Ordericus, lib. 13. Eccles. Hist. pag. 921, 922, as followeth.

Anno Domini 1141. Anno sexto Stephani Regis, Randle Earl of Chester, and William de Romara his half-Brother by the Mother, Earl of Lincoln, rebelled against Stephen, and fraudulently surprised the Castle of Lincoln, wherein King Stephen had placed a Garri∣son of Soldiers for Defence of the Town; which Castle was taken thus. Spying the Opportunity, when the Castle-Soldiers were dispersed abroad, the Earl of Chester unarmed, and without a Cloke or Coat, (as if he meant to fetch home his Wife, whom he had before sent thither, accompanied with the Countess of Lincoln, Wife of the said William de Romara, as walking abroad for their Recreation) enters the Castle with three Soldiers, which followed him not far off, no Man suspecting any Treache∣ry. They presently seised the Port or Gate, and took all the Arms which they found, letting in William de Romara, with a Company of armed Soldiers, who hasted after, according to the contrivement of the Plot; and so turning all out that remained in the Castle, which were of the King's part, the two Brothers possessed themselves both of the Town and Castle.

Bishop Alexander, and the Townsmen, willing to insinuate themselves into the favor

of King Stephen, gave him notice of what had hapned. The news much incensed the King, and so much the more, by how much the Fact was committed by those whom he took for his special Friends, and on whom he had conferred many Favors. Stephen forthwith gathereth an Army, and after Christmas-day, which was in the seventh Year of Stephen's Reign, Anno 1141. marcheth towards Lincoln; where by his sudden and unexpected coming in the Night, and the Intelligence of some of the Townsmen, he surprized seventeen of the Earls Soldiers which were in the Town.

The two Earls with their Wives and Friends were Besieged in the Castle, and knew not how to escape this present Danger. At last Randle Earl of Chester (who was the younger and more courageous Earl) adventures out by Night, attended onely with a few, and went to Cheshire as amongst his own Men: He makes known his Condition to Robert Earl of Glocester his Father-in-law, and to others of his Friends: The Disin∣herited Welsh and many others he exasperates against the King, and raiseth all the Forces he can, to help his Friends that were Besieged in the Castle of Lincoln; especially he im∣plores the Aid of Maude the Empress and Countess of Anjou, swearing Fealty unto her, whose Favour he obtained. Having now gathered a numerous Army, the two Earls, Robert Earl of Glocester, and Randle Earl of Chester, march speedily to Lincoln. The King hearing of their approach, adviseth what is to be done: Some counsel him to leave a competent Strength to defend the Town, and to go away himself, and raise a po∣tent Army through all the parts of the Kingdom, whereby in due time he might be able to disperse them, if they should continue before that Town. Others advise him to send a Parley to the Enemy, to put off the Battel, since that Day (being Candlemas-day) was sacred, and to be set apart in commemoration of the Purification of the Virgin Mary. But the obstinate King not willing to delay the Matter, draws forth all his Forces im∣mediately; both Armies meet near the Town of Lincoln, and being put in order, joyn Battel. The King divides his Army into three Bodies; so did the Earls likewise di∣vide their Army on the contrary part. In the Front of the King's Army were the Flemmings and the Britons, Commanded by William de Ipro and Alan de Dinan. On the opposite part to them stood a furious Company of the Welsh, Commanded by two Brothers, Mariadoth and Kaladrius.

The Earl of Chester alights from his Horse, resolving to Fight on foot. The stout Earl bravely encouraged his courageous Cheshire Regiment of Foot, and made this short Speech to the Earl of Glocester, and the rest of his Army—

* 1.3

I humbly thank you, most invincible General, and you the rest of my fellow Soldiers, that you have so faithfully and courageously expressed your Affection to me, even to the hazard of your own Lives: And since I have been the cause of this your danger, it is but reason I should lead the Way, and give the first Onset to the Army of the perfidious King, who hath broken the Truce he made; and onely out of the confidence of your Valour, and the King's Injustice, I doubt not to dissipate his Forces, and with my Sword to make way through the midst of my Enemies: Methinks I see them run already.

Then Robert Earl of Glocester, who Commanded in Chief, encouraged his Sol∣diers, and told the Bassians and others who were Disinherited, That now they should have one Bout for the recovery of their Right and Inheritance.

King Stephen on the other part alights from his Horse, and Fought on foot very stoutly both for his Life and Kingdom; but having no audible Voice, commanded Baldwin de Clare, a Man of great Honour and Prowess, to make known his mind to the Army:* 1.4 who made an Oration to encourage the Soldiers;

Impeaching the Earl of Chester, as a Man audacious, but without Judgment; heady to plot a Treason, but still wavering in the pursuit of it; ready to run into Battel, but uncircumspect of any danger; aiming beyond his reach, and conceiting things meerly impossible; and therefore hath but few with him that know him, leading onely a Rout of va∣grant and tumultuous Pesants: So there is nothing in him to be feared; for whatso∣ever he begins like a Man, he ends like a Woman; unfortunate in all his Under∣takings: In his Encounters he hath either been vanquished, or if by chance he rarely a obtain Victory, it is with greater loss on his part then the Conquered.

But as soon as he had ended his Oration, the Fight began; which was very fierce and terrible, many slain on both parts. In the Head of the King's Army were very stout Soldiers; but his Enemies outvying him in number, prevailed. William de Ipro with the Flemmings, and Alan with the Britons, first turn their Backs;* 1.5 which much discouraged the King's Friends, but encouraged the Enemy. The King was ill be∣trayed: for some of his Nobles accompanied him in Person, whiles they sent whole Troops to the other side.

Waleran Earl of Mellent, and William de Warren his Brother, Gilbert de Clare, and other famous Knights both of England and Normandy, ran away as soon as they saw their own side shrink: But Baldwin de Clare, and Richard, Son of Ursi, Engelram de Say, and Ildebert Lacy, stuck stoutly to the King, and Fought it to the last Man: Stephen himself, like a noble Branch of an heroick Family, Fought so gallantly, that when his Sword was broken, taking a Battel-Axe from a young Gentleman which stood near him, he ceased not to Encounter with his over-powerful Enemies; but at last was constrained to yield himself Prisoner to Robert Earl of Glocester, his Cosin, who sent him to Maude the Empress at Bristow, where he was imprisoned. Baldwine de Clare likewise, and other excellent Champions on the King's part, were taken Prisoners.

Thus by the voluble Wheel of Fortune was King Stephen taken Prisoner at the Battel of Lincoln, on Candlemas-day, Anno Domini 1141. according to Ordericus, who lived in that very Age; which was principally occasioned by the Valour and Assistance of Randle Earl of Chester.

III. Alan Earl of Brettaine, a treacherous and cruel Man,* 1.6 lying in Ambush for the Earl of Chester, to revenge the Dishonor of taking his Lord and King Prisoner, was himself taken and imprisoned till he did Homage to Randle Earl of Chester, and had de∣livered up his Castles unto him. Others say, Alan Earl of Richmond and Little-Britain, was sent for by Randle to speak with him, and so was Apprehended by him, Anno 1141. John Hagustaldensis, pag. 269.

Not long after this, Robert Earl of Glocester was taken Prisoner in another Battel, by some others of Stephen's Party; and so immediately King Stephen and Earl Robert were exchanged each for other.

Anno 1143. Stephen being released out of Prison, Besieged Lincoln, and would have built a Fort over against the Castle, which Randle Earl of Chester kept; but the Earl killed almost eighty of his Workmen, and so he was forced to give it off. Mat. Paris and Hen. Huntington. But Hoveden placeth this 1144. 9 Stephani.

Anno Domini 1145. King Stephen gathering a great Army, built a strong Castle over against Wallingford; whither Randle Earl of Chester accompanied him with great Forces, and was restored unto his Favour: But afterwards the Earl coming to the King's Court at Northampton, was surprized, little dreaming of any such matter, and cast into Prison, untill he restored the Castle of Lincoln, which he had fraudulently ta∣ken, and all other Castles which he injuriously had taken from the King. Chronica Normanniae, put out by Du Chesne with other Histories, pag. 982. Also Polychronicon addeth, That the Welshmen then wasted Cheshire, but were intercepted at Nantwich,* 1.7 lib. 7. cap. 19. Monasticon, vol. 1. pag. 890.

But for the Reconcilement of Stephen and Randle, it is more fully set down in Gesta Stephani, pag 968. thus—The Earl of Chester (who had got almost a third part of the Kingdom by his Sword) comes to the King, and desires Pardon for his Rebellion at Lincoln, and for the seizing of his Soveraign's Possessions, and thereupon was received into Favour: And in farther testimony of his Obedience, he helped the King's Forces, and gallantly Assaulted the Town of Bedford, which had much weakned and shattered the King's Army; and having taken it, delivers it into Stephen's Hands. After this he accompanied King Stephen to Wallingford, attended with three hundred gallant Horse, till the King had erected a stately Castle in prospect thereof, to stop the Incursions of the Enemy, which were wont to issue out of Wallingford, and prey upon the Countrey. But for all this Friendship, Randle was suspected of Stephen, because he surrendred not the Castles and Rents which he had violently taken from him; and because of the

Earls wavering and unstable Mind, not having put in Pledges of his Fidelity; so that neither the King nor his prime Councellors durst rely upon him, unless he would sur∣render all the King's Possessions: and if he refused this, then the King ought to clap him up at his best opportunity. Ibidem, pag. 970, 971.

Randle Earl of Chester, seeing he was thus suspected, turns himself to his wonted course of Treason, plotting how he might more easily without Infamy deliver the King into the Hands of his Enemies: and coming to the Court with some Attendance, whereby he might be the freer from suspicion, he complained how he was beset with a barbarous multitude of Welsh, who made great spoil and waste of his Lands; so that he and all his Tenants bordering on the Confines of his County, would be quite ex∣tirpated, unless the King gave him speedy Assistance; telling him, that his Presence would do more by the very Name of a King, than many thousands of Soldiers without him. The King cheerfully promiseth his Assistance; but the Councel about his Royal Person would not suffer it: for they wished the King to consider, least the Earl had a Design to ensnare him, telling him, That it was not safe for him to bring his Army into the midst of so barbarous a Countrey, through mountainous and steepy places, where he might be entraped on every side: besides it were a very rash part, to go into his Countrey who had taken from him the greatest part of his Kingdom: for although he might seem to incline to the King, yet there was no certainty of his Fide∣lity, nor Pledges of Assurance: And that if he would have the King's Assistance, he should first deliver up what he had unjustly taken; which if he refused, then presently he should be seized on as the King's Enemy, and be imprisoned till he made Restitu∣tion. But Randle, when he heard the Conditions which he was to perform before he could have the King's Aid, answer'd, That he came not to the Court for that purpose, neither had he any notice of this beforehand, whereby he might have advised thereon; and uttering many high words, he was laid hold on by the King's Officers and impri∣soned. The Nobles who took part with Earl Randle, Petitioned the King for his En∣largement, and offered Sureties, or any Security the King should demand, for the deli∣vering up of those Castles which were of Right belonging to the King, so that the Earl might be released. And thereupon Randle Earl of Chester (having given Pledges, and taken a solemn Oath, that he would never hereafter take up Arms against the King) was restored to his Liberty.

But as soon as he was released, he violated his Oath, and raised an Army against the King, prosecuting his wrathful indignation with revenge of Fire and Sword whereso∣ever he came; and, as my Author saith, In omnem aetatem, in omnem Sexum, Herodia∣nam Tyrannidem, Neronianam truculentiam exercebat. He came often with a Party of Soldiers in view of the Town of Lincoln (where now the King had placed the Flower of his Soldiery) and had many Skirmishes with them; sometimes he was put to the worse, sometimes by the smiling Success of Fortune he victoriously triumphed over the King's Party. He likewise blockt up the Castle of Coventrey, (which also he had delivered up to the King) till Stephen came to relieve it with Victuals, whereof it was in some distress; and that was done with great difficulty to the King, by forcing his Passage through Randle's Army; where by the Way he had many Conflicts. In the first Skirmish the King having received some slight Wound, was forced to retreat; but as soon as he was recovered, he fell upon the Earls Army, took many, wounded others, and the Earl himself put to flight, and almost slain. The King then pulls down the Castle of Coventrey, which had been delivered to him before, and victoriously pro∣ceeds to other Castles in Randle's possession, sometimes blocking them up, sometimes burning and destroying all about them, and ever after became a sore Enemy to Randle and his Adherents. Thus much ex Gestis Stephani.

Anno Domini 1150. David King of Scotland, Entertained Henry, Son of Maude the Empress, at Carlisle very magnificently about Whitsuntide, and Knighted him there in the Presence of Henry, Son of King David, and Randle Earl of Chester; which Randle was then appeased concerning his Claim of Carlisle and Cumberland as his Patrimony, and did Homage to King David; for there was some Speech amongst them, that for

Carlisle, Randle should have the Honour of Lancaster, and that Earl Randle's Son should Marry one of the Daughters of Henry Prince of Scotland: And so King David, and Henry Duke of Normandy, and Earl Randle were agreed to unite their Forces against King Stephen. And King David, with his Son Henry, came to Lancaster with their For∣ces, where Earl Randle promised to meet them with his; but Randle failing of his Pro∣mise, they returned back. Johannes Prior Hagustaldensis, pag. 277, 278.

Anno 1151. Randle Earl of Chester having been imprisoned (which Imprisonment Radulfus de Diceto, Chronica Gervasii, John Bromton, Chronica Normanniae, Mat. Paris, and Mat. Westminster, do all place in Anno 1145. but Hoveden in Anno 1146.) and having given his Nephew Gilbert de Clare for his Hostage, was released: But falsifying his Word, and endangering his Hostage, he sendeth for Henry Duke of Normandy into England, promising him all Assistance. Whereupon Henry came into England; to whom Robert Earl of Leycester, and many of the wisest Noblemen of England then re∣sorted. Idem Johannes, pag. 278.

What a tumultuous Age this was, and how the Great Men of the Kingdom divided the Spoils, may appear by the Agreement made between this Randle Earl of Chester, and Robert, sirnamed Bossu, Earl of Leycester, about the Year 1151. the Original whereof remains in Cotton's Library in Westminstsr.

Haec est Conventio intèr Ranulfum Comitem Cestriae, & Robertum Comitem Le∣grecestriae; & finalis Pax & Concordia quae fuit Concessa & divisa ab eis, coràm Se∣cundo Roberto Episcopo Lincolniae, & hominibus eorum; ex parte Comitis Cestriae, Ricar∣do de Lovetot, Willielmo filio Nigelli, Ranulfo Vice-Comite: Ex parte Comitis Le∣grecestriae, Ernaldo de Bosco, Gaufrido Abbate, Reginaldo de Bordineio: Scilicèt, quòd Comes Ranulfus dedit & Concessit Roberto Comiti Legrecestriae castrum de Mountsorell, sibi & haeredibus suis. Tenendum de eo & haeredibus suis haereditariè & sicùt Charta ipsius Comitis Ranulfi testatur: Et ità quòd Comes Leycestriae receptare debet ipsum Comitem Ranulfum & familiam suam in Burgo & Ball••s de Mountsorell, ad guerrandum quemcunque voluerit ut de feodo suo: Et ità quòd Comes Leycestriae non potest indè forisfacere Comiti Ranulfo pro aliquo: Et si necesse sit Comiti Ranulfo, corpus ipsius receptabitur in Dominico Castro de Mountsorell: Et ità quòd Comes Leycestriae portabit ei fidem, salvà fide Ligei Domini sui: Et si oportuerit Comitem Leycestriae ire super Comitem Cestriae cùm Ligeo Do∣mino suo, non potest ducere secum plus quàm viginti milites: Et si Comes Leycestriae, vel isti viginti milites aliquid ceperint de rebus Comitis Cestriae, totum reddetur. Nec Ligius Dominus, Comes Leycestriae, nec aliquis alius potest forisfacere Comiti Cestriae, nec suis, de Castris ipsius Comitis Leycestriae, nèc de terrâ suâ: Et ità quòd Comes Leycestriae nec potest proptèr aliquam Causam, vel proptèr aliquem Casum, impedire Corpus Comitis Cestriae, nisi eum desidaverit quindecem dies anteà: Et Comes Lycestriae debet juvare Comitem Cestriae contrà omnes homines, praetèr Ligium Dominum ipsius Comitis Leycestriae, & Comitem Simonem: Comitem Simonem potest juvare hoc modo, quod si Comes Ranulfus forisfecerit Comiti Simoni, & ips•• Comes Ranulfus noluerit Corrigere forisfactum proptèr Comitem Leycestriae, tunc potest eum juvare: Et si Comes Simon forisfecerit Comiti Cestriae, & no∣luerit Corrigere se proptèr Comitem Leycestriae, non juvabit eum Comes Leycestriae: Et Comes Leycestriae debet custodire terras & res Comitis Cestriae, quae in potestate ipsius Co∣mitis Leycestriae sunt, sinè malo ingenio. Et Comes Leycestriae pepigit Comiti Ranulfo, quòd Castrum de Ravenstona cadet, nisi concessu Comitis Ranulfi remanserit: Et ità quòd si aliquis vellet illud Castrum tenere contrà Comitem Leycestriae, Comes Ranulfus auxiliabitur absquè malo ingenio ad diruendum Castrum illud: Et si Comes Ranulfus fecerit clamorem de Willielmo de Alneto, Comes Leycestriae in suâ Curiâ habebit eum ad rectum quamdiu ipse Willielmus manserit homo Comitis Leycestriae & terram tenebit de eo: Et ità quod si Wil∣lielmus vel sui recesserint à fidelitate Comitis Leycestriae proptèr Castrum Prostratum, vel quià rectum noluerit facere in Curiâ Comitis Leycestriae, non receptabuntur in potestate Co∣mitis Cestriae, nequè Willielmus nequè sui, ad malum faciendum Comiti Leycestriae: In hâc Conventione remanet Comiti Leycestriae Castrum de Witewic firmatum cùm caeteris Castris suis.

Et e Converso, Comes Ranulfus portabit fidem Comiti Leycestriae, salvâ fide Ligii Do∣mini sui: Et si oportuerit Comitem Cestriae ire supèr Comitem Leycestriae, cùm Ligio Do∣mino suo, non potest ducere secum plus quàm viginti milites: Et si Comes Cestriae, vel isti viginti milites, aliquid ceperint de rebus Comitis Leycestriae, totum reddetur: Nec Ligius Dominus, Comes Cestriae, aut aliquis alius potest forisfacere Comiti Leycestriae nec suis, de Castris ipsius Comitis Cestriae, nèc de terrâ suâ: Et ità quod Comes Cestriae non potest prop∣tèr aliquam Causam, vel aliquem Casum, impedire Corpus Comitis Leycestriae, nisi eum defi∣daverit quindecem dies antè. Et Comes Cestriae debet juvare Comitem Leycestriae contrà omnes Homines, praetèr Ligium Dominum ipsius Comitis Cestriae, & Comitem Robertum de Ferrariis. Comitem Robertum potest juvare hoc modo, si Comes Leycestriae forisfecerit Co∣miti de Ferrariis, & ipse Comes Leycestriae noluerit corrigere forisfactum proptèr Comitem Cestriae, tunc potest eum juvare Comes Cestriae: Et si Comes Robertus de Ferrariis forisfecit Comiti Leycestriae, & noluerit se corrigere propter Comitem Cestriae, non juvabit eum Comes Cestriae. Et Comes Cestriae debet custodire terras & res Comitis Leycestriae, quae in potestate ipsius Comitis Cestriae sunt, sinè malo ingenio. Et Comes Cestriae pepigit Comiti Leycestriae, quòd si aliquis vellet Castrum de Ravestona tenere contrà Comitem Leycestriae, Comes Ranul∣fus auxiliabitur sinè malo ingenio ad diruendum Castrum illud: Nec Comes Cestriae, nec Comes Leycestriae debent firmare Castrum aliquod novum inter Hinckley & Coventrey, nec inter Hinckley & Hardredeshellam, nec intèr Coventrey & Donintonam: nec inter Doninto∣nam & Leycestriam, nec ad Grataham, nec ad Cheneldestam, & Belvier, nec inter Belveer & Hocham, nec inter Hocham & Rockingham, nec propiùs, nisi communi assensu utriusque: Et si aliquis in praedictis locis, vel infrà praedictos Terminos, firmaret Castrum, uterque alteri erit auxilio sinè malo ingenio donec Castrum diruatur. E•• hanc Conventionem, sicut in hâc Chartâ continetur, affidavit uterque Comes, videlicèt Cestrensis & Leycestrensis, in manu Roberti Secundi, Lincolniensis Episcopi, Tenendam: Et posuerunt eundem Episcopum obsi∣dem hujus Conventionis supèr Christianitatem suam: Ità quòd si aliquis exiret ab hâc Conven∣tione, & nollet se corrigere infra 15 dies postquàm inde requisitus fuerit sinè malo ingenio, tùnc Episcopus Lincolniensis, & Episcopus Cestrensis facient justitiam de eo tanquàm de fide mentitâ. Et Episcopus Lincolniae, & Episcopus Cestriae tradent obsides uterque duos, quos receperunt proptèr Conventiones istas Tenendas, illi videlicèt qui Conventiones istas praedi∣ctas tenebit.

How Randle Earl of Chester was rewarded for taking part with Henry Fitz-Empress, being yet but Duke of Normandy, and Earl of Angeau, may appear by this Deed fol∣lowing, which I conjecture was made about the Year 1152. when Stephen and Henry made an Agreement: The Original hereof is in Cotton's Library: It is also upon Re∣cord in one of the great Couchir Books in the Dutchy Office at Gray's-Inne in London, Tom. 2. Honor sivè Soca de Bolingbroke, num. 7. pag. 498, 499.

HEnricus Dux Normanniae, & Comes Andegaviae, omnibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comitibus, Baronibus, Vice-Comitibus & omnibus Amicis & fidelibus suis, Norman∣nis & Anglis, Salutem. Sciatis me dedisse & concessisse Ranulfo Comiti Cestriae omnem haere∣ditatem suam Normanniae & Angliae, sicut unquàm aliquis Antecessorum suorum eam meliùs & liberiùs tenuit: & nominatim Castellum de Vira & Barbifluvium cùm tali libertate, quòd per totam baleugam possit capere forisfactum suum: Et Brullium de fossis, & Alebec, & hoc (undè erat Vice-Comes) de Abrinciis, & in Sancto Jacobo, de hoc feci eum Comitem: & quicquid habui in Abrinches ei dedi praetèr Episcopatum, & Abbatiam de monte Sancti Mi∣chaelis, & quod eis pertinet: Insuper Dedi & concessi ei totum honorem Comitis Rogeri Pictaviensis ubicunque aliquid habet: & totum honorem de Eia, sicut Robertus Mallet, avunculus Matris suae illum meliùs & plenius unquàm tenuit: Insupèr dedi ei Stafford & Staffordshire, & Comitatum Staffordiae totum, quicquid ego ibi habui in feodo & haereditate, Excepto feodo Episcopi Cestriae, & Comitis Roberti de Ferrars, & Hugonis de Mortuo Mari, & Gervasii Pagani, & exceptâ Forestâ de Canok quam in manu meâ retineo: Et feodum Alani de Lincolne ei dedi, qui fuit Avunculus Matris suae: Et feodum Ernisii de Burun, sicut suam haereditatem: Et feodum Hugonis de Scoteneio ei dedi, ubicunquè sit e

Et feodum Roberti de Chalz, ubicunquè sit: Et totum feodum Radulfi Filii Odonis: Et totum feodum Normanni de Verdun: Et feodum Roberti de Stafford, ubicunquè sit: Et triginta libratas terrae, quas habui in Grimesbeia,* 3.1 ei dedi: Et Nottingham Castle, & Burgum, & quicquid habui in Nottingham, in feodo & haereditate sibi & haeredibus suis: Dedi & totum feodum Willielmi Peverelli ubicunque sit, nisi poterit se dirationare in meâ Curiâ de scelere & Proditione, exceptâ Hecham: Et si Engelra∣mus de Albemarle non voluerit se capere mecum, neque Comes Simon, & illud vi capere potero, praedictam Hecham reddo Comiti Ranulfo, si eam habere voluerit: Et Torcheseiam, & Os∣wardebek Wapentack, & Derbeiam cùm om∣nibus Pertinentiis: Et Maunsfield cùm Soca, & Roelay cùm Soca, & Stanleiam juxtà Co∣ventreiam cùm Soca, & de Belvario tenebo ei rectum quàm citiùs potero, sicut de suâ haereditate: Et sex Baronibus suis, quos elegerit, cuique centum libratas terrae dabo, de his quae mihi ex hostibus meis adquisita acciderint, de me tenendas: Et omnibus Parentibus suis suam reddo haereditatem undè potens sum, & de hoc undè ad praesens po∣tens non sum, rectum Plenarium tenebo ex quo potens ero. Testibus Willielmo Cancellario, Reginaldo Comite Cornubiae, Rogero Comite Herdia, Patricio Comite Salisburiae, Um∣frido de Bohun Dapifero, J. Filio Gilberti, R. de Hum. Constabulario, Guarino Filio Ger. Roberto de Curcy Dapifero, Manassero Bysset Dapifero, Philippo de Columbe. Ex parte Comitis Ranulfi, Willielmo Comite Lincolniae, Hugone Wac. G. Castell de Fines, Simone Filio Willielmi, Thurstano de Monteforti, Gaufrido de Costentyn, Willielmo de Verdon, Ricardo de Pincerna, Rogero Wac. Simone Filio Osberti. Apud Divisas.

And here I cannot pass by Vincent's Error in the Review of the second Edition of Brooks's Catalogue of Nobility, pag. 662. where he saith thus:

That the Barons of the Earls of Chester were chosen in the time of Hugh Lupus, I doubt: for what should move Henry the Second (when he was but yet Duke of Normandy and Earl of Anjou) among divers Grants that he made to Randle de Gernouns Earl of Chester, to say in his Charter—Et sex Baronibus suis, quos elegerit, cuique centum libratas terrae dabo: That he would give to the six Barons, quos elegerit, which he shall chuse, not quos eligerit, which he hath already, chosen, a hundred pound Land apiece, &c. if they had been chose in Hugh Lupus's time?

Thus Vincent.

But to pass by his gross Distinction of Elegerit and Eligerit; for it is Elegerit in both Tenses, Future and Preterperfect Tense: nor is Eligerit any true Latin word at all. Me∣thinks he reads not the English to a proper and genuine Sence; for I conceive the mean∣ing to be plainly thus,—Et sex Baronibus suis, quos elegerit, cuique centum libratas terrae, &c. that is, To six of his Barons, whom he shall chuse or appoint out, he will give to every one of them a hundred Pounds-worth of Land apiece. So that there might be many more Barons at that time for all this: And indeed the Charter of Hugh Lupus of the Foundation of the Monastery of St. Werburge in Chester, Anno 1093. mentions Barons at that time; which you may see at large suprà, pag. 109, 110, 111. In the Subscription whereof it is said—Ego Comes Hugo & Barones mei confirmavimus: And I pray you, how comes the Duke here to know Randle's mind to elect Barons, if they were yet to be chosen?

But where he renders it—And to the six Barons which he shall chuse, I should render it, And to six of his Barons whom he shall chuse, or cull out: For the Grant being made to Earl Randle, there was so much to be given to six of his Barons, but left to the appointment and nomination of Earl Randle, which six Barons he would have to be the Men to enjoy those Lands: for if we should render it—And to his six Barons, &c. implying onely

that set number, and no more, the following words (quos elegerit) would be superflu∣ous; for being given to six Barons equally, there is no choice left at all to the Earl, where there be no more Barons: unless we suppose six Barons to be made, and that there were none before; which evidently appears to the contrary: Therefore indeed these words, rightly understood, do imply, there were more Barons at that time, out of which Randle had the nomination of the six here intended left unto him.

But of these Barons I shall speak more particularly in the third Part of this Book.

Take here a Deed or two of this Randles, which are in one of the great Couchir-Books in the Dutchy-Office at Grays-Inn: The first being of certain waste Lands in Ley∣cestershire, which this Randle gave to Henry the Second, and the King gave them to Ro∣bert Bossue Earl of Leycester.

Ibidem, Tom. 2. Comitatus Leycestriae▪ Num. 66.

HENRICUS Dei Gratiâ Rex Angliae & Dux Normanniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, &c. Salutem. Sciatis, Quia Ranulfus Comes de Cestria dimisit & con∣cessit mihi habere in Dominio Cernelegam, & Cernewodam, & Aldremanchagam, in De∣fenso sicut aliquod defensum chariùs habeo; & omnia nemora quae fuerunt de Feodo Comitis de Cestra, quae attingunt Forestam Legrecestriae, praetèr Parcum suum, habere in Defenso, de Wasto, & de Bestiâ Salvagiâ. Sicut autèm praedictus Comes Ranulfus mihi haec dimisit & concessit, ità & Ego concedo Roberto Comiti Legrecestrae, habere haereditabilitèr cùm alio Feodo suo. Et volo & firmitèr praecipio, ut benè & quietè & honorificè teneat cùm omnibus consuetudinibus suis. Testibus Theobaldo Comite Blesense, & Gualeranno Comite de Mellent, & Willielmo de Tano, & Nigello de Albiun, & Willielmo de Luriaco, & Adam de Portu, & Pagano Filio Johannis, & Gaufrido Filio Pagani, & Andrea de Baldement, & Roberto de Donestanvilla. Apud Haveringas

Ibidem, Honor sive Soca de Bolingbroke. Pag. 433. Num. 3.

RANULPHUS Comes Cestriae, Constabulario suo, & Dapifero, & cunctis Baronibus suis, & Hominibus Francis & Anglis, & Amicis & Vicinis tàm Clericis quàm Laicis, Salutem▪ Sciatis, me dedisse & concessisse Willielmo Comiti Lincolniae Fratri meo, Watteleiam in Feudo & Haereditate sibi & Haeredibus suis, &c. indè reddendo Ser∣vitium duorum Militum in singulis Annis: Haec autèm donatio facta est in Anno quo ipsemet Willielmus redivit de itinere Sancti Jacobi Apostoli in Crastinâ die post Festum Sanctae Crucis quod celebratur Mense Septembri. Et indè sunt Testes ex meâ parte Willielmus de Colevill, Robertus Grainssac, Gaufridus Malab. Ex parte vero Comitis Willielmi, Hadewisa Comitissa Lincolniae, Wido de Pouilla.

These following Deeds concern the Abbey of St. Werburge.

RANULFUS Comes Cestriae, Constabulario, Dapifero, Baronibus, Justici∣ariis, Vicecomitibus Cestriae, tàm praesentibus quàm futuris, & omnibus hominibus suis Francis & Anglis, Clericis & Laicis, Salutem. Universitati vestrae notum facio, me dedisse in Elemosyna in perpetuùm Deo & Sanctae Mariae, & Ecclesiae Sanctae Werburgae, & Radulfo Abbati & Conventui praedictae Ecclesiae, pro salute Animae Hugonis Comitis, Prae∣fatae Ecclesiae Fundatoris, àc pro salute Animae Ranulfi Comitis Patris mei & Antecessorum meorum, & pro salute Animae meae, & Christianorum omnium, omnem Decimam integrali∣tèr & plenariè omnium Reddituum meorum Civitatis Cestriae, &c. Si quis autèm vestrûm infoelix hanc Elemosynam à me manu supèr Altare Sanctae Werburgae oblatam fortè disturbare vel minuere praesumpserit, Precor Episcopum Cestriae & obnixè requiro, & Justiciarium meum Cestriae super amorem meum & meorum Praecipio, quòd illum justitiet donèc ad dig∣nam satisfactionem venerit. Teste Roberto Dapifero, Normanno de Verdon, Willi∣elmo Capellano, Ricardo Capellano, Ricardo Pincerna, Rogero Filio Ricardi de Aquila, Spilend Camerario, Hugone Filio Oliveri, Dunun Filio Walmari, & mul∣tis aliis.

RANULFUS Comes Cestriae, Constabulario, Dapifero, Justiciario, Baronibus, Vice-Comitibus, Ministris & Ballivis, & omnibus hominibus suis, Francis & Anglis, Clericis & Laicis, tam praesentibus quàm futuris, Salutem. Sciatis me confirmas∣se—Omnes Donationes & Libertates, quas Comites Antecessores mei, scilicet Hugo Comes, & Ricardus Filius ejus, & Ranulfus Pater meus, & Barones mei, in tempore illorum vel in meo, dederunt,—&c. Teste Roberto Dapifero, Normanno de Verdon, Ranulpho Vicecomite, Hugone Hostr. Ada de Praers, Ricardo Pani, Willielmo Gridell. Apud Cestriam.

And by another Deed, he gave to the Church of St. Werburge, for the Satisfaction of all the Evils done by him to that Church, Estham, and Brunborough, in Wirrall. Te∣ste Waltero Episcopo, & aliis: Apud Gresel. This was made about the Year, 1152.

The Wife and Issue of Randle the Second.

HE Married Maude, Daughter of Robert Earl of Glocester, Bastard Son of King Henry the First, by whom he had Issue Hugh Earl of Chester, and Richard. Ge∣meticensis, lib. 8. cap. 38. Ordericus, pag. 921.

Powell in his Notes on the Welsh History, pag. 295. calls this Countess Alice, for Maud; and so doth Ferne in his Lacy's Nobility, pag. 43. in his most absurd Pedegree of the Earls of Chester there. Both these Authors are grosly mistaken herein. See her Name proved by the Deed infra, pag. 130, & 131.

The Death of Randle the Second.

ANno Domini 1153.* 6.1 Ranulfus ille Nobilis & Famosus Comes Cestriae,* 6.2 vir admodùm Militaris, Per quendam Willielmum Peverellum (ut fama fuit) veneno infectus post multos Agones Militaris Gloriae, vir insuperabilis audaciae vix solâ morte territus & de∣victus, vitam finivit temporalem. Chronica Gervasii. Which John Prior of Hagustald placeth in Anno 1154. Chronica Normanniae say, Anno 1152.

Anno 1155. Willielmum Peverell causâ Veneficii, quòd Ranulfo Comiti Cestriae fue∣rat propinatum, Rex Anglorum Henricus exhaeredavit. In cujus Pestis Consortio plures conscii extitisse dicuntur, saith Matthew Paris.

He was Earl of Chester 25 Years, and founded the Nunnery in Chester City. Mona∣sticon, 1 Pars, pag. 507. He died Excommunicated by Walter Durdant Bishop of Lich∣field; for whose Absolution, Maud his Wife, and Hugh his Son, gave the Town of Styshall near Coventry to the Bishop and his Successors: Ex vetusto Exemplari in Baggo de diversis Inquisitionibus penès Thesaurarium & Camerarium Scaccarii Westmonasteriensis, Londini.

Maud his Widow Founded the Priory of Holy Trinity at Ripendon in Derbyshire, An∣no Domini 1172. 18 Hen. 2. And she died the 29 day of July, 1189. Monasticon, Vol. 2. pag. 280.

Randle the Second Founded the Priory of Trentham in Staffordshire,—Sciatis me de∣disse centum Solidatas terrae meae Staffordiesire Deo, & Sanctae Mariae, & omnibus Sanctis, ad restaurandam quandam Abbathiam Canonicorum in Ecclesiâ de Trentham—& eas assigno de Trenteham, undè Rex Henricus habuit centum Solidos: So run the Words of the Grant. Monasticon, Vol. 2. pag. 260. He gave also Cumbe to the Abby of Bordesly in Worcestershire, which his Countess Maude and Hugh his Son did afterwards confirm, Monasticon, Vol. 1. pag. 805. And also to the Abby of Basingwerk in Flintshire, Holes, and half of Lecche, and five Pound Rent in Chester. Monasticon, Vol. 1. pag. 720.

Also he Founded the Priory of Mentings in Lincolnshire, a Cell of the Abbey of St. Benedict super Leyre. Monasticon, Vol. 1. pag. 592. He gave also the Town of Canoc

(vulgò Kank) to the Abbey of Stoneley in Warwickshire. Monasticon, Vol. 1. pag. 820.

Also he gave liberty to the Monks of Coventry to have two Carts going to and fro, twice every day, except Holy-days, unto his Woods there, for Fewel, and other Ne∣cessaries. Char. 22 Edw. 3. per Inspeximus, Num. 6.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1128. 29 H. 1.
• * 1.2

  Powel's Notes on the Welsh Hist. pa. 295 Vernon-Castle; the Letters of G and V in the beginning of words being promiscuous∣ly used.
• * 1.3

  This Speech is not in Orde∣ricus; but is taken out of Huntington, pag. 390. It is also in Hoveden and others.
• * 1.4

  Henry Hun∣tington, li. 8.
• * 1.5

  Huntington and Hoveden say they beat the Welsh, but the Earl of Chester co∣ming up with his Forces, quite routed them.
• * 1.6

  Gesta Steph. pag. 953.
• * 1.7

  {fleur-de-lys}
• * 3.1

  King Stephen gave to Randle Gernouns the Castle and City of Lincoln, till he should be restored to all his Lands in Nomandy and his Castles there, and thereupon gave him liberty to fortifie one of the Towers of Lincoln Castle, to have Command thereof till the King should deliver the Castle of Tickill, and then to deliver up Lin∣coln Castle, excepting the Earls own Tower, which his Mother had fortified, and the Constableship of that Castle, and the whole Coun∣ty, which was his ancient Inheritance; and also the Castle of Bel∣voir, with all the Barony, and all the Land of William de Albiney, then Lord of Belvoir; and Graham (vulgo Grantham) with Sok: And if the Heirs of Graham should Compound with the King, yet the Barony to remain till the King gave other Lands for it. By the same Charter the King gave him New-Castle in Staffordshire, & Socam de Roeley, Torksey, Derby, Mansfield, Stoneley, the Wapentack of Orwardebek, and all the Lands of Roger de Busley, with all the Ho∣nour of Blithe nigh Tickhill, and all the Lands of Roger de Poictu from Northampton to Scotland, except what belongs to Roger de Montbegon in Lincolnshire; also all the Lands between Ribbell and Mersey; and the Land which the King had in Demaine in Grimsby in Lincolnshire, and all the Land which the Earl of Glocester had in Demaine in that Mannor of Grimsby. And also he restored, for Randle's sake, unto Adelize de Condy, all her Lands, viz. Horncastle in Lincolnshire, when the Castle was demolished. And all his own other Lands the King restored unto him. Ex Charta Originali nu∣per in Castro de Pomfret. Which Note I had from Mr. Dugdale.
• * 6.1

  The 16 day of December. Monasticon, Vol. 2. pa. 280.
• * 6.2

  Oblit 1153. 18 Stephani Regis.