A chronicle at large and meere history of the affayres of Englande and kinges of the same deduced from the Creation of the vvorlde, vnto the first habitation of thys islande: and so by contynuance vnto the first yere of the reigne of our most deere and souereigne Lady Queene Elizabeth: collected out of sundry aucthors, whose names are expressed in the next page of this leafe.

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Title
A chronicle at large and meere history of the affayres of Englande and kinges of the same deduced from the Creation of the vvorlde, vnto the first habitation of thys islande: and so by contynuance vnto the first yere of the reigne of our most deere and souereigne Lady Queene Elizabeth: collected out of sundry aucthors, whose names are expressed in the next page of this leafe.
Author
Grafton, Richard, d. 1572?
Publication
[Imprinted at London :: By Henry Denham, dwelling in Paternoster Rowe, for Richarde Tottle and Humffrey Toye],
Anno Domini. 1569. [the last of March]
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Subject terms
Great Britain -- History -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68108.0001.001
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"A chronicle at large and meere history of the affayres of Englande and kinges of the same deduced from the Creation of the vvorlde, vnto the first habitation of thys islande: and so by contynuance vnto the first yere of the reigne of our most deere and souereigne Lady Queene Elizabeth: collected out of sundry aucthors, whose names are expressed in the next page of this leafe." In the digital collection Early English Books Online 2. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68108.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 22, 2025.

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Henrie the seconde. (Book Henry II)

HEnry the seconde of that name, sonne of Geoffrey Plantagenet Erle of An∣geow, and of Molde or Mawde the Em∣presse daughter of king Henry the first, began his reigne ouer the Realme of England the xxv. day of October M.C.liiij.

This king was somedeale red of face,* 1.1 and broad breasted, short of body, and therewith fat, the which to asswage he tooke the lesse of meates and drinkes, and much exercised him∣selfe in huntyng, hawkyng, and such lyke pa∣stimes. He was harrish of voyce, but yet elo∣quent and well learned, and also noble and valiaunt in knyghthood, wise in counsayle, but dread ouermuche destinies. He was free and liberall to straungers, and heard and holdyng from his fa∣miliers and seruauntes. And whome he loued or hated entirely, hard it was to turne him to the contrary. He loued rest and peace, to the ende he might the rather folow his pleasure, with mo vices rehersed by Gerald and others, the which for length I passe ouer.

Howbeit as Reynulph witnesseth he was not barren of all vertues,* 1.2 for he was of so great a courage, that he would often say, that all the worlde suffised not to a couragious heart. And he encreased his heritage so mightily, that he wanne Irelande, anone after his coronation by strength,* 1.3 and tooke the king of Scottes prisoner, and ioyned that kingdome of Scotlande to hys awne. From the South Occean, vnto the North Islandes of Orcades, he closed all the landes as it were vnder one dominion, and spred so largely his Empire,* 1.4 that we read not that any of his progenitors had so many Prouyn∣ces and Countreys vnder their gouernance and rule. For besyde the Realme of England and Scotland, he had in his rule Normandy, Gascoyne, and Guyan, Angeow and Poyters: and he made subiect to him Aluerne and o∣ther

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landes. And by Elianor his wyfe he obteyned as in her right, the Erle∣dome of Tolous.

* 1.5Of the which wife he receyued sixe sonnes, and thre daughters, the which fiue sonnes had to name, William, Henry, Richard, Godfrey, and Iohn, but what the sixt was called is not remembred of wryters. The eldest of the maydens was named Molde or Mawde, and was maryed to the Duke of Saxon, the second Elianor, maryed to the king of Spaine, and the thirde na∣med Iane, maryed to the king of Sicile.

* 1.6This Henry was prosperous in his beginnyng, and infortunate in the ende, and specially in the last fiue yeres of his reigne, for in the first of those fiue yeres, his strength began to minishe: The second yere he lost a voyage in Irelande: In the thirde, he lost Aluerne, warryng agaynst the King of Fraunce: In the fourth yere he lost Briteyn, and in the fift the Citie of Ce∣nomanna, and Turon, with many Holdes to them belongyng.

When tidynges was brought vnto this Henry of king Stephens death, he fortuned to lye at the siege of a Castell which was withholden and kept from him by the frenche king. And beyng aduertised by his counsayle forth∣with to breake vp his siege, and to hasten him into England to take possessi∣on of the Crowne, least happely any styrre or businesse might arise by protrac∣tyng of ye time: he vpon the affiance that he had in his rightfull cause aunswe∣red againe, that no man durst be so hardie as to attempt any thing agaynst him. And so though he were dayly counsayled to the contrary, yet would he not depart before he had wonne the sayde Castell. That done, he sped him into England, [unspec 1154/1] and was crowned at Westminster of Theobald Archbishop of Cauntorbury, not without great solemnitie and reioysing of the people, the Sonday before Christmas day.* 1.7 1154. At the which coronation he made a very sweete and comfortable oration vnto the people, and so louyngly spake vnto them both generally and priuately, that euery man conceyued thereby great hope of his good gouernment to come, and that they should haue a very good and gracious Prince of him.

In the first yere of his reigne, after he had chosen certeyne graue, wise, discrete, and well learned men in the lawes of the Realme to be of his priuie counsaile, and had by their aduice reformed the sayd lawes, then because ius∣tice and equitie should no lenger be oppressed by such malefactors, as being called out of foreyn countryes by king Stephen to serue him in his warres, were not afeard to commit all kinde of mischiefe, vnder pretence of a libertie permitted to Souldiours by the law of armes in warre tyme:* 1.8 he made pro∣clamation, that all such straungers whatsoeuer they were, should aduoide the Realme by a day assigned, vnder a great paine: But especially the Flemings whereof at that tyme there was a great number come hether,* 1.9 whome he ha∣ted more then any other Nation. That done, he rased diuerse Castelles that before in the tyme of King Stephen were buylded, eyther for displeasure of the owners,* 1.10 or for that they stood not commodiously and for his purpose: Or else for feare least they should at any time be fortefyed of his enemyes a∣gainst him. Furthermore, he banished many of the Lordes and gentlemen that were highly in king Stephens fauour.* 1.11 And from such as by purchace, gift, or otherwise helde any landes, sometimes belongyng to the Crowne, he tooke the sayde landes and seased vpon them in whose handes soeuer they

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were. By the which fact of his, a number (sayth Polidore) were offended, gatheryng plainely thereof, that he would in tyme to come be nye himselfe, and regard his awne commoditie.

In the beginnyng of the seconde yere which was the yere of our Lorde M.C.lv. [unspec 1155/2] Quene Eleanor his wyfe was brought a bed of a man childe whom he called Henry.* 1.12

This yere he went downe into the North Countrie, and so to Yorke, where he seased into his handes certeyne Castelles and Fortes which had bene a great while possessed of priuate personnes: But especially the strong Castell of Scarborough. After this he tooke from the Scottishe king the Countrie of Comberland, and then went he to Northumberlande, and reco∣uered that Countrey wholy, notwithstanding that it was geuen vnto king Dauid of Scotland by Mawde the Empresse his mother, because the sayde Dauid tooke part with her against king Stephen, the which countries were at that season in the handes and possession of Malcolme who succeded the said Dauid: But because he would not seme altogether vngratefull vnto him, that had so well deserued of his mother, he permitted the sayde Malcolme still to enioy and reteyne the Erledome of Huntingdon, the which, as is be∣fore sayde, king Stephen gaue vnto Henry the eldest sonne of Dauyd: But yet on condicion that he should sweare to do homage and fealtie vnto him for the same Erledome.

In the thirde yere of his reigne, [unspec 1156/3] about the moneth of October were sene in the Firmament wonderfull sightes, that is to say two Sunnes. And in the Moone was there sene also a red Crosse.* 1.13 Of this wonder sheweth the Auc∣thor of Chronica Chronicarum, saiyng that about this tyme in Italy there ap∣pered three Sunnes by the space of three houres in the West. And in the yere folowyng apered three Moones whereof the middle Moone had a red crosse ouerthwart, which is there set out and noted for a prodigie and token of the Schisme that afterwardes fell amongest the Cardinalles about the election of the Bishop of Rome Alexander the thirde, the which Schisme en∣dured almost .xx. yeres.

About this tyme Adrian the fourth of that name called Nicholas was Bishop of Rome, borne at Saint Albons or nere there aboutes,* 1.14 and as Rey∣nulph wryteth was a bondman of the Abbey, who because he desyred to be professed a monke in the sayde Monastery, and could not be receyued, went shortly after beyond the seas, where he profited so much in learnyng that the Bishop of Rome made him first Bishop of Alba, and afterwardes Cardinal, and at the last after the death of Anastasius Bishop of Rome, he was cho∣sen Bishop of Rome. And beyng aduaunced to the Popedome, he gaue ma∣ny great priuileges to the sayd Abbey. At the length he dyed beyng choked with a flie in his drink, who a little before his death affirmed that there was no kinde of life more miserable than the Papacie, he that desyreth to knowe more of this Bishop, may reade the seconde booke and sixt Chapter of Wil∣liam of Newbrowghe.

The same yere also Hugh Mortimer a very prowde and hawe mand for∣tified dyuers townes and holdes against the king, as Glocester,* 1.15 Worcester and the Castle of Bridgenorth. And when he sawe the kings power bent a∣gainst him, he humbly submitted himselfe, and had his pardon.

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[unspec 1158/5] Richard, surnamed (for his manhood) Cuer de lyon, in English, Lyons hart, was this yere borne at Oxford, in the kings Palace there, which as is before sayde was buylded by Henrie the first,* 1.16 and afterwards geuen by Richard Duke of Cornewall brother vnto king Henrie the thirde, vnto the order of the Carmelites then newly come into this Realme, to make them a house to inhabite in, which was called as it is yet at this day ye white Friers.

After this sayeth Polidore, the Realme of Englande was verye quyet and king Henry at peace, aswell with his awne subiectes as with other for∣rein nations, vntill worde was brought him that his brother Geoffrey made a great sturre and businesse beyonde the sea, the originall cause wherof was this. Geoffrey Plantagenet his father lying on his death bed, left behinde him three sonnes, that is to say, Henry, Geoffrey and William, and ordeyned by his will and last testament that whensoeuer his eldest sonne Henry should chaunce to be in full possession, as well of the Realme of England, as of the Dukedome of Normandy, that then and from thenceforth, his brother Geof∣frey to haue and hold as in his awne proper right and inheritance the whole Countie and Erledome of Anioye: And in the meane season, vntill it fell vnto him, to haue the possession of these three Townes following, that is to saye, Chinon, Lendum and Mirabellum, bicause that when God should call for his father he hauing the aide of the aforesayd three townes might the ea∣sier come by his right, and not be lightly kept from the possession thereof. And fearing least his sonne Henry (who was then absent) woulde afterwardes breake this his will and testament, he compelled dyuers noble men and pre∣lates that then were present to promise him vpon their othe that they would not suffer his body to be enterred before they had receiued a corporall othe of his sonne Henrye for the firme and inuiolable performance thereof. The whiche othe Henry afterwardes tooke (though full sore against his will) more to auoyde the great infamy and dishonour that should haue else ensued vpon the deniall thereof,* 1.17 then otherwise. But not long after when by the death of king Stephen, he was crowned king of England, being inflamed with ambition, and following the nature of all couetous persons, who the more they haue, the more they desire, he so vsed the matter with Adrian the fourth then Bishop of Rome,* 1.18 that he was by him dispensed of his aforesayde othe. And being so dispensed withall, contrarie to all right, equitie, law and conscience, he then little regarding his fathers will, made warre vpon hys sayde brother, and in short time subdued him: & so spoyling him of his right∣full inheritance seased the sayde Erledome into his owne handes. Howbeit, he gaue him afterwardes certaine other landes in recompence, bicause he should not lack lyuing to maintaine his estate. But the sayde Geoffrey being thus vnnaturally intreated of his brother lyued not long after. Polidore.

All this while there was priuie grudge and hart burnyng betwene king Henry of England and Lewes of Fraunce, neyther could the same be other∣wise quenched, then by oft renuyng of amitie and frendship betwixt them, the which yet was euermore but coloured and dissembled on both parties for the tyme, insomuch that it would burst out againe vpon the least occasion that might be. The chiefe cause of this mutuall grudge was for that Henry mari∣ed Aleanor, from whom the said Lewes as is beforesaid, had bene before de∣uorced, after he had had two daughters by her. This Aleanor was nece and might

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heyre vnto William sometymes Duke of Aquitaine, and Erle of Tholose,* 1.19 who dyed in the holy land: Wherefore king Henry hauyng now maryed the sayde Alianor claymed as in her right the Erledome of Tholose, which then was withholden from him by the Erle Reymond, who had maried lady Con∣stance the french kinges sister, wherevpon both the sayd kinges were in ar∣mes redie to assayle eche other with sharpe and cruell warre, had not the matter bene taken vp by their friendes, and a peace concluded betwixt them.* 1.20 For confirmation whereof, it was agreed betwixt the sayd two Princes,* 1.21 that Henry the second sonne of king Henry, but the eldest then aliue, beyng a child of .viij. yeres of age, shoulde mary the daughter of Lewes the .viij. named Margaret beyng then but three yeres olde. The which daughter the sayde Lewes receyued of his seconde wife Constance the daughter of the king of Spaine: [unspec 1161/8] and this conclusion of peace & mariage was (as both Polidore and William of Newbrough do affirme) the .viij. yere of ye reigne of king Henry.

This yere also was the Citie of Cauntorbury almost all brent and con∣sumed with fyre, although Fabian sayth that it was in the sixt yere.* 1.22

The same yere also dyed Theobalde Archebishop of Cauntorbury.* 1.23 This man was a great fauourer of good letters and learned men, but especially he loued (for what qualities I know not) Thomas Becket a Londoner borne, the sonne of one Gilbert Becket, & of a woman of Siria.* 1.24 Insomuch that he not onely made him Archedeacon of Cauntorbury, but also was a meane vn∣to the king that he was made Lordehauncelour of England. Of the which Theobald it is also written, that immediately after his election to the Arche∣bishoprick, he went to Rome,* 1.25 and there receyued his Pall of Innocent the second, and was made of him Legate. And hereof it came that al other Arch∣bishoppes that succeded him were euermore called Legati nati.

The same yere Queene Aleanor was brought a bed of a daughter na∣med Mawde. And shortly after the death of the sayde Theobald, Thomas Becket aforesayd, was by the kinges procurement chosen and consecrated Archebishop of Cauntorbury, that is to say the .ix. yere of king Henry. [unspec 1162/9]

And this yere the Queene was brought a bed at Roan of a daughter which was called Aleanor, after her mothers name.

About this time king Henry caused all the States and Prelates of his Realme to swere fealtie to his sonne Henry, a Prince of great towardnesse:* 1.26 And of all other, Thomas Lorde Chauncelor and Archebishop of Cauntor∣bury was the first that tooke the othe, with reseruation of the fealtie all ready made vnto the king his father so long as he lyued.

Not long after the sayd Archebishop resigned the office of the Chaunce∣lorship, and gaue vp the great Seale into the kinges handes, the which the king tooke in very euill part.

The yere folowyng which was the yere of our Lord. M.C.lxiij. [unspec 1163/10] and the x. yere of the reigne of the king, there fell great variance betwene the king and the sayde Thomas Becket,* 1.27 insomuch that the kinges minde was nowe cleane alienated from him: The occasion and ground of which variance shall afterwardes he declared.

In the .xi. yere of his reigne the Welshemen rebelled againe, the which rebellion was by the king easely appeased without any great slaughter. [unspec 1164/11] For the chiefe doers and beginners hereof, he so punished, that it was thought

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that they would not eftsoones rebell but of their awne accorde remaine true and faythfull Subiectes.

[unspec 1165/12] The .xij. yere of his reigne dyed Malcolme king of Scottes, next after whome succeded his brother William,* 1.28 who as sone as he was crowned went to London and there did homage and fealtie vnto king Henry, as Malcolme had done before. But Reynulph in his .vij. booke, and .xxiij. Chapter setteth foorth the maner and doyng of this homage as foloweth. This yere (sayth he) the .xij. day before September, William king of Scotland by the assent of his Lordes and Barons came vnto Yorke where then king Henry was with his Nobles, and there sware fealtie and made his homage vnto the sayd king Henry of England. And also the sayd king William did then and there confesse and acknowledge by his letters patentes that he and his successors, men of Scotland, should do homage, allegeance and fealtie to the kinges of England, as often as they shall be requyred therevnto. And in token of this subiection, the sayde king of Scotland offered his Hat, and his Saddell vp∣on Saint Peters aulter in the Church of Yorke, which are extant there to be seene at this day. And moreouer the Lordes of Scotlande there present at that time, tooke their othe in solempne maner, that if the king of Scotlande would withdrawe him at any tyme from the sayd fayth and loyaltie, that then they would ryse against him, and so remaine his enemyes, vntill he would re∣turne and reconcile himselfe.

* 1.29About this time dyed Conanus Duke of Briteyne without issue male, leauyng behinde him one onely daughter named Constance, which though she were then vnder age and not yet mariable, king Henry found the meanes to mary his sonne Geoffrey vnto, and so was his strength and dominion not a littell encreased thereby.

[unspec 1166/13] In the .xiij. yere of his reigne dyed Mawde the Empresse the kinges mo∣ther, a woman as well for her wisedome and pollecye in warres, as all other her notable qualities incomparable.

* 1.30This tyme also the Kinge maryed his daughter Mawde vnto Henry Duke of Saxony.

After this the king beyng at peace with all foreine nations from the .xiij yere of his reigne the space of two yeres and more, because he would not idle∣ly consume the tyme,* 1.31 neyther yet suffer his souldiours by feastyng, banquet∣tyng, and other vnsittyng pastymes, which they are commonly wont to geue themselues vnto in peace tyme, which should withdrawe their myndes from martiall affayres, taking his sonne with him, made a voyage into Briteyne, where he spent a great part of his time in ridyng about and viewyng of the Countrie, and in fortifiyng of townes and holdes, and finally in hauyng of familier conference and friendly talke with the noble men there. Then de∣partyng from thence he went into Normandy, and there also tooke order with matters of that Countrie accordyngly. These thinges done, in the be∣ginnyng of the next spring,* 1.32 he returned into England, but not without some misfortune vpon the sea: For one of his Shippes was drowned by tempest, wherein as it is reported were three hundreth persons which were all drow∣ned. And after his returne he went to Windfore, where he made his abode and kept his Christmas, and the greatest part of all the Nobles of the realme were there with him. And thether came also king William of Scotlande

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with his brother Dauid to signifie vnto him how glad and ioyfull they were of hys prosperous successe in his late voyage, whom he right curteously em∣braced againe, geuyng them at theyr departure many riche and large giftes.

Now to returne vnto Thomas Becket: the cause of the aforesayd vary∣aunce and discention betwixt the king and him was as it is written of diuers Aucthours of good credite, that certein wicked persons of the Clergie whose murders, robberyes, and grieuous transgressions against the lawes of the Realme, beyng declared to the king by his Iudges: The king therewith was not a little agreeued, and for reformation therof, called a Parliament in the .ix. yere of his reigne at Northampton, requiryng to haue established by aucthoritie thereof, that due punishment might be executed vpon such trans∣gressors of the Clergie of this Realme accordyng to the auncient order of the lawes: notwithstanding the prerogatiue and priuelege which the ecclesiasti∣call persons claymed, saiyng that they were exempt from all temporall iuris∣diction. Thomas Becket then beyng Archebishop of Cauntorbury, vnder∣standyng the king to go about to set lawes, preiudiciall to the priuelege of the Clergie, would not agree therevnto, desiryng the king that vnder Christ our newe king, and vnder the newe lawe of Christ he woulde not bring in anye newe proceedyngs agaynst the ordinances and decrees of the auncient holye fathers: And if he would, he sayde that he neither ought to sustaine it, nor would not. The king beyng moued therewith, alleageth againe and exac∣teth the olde lawes and customes of his Grandfather, obserued and agreed vpon by Archebishops, Bishoppes, Prelates, and other priueleged persons, requiryng likewise of him, whether he would agree to the same, or else now in his reigne condempne that, which in the reigne of his Grandfather was well alowed. And those constitutions are in number .xxviij. or .xxix. whereof certeine folowe.

1 Concerning the nomination and presentation into benefices,* 1.33 if any con∣trouersie arise betweene the layetie and Clergie: or betweene one spirituall man with another, the matter to be brought into the kings temporall Court, and there to be decided.

2 Churches, suche as be de feodo Regis, to be giuen at no time without the assent and permission of the king.

3 All spirituall and ecclesiasticall persons being accused of any crime,* 1.34 what soeuer it be, and summoned by the kings iustice to come and appeere in the kings court, there to make answere whether the matter appertain to the spi∣ritual court or to the temporal: so that if the said persons be found guilty and conuicted of anye crime, the Church not to defende hym nor succour hym.

4 No Archebishop nor Bishop,* 1.35 nor person being of any Ecclesiasticall dig∣nitie, to attempt to go ouer the Sea out of the Realme without the kings knowledge and permission, and in so doing, yet notwithstanding to be bound, tarying in any place to procure no damage eyther to the king or to ye realme.

5 Such goodes or Cattels as be forefeyted to the king,* 1.36 neyther any sanc∣tuary of Church, or Churchyard to deteyn them, contrary to the kings iustice for that they belong to the king, whether they be founde in the Church or Churchyarde.

6 No orders to be giuen to husbande mennes children without the as∣sent and testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the Countrey,* 1.37 where

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they were borne and brought vp.

¶ Besides these constitutions there were many other which I passe ouer, for that the afore rehersed articles are the chiefe. And now let vs returne to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket aforesayd.

The king as is aforesayde, conuentyng hys nobles and Clarkes toge∣ther, required to haue the punishment of the aforesayde misdoers of the Cler∣gie. But Thomas Becket would not consent therevnto. Wherfore the king demaunded of him whether he woulde consent with hys Clergie, that the customes then set foorth in the realme (meaning the first parte of the afore∣sayde decrees) should be obserued. To the which the Archbishop consulting together with his brethren, giueth aunswere agayne, that he was contented the kings ordinances should be obserued, adding this withall Saluo ordine suo, that is, sauing his order. And so in lyke maner all the other Bishops after, being demaunded in order, answered with the same addition Saluo ordine suo. Onely Hillarius Bishop of Chichester, perceyuing the king to be exasperate with that addition, in stead of Saluo ordine suo, was agreed to obserue them bona fide. The king hearing them not simplye to agree vnto him but with an exception, was greatly offended, who then turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates, sayde: that he was not well content with that clause of theirs Saluo ordine suo, which he sayde was captious and deceytfull, hauing some maner of venym lurcking vnder it, and therefore required an absolute graunt of them, without any exception, to agree to the former ordynaunces. To thys the Archbishop replyeth that they had sworne vnto hym their fidelitie, both lyfe, body and earthly honour: Saluo ordine suo: and that in the same earthly honour, all those ordynances were comprehended. And to the obseruing of them they would bynde themselues after none other forme, but as they had sworne before. The king with this was moued, and all his nobilitie, and that not a little. The day beyng well spent the king when he could get none other aunswere of them, departed in great anger, geuyng no worde of salu∣tation vnto the Bishops. And likewise euery one of the Bishops departed to his awne house.* 1.38 The bishop of Chichester among the rest was greatly rebu∣ked of his felowes for chaungyng the exception contrary to the voice of all the other. The next day folowyng the king tooke from the Archebishop all suche honours and Lordshippes as he had geuen him before,* 1.39 in the tyme that he was Chauncelour, whereby appered the great displeasure that the king bare against him and the Clergie.

Not long after this, the king remouyng from London, vnknowyng to the Bishoppes,* 1.40 sayled ouer into Normandy, where the Bishop of London called Gilbert, not long after resorted to him to craue his fauour: and gaue him counsayle withall to ioyne some of the Bishoppes on his syde, least if all were against him, peraduenture he might the sooner be ouerthrowne. And thus the greatest number of the Bishoppes were by this meanes reconciled againe vnto the king, except the Archebishop and a fewe other Bishoppes. The king thinking to trie all maner of wayes, when he sawe neither feare, nor threates coulde turne them, he did then assay them with gentlenesse, but it would not serue. Many of the Nobles labouring betwixt them both, ex∣horted the Archebishop to relent vnto the king, but it would not be. Likewise the Archbishop of Yorke, with diuers other Bishops & Abbots especially the

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Bishop of Chester did the same: Besydes his awne housholde dayly called vpon him, but no man could perswade him. At length he hauing vnderstan∣dyng, partly by them that came to him, what daunger might happen not onely to himselfe, but to all the other of the Clergie, vpon the kinges displea∣sure,* 1.41 and partly also consideryng the olde loue and kindenesse of the king to∣wardes him in tymes past, was content to geue ouer to the kinges request, and came to Oxenford to the king, reconcilyng himselfe aboute the addicion which had displeased the king so much. Wherevpon the king beyng some∣what mittigated, receyued him with a more cheerefull countenaunce (but yet not so familiarly as before) saiyng that he woulde haue his ordinaunces and proceedinges after that forme confirmed in the publique audience and open sight of his Bishoppes and all his Nobles. After this, the king beyng at Clarendon, there called his Nobilitie and Prelates before him,* 1.42 requiryng to haue that performed, which they had graunted in consenting to the obseruing of his Grandfathers ordinances and proceedyngs. The Archebishop of Can∣torbury suspectyng somewhat in the kinges promise, drewe backwarde,* 1.43 and now would not, that before he would: And to perswade him to obedience: First came vnto him the Bishop of Sarisbury, and of Norwich, who for olde matters were in daunger to the king long before, weping & lamenting to the Archbishop, desyryng him to haue some compassion on them, and to remit this pertinacye to the kyng, least if he so continued, through his stoutenesse to ex∣asperate the kinges displeasure, haply it might redound to no small daunger, not onely to them which were in ieopardie all redy, but also to himselfe to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergie to be endaungered.* 1.44 Besydes these two Bishoppes, there went to him other two noble peeres of the Realme, labou∣ryng with him to relent, & condiscend to the kinges desyre. If not, they should be enforced to vse violence, as neyther would stand with the kings fame, and much lesse with his quietnesse: But he would not geue ouer. After this came to him two Rulers of the Temple called Templares, one named Richard de hast: another called Constance de Honerio with their company, lamenting and bewailyng the great perill, which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head, and yet neyther with their teares, nor with their kneelynges would he be remoued. At the length came the last message from the king, signifiyng vnto him with expresse words, and also with teares what he should trust vn∣to, if he would not geue ouer vnto the kinges request.

By reason of which message, he either terrefied or else perswaded, was content to submit himselfe: Wherevpon the king incontinent assembling the States together, the Archebishop first before all other begynneth to promise to the king obedience, and submission vnto his customes, and that cum bona fide, leauing out his former addicion, Saluo ordine, mencioned before,* 1.45 in steede whereof, he promised in verbo veritatis, to obserue and keepe the kinges custo∣mes, & sweare to the same. After him the other bishops likewise made the like othe. Wherevpon the king commaunded certeine instrumentes obligatory to be drawen, of the which the king should haue one, the Archbishop of Can∣torbury another, and the Archbishop of Yorke the thirde, requiryng also the sayd Archbishop to set to his hande and seale.* 1.46 To the which the Archbishop although not deniyng but that he was willyng so to do, yet desired respyte in the matter while that he beyng come but newly to his Bishoprike might bet∣ter

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peruse with himselfe the aforesayde customes and ordinaunces of the king. This request as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly graunted, and so the day beyng farre spent, they departed for that season, and brake vp.

* 1.47Alanus one of the foure wryters of the lyfe of this Thomas Becket, recordeth that the Archbishop in his voiage toward Winchester began great∣ly to repent that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certain about him, but chiefely of his crosse bearer, who goyng before the Archbishop did sharpely and earnestly rebuke him, for geuyng ouer to the kings request, against the priuilege and liberties of the Church, pollutyng not onely his fame & conscience, but also geuyng a pernicious example to them that should come after, with many like wordes.

To make the matter short, the Archebishop was so touched vpon the same, with such repentance, that kepyng himselfe from company, lamentyng with teares, with fastyng, and with much penaunce, tearyng and scourgyng his awne body, did also suspend himselfe from all deuyne seruice, and would not receyue comfort, before he had sent to the Pope, and had graunt that he should be assoyled of him, who directed to him againe letters by the same mes∣senger that came from the sayde Archebishop.* 1.48 In which letters, he not one∣ly assoyled him of his trespasse, but also with wordes of great consolation did courage him to be stoute in the quarrell he toke in hand. Vpon these letters of the Pope, Becket was not a little comforted & encouraged. The king heering of Thomas Beckets going back & how he denied to set his seale to those fac∣tions which he cōdiscended vnto before,* 1.49 toke no little displeasure against him, insomuch as he threatnyng to him banishment and death, began to call him to reconynges, and to burthen him with paymentes, that all men might vnder∣stand that the kinges mynde was sore set agaynst him. The Archbishop here∣vpon,* 1.50 whether more for the loue of ye Pope, or dread of his Prince, thought to make an escape out of the realme, and so crept out in the night with two or three with him, stealing from his houshold, & attempted to take the sea priui∣ly, but the weather not seruyng him, he was driuen home againe. And shortly after that he was gone, his departure was knowne and noysed abroade: By reason of which noyes the kinges officers came to Cauntorbury, and purpo∣sed to haue seased vpon his goodes on the kinges behalfe.* 1.51 But as it chaunced the night before their commyng, Becket returned and was founde at home, wherefore they did not proceede in their purpose. Nowe Becket well vnder∣standyng the king to be sore bent against him, and perceyuyng that the Seas would not serue him, made haste to the Court, the king liyng then at Wood∣stocke,* 1.52 where the king receyued him after a certeyne maner, but nothyng so familiarly as he was wont, taunting him iestingly and merily, as though one Realme were not able to holde them both. Becket, although he was per∣mitted to go and come at his pleasure to the Court, yet he coulde not ob∣teyne the fauour that he would, perceyuing both in himselfe, and confessyng no lesse vnto others howe the matter would fall out, so that eyther he should be constreyned to geue ouer with shame, or stoutelye he must stande to that which he had so boldely taken in hande. The Archebishop of Yorke in the meane time goyng betweene the king and Becket, laboured to make peace and loue betwene them: But the king in no case would be reconciled, onlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes. So that while the king would none

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otherwise agree, neither that Becket would in no wise subscribe,* 1.53 there was a foule discorde betwixt them. The king for his regall aucthoritie thought it much that any subiect of his should stande against him. The Archbishop a∣gaine thinking himselfe to haue so good a quarrell as in the defendyng of the liberties of the Church, and also bearing himselfe bold vpon the letters of the Pope lately written vnto him, thought himselfe strong ynough against the king and all the realme besyde. Wherefore the Archebishop trustyng to these thinges, woulde geue no place, but by vertue of his Apostolike aucthoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king, condemnyng some, and other some approuyng for good and Catholike.* 1.54 Besides this there came also to the king Rotrodus Archbishop of Roan sent from the Pope to make peace betwene the king and the Archebishop. To the which the king was well content to agree, so that the Pope would agree to ratefie his ordi∣naunces. But when that could in no wyse be obteyned at the Popes handes, then the king thus beyng stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike Legacie, beyng Legatus a latere: thought good to send vp to the Pope: and so he did to obteyne of him, that the same aucthoritie of the Apostolike Legacy might be cōferred to another,* 1.55 after his apointment which was the Archbishop of Yorke: But that the Pope denied. Notwithstandyng at the request of the kinges Clergie, the Pope was content that the king shoulde be Legate himselfe, whereat the king tooke great indignation as (Houeden wryteth) so that he sent the Pope his letters againe.

And when the kings Ambassadors were returned with the aforesaid let∣ters, & had declared the kings pleasure & request. The Pope at the last graū∣ted, that the Legate should be remoued, & that the Archbishop of York should be placed in that office after his awne request. And yet addeth this promise withall, that the sayd Becket should receyue no harme nor domage thereby.

Assone as the king had receyued the Popes letters to authorile the Arch∣bishop of Yorke in the Legacie,* 1.56 he then caused Becket to be cyted vp to ap∣peere by a certayne day at the towne of Northampton, there to make aun∣swere to suche things as should be layde to his charge. So when the daye was come, all the Peeres and Nobles with the Prelates of the realme vp∣on the kings proclamation beyng assembled in the Castell of Northampton great faulte was found with the Archebishop, for that he beyng cited perso∣nally came not himselfe, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not (Houeden sayth) was this, because the king had placed his horse and horse∣men in the Archebishops lodging, which was a house there of Chanons, wherewith he being offended, sent worde agayne that he would not appere onlesse his lodgings were auoyded of the kinges horsemen.* 1.57 Wherevpon by publique sentence as well of the Nobles as of the Bishops, his moueables were adiudged to be confiscate for the king.

The Archbishop againe for his parte against the order and forme of that iudgement complayned, alleging for himselfe,* 1.58 that seing he was the Primate & spirituall father, not only of all other in the realme, but also of the king him∣selfe, he thought it not cōuenient, ye father so to be iudged of hys children, nor the pastor of the flock so to be cōdempned. And this was the first daies action.

The next daye following the king layde an action against him,* 1.59 for one that was his Marshall called Iohn, for certaine iniurie done to hym, and required of the sayde Archbishop the repaiyng againe of certayne money,

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which he as he sayde had lent vnto him in the tyme he was Chauncelour, the somme whereof was fyue hundreth Markes. This money the Archebishop denyed not but that he had receyued it of the king, albeit by the waye and ty∣tle of gift (as he tooke it) though he could bring no proofe thereof. Where∣vpon the king required hym to put in assurance for the payment thereof, whereat the Archbishop making delayes, not well contented at the matter, he was so called vpon, that eyther he should be comptable to the king for the money, or else he should incurre present daunger, the king being so bent a∣against him. The Archbishop being brought to such a strayte, and destitute of his awne suffraganes, could not here by no meanes escape, had not fyue per∣sons of their awne accorde stepped in, being bound for him, euery one in one hundreth Markes, and this was vpon the second day concluded.

The morrow after which was the thirde daye of the Counsayle, as the Archbishop was sitting beneth in a conclaue with his felow Bishops about him, consulting togither, the sayde Bishops labored by sundry wayes and meanes, and with verie vehement perswasions and learned arguments to wyll him to obedience and to submit himselfe to the king, the which perswa∣sions for the length of them I doe here omit: But to conclude, when they had long spent their labour, good wyll and wisedome, to haue reduced him to good order, he would not condissend vnto them, but sayde as followeth.

* 1.60I perceyue sayth he, and vnderstand that ye go aboute to maintaine and cherishe but your owne cowardnesse vnder the colourable shadowe of suffe∣rance, and vnder the pretence of dissembling softnesse, to choke the libertie of Christes Church: who hath thus bewitched you, O vnsaciable Bishoppes? what meane ye? why do you so vnder the impudent title of forbearing, beare a double heart, and cloke your manifest iniquitie? What call ye this bearing with tyme, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let termes serue the matter, why peruert you the matter that is good with vocables and termes vntrue? For that ye say we must beare with the malice of tyme, I graunt with you, but yet we must not heape sinne to sinne. Is not Godable to helpe the state and condicion of his Church, but with the sinfull dissimulation of the teachers of the Church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me I pray you, when should the gouernours of the Church put themselues to daū∣gers for the Church, in tyme of tranquilitie or in tyme of distresse? Ye will be ashamed to denie the contrary, but in distresse. And nowe then the Churche liyng in so great distresse and vexation, why should not the good pastour put himselfe in perill therfore? For neither do I thinke it a greater act or merite, for the auncient bishops of the olde tyme, to found the Church than with their blood, or then now for vs to shead our blood for the liberties of the same. And to tell you plaine, I thinke it not safe for you, to swarue from the forme and example which you haue receyued of your holy elders.

After these thinges were spoken, they sate all in silence a certaine space, beyng locked in together as aforsayde: But at the length to finde a shift to cause the dore to be opened, I woulde sayth the Archebishop speake with two Erles that are about the king, and named them who they were, which beyng called, opened the dore and came in with haste, thinkyng to heare some thing which shoulde appease the kinges minde, to whome the Archbishop spake in this maner. As touching and concernyng the matters betwene the

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king and vs, we haue here conferred together. And forasmuch as we haue them not here present with vs now, which know better in the matter than we do, whose aduise we would also be glad to follow, therefore we craue so much respyte as vntill to morow, and then we will be redy to geue vp our answere vnto the king: with this message two bishops were sent vnto the king, which was the Bishop of London and the Bishop of Rochester.

London to helpe the matter, and to set quietnesse, addyng somethyng more to the message, sayde to the king, that the Archebishop craued a little de∣lay of time to prepare suche wrytings and instrumentes, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind, in accomplishing the kinges desyre. &c. Wher∣fore two Barons were sent to him from the king to graunt him that respite or stay, so that he woulde ratefie that which the messengers had signified to the king. To the which the Archebishop aunswereth that he sent no suche message as was intimate in his name: but onely that the next day he woulde come and geue aunswere to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the conuocation of the Bishoppes dissolued, and they were dismissed home. So that the most part of them that came with the Archebishop and accompanied him before, for feare of the kinges displeasure seuered them selues from him. The Archebishop thus forsaken and destitute (as the History of him sayth) sent about for the poore, the lame, & the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saiyng, that by them he might soner obteyne his victory, than by the other, which had so slipt from him.

On the next day folowyng, because it was Sunday nothing was done.* 1.61 So the day after, which was the second fery, the Archebishop was cited to a∣pere: But the night before beyng taken with the desease of the Cholike, all that day he kept his bed, and not able as he sayd to aryse. Euery man suppo∣sed it to be but a feyned sicknesse, certeyne of the chiefe Nobles were sent to trie out the matter, & to cite him to the Court namely Robert Erle of Leyces∣ter, & Reginald Erle of Deuonshire. To whom the Archebishop answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he coulde not come, and thoughe he were brought in a horse Litter: so that day passed ouer.

The morow after, certeine that were aboute him,* 1.62 fearing no lesse but that some daunger would happen vnto him, gaue him counsaile in the mor∣nyng to haue a Masse in the honour of the holy Martyr Saint Stephen, to kepe him from the handes of his enemies that day. When the Morow was come beyng Tuesday, there came to him the Bishops and Prelates, coun∣sailyng and perswadyng him couertly by insinuation (for apertly they durst not) that he woulde submit himselfe aswell for all other his goodes, as also his Archebishoprike to the will of the king, if paraduenture his indignation by that meanes might asswage. Addyng moreouer, that onlesse he would so do, periury should be layd against him, for that he vnder the othe of fidelitie had promised to kepe the kinges lawes and ordinaunces,* 1.63 and nowe woulde not obserue them. To this Becket aunswereth againe: Brethren ye see and perceyue well howe the worlde is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seketh my confusion. And although these be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieueth me most of all is this: the sonnes of myne awne mother be prickes and thornes against me. And albeit that I do holde my peace, yet the posteritie to come will knowe and report howe cowardlye you

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haue turned your backes, and haue left me your Archebishop and Metro∣politane alone in this conflict, and how you haue sitten in iudgement against me (although an vnworthie sinner) nowe two dayes together, and not that onely in the Ciuile or spirituall Court, but also in the temporall Court redy to do the same. But in generall this I charge and commaunde you all, by the vertue of pure obedience, and in perill of your awne order, that ye be not pre∣sent personally in iudgement against me. And that ye shall not so do, I here appeale to our mother and refuge of all such as be oppressed, the Church of Rome:* 1.64 and if any seculer man shall lay handes vpon me (as it is rumored they will) I streightly enioyne & charge you in the same vertue of obedience, that you exercise your censure Ecclesiasticall vpon them, as it becommeth you to do for your father and Archebishop. And this I do you to vnderstand, that though the world rage,* 1.65 and the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth, for the flesh is weake, yet God so fauouryng me, I will neyther cowardlye shrinke, nor vilye forsake my flocke committed to my charge.

* 1.66But the Bishop of London contrary to this commaundement, did incon∣tinent appeale from him. And thus the Bishops departed from him to the Court, saue onely two, that was Henry Bishop of Winchester, and Ioselyne of Sarisbury, who returned with him secretly to his Chamber and comfor∣ted him.* 1.67 This done, the Archebishop the next day addressed him to the Masse of S. Stephen with all solemnitie, as though it had bene an high festiuall day, with his Metropolitane Pall, which was not vsed to be worne, but vp∣on the holy day. &c. The office of his Masse began Sederunt Principes & aduer∣sum me loquebantur. &c. that is, Princes sate and spake against me. &c. (The kinges seruants beyng also there, and beholdyng the matter) for this Masse Gilbert Bishop of London accused Becket afterwarde,* 1.68 both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in contemptum Regis, (as the wordes of Houeden purport) that is both by art magique, and in contempt of the king.

The Masse beyng ended, the Archebishop puttyng off his Pall, his Mi∣ter and other robes, procedeth to the kinges Court, and taketh also the Sa∣crament priuily about him. And commyng towardes the kinges Chamber there to attend vpon ye king, as he was entering in at the dore, he taketh from Alexander his Crosyer, the Crosse with the Crossestaffe, in the sight of all that stode by, and caryeth it in himselfe, the other bishops folowing hym, and saiyng he did otherwise then became him.* 1.69 Amongest other, Robert Bishop of Hertford offered himself to beare his crosse, rather than he should so do, for that was not comely: but the Archbishope would not suffer him. Then sayde the Bishop of London vnto him, if the king shall see you come armed into his Chamber, perchaunce he will drawe out his sworde against you, which is stronger than yours, and then what shall this your armour profite you? The Archbishop aunswereth againe: if the kinges sworde do cut carnally, yet my sworde cutteth spiritually, and striketh downe to hell: But you my Lorde, as ye haue played the foole in this matter, so you will not leaue off your folly so farre as I can see, and so he came into the chamber. The king heering of his commyng & the maner thereof, taryed not long, but came where Becket was set in a place by himselfe with his other Bishops about him. First the cryer callyng all the Prelates and all the Lordes of the Temporaltie together: that beyng done, and euery one placed in his seate, accordyng to his degree: The

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king beginneth with a great complaint against the Archbishop,* 1.70 for his maner of entering into the court, not as into a kings court, but as a traytor, shewing himselfe so like a traytor as hath not bene seene before in any christian kinges court: To this all there present gaue witnesse with the kings wordes. And so altogether with one crie called him on euery side Traytor. Wherevpon, great horror and feare was what should befall on him. The Archbishop of Yorke commyng downe to his men, sayd he could not abide to see what the Arche∣bishop of Cantorbury was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaues and other ministers of the assembly commyng downe with an outas agaynst him, cros∣sed them to see his hautie stobernesse, & the businesse that there was towards him. Certeine there were of hys friendes one or two, sittyng at his feete, some comfortyng him softly, and biddyng him to lay his cursse vpon them: Other contrary, biddyng him not to cursse, but to pray and to forgeue them: and if he lost his life in the quarrell of the Church and the libertie thereof,* 1.71 he should be happy. Afterward one of them named Iohannes Stephani, wil∣lyng to speake something in his eare, but could not be suffered by the kinges Marshall, who forbade that any man should haue any talke with him. Then he, because that he could not otherwise speake vnto him, wrought by signes, makyng a crosse and lokyng vp with his eyes, and waggyng his lippes mea∣nyng that he should pray, & manfully stande to the Crosse. In the meane time cōmeth to him Bartholomew Bishop of Exeter, desiryng him to haue regard and cōpassion vpon himselfe, & also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him, for there commeth out, saith he, a precept from the king, that you shall be taken, and so suffer for an open rebell, and who so hereafter taketh your part shall haue the like punishment. It is sayd moreouer,* 1.72 that Ioselinus Bishop of Sarisbury, and William Bishop of Norwiche are to be had to the place of execution for their resistyng, and makyng intercession for you. When he had thus sayd, the Archbishop lokyng vpon the sayd bishop of Exeter said: Aduoyde sayd he, hence from me, thou vnderstandest not, nei∣ther doest thou sauour those thinges that be of God.

The Bishops and Prelates then going aside by themselues from the o∣ther Nobles (the king so permitting them to do) tooke counsaile together what was to be done. Here the matter stoode in a doubtfull perplexitie, for eyther must they incurre the daungerous indignation of the king: or else with the Nobles they must proceede in condemnatiō against the Archbishop for resisting the kinges sanctions, which they did not fauour themselues. In this straite necessitie, they deuysing what way to take, at length agreed vpon this, that they with a common assent shoulde appeale the Archbishop to the See of Rome vpon periurie.* 1.73 And that they shoulde oblige and binde them∣selues to the king, with a sure promise to woorke their diligence in deposing the Archbishop vpon this condition, that the king should promise their safety, and discharge them from the perill of that iudgement which was towarde him. So all the Bishops obligyng themselues thus to the king, went foorth to the Archbishop, of whome one speaking for the reast (which was Hilary Bishop of Chichester) had these wordes. Once you haue bene our Archbi∣shop, and so long we were bounde to your obedience:* 1.74 but now for as much as you once swearing your fidelitie to the king, doe resist hym, neglecting hys Iniunctions and ordinaunces concerning and perteyning to his terrene ho∣nor

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and dignitie, wherefore we here pronounce you periured, neyther be we bound to geue obedience to ye Archbishop thus periured. But putting our sel∣ues & al oures in the Popes protection do appeale you* 1.75 to his presence. And vpon the same assigned him his day & time to apere. The Archbishop answe∣ring again said, he heard him wel ynough, And vpon this sēdeth vp to Rome in al hast to the Pope, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how and wherefore & by whom he was appealed: After the Archbishop was thus ap∣pealed to Rome as before you haue heard, he then sitting wt his crosse way∣ting in the Court, at the last the king sent by certain Erles and Barons com∣maundment to him (Robert the Erle of Leycester doing the message) that he should without delay come and render a full accompt of all things that he had receyued in fruits & reuenues of the realme, in the time he being his Chaūce∣lor,* 1.76 and especially for the 30000 Markes for the which he was accomptable to the king. To whom the Archbishop aunswereth, that the king knew how ofte he had made his reconning and accompt of those things which he nowe required. Further and besides, he sayde that Henry his sonne and heyre of the Realme, with all hys Barons and also Richarde Lucye his chiefe iustice tolde him that he was free and quit to God & holy Church from all receiptes and computations, and from all secular exactions on the kings behalfe. And so he taking this his discharge at their handes, entered into his office, and therefore other accompt besides he woulde make none. When this worde was brought to the king,* 1.77 he required his Barons to do the lawe vpon hym: who iudged him to be apprehended and layde in prison. This done the king sendeth vnto him Reginald Erle of Cornewall and of Deuonshire, and Ro∣bert Erle of Leycester, to declare to hym what was his iudgement. To whome the Archbishop aunswereth,* 1.78 heare my sonne and good Erle, what I say vnto you: how much more precious the soule is then the bodye, so muche more ought you to obey me in the Lord, rather than your terrene king: Ney∣ther doth any lawe or reason permit the children to iudge and condemne their father. Wherefore to aduoyde both the iudgement of the king and youtes, and of all other,* 1.79 I put myselfe onelye to the Arbitrement of the Pope vnder God alone, to be iudged of him and of none other. To whose presence here before you all I do appeale, committyng the orderyng of the Church of Can∣torbury my dignitie, with all other thinges apperteyning to the same, vnto the protection of God and his. And as for you my brethren and felow bishops (which rather obey man than God) you also I call and clayme to the audi∣ence and iudgement of the Pope, and hence I depart from you as from the enemyes of the Catholike Church, & of the aucthority of the Apostolike See.

* 1.80While the Barons returned with this aunswere to the king, the Arche∣bishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey, holdyng hys Crosse in the one hande, and the Bridle of his Palfrey in the other, the Cour∣tiers folowyng after criyng Traytor, Traytor, tary & here thy iudgement: But he passed on vntill he came to the vttermost gate of the Court, which be∣yng fast locked, there he had bene stayed, had not one of his seruaunts called Peter, named Deiunctorio, fyndyng there a bunch of keyes hangyng by, first prouyng one key, and then another, at the last chaunced vpon the right key, and so opened the gate and let him out. The Archebishop went streight way to the house of Chanons where he did lye, callyng in to him the poore where

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they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to bee made betwixt two Altars) he in the meane tyme preuily, while the king was at Supper in the Euenyng, prepareth his iourney secretly to escape away, chaunging his garment and his name beyng called Derman, first went to Lincolne, from thence to Sandwich,* 1.81 where he tooke Ship, and sayled into Flaunders, & from thence iourneyed to Fraunce as Houeden sayth. But Alanus differyng in the order of his flight, sayth that he did not flie that night, for at supper tyme there came vnto him the Bishops of London, and Chichester, declaryng to him that if he would surrender vp to the king his two maners of Otford and Wingham, there were hope to re∣couer the kinges fauour, and to haue all remitted: But when the Archebi∣shop would not agree therevnto, forasmuch as those Manours were belong∣yng to the Church of Cantorbury: And the king heeryng thereof, was great∣lye offended. Insomuche that the next day, Becket was faine to sende to the king two Bishops and his Chapleyn to haue leaue to depart the realme. To the which message the king aunswered, that he would take a pause vntyll the next day, and then he should haue aunswere. But Becket not tariyng for his answere, the same day conueyed himselfe away secretly, as is aforesaid to Lodouicus the French king. But before he came to the French king, Gilbert the B. of London, & William Erle of Arondel, sent from the king of England to Fraunce, preuented him, requiryng of the sayd French king in the behalfe of the king of England that he would not receiue nor reteyne within his do∣minion the Archbishop of Cantorbury. Moreouer, yt at his instance he would be a meanes to the Pope, not to shew any familiaritie vnto him. But the king of England in this poynt seemed to haue more confidence in the French king, then knowledge of his disposition. For thinkyng that the French king would be as a good neighbour to him, in trustyng to him he was deceyued. Neither cōsidered he with himselfe enough the maner and nature of the French men, at that time against the Realme of England, who then were glad to seke and take all maner of occasions to do some acte against England.* 1.82 And therefore Lodouike the French king vnderstandyng the matter, and thinkyng percase to haue some aduauntage thereby agaynst the king and Realme of England by ye occasion hereof: Contrary to the kings letters of request, not onely har∣boureth and cherisheth this Dereman, but also wrytyng to the Pope by his Almoner and brother, entreateth him vpon all loues, as euer he would haue his fauour to tender the cause of the Archebishop Becket. Thus the kinges Ambassadors repulsed of the French king returned, [unspec 1163/10] at what tyme he sent a∣nother Ambassade vpon the lyke cause to Alexander the Pope, then beyng at Sene in Fraunce. The Ambassadors sent on this message were, Roger Archebishop of Yorke, Gilbart Bishop of London, Henry Bishop of Win∣chester, Hillary Bishop of Chichester, Bartholomew Bishop of Exceter with other Doctors and Clerkes: Also William Erle of Arondell, with certeyne mo Lordes and Barons. Who commyng to the Popes Court, were friend∣ly accepted of certaine of the Cardinalles, amongest the which Cardinalles, there arose also discention about the same cause, some iudgyng the Bishop of Cauntorbury in the defence of the libertyes of the Church, as in a good case was to be mainteyned: Some thinking againe that he beyng a perturber of peace and vnitie, was rather to be brideled for his presumption, then to bee

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fostered and encouraged therin. But the Pope partly bearing with his cause, and partly incensed therevnto wyth the letters of the French king, did wholy encline to Becket. Wherefore the Pope the next day folowyng sittyng in con∣sistory with his Cardinalles, when the Ambassadors were called for, to the heeryng of Beckets matter, first begynneth the Bishop of London, next the Archebishop of Yorke, then Exceter, and through the Bishoppes euery one in their order to speake. Whose Orations beyng not well accepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdeyned: The Erle of Arondell perceyuyng that, somewhat to qualifie and temper the matter to the Popes eares began af∣ter this maner.

* 1.83Although to me it is vnknowen (sayth he) which am both vnlettered and ignoraunt, what it is, that these Bishoppes here haue sayde, neyther am I in that tongue so able to expresse my minde as they haue done: yet beyng sent and charged therevnto of my Prince, neyther can, nor ought I but to declare (as well as I may) what the cause is of our sendyng hether, not to contende or striue with any person nor to offer any iniury or harme vnto any man, espe∣cially in this place, and in the presence here of such a one, vnto whose becke and aucthoritie all the worlde doth stoupe and yeelde. But for this intent is our Legacye hether directed, to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole Church of Rome, the deuocion and loue of our king and master, which euer he hath had, and yet hath still toward you. And that the same may the better appere to your excellencie, he hath assigned and appoynted to the furniture of this Legacie, not the least, but the greatest: not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his subiectes, both Archebishoppes, Bishoppes, Erles, Barons, with other Potentates mo, of such worthinesse and parentage, that if he could haue found greater in all his Realme, he woulde haue sent them, both for the reuerence of your person, and of the holy Church of Rome. Ouer and besydes this I might adde to more, which your holinesse hath sufficiently tryed and proued all ready, the true and heartie fidelitie of this our Soue∣reigne towarde you: Who in his first entrance into his kingdome wholy sub∣mitted himselfe, with all that is his besydes, to your will and pleasure.

And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe he is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholique fayth, we beleue there is none more faythfull in Christ than he, nor more deuoute to God, nor yet more moderate in kepyng the vnitie of peace wherevnto he is called. And as I may be bolde this to protest for our king and maister: so neyther do I deny touching the Archebishop of Caun∣torbury, a man also not destitute nor vnfurnished with giftes and ornaments in his kinde of callyng, to be a man both sage and discrete, in such thinges as to him apperteyne, saue onely that he semeth to some, more quicke and sharpe than nedeth. This blot alone if it were not, and the breache betweene him and our king had not happened, both the regimentes together of the Tempo∣raltie and Spiritualtie might quietly haue flourished, one with the other, in much peace and concorde, both vnder a Prince so worthie, and a Pastor so vertuous. Wherefore the case so standyng as it doth, our message hether and our supplication is to your vigilant prudence, that through your fauour and wisedome, the necke of this discention may be broken, and that reformation of vnitie and loue may by some good meanes be sought.

This Oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softnesse and

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moderation thereof: yet it could not so perswade the bishop of Rome to con∣discende to their sute and request, which was to haue two Legates or Arbi∣trers to be sent from him into England to examine and to take vp the contro∣uersie betweene the king and the Archebishop. But the Pope beyng encensed as is sayde before, would not graunt to their peticion, forasmuch as it should be (sayth he) preiudiciall, tendyng to the oppression of the Archebishop to graunt vnto it, he beyng not present. And therefore willed them to tary hys commyng, or else, he beyng absent, he would not he sayde in any case proceede against him. But they allegyng againe, their tyme to be expyred appoynted them of the king, hauyng besydes other lettes & causes, as they alleaged, said, they could not there wayte for the commyng of Becket, and so returned backe their cause frustrated without the Popes blessyng to the king. Within foure dayes after, Becket commeth to the Popes court, where he prostrating him∣selfe at his feete, brought out of his bosome a scroll conteinyng the customes and ordinaunces of the king afore mentioned. The Pope receiuyng the sayd scroll, and readyng it in the open heeryng of his Cardinalles, condempned and curssed the most part of those decrees of the king, which he called Consue∣tudines auitas, that is, his Grandfathers ordinaunces: Besides, the Pope moreouer blamed Becket, for that he so much yelded vnto them at the begin∣nyng, as he did: Yet notwithstandyng, because he was repentant for his vn∣aduised fact, he was content to assoyle him for the same, and that the rather because of his great troubles, which for the liberties of the holye Church he did sustaine, and so with great fauour for that day they dismissed him.

The next day, Alexander the Pope assemblyng his Cardinals together in his secret Chamber, appereth before them the Archbishop of Cantorbury, who made there a solempne Oration, and there and then resigned into the handes of the Pope the Archbishoprike of Cantorbury,* 1.84 & his Oration beyng ended, he was bidden to stand apart. The Pope then cōferring vpō this with his Cardinalles, about the resignation of Becket, what was best to be done: Some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kings wrath might easily be swaged, if the Church of Cantorbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the sayd Becket to be otherwise prouided for not∣withstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwyse, whose reason was: For if he yt for the liberties of the Church had ventured not only his goodes, dignitie, & aucthoritie, but also his life, should nowe at the kinges pleasure be depriued, like as it might be a president hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort, if his cause were mainteyned: so contrary, if it were quayled, it should be an example to all other hereafter none to resist his Prince in the like case, & so might redound not only to the weakening of the state of the Ca∣tholike Church, but also to the derogation of the Popes aucthoritie. Brieflye this sentence at length preuayled, that Becket receyueth his pastoral office at the Popes hand againe, with commendation & much fauour. But forsomuch as he could not be well placed in England, in the meane while the Pope sen∣deth him with a Monkes habite into the Abbey of Pontiniack in Fraunce, where he remayned two yeres, & from thence he remoued to Senon where he remayned .v. yeres, and so the time of his exyle continued in all .vij. yeres.

Vpon this, [unspec 1164/11] the king beyng certified by his Ambassadours of the Popes aunswere, howe his fauour encilned more to Becket, than to him, he was

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moued with wrathfull displeasure.* 1.85 Who vpon the same directed out certaine Iniunctions against the Pope & the Archbishop of Cantorbury, much like, & the same in effect that are before rehersed in the beginning of this Hystory.

And besides his Iniunctions, the king also set foorth his proclamation that all maner of persons both men and women, [unspec 1166/13] who soeuer were founde of the kindred of Thomas Becket, should be banished without taking anye parte of their goodes with them,* 1.86 and sent to him where he was, which was no little veration to Becket to beholde them. Moreouer, for so muche as he was then lying with Gwaryn Abbot of Pontiniack, to whome the Pope as is aforesayde had commended him, therefore the king wryting to the same Abbot, required him not to retayne the Archbishop of Cauntorbury in his house, eyther else he would dryue out of his realme all the Monkes of his or∣der. Wherevpon Becket was inforced to remoue from thence, and went vn∣to Lewes the French king, by whome he was placed at Senon and there founde of him the space of fiue yeres, as is aboue mencioned.

After the aforesayde Iniunctions and proclamation were thus set foorth, which greeued and troubled Becket not a little, then he for helpe resorted to the Pope, and obteyned of him letters to the king, and likewise the king a∣gayne wrote to the Pope: And at the last the Archbishop in his owne name wrote to the king, and to sundrie of the Clergie, namely to certaine Bishops, who verie learnedly and plainely aunswered him, in suche maner as he had no hope of any good enterteynment in this realme. And in the ende he recey∣ued a learned & worthy answere from the whole Clergie of England, (which for length I ouerpasse) so effectually & substancially written, as there could not be a better. But all this moued him nothing: And now that he saw him∣selfe to be of smal estimation among the Clergie of England, he therfore ear∣nestly besought the Pope of aide & helpe against his aduersaries: and at the last he obteyned of him certaine cursses & excommunications.* 1.87 And first he put his cursse in execution vpon the Ministers of his church of Cantorbury, and then executed the same vpon certaine Bishops that had contempned hym, and lastly he procured two Legates to be sent from the Pope to the king to cursse him and all the whole realme, if the king would not restore him againe to his pristinate state and dignitie.

The King being thus vexed with the Archebishop, departed into Nor∣mandy, and shortly after into Fraunce to the French king, where then the Archbishop was present, and the French king perceyuing the king of Eng∣land to be disquieted, and he desirous to procure peace, or at the leastwise pretending to set agreement betweene them, brought the matter to a com∣munication among them. In the which communication the French king made himselfe as an Vmpere betwene them. The king of Englande vn∣derstanding that the Archbishop would commit himselfe to his arbitrement,* 1.88 was the more wylling to admyt his presence. Wherevpon many being there present, the Archebishop (prostrating himselfe at the kings feete) declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension arose betweene them, vnto his awne arbitrement, adding thereto as he did before Saluo honore dei, that is, sauing the honour of God. The king then as is sayde before was greatly offended at this worde Saluo honore dei, and also hearyng and seing the stiffenesse of the man, sticking

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so muche to this worde Saluo honore. &c. was highly therewith displeased, re∣buking him with many grieuous wordes, as a man prowde and stubborne, and he also charged him with sundry & great benefites bestowed vpon him, as a person vnkinde and forgettyng what he so gently had done and bestow∣ed vpon him.

And speakyng to the French king then beyng present: See Sir if it please you (sayth the kyng of Englande) whatsoeuer displeaseth this man, that he sayth to be contrary to the honour of God. And so by this meanes he will vendicate and chalenge to himselfe both that is his and myne also. And yet notwithstandyng, for that I will not seeme to do any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honour, this I offer him: There haue bene kinges in England before me, both of greater and lesse puissaunce then I am: Lyke∣wise, there haue bene Bishoppes of Cauntorbury many both great and ho∣ly men, what the greatest and most holyest of all his predecessors before him, haue done to the least of my progenitors & predecessors before me, let him do the same to me, and I am content. They that stood by, heeryng these wordes of the king cryed all with one voyce, the king hath debased himselfe ynough to the Bishop. The Archebishop staiyng a little at this with silence, what sayth the French king to him, my Lorde Archbishop, will you be better then these holy men? will you be greater then Peter? what stande you doubting? heare, now haue you peace & quietnesse put into your awne handes if ye will take it. To this the Archbishop answering againe: truth said he,* 1.89 my predeces∣sors before me were much both better and greater than I, and of them, euery one for his tyme, although he did not extirpe and cut off all, yet some thing they did plucke vp and correct, which semed aduerse and repugnaunt agaynst Gods honour. For if they had taken altogether away, no such occasion then had bene left to any man, to rayse vp this fyre of temptation against vs as nowe is raysed, to prooue vs withall, that we beyng so prooued with them, might also be crowned with them, beyng likewise partakers of their prayse and rewarde, as we are of their labour and trauayle. And though some of them haue beene slacke or exceede in their duetie doyng, in that we are not bound to follow their example.

Peter, when he denyed Christ, we therefore rebuke him: But when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we commend him. And therefore, because he could not finde in his conscience to consent vnto him, he ought in no wyse to dissemble with him, neyther did, by reason whereof he lost his life. By such lyke oppressions the Church hath alwayes growen. Our forefathers and predecessors because they would not dissemble the name and honor of Christ, therefore they suffered: And shall I to haue the fauour of one man suffer the honour of Christ to be suppressed. The Nobles standyng by hearyng him thus speake were greatly agreeued with him, notyng in him arrogancy and wilfulnesse, in perturbyng and refusyng such an honest order of agreement: But specially one among all the rest, who there openly protested, that seeyng the Archebishop so refused the counsayle and request of both the kinges, he was not worthie to haue the helpe of either other, whome as the kingdome of England had reiected, so the kingdome of Fraunce should not entertaine.

Alanus, Herbertus, and other of his Chapleynes that commytted to story the doyngs of Becket, do recorde (whether truely or no I can not say)

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that after this, the French king sendyng for him, as one much sorowyng and lamentyng the wordes that he had spoken at the commyng of Becket, did prostrate himselfe at the feete of the Archebishop, confessyng his fault in ge∣uyng that counsayle to him in such a cause, perteynyng to the honour of God, to relent therein, and to yelde to the pleasure of man: Wherefore declaryng his repentaunce, desyred to be assoyled thereof. So that after that the French king and Becket were great friendes together, insomuch that king Henry sendyng to the king, to entreate and desyre him, that he would not support nor maintaine his enemie within his Realme: The French king vtterly denyed the kinges request, takyng part with the Archbishop rather than with him.

Besydes these quarelles and grudges betwene the king and the Arche∣bishop aboue mentioned, there folowed yet more ouer another, which was this. Shortly after this communication betwene the kynges and Becket, the king of England returning againe from Normandy into England, which was the yere of our Lord M. [unspec 1167/14] C.lxvij. and the .xiiij. yere of his reigne about Midsommer kept his Court of Parliament at Westminster. In the which Parliament through the assent of the Clergie,* 1.90 and the Lordes Temporall, he caused his sonne Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation was done by the handes of Roger Archbishop of Yorke, with the assistance of other bi∣shops ministring to the same, as Gilbert of London, Ioselyn of Sarisbury, Hugh of Duresme, and Gualter of Rochester. By reason whereof, Becket of Cauntorbury beyng there neyther mentioned nor called for, tooke no little displeasure. And so did Lodouick the French king, heeryng that Margaret his daughter was not crowned with her husbande, wherevpon gatheryng a great army, he marched toward Normandy. But that matter was sone com∣posed by the king of England, who sendyng his sonne to him in Normandy, intreated there,* 1.91 and concluded peace with him, promisyng that his son should be crowned againe and his daughter also. But the Archebishop not ceasing his displeasure, sent againe vnto the Pope, complainyng vpon these foure Bishops, especially of the Archebishop of Yorke, who durst be so bolde in hys absence, and without his knowledge or his licence to entermeddle to crowne the king, beyng a matter proper and peculier to his iurisdiction. At the in∣stance of whom,* 1.92 the Pope sent downe the sentence of excommunication against the Bishop of London. The other three Bishops with the Bishop of Yorke, he suspended, whose sentence and letters thereof, for the aduoidyng of pro∣liritie I here omit. This beyng done, the Archebishop of Yorke with the foresayde Bishops resorted to the king with a grieuous complaint,* 1.93 declaring how miserable their case stoode, and what they had susteyned for fulfillyng of his commaundement. The king heeryng this was highly moued.

* 1.94And in the meane season, the French king for his part, and his Clergie, and Courtiers slackt none occasion to insite and solicite Alexander the Pope, against the king of England, to excommunicate him also, sekyng thereby, and thinkyng to haue some vauntage agaynst the Realme: Neither was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready to apply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cōmeth downe from the Pope two Legates, the one the Archbishop of Roan,* 1.95 & the other, the Bishop of Nauerne, with direction, and full commission either to driue the king to be reconciled, or to be interdi∣ted by the Popes censures out of the Church. The king vnderstanding him∣selfe

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to be in greater streights than he could well aduoyde, at length through the mediation of the French king, and of other Prelates & great Princes, he was content to yelde to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whome he receyued both to his fauour, and also permitted and graunted him free returne to his Church againe. Albeit concerning his possessions and landes of the Church of Cantorbury, although Becket made great labour therfore, yet the king beyng then in Normandy, would not graunt him that, before he should repayre into England,* 1.96 to see how he would there agree with his sub∣iectes. Thus peace after a sort beyng concluded betwene the king and him, the Archebishop returned into England, where he was right ioyfully recey∣ued of the Church of Cauntorbury: Albeit of Henry the yong king he was not so greatly welcommed. Insomuch that he comming vp to London to the king, was returned and commaunded backe to Cauntorbury, and there bid∣den to kepe his house.

Roger Houeden maketh mention in his Chronicle,* 1.97 that the Archebi∣shop vpon Christmas day did excommunicate Robert de Brock, for cuttyng off the tayle of one of his horses the day before.

In this meane time, the foure Bishoppes before mencioned whome the Archbishop did excommunicate, as is aforesayde, sent to him humbly, [unspec 1170/17] desi∣ryng to be released of their censure. To whome when as the Archebishop would not graunt clerely and simply, without cautels and exceptions, they went ouer vnto the king, declaryng to him and complainyng of their misera∣ble estate and vncurteous handlyng of the Archebishop. Wherevpon the King conceyued great displeasure in his minde towarde the Archebishop.* 1.98 Insomuche that he lamented oft and sundry tymes to them about him, that among so manye as he had done for, there was none that woulde reuenge him of his enemye: By the occasion of which wordes, certaine that were a∣bout the king, to the number of foure, heering the king thus complaine and lament, addressed themselues in great heate of haste to satisfie the agrieued minde and quarell of their Prince: Who within foure dayes after the afore∣sayde Christmasse day, saylyng ouer into England, hauyng a forwarde and a prosperous wynde in their iourney, beyng in the deepe of winter, came to Cauntorbury where Becket was commaunded to kepe. Where after cer∣teine aduisement and consultation had among themselues, they pressed at length into the Bishops palace, where the Archbishop was sittyng with his company about him: And first they assayed him with gentle wordes to see whether he would relent to the kinges minde, and come to some conformitie, and said, that they had brought to him a cōmaundement from the king, which, whether he had rather openly there in presence, or secretly, to be declared vn∣to him, they bid him chose. Then the company beyng bidden to aduoyde, as he sate alone, they sayde: you are commaunded from the king beyond the Sea, to repayre to the king here his sonne, there to do your dutye to him, in swea∣ring to him your fidelitie for your baronage and other thinges, and to amend those thinges wherein yee haue offended against him. Wherevpon the Arch∣bishop deniyng to sweare, and perceyuyng theyr entent, called in his compa∣ny againe: and in multipliyng of wordes to and fro, at length they came to the Bishoppes which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whome they commaunded him in the kings name, that he should absolue and

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set free againe. The Archebishop aunswered that he neyther suspended nor excommunicated them but the Pope, wherefore if that were the matter that greeued them, they should resorte to the Pope, he had nothing to do with the matter. Then sayde Reginald one of the foure. Although you in your awne person did not excommunicate them, yet thorow your instigatiō it was done. Tow hom the Archbishop againe aunswered: and if the Pope sayde he, ten∣dering the iniuries done to me and to my Churche, wrought this reuenge for me, I confesse it offendeth me nothing. Thus then sayde they, it appereth by your awne wordes that it pleaseth you right well, in contempt and con∣tumely of the kings Maiestie, to sequester his Bishops from their ministe∣rie, who at the commaundement of the king did seruice in the Coronation of his sonne. And seing ye haue presumed thus to stande against the exaltation of this oure souereigne oure newe king, it seemeth lykely that you will as∣pire to take his crowne from him, and to be exalted king your selfe. I aspire not sayde he to the crowne and name of the king, but rather if I had foure crownes to geue him more, I would set them all vpon him, such good wyll I doe beare him, that onely his father the king excepted, there is none whose honor I more tender and loue. And as concerning the sequestring of those Bishops, this I geue you to vnderstand, that there was nothing done in that behalfe without the knowledge and assent of the king himselfe, to whome when I had made my complaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene of the wrong and iniurie done to me and my Church therein, he gaue me his good leaue to obteine at the Popes hand such remedie therein as I could, promi∣sing moreouer his helpe to me in the same. What is this quoth they that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a traitor & bewrayer of the king his awne son, that when he had commaunded the Bishops to crowne his sonne, he would geue thee leaue after to suspend them for so doing? Certes, it had bene better for thee not to haue accused the king of this prodition. The Archbishop said to Reginald one of the foure, that he was there present himselfe at that time and heard it, but that he denyed and swore it was not so: and thinke you said they, that we the kings subiectes will or ought to suffer this? And so appro∣ching neerer vnto him sayde, he had spoken ynough against his awne head: wherevpon followed great exclamation and many threatning words. Then the Archebishop sayde, I haue sithen my comming ouer, susteyned manye iniuries and rebukes, concerning both my selfe, my men, my cattell, my wynes & other goodes, notwithstanding the king writing ouer to his sonne, required him that I should lyue in safetie and peace, and newe besydes all other, you come hether to threaten mee. To this Reginald aunswered and sayde, if there be any that worketh you iniurie, otherwise then right is, the lawe is open, why doe you not complayne? To whom sayde Becket should I complayne? To the yong king sayde they. Then Becket sayde, I haue complayned ynough if that woulde helpe. I haue sought for remedie at the kings handes so long as I could be suffered to come vnto his speeche: but now seing I am stopped from that, neyther can finde redresse of so great ver∣ations and iniuries as I haue and daylie doe susteyne, nor can haue the be∣nefite of law or reason: such right and lawe as an Archebishop maye haue, that will I exercise and let for no man. At these wordes one of them burst out in exclamation and cryed, he threatneth: he threatneth: what, wyll you

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also interdict the whole Realme and vs altogether? Nay, that shall he not sayth another, he hath interdicted to many already. And drawyng more nere vnto him, they protested and denounced him to haue spoken wordes to the teopardie of his awne head. And so departyng in great violence, and with many high wordes, rushed out of the dores: Who by the way returnyng to the Monkes, charged them in the kinges name to kepe him forth comming that he should not escape away. What quoth the Archebishop, thinke ye that I will flie away? Nay, neyther for the king nor for anye man aliue will I stirre one foote from you. No sayd they, thou shalt not aduoyde though that thou wouldest. And so they departed in hye clamour of wordes. The Arch∣bishop, foloweth them out of the Chamber dore, criyng after them, here, here, here shall you finde me, laiyng his hand on his crowne. The names of these foure men, were these, Reginald Bereson, Hugh Morteuyll, William Thra∣cy, and Richard Briton: But Fabian nameth them, William Briton, Hugh Moruile, William Thracy, and Reignold Fitzvre, who goyng to harnesse themselues, returned the same day againe: But fyndyng the Hall dore of the Palace of Cauntorbury shut against them, they went to an inwarde backe dore, leadyng into an Orchard, and there brake vp a Windowe and opened the dore, and so entered into the place. The Monkes (beyng about Euen∣song tyme) had got the Archbishop into the Church, who beyng perswaded by them, caused his crosse to be borne before him, and so through the Cloyster by a dore which was broken vp for him, proceded into the Quier. The har∣nessed men folowed after, and at the last came to the Church dore, which dore the Monkes would haue shut against them, but (as their story sayth) the Archebishop would not suffer them. So they approchyng into the Church,* 1.99 and the Bishop meting them vpon the stayers, there he was slaine, euery one of them striking him with his sworde into the head. And after they had thus slaine him they fled into the North countrie, and at length with muche a do, obteynyng their pardon of the Pope, through the kinges procurement (as some storyes record) they were enioyned in penaunce to go on pilgrimage to Ierusalem. And thus an ende of the story of the life and death of Thomas Becket.

Richarde Prior of Douer succeded Thomas Becket and was chosen Archebishop after him, [unspec 1171/18] a man of an yll lyfe and an inordinate waster of the goodes of the Church.

Now when Becket was thus murthered,* 1.100 the king fearyng the Popes wrath and cursse to be layd vpon him (wherevnto Lodouike or Lewes the French king also holpe what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the Archebishishop of Roan with certeine other bishops and Archedeacons vnto the Pope, with his excuse, which the Pope woulde in no wise heere. And after, he sent second messengers, which some of the Cardinalles recey∣ued,* 1.101 shewyng them that on good fryday (beyng then nie at hande) the Pope of custome was vsed to assoyle or to cursse, and that it was noysed that the king of England with his Bishops should be curssed by name, and his lande enterdicted, and herevpon the kinges messengers were put in prison. Wher∣vpon certeyne of the Cardinalles shewed the Pope that the Messengers had power to sweare to the Pope, that the king should obey to his punishment and penance. Which was taken both for the king and for the Archebishop of

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Yorke: So that in the same day the Pope curssed the deede doers with such as were of their consent, eyther that ayded or harboured them, which deede doers had after in penance to go in their Lynnen clothes barefote, in fastyng and prayer to Ierusalem, which by reason of this hard penance are sayde to die in fewe yeres after. And shortly after, as sayth Fabian, Cooper, and other, the Pope Canonized Thomas Becket for a Saint & holy Martyr.

The kinges Ambassadors liyng as in sayd in Rome, could find no grace or fauour a long tyme at the Popes hande. At the length with much a do, it was agreed that two Cardinalles should be sent downe, to enquire out the matter concernyng them that were consentyng to Beckets death. The king perceyuing what was in preparing at Rome, neither beyng yet certeine, whereto the intent of the Pope and the commyng downe of the Cardinalles woulde tende,* 1.102 in the meane time addressed himselfe with a great power to enter into Irelande, geuing in charge and commaundement (as Houeden wryteth) that no bringer of any briefe or any letter should in his absence come ouer into England, or passe out of the Realme, of what degree or condicion so euer he were, without speciall licence and assurance, to bring nothing that should be preiudiciall to him, or to the realme.

[unspec 1172/19] The aforesaid order being set and ordeyned, the king with foure hundreth great ships taketh his iourney to Ireland in the aforesayd yere of his reigne where he subdued in short tyme the whole lande vnto him,* 1.103 which at that time was gouerned vnder diuerse kinges, to the number of fiue. Of whom foure submitted themselues vnto the sayd king Henry: Onely the fift who was the king of Tonacta, denyed to be subdued, kepyng him in Woodes and Maris∣shes. And hauyng subdued that countrie, he by the helpe of the Archbishop of Armach, reformed their religion in three speciall poyntes. First, he ordey∣ned that the deuine seruice should be sayde and song, and the Sacramentes ministred after the English maner: Secondly he tooke order for tythes and other dutyes to be payde vnto the Curates and Ministers by the lay people. Thirdly, he ordeyned that euery man should make his testament and last wil in the presence of his neighbours, or at the leastwise cause it to be read be∣fore them.

In the meane season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two Cardinalles sent from the Pope, Theodinus, and Albertus, were come to Normandy: vnto whome the king the next yere folowyng resorted about the Moneth of October. But before, duryng the tyme of the kinges beyng in Ireland, the Bishop of London, and Ioselyne Bishop of Sarisbury had sent to Rome, & procured their Absolution from the Pope. The king retur∣ning out of Ireland by Wales into England, [unspec 1173/20] & thence into Normandy, there made his purgation before the Popes Legates as touchyng the death of the aforesaid Becket, to the which he sware that he was neither ayding nor com∣fortyng,* 1.104 but onely spake rigorous wordes against him, for that his knightes would not auenge him against the sayde Becket. For the which cause this penance was enioyned vnto him vnder his othe.

1 First that he should sende so much money to the holye lande, as woulde finde two hundreth Knightes or Souldiours for the defence of the lande by the space of three yeres.

2 Also that from the terme of Christmasse day then next folowyng, he

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should set forth in his awne person to fight for the holy land the space of three yeres together: onlesse he should be otherwise dispenced withall by ye Pope.

3 Item, that if he would make his iourney into Spaine as the present ne∣cessitie did requyre, there to fight against the Saracens: as long tyme as he should there abide, so long space might he prolong his iourney to Ierusalem.

4 Item, that he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered by hym any ap∣pellation made to the Pope of Rome.

5 Item, that neither he nor his sonne, should recede or disseuer from Pope Alexander, or from his Catholique successors, so long as they should recount him or his sonne for kinges Catholique.

6 Item, that the goodes and possessions taken from the Church of Caun∣torbury, should be restored againe fully and amplye, as they stoode the yere before Thomas Becket departed the Realme, and that free libertie should be graūted to all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to returne againe.

7 Item, that the foresayd customes and decrees by him established against the Church, should be extinct and repealed, such onely except, that concerned his awne person. &c. besides other secret fasting & almose dedes enioined him.

All these former conditions the king with his sonne did both agree vn∣to,* 1.105 debasyng himselfe with great humilitie and submission before the sayde two Cardinalles: by the occasion whereof, the Cardinalles tooke no little pride, vsyng this verse of the Psalme, Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere, qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh vpon the earth, and maketh it tremble, which toucheth the hilles and they smoke. &c. Moreouer,* 1.106 it is mentioned in Historyes of the sayd king that a little after, at what time Wil∣liam king of Scottes made a roade into the Realme, he returnyng out of Normandy into England, came first to Cauntorbury, and by the way so sone as he came within the sight of Beckets Church, lighting off hys horsse, and puttyng off his hosen and shoen, he went barefoote to his Tombe, whose steppes were found bloody through the roughnesse of the stones.* 1.107 And not onely that, but also receyued further penaunce by euery Monke of the Cloy∣ster, that is to say a certeyne discipline of a Rod. The which by all likely∣hood was the secret penaunce that the Cardinalles enioyned him.

In the .xxj. [unspec 1174/21] yere of his reigne he caused a conuocation of Bishops to be holden at Westmynster by Richard Archebishop of Cauntorburie. In which conuenticle,* 1.108 then being present all the Bishoppes and Abbottes of the pro∣uynce of Cauntorburie, a great contention arose betweene the two Archebi∣shops of Cauntorbury and Yorke, as it had done a little before in king Wil∣liam the Conquerours time and .vij. yere of his reigne 1074.* 1.109 about the obe∣dience that the Archbishop of Yorke shoulde doe to Cauntorbury, that is, whether the Archebishop of Yorke might beare his Crosse in the Diocesse of Cauntorbury, or no: Also aboute the Bishoprick of Lyncolne, of Chichester, of Worcester, of Hereford, whether these Churches were vnder the iurisdic∣tion of the See of Yorke, or not. &c. Vpon these and such other like matters rose such controuersie betwene these two Sees, that the one appealed the o∣ther to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.

In this and suche cases lyke, howe muche better had it bene if the pri∣macie had remayned more nere in the kinges handes at home, whereby not onely much labour and trauaile had bene saued, but also the great and wast∣full

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expences bestowed at Rome might with muche fruite and thanke haue bene conuerted to their cures and flocks committed vnto them, and also per∣case their cause no lesse indifferently heard, at the least more spedely might haue bene decided: but to the purpose againe.

In this controuersy diuerse of the Bishop of Yorkes Clergie, suche as were of Gloucester, belongyng to the Church of Saint Oswalde, were ex∣communicate by the Archbishop of Cauntorbury, because they beyng sum∣moned, refused to appere before him. At length, that is to say, the next yere folowyng, there was a Cardinall sent downe from Rome by the kinges pro∣curement, who studied to set peace betwene the two Archbishops. So that the way of agrement was taken, by the meanes of the king at Winchester, that as touching the Church of Saint Oswalde in Gloucester, the Archeby∣shop of Cauntorbury should ceasse of his clayme thereof, molestyng the See of Yorke no more therein. Also he should absolue againe the Clerkes there∣of whom he had excommunicated before. And as concernyng the bearyng of the Crosse and all other matters, it was referred to the Archebishop of Roan and of other Bishops of Fraunce, so that for the space of fyue yeres an order was taken betwixt them, till they shoulde haue a full determination of their cause.

Shortly after this, the king purchased a dispensation of the Bishop of Rome for the voyage which he promised to make in proper person into the holy lande, to fight against the enemies of the Christian religion before two Cardinalles as is aforesayde: The which dispensiation was graunted vpon condition that he should builde three Abbayes in Englande. For the accom∣plishment whereof he put out of the house of Waltham secular Chanons, and placed in their steede reguler. And for the second he aduoyded the monks that were in the Abbey of Ambresburie, and set in their place Mynchions or Nonnes which he brought with him from beyond the Sea. And for the third he repayred after a homely sorte the Charterhouse of Wytham in the dioces of Bath and Welles.

Reynulph of Chester in his booke entiled Polichronicon, in his .vij. booke and .xxij. Chapter, sayth that thys king had long kept a bewtifull Damosell for his Paramour, whome he called Rosamond, and that the sayde king had buylded for her at his place of Woodstock beside Oxforde a Bowre or cham∣ber, which was so artificially wrought, and was such a laberinth and so full of turnings, dores, and wayes most curiously deuysed and made, that it was not possible without teaching to come to any that was therein, and that the same is called at this day Rosamonds Bowre: and he sayth that the cause of the making of the sayd Bowre, was for that the Queene could not abide the sayde damosell, and therfore would she haue done hir displeasure if she might haue come by her: and it is also written of some that at the last the Queene by a clewe or bothome of threede that was brought vnto hir, founde the way and came vnto hir, and that she lyued not long after, but dyed and was buri∣ed at Godestowe besyde Oxenford in the Chapterhouse there. And vpon hir Tombe was written this Epitaph.

Hic iacet in tumba, rosa mundi, non rosa munda Non redolet, sed olet, que redolere solet,

Which is Englished by Fabian in meter as foloweth.

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The Rose of the worlde, but not the cleane flowre, Is here nowe grauen: to whom beautie was lent. In this graue full darke, now is her Bower, That by her life was sweete and redolent. But nowe that she is, from this life blent Though she were sweete, nowe fowly doth she stinke, A myrrour good for all that on her thinke.

The sayde Authour sayth also that the aforesaide Rosamond had a little Coffer scarcely two foote long, merueylous artificially wrought, which is yet (sayth he) to be seene there, wherein Gyauntes seeme to fight, beastes do startle and stirre, and fowles fliyng in the ayre, and fishes swim in the water, without any mannes mouyng or helpe.

In the .xxj. yere of his reigne, [unspec 1174/21] he caused Henry his sonne to be the second tyme crowned king,* 1.110 with Margaret his wyfe the daughter of the Frenche king, by Roger Archbishop of Roan, in a Parliament holden at Wynchester, as he had promised to her father that he woulde do, as before ye haue heard.

And this yere the king deuided the realme into sixe partes, and ordeyned vpon euery part three Iustices of Assise yerely to passe through the Realme, which now are called the Assises. The circuite or limittation of which Iusti∣ces was thus disposed. The first company had Norffolke, Suffolke, Cam∣bridgeshire, huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, and Herfordshire.

The second company, had Lincolneshire, Nothinghamshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Warwikeshire, Northamptonshire, and Leycestershire.

The thirde company, had Kent, Surrey, Southhamptonshire, Sussex, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire.

The fourth company, had Herfordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcester∣shire, and Shropshire.

The fift company, had Wiltshire, Dorcetshire, Sommersetshire, De∣uonshire, and Cornewall.

The sixt companie, had Euerwikeshire, nowe called Yorkeshire, Riche∣mondshire, Lancaster, Copeland, Westmerlād, Northūberland & Cōberlād.

But now these circuites are altered, & so are the number of the Iustices.

In the .xxij. yere of his reigne, as saith Cooper, [unspec 1175/22] or as some other write in the .xxj. king Henry the sonne, by the exciting of the king of Fraunce, Aleanor his mother, and certeyne of the Nobles, as Robert Erle of Leycester, and other tooke armes, and arrered deadly warre against his naturall father. Diuerse strong battailes were foughten, aswell in England by the deputyes and friendes of both partes, as also in Normandy, Poytow, Guyan, and Bri∣teyn, where they were corporally present: But the victory alway enclyned to the father. There toke part against king Henry the father,* 1.111 Lewes king of Fraunce, William, king of Scotland, Henry, Geoffrey, and Iohn his awne sonnes, Robert Erle of Leicester, Hugh of Chester, and other. But in the end, the sonnes with their allies were cōstrayned to bend to their fathers will, and

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to desyre peace, which he gently graunted vnto them, and forgaue them their trespasse. But William king of Scottes forfeyted and lost the Erledome of Huntingdon, for taking of king Henry the sonnes part against the father.

And besides that, beyng discomfited and taken Prisoner at the Castell of Alnewike in Northumberland, he was compelled to yelde for his raunsome the Citie of Careleyll, the Castell of Bambourgh and the newe Castell vpon Tine, and swore for euer to be true vnto the king, and as well he as his suc∣cessors to do their homage as often as it should be required. The cause of which warres was as some wryte, because the king had emprisoned Quene Aleanor his wife for the loue of the Lady Rosamond mencioned before in the last yere, a Damosell of incomparable beautie. But Fabian sayth, that af∣ter the takyng of William king of Scottes, the sayde William by the assent of his Lordes spirituall and temporall did homage to king Henry at his Citie of Yorke, where the sayde William graunted by his Letters patentes, that he and his successors kinges of Scotland, should make their homage and fide∣litie vnto the king of England as often as they should be necessarily required. And in signe and token thereof, the king offered his Hat and his Saddell vpon the Aultar of Saint Peter in the Church of Yorke, which for a remem∣braunce of that dede, the sayde Hat and Saddle were there kept many yeres after. And moreouer, the Lordes of Scotland tooke a solemne othe that if their king at any time would withdraw him from his allegiance, they would all arise against him, and be to him as enemies, vntill he were returned vnto his fayth and kepyng of his promise. And for the better confirmation of the sayd composition, the king of Scottes beyng summoned, came afterwardes vnto the kinges Parliament holden at Northampton, and at another season into Normandie.

In the .xxiij. yere of his reigne, the king and his sonnes were made a∣greed, [unspec 1176/23] and a new aliaunce by mariage was made with Lewes of Fraunce: For Adela his daughter was fianced to Richard king Henry his sonne.

[unspec 1177/24] In this kinges tyme there arose great discorde and variance at Rome for the election of the Bishop thereof. for some of the Cardinalles chose one Octauian: But other some, and the more part chose Alexander. At which time the Emperour,* 1.112 to whose iudgement it was referred, when that Alex∣ander disdeyned to abyde his iudgement, he confirmed Octauian. Then did Alexander flee into Fraunce, and there excommunicated out of the compa∣ny of the faythfull, both Frederick the Emperour, and Octauian the Anti∣pape: And in a counsaile at Claremount, disanulled the actes of the counsaile of Pauie. This Schisme continued almost .xx. yeres: But shortly after Alex∣ander Bishop of Rome returned out of Fraunce into Rome, and was recey∣ued of the people contrary to the Emperours minde. Then folowed sundry and great warres betwene the aforesayde Alexander and Fredericke, and therein was great effusion of blood: But in the ende, Fredericke the Empe∣rour was driuen to the worse. And at the last by perswasion and entreatie of sundrie noble personages, the Emperor submitted himselfe to Alexander Bi∣shop of Rome, and came vnto him to Venice, where, of a long time the Pope would not speake with him, but caused him to attend: But at the last a tyme was appoynted him to come to the Popes presence, where he so behaued and humbled himselfe, that he suffered him to treade vpon him, and to set his fete

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in his necke, and while he so did his Quier sang this verse of the Psalter. Su∣per Aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis, & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem, that is: Thou shalt walke vpon the Adder and the Basiliske: and shalt treade downe the Lion and the Dragon. But Frederick seeyng the Pope so to vse him, sayd vnto him, I do not this obedience to thee but to Peter: and the Pope aun∣swered both to me and to Peter. Of this outragious pride, let the Reader iudge. But this is to be noted as a truth, that the sayde Bishop of Rome, stirred and procured mortall and cruell warres, as before is sayde, without any iust cause, but onely for his priuate election, and would neyther obey to counsaile nor aucthoritie, nor yet condiscend to any atonement.

In the .xxiiij. yere also of this king, [unspec 1177/24] there chaunced great tempestes of thunder and lightnyng in the middle of Winter: And in the next Sommer folowyng there fell hayle of such bignesse that it slue both man and beast. And in this tyme there arose great discorde and variance among the Nobilitie in Englande.

In the .xxv. [unspec 1178/25] yere of his reigne king Henrie gaue vnto his base sonne Geoffrey the Bishoprike of Lincolne in a Sinode holden at Northampton, after it had bene vacant a long tyme, who wastfully consuming the reuenues thereof, not mindyng to enter into the ministerie, within short space after re∣signed it. But the same Geoffrey was afterwards preferred vnto the Arch∣bishoprike of Yorke.

About this time, the king restored Robert Erle of Leycester (who as is beforesayd was taken prisoner in the battaile of Saint Edmondes bury) to his Erledome in a Parliament holden at Oxford, and made his yongest sonne Iohn, Lorde of all Irelande. Margaret also the wife of king Henry his sonne was brought a bed of a daughter called Margaret, which liued not aboue three dayes after her birth.

About this tyme also there were a great multitude of Iewes in euery quarter of the realme, and had but one place assigned them to bury in, which was London, whether all the Corses and dead bodyes of their Nation were brought to be buryed, where so euer their chaunce was to die in the Realme. Therefore fynding it to be a great anoyance and discommoditie vnto them, they became suters vnto the king that they might haue a place assigned them to bury in wheresoeuer they dwelt, the which was graunted vnto them. [unspec 1179/26]

In the .xxvj. yere of his reigne Lewes the French king came into Eng∣land to visite the Church and Tombe of Thomas Becket, as he had vowed to do, whome assone as he was landed, kyng Henry with his Nobles met and receyued very honourably. The which done, they went both together to Cauntorbury, and there offered at the Tombe of the sayd Becket, (such was the blindnesse of that time.) And when he had perfourmed his vowe, and had adorned the said Tombe with many riche Iewels, he returned into Fraunce and died as it was sayd very shortly after, leauyng behinde him one onelye sonne named Philip, who succeded him, and as Polidore sayth was crowned king by his fathers life time.

In the .xxviij. yere of his reigne, as sayth Fabian, Henry his eldest son, [unspec 1181/28] who in the life of his father as aforesaid, was crowned king, died very penitently.

In the .xxx. yere of his reigne: [unspec 1183/30] Heraclius the Patriarke of Ierusalem came into England to haue ayde agaynst the Sarasens, who had wonne a

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great part of Christendome which they possessed in the holy lande, and also prayed ayde for the defence of the City of Ierusalem, which shortly after was wonne by Saladyne the Prince of Surrey. But by the report of Peter Disroy a Frenchman, the sayde Citie was wonne by Godfrey du Bulyon, in the yere of our Sauiour Christ .M.xcix. and so continued vnder the rule of ix. Christian kinges, vntill the last king named Guy of Lesyngham, who lost it, in the yere of our Lord. M.C.lxxxix. and the .xxxvj. yere of his reigne.

Then it foloweth in the story: This Heraclius made earnest request vn∣to the king for aide as is aforesayde, and profered him the kingdome thereof, and the keyes both of the Citie and of the Sepulchre of Christ, and deliuered him letters from Lucius the thirde of that name then Bishop of Rome, char∣gyng him that he should take vpon him that iourney, and to haue minde of the othe that he before tyme had made. The king deferred his aunswere: And Baldwyn then Archbishop preached, and exhorted men to take the Crosse, by whose meanes, many there were that aduowed that iourney. In the ende, the king gaue aunswere and sayd, that he might not leaue his land without keepyng, nor yet leaue it to the pray and robbery of the French men: But he would geue largely of his awne to such as would take vpon him that voiage. With this aunswere the Patriarch was discontent and sayd: We seke a man and not money, well nere euery Christian Region sendeth vnto vs money, but no land sendeth to vs a Prince. Therefore we aske a Prince that nedeth money, and not money that needeth a Prince. But the king layd for himselfe such excuses, that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfort∣lesse. Whereof the King beyng aduertised, entendyng to recomfort him with some pleasant wordes, folowed him to the sea syde: But the more the king thought to satisfie him with his fayre speeche, the more the Patriarche was out of quiet: insomuch that at the last the sayd Patriarch sayd vnto him: Thou hast hetherto reigned gloriously,* 1.113 but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this tyme forsakest. Thinke on him what he hath geuen to thee, and what thou hast yelden to him againe: howe first thou wast false to the king of Fraunce, and after slue Thomas Becket, and lastly thou for∣sakest the protection of Christes fayth. The king was amoued with these wordes, and sayde vnto the Patriarch: Though all the men in the land were one body, and spake with one mouth, they durst not speake to me such words. No wonder sayde the Patriarche, for they loue thine and not thee: that is to say, they loue thy goodes temporall, and feare thee for losse of promotion, but they loue not thy soule. And when he had so sayde, he offered his heade to the king saiyng,* 1.114 do by me euen as thou diddest by Thomas Becket, for I had leuer to be slaine of thee, then of the Sarisyns, for thou art worsse than any Sarasyn, and thy people foloweth pray and not a man. But the king kept his pacience and sayde: I may not wende out of my lande, for mine awne sonnes will rise against me, when I were absent. No wonder sayd the Pa∣triarche, for of the deuill they came, and to the deuill they shall, and so depar∣ted from the king in great yre. Fabian.

And here the olde Historiographers finde a great fault with the king for his refusall of the office made by the Patriarch, declaring that to be the grea∣test cause of Gods plagues which after ensued vpon hym by his children, as the Patriarche prophesied vnto hym, which story is a good lesson to good

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Princes, not to denie their necessarie helpe to their distressed neighbours, especially the cause pertayning to God.

The wisedome, discretion,* 1.115 manhoode and ryches of thys Prynce was so spreade and renowmed thorough all quarters that messages came to hym from Emanuell Emperour of Constantinople, Frederyck Emperour of Rome, and Wylliam Archebishop of Treuer in Almayn, and Duke of Sax∣on, and from the Erle of Flaundyrs, and from the french king, vpon deter∣mination of great questions and strifes, to aske counsell and derterminati∣on thereof of this king Henry, as of one most wise, and schoole maister of all wisedome and iustice, to haue solution of their questions and doubtes. More∣ouer Alphonsus King of Castile, and Sauncius king of Nauerne, beyng in strife for certeine Castelles, and other possessions, submitted them of their fre accorde, and by their othe to abyde the awarde of this king Henry, who made a warde and pleased both. Whereby it is not to be presupposed that this king, to whome other Princes did so resort, as to their Arbitrer and decisor, did at∣tend to any slouth or vicious liuyng. Wherefore this Princes actes may be a myrrour vnto all Princes.

The .xxxiij. yere of his reigne, Geoffrey Duke of Briteyn died at Paris, [unspec 1186/33] leauyng his wife Constance great with childe, which shortly after was deli∣uered of a sonne named Arthur.

Among many other things in this king memorable,* 1.116 this is one to be noted (folow it who can) that he reignyng, xxxv. yeres, & hauyng so many warres with his enemies, yet he neuer put any tribute, impost, or taxe vpon his sub∣iectes, nor yet vpon the spiritualty, first fruites, or appropriation of benefices, belyke they were not then knowen, but sure it is, they were not vsed.* 1.117 And yet his treasure after his death, being weyed by king Richard his sonne, amoun∣ted aboue nine hundreth thousand pound, besyde Iewelles, precious stones, plate, and housholde stuffe. Of the which substance, xj.* 1.118 thousand pound came to him by the death of Roger Archbishop of Yorke, who had procured a Bull of the Pope, that if any priest dyed in his prouynce without testament, then he should haue all his goodes.

But as there is no felicitie or wealth in this mortall worlde so perfite, which is not darkened with some clowde of combrance and aduersitie: So it happened to this king, that among his other princely successes,* 1.119 this incom∣moditie followed him withall that his sonnes rebelled and stoode in armour against him, taking the parte of the French king against their naturall fa∣ther. First Henry his sonne whome the father ioyned with him as king, at the coronation of which king,* 1.120 Henry his father tooke vppon him as Ste∣warde, or Sewer and set downe the first dishe of Sewer, renowncing the name of a king for that daye. At which tyme the aforesayde Archebishop of Yorke, sitting on the right hande of the yong king, sayd: Sir ye haue good cause this daye to ioye: For there is no Prince in the worlde that hath suche an officer this day. &c. And the yong king disdayning his wordes, sayde: my father is not dishonoured in this doing,* 1.121 for I am a King and a Queenes sonne, and so is not he. And not onely this, but also afterwarde he perse∣cuted his father, as ye before haue heard. Wherefore he escaped not Gods plague from his youth, after he had reigned a fewe yeres,* 1.122 he dyed as afore∣sayde, teaching vs what is the price and rewarde for the breaking of the iust

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commaundements of God.

After him likewise, Richard his sonne (who for his courage was called Cuer de lyon) rebelled against his father in the .xxxiiij. yere of his reigne. And also Iohn his yongest sonne did not much degenerate from his Bre∣threns steppes. In so much that the aforesayde Richarde, lyke an vnkinde childe, persecuting and taking part with the French king against his father, brought him to such distresse of body and minde, that for thought of heart he fell into an Ague, and within foure dayes dyed in Normandy when he had reigned .xxxiiij. yeares .ix. Monethes and odde dayes, whose Corps, as it was caryed to be buried, at Founteuerard in Fraunce, Richarde his sonne comming by the way and meeting it,* 1.123 & beginning for compassion to weepe, the blood burst incontinent out of the nose of the dead king at the comming of his sonne, geuing thereby as a certaine monstracion, howe he was the Author of his death.

It is written of this King that he first ordeyned that Lyons shoulde be kept in the Tower of London.

Notes

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