Monarchy asserted, or, The state of monarchicall & popular government in vindication of the consideration upon Mr. Harrington's Oceana / by M. Wren.

CHAP. XI.

Whether there be an Agrarian, or some Law, or Lawes of that Nature to supply the De∣fect of it in every Commonwealth: And whether the Agrarian as it is stated in Oce∣ana, be equall and satisfactory to all In∣terests.

BEcause it concerned Mr Harrington to shew his utmost Activity in this Chapter, That the Reader might take the less notice of the Slights and Tricks that were to be put upon him, he first of all confounds the state of the Question, by complicating severall distinct Par∣ticulars; These I have untwisted & they resolve themselves into three Questions, Of the Agra∣rian in every Commonwealth, Of the Lawes supplying the Defect of it, Of the Agrarian as it is stated in Oceana. To each of which se∣parately.

I do not intend to be so far carryed out of the way by keeping Mr Harrington Company, as in this place once more to repeat the Do∣ctrine of the Ballance; It will be enough to re∣flect how in that Chapter it has been proved, First That Riches do put in part, & that depen∣dantly upon the Sovereign Power w^ch constitutes Propriety, conduce to Empire; And secondly, That so far as Riches doe conduce to Empire, it is to be understood indifferently of all sorts of Riches and not to be restrained to Propriety

or the Ballance in Land unless in such places where there is no considerable Wealth but what arises immediately from the Revenue or Cultivation of Land. This I might justly plead as a Privilege to exempt Me from handling this Chapter, seeing Mr Harrington's Propositions about an Agrarian are no other∣wise Materiall, then upon a supposition that his Doctrine of the Ballance remains firme and un∣confuted.

Yet not to refuse any leap Mr Harrington sets Me, I will in the first place examine Aristotle's opinion of the Ballance, whom Mr Harrington does here pretend to bring to his side by help∣ing the Translation a little. And that the Gentle∣man has indeed been a Translator of Poets is not unknown, but that he should in translating a Philosopher in Prose use a Liberty more then Poeticall seems not very alowable. He will have the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rendred * 1.1 by the Words Politicall Ballance, understood as He has stated the thing. Let him then produce one Interpreter of Aristotle or one Lexicographer who is of his mind, and I will yeild my share in the Question; Nay let him shew how it is possible this should be Aristotle's meaning, when He has directly condemned, not without Derision, Phaleas the Chalcedo∣nian for having introduced the Ballance and * 1.2 Agrarian into his Commonwealth. If He can do neither of these, He must give Me leave to tell Him, that He offers an Intollerable violence to the Text and Sence of Aristotle. This he does

as often as he cites Aristotle in this Chapter, but let one Instance serve for all. Inequality is the source of all sedition, as when the Riches of one or a few come to cause such overballance as draws the Commonwealth into Monarchy or Oligarchy; For preventing of which the Ostracism hath been of use in divers Places as at Argos and Athens, The words of Aristotle run thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the Verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the like must be understood) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Here he renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Riches that came to cause an Overballance, though nothing can be more ma∣nifest then that Aristotle in this place is not to be understood of Riches only but of Interest, Reputation, Command, and all other things which may any way contribute to supreme Power. This will be put past all Contradiction if we observe that Aristotle in this place speak∣ing of a Disease in a Commonwealth, gives an account also of the Cure, For by the Method of the Cure the Disease may be certain∣ly known: And for this excesse of power, this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that was greater then suted with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Commonwealth, We are told that at Athens the Ostracism was prescribed. Now the Ostracism both by the Institution and Practise of it is known not to have been levelled at the Riches of men only, but at any ex∣traordinary

Power, Credit, or Interest they had acquired in the Commonwealth; Ari∣stides was banished by the Ostracism for having rendred himselfe Popular by his equity in arbitrating Law sutes, And when he dyed He was so poore that the City was fain to be at the Charges of his Funerall, and to give his Daughters Portions. Again, How could the Ostracism be a preservative against the Over∣ballance in Riches, when notwithstanding the Ostracism a man retained the possession of his whole Estate? It is therefore evident to be against all Reason that Mr Harrington should render the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the * 1.3 words Politicall Ballance, understood as He has stated the thing; And his own Dilemma recoiles upon him, For He will not have the more of Authority in this point of the Ballance, since Aristotle knew of it only to disapprove it, Nor yet the less of Competition in it, because it was so long since stumbled upon by Phaleas the Chalcedonian.

Having thus traduced Aristotle, in the next * 1.4 place he does as much for the Considerer, whom he accuses for throwing onely at Israel Lacedemon and Oceana, when he had set him all the Commonwealths in the World. But is it faire play to say He set Me that which while now He kept in his sleeve? Are there in Oceana any examples of Commonwealths pro∣posed that are pretended to be equall in their Agrarian, except Israel and Lacedemon? Is it not expresly said by him that Athens and

Rome were unequall as to their Agrarian, that of Athens being infirm, that of Rome none * 1.5 at all? For those new examples of Venice, Germanie, &c. which Mr Harrington does at present pretend to set Me, I may with great Reason refuse to throw at them, as being false mony; Not one of them amounting to an example of an Agrarian, but at most of such Lawes as have been instituted to supply the Defect of one.

I pass on then to make good what has in the Considerations been objected against the Agrarian of Israel taken in Mr Harrington's sence; And that is reducible to these Heads. 1. That the Division of the Land of Canaan was not a Politique Institution intended as the Basis of the Government, but was an Effect of Gods Promise to Abraham, that He would give that Land to his seed after him; 2. That this is ma∣nifested by the Law of the Jubile, which other∣waies had been a weak provision, neare fifty yeares time being by that afforded for any man to multiply his Lot to that Height as would ne∣cessarily have subverted the Government; 3. That the Government of Israel had subsisted forty five yeares without the pretended Agrari∣an; 4. And finally, That in the Division the Lots must needs have been very unequall, it be∣ing else impossible there should on the one side have been hereditary Princes of the Tribes, and on the otherside men so extreamly poore as to sell themselves for slaves.

The first of these propositions he playes with

very wantonly, and askes, If the Right of an * 1.6 Oceaner unto his Land must derive from the Promise of God unto Abraham? Now to aske him again, Who saies so? Is no toying, but very good earnest. And Mr Harrington, if he had intended to deale fairely, might perceive He was bound to shew, That the like division of the Lands in Oceana is necessary notwithstanding there be no such cause, as was the promise of God unto Abraham upon which the Division of Canaan inseperably depended. But he con∣tinues his gay Humour, and (as Tumblers divert the Company with an Hoope) frisks a∣bout this Circle, He proposes the Division of the Lands in Israel as an equall Agrarian on whch their Popular Government was founded; He is told by Me, That this division of the Land * 1.7 look't not at the Government, but followed the promise of God unto Abraham, And that there is not any Footstep of the other Defign in the whole Bible. He replies, That God in ordaining the Ballance of Israel having ordained the Cause, ordained also the Effect which was Popular Govern∣ment. Thus supposing at all adventures that Go∣verment to be Popular, he will have the Agra∣rian (that he Fancies) to be the Cause & Foundation of it, And at the next step to shew that this Agra∣rian is the Cause, He supposes Popular Govern∣ment to be the Effect. What can any Reasonable man desire more of a new Beginner? But he must pardon Me, I am still upon the same Ground; He must by some express place of Scripture (for that place Num. 26. 53. going no farther then

Tribes or at most then Families fals short of doing it as I have shewed Consid. pag. 57.) prove, That the division of the Lands by Lot was intended for the foundation of the Go∣vernment, Or He must not think by such weak and precary Diductions from his own Notion of a Ballance to peswade us that God had any such Design in it.

What he answers about the Jubile is meere Cavilling; For it belongs not to Me to shew how in fifty yeares one Lot might be so increa∣sed as to subvert the Government, but to him to shew that the possibility of this was prevented by the Agrarian Law contained in the Jubile. Yet a man may without giving occasion to be * 1.8 accused of boasting, own Mathematiques enough to demonstrate how if not one, yet a few men (which as to to the present subject creates no Difference) might come to be owners of the whole Land of Canaan in the tme between two Jubiles. For the Israelites being no where for∣bid Merchandise, let it be supposed that some few of them addicted themselves to Traffique, and by the success of it annually improved their estates twenty in the hundred, which a mong Merchants is not reputed an immoderate gaine. The increase of 20 per Cent. in 50 yeares which is the distance of two Jubiles, multiplyes an estate 7676 times, as will be manifest if in a Geometricall Progression of 50 Terms, accor∣ding to the proportion of 100 to 120, or 5 to 6 the last Terme be found out. Now the whole Number of Lots in the Land of Canaan was

600000, which being divided by 7676 gives Us 78 for the Number of Men who might in the time between two Jubiles acquire the Pro∣priety of the whole Land. But it is enough to * 1.9 possess three Parts in foure to cause an over∣ballance, Wherefore Sixty Men might notwith∣standing the Jubile come to overballance the rest of Israel and by that overthrow the Popular Government; By which it appeares that the Ju∣bile could not be intended for an Agrarian Law, to lie at the Foundation of the Government.

Nor is his Exception against the Argument drawn from that space of 45 yeares during which the Government of Israel subsisted with∣out this pretended Agrarian, fraught with any honester meaning: It is not to be doubted, that the Israelites received many Lawes in the Wilderness that were not to be put in Execu∣tion, till after their Settlement in the Land of Canaan, Of which that was one, Judges and Officers shalt thou make thee in all thy Gates. But He has taught Us to put a Difference between * 1.10 the Foundation and the Superstructures: There∣fore though the Government of Israel subsisted well enough in the Wilderness without an Order that depended totally upon their locall Distribu∣tion in the Land of Canaan, This is no Argument that it might do so without an Order which is represented as Necessary and Fundamentall to the Government. Before they had Gates, They neither could have nor needed Judges in them, but that does not make the Wonder cease how their Government could subsist 45

yeares without an Agrarian, if that must be reputed the Basis of their Commonwealth. And whereas Mr Harrington saies, The Israelites under Moses were an Army, What is that to purpose unless this Army must be thought to have been governed by Him by Martial Law? Which can never be affirmed by Mr Harring∣ton, who has made their Government beare * 1.11 Date, and exemplified in some of the most im∣portant Orders of it, so many yeares before.

But all the Considerer's Faults have been hi∣therto but Peccadillos, He is now accused of no less then taking part with the Divell, and that * 1.12 for having said He was not aware of any Pre∣rogative of Authority belonging to the Israe∣litish more then any other Republique, If any Man will take the Pains to look upon that Pas∣sage of the Considerations pag. 39. He will find two Advantages of Authority expresly there set down by Me, which the Jewish had above all other Commonwealths; If there be any more, Mr Harrington would have done Honestly to inform Us; But not having been able to do that, and yet to charge Me with the quite contrary of what I asserted, will leave it out of Dispute which of Us takes part with the Divell, who We know, was a Lyer from the Be∣ginning.

For as to his Distinction of the Power and Authority of a Commonwealth, it is in it self Insignificant, and as to this Place and Purpose, Impertinent; The whole Authority of the Jew∣ish Republique is included in those two Points

by Me explained in the Considerations. And what if the Romans being resolved to erect a Popular Government, to save themselves the pains of contriving, were content to borrow their Twelve Tables of the Athenians? Must We therefore be inforced to have recourse to the Jewes, though We neither have Need of nor Roome for any of their Particular Constituti∣ons? This may give just cause to suspect his Design is to introduce the Judaicall Law, And that there is nothing to choose between James Harrington Legislator, and William Medley Scribe. Concerning the Jewish Agrarian then, it is enough that Mr Harrington's Replies to the Considerer's Objections are thus manifest∣ed to be unsatisfactory.

All that is alledged in Opposition to the Con∣siderer's Apprehensions of the Lacedaemonian Agrarian is so Insignificant, that I can have No∣thing to reply; For of Nothing is produced No∣thing. I will therefore make use of this Leisure Mr Harrington affords Me, to make out a little more fully, from the Historie of Lacedaemon my former Assertions about the Agrarian of that Republique.

Lycurgus when he had begun to new Modell the Commonwealth, finding the greater part of the People to be desperately Poore, and some few very Rich, out of a Design to banish on the one side Envy and Insidiation, on the other Insolence and Luxury, and together with these, Riches and Poverty, the Mother Diseases of a Commonwealth, He perswaded them to come

to a New and equall Division of Lands; And that for the future they should live upon equall Terms with one another, not aiming at Priori∣ty in any thing but Merit, and reputing there ought to be no difference between Man and Man, but what arises from the Praise of Vir∣tue and Reproach of Vice. After He had ac∣complish't this, They say that passing through * 1.13 the Countrey in Harvest, and seeing the Shocks of Corne all of a size, He smiled and said the Countrey look't as if it belonged to Brothers who had newly parted their Inheritance. In setting out these Lots He seems to have look't only at fitting the People, by a bare and neces∣sitous Life, for the Trade of War; without that He might have made their Lots as large againe, having Territory enough (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) * 1.14 for twice as many People, the surplusage of which, perhaps, lay wast, or was injoyed by their Slaves. Nor was it lawfull for any Spartan to improve this Lot to the best, by living upon it, for they were strictly prohibited all Occupations, even that of Agriculture, and their Hinds or Helots paid * 1.15 them only an Annuall Quantity of Corne, Wine and other Fruits. This Institution had served to little purpose, if it had been free for the La∣cedaemonians to possess what Personall Estates they thought fit, and therefore Lycurgus (ha∣ving failed in attempting a like Division in Move∣ables) first forbid the Use of Gold and Silver, and then by the extream debasing of their o∣ther Coine, cut off all possibility of Traffique

with their Neighbours; So that No Man of any Art or Trade tending to Elegancy, Vani∣ty, or Luxurie could have any hopes of gain∣ing a Livelyhood at Sparta: And withall such Offences as are every where committed out of Desire of mony, did of themselves soon cease, Mony it self being become of so little worth. In all other Points also the Institution of the La∣cedaemonians was very severe, and serving meer∣ly to accustome them during Peace to the In∣commodities of War. Therefore the Raillery of that Italian was sharp enough, who said * 1.16 the Lacedaemonians did no great matter in be∣ing so daring in the Wars, if it were only to free themselves of a laborious and miserable Life.

Though these things had been with so much Care provided for by Lycurgus, his Lawes were exposed to the same Fate with those of all o∣ther Legislators, and wanted a Power to make themselves be observed. It was very early, in Croesus time, that the Lacedaemonians began to cast amorous Glances upon Gold, for be∣ing corrupted by him, they connived at the * 1.17 Slavery he brought upon the Graecian Repub∣liques in Asia. Their Agrarian also, so far was it from being the Immoveable Basis of the Commonwealth, was soon confounded as well as those of the Argives and Messenians, and that, as Aristotle intimates, by the defect of Lycurgus his own Lawes; For though * 1.18 he forbad Men to alienate their Lots by sale, He left it free for them to give

and bequeath what they thought fit. So that * 1.19 during the Messeniac War, a sedition was rai∣sed of them who demanded a new Division of the Lands. I know that is generally held these innovations were of a much later Date, & Plutarch names Epitadeus one of the Ephores as author of them, But the obligation is Mr * 1.20 Harrington's not mine, to reconcile these Authors. However it is manifest, that this Breach in their Laws was soon taken, for they preserved themselves in the Integrity of their Manners and Institution, till after the taking of Athens by Lysander. But the Booty gained in that War being very great, Lysander prevailed, that the Gold and Silver might be brought to Sparta for the erecting a Publique Treasury, without which it would be impossible to carry on the Design of making themselves the Captaines and Leaders of all Greece. This was with some reluctancy consen∣ted to, yet not without this previous Caution, That the mony should serve only for Publique Uses, and that it should be Death for any pri∣vate man to have Gold or Silver in his house, which Law was put in Execution upon the person of Thorax, But it was in vaine to forbid * 1.21 that in Private, which was allowed in Publique; For with the possession of mony imediately en∣tred Covetousness; & after that an inclination to Ease and Luxurie, which presenly overthrew the sober and masculine temper of their Com∣monwealth. Instead of that Probity toward their Friends and Neghbours which accom∣panyed

their Poverty, now Pride, Insolence and Avarice took Place. So that becoming weake & Effeminate at home, & Odious abroad, their Commonwealth soon fell from all its Virtue and Glory. And this shewed the Provi∣dence of Lycurgus who knowing that the equa∣lity of their scant Lots was not a sufficient. Bar to the mischiefs produced by Riches, had at the beginning condemned the use of Gold and Silver; for these miseries befell the State a good while before they grew so expert at breaking of Lawes as to violate their Agrarian. At length that went after the Rest, and the Common∣wealth being totally abandoned to Luxurie and Corruption (having first made a weak attempt or two to revert to her ancient Discipline) came to utter Ruine.

Thus have I given you a Crayon of the Commonwealth of Lacedaemon in reference to her Agrarian; Which appeares to have been instituted by Lycurgus: only as a necessary Pro∣vision for attaining that Poverty and Virility, which he intended to incorporate with his Commonwealth. Against this Mr Harrington will scarse have any more to object then he has done already, which is in effect just Nothing. He brings indeed Aristotle and Plutarch to a false Muster, but Aristotle has been already re∣scued from his Abuses, and the Place of Plu∣tarch is the same (excepting only his want of sincerity in citing it) with that I first produced in this Discourse.

I am now delivered from this first Question

of the Agrarian, and, according to the Method I proposed, the second Question which belongs to Such Lawes as supply the Defect of an Agra∣rian in severall Commonwealth's, comes to be discussed; In doing which I shall not have occa∣sion to spend much Time.

The first Instance Mr Harrington gives, is of * 1.22 the Ostracism which supplied the Defect in the Graecian Cities of an Agrarian. That the O∣stracism was not inflicted upon Men for their excessive Riches, so much as for diminishing the Power and Credit which by their Virtue and Great Actions They had attained to in the Commonwealth, I have already made appear; And by Consequence Mr Harrington's Fancie that it supplied the Defect of an Agrarian taken in his Sense must needs be without Ground. To which it will only be needfull to adde, that when the Athenians thought of putting Nicias to the Ostracism, (then the Richest Subject of Greece, and most obnoxious to a Law that studied to prevent excess of Wealth) their Motives were, His reserved, stately, and un∣popular Manner of Life, together with his Firm∣ness in adhering to the Publique Good, and opposing the rash Desires of the People: And though his Riches also are mentioned by Plu∣tarch among the rest, yet so as that they were the Object of their Envy rather then their Fear. I wonder why Mr Harrington, who goes off Fist after every Flie, did not mention the Pe∣talism of Syracuse as well as the Ostracism of Athens in imitation of which it was invented:

But it is to be presumed he abstained from it because of the Success, which discovered how pernicious this Device was to the Publique. For upon the Institution of this Law, the Sy∣racusans of better Quality (a People, it seems, not of so unquiet and enterprizing a Temper as the Athenians) who by their Wisdome and Experience were capacitated to have ser∣ved the Commonwealth, retired themselves from all Publique Affaires, thereby to avoid the danger of Banishment. And so the Care of the Publique being abandoned to the most indigent and Impudent Persons, who took * 1.23 care of nothing but how to slatter the Peo∣ple in their Orations, the Commonwealth was plunged into so many Disorders and Se∣ditions, that there was no hopes of her Re∣covery, unless by repealing the Petalism, to invite Men of worth to resume the Conduct of Affaires.

For what concerns the Agrarian of Rome, Mr Harrington has long since said it was none at * 1.24 all, and in effect saies now the same; For if They did but strive for it, it is evident they never ob∣tained it.

That at Venice the Officers of the Pomp should supply the Defect of an Agrarian, will scarse be believed by him, who knows how slightly the Accurate Giannotti passes over the Description of that Office. I think also it will not be easy to comprehend how a Law that preserves the Nobility from laying themselves out upon vain and Gawdy. Apparencies should tend to the li∣miting

their Estates. But, he saies, a Venetian that * 1.25 should keep a Table or have his house furnisht with Retainers would be obnoxious. Does any Italian affect that expensive way of Popularity? Or how should a Noble Venetian need to do it, when he may notwithstanding entertain in Pension eight or ten Bravos?

Follow him to the German Republiques, and You will find they have no more to supply the De∣fect of this Law, then that Estates descending are divided among the Children: And grant this in Oceana, and You grant the whole Agrarian. By these Republiques sure We are not to under∣stand Nuremberg, Strasburg, &c. but the Prince∣ly houses of Austria, Saxonie, the Rhine, &c. all which maintain this Custome: But these are all Monarchies by a Nobility, or at least Members of that Great one the Empire. Wherefore Mr Harrington commits a great Error in his Ap∣prehension of the German Agrarian, or has in∣curred a far greater one in his Modell of a Commonwealth, in proposing that Agrarian as fit for an equall Commonwealth, which by his own Confession belongs to a Monarchy by No∣bility.

And this brings Me to the third Question, concerning the Agrarian as it is stated in Ocea∣na; Which as it has no community with that of Israel in the originall of its institution, so has it very little Resemblance with that of Lace∣daemon in the aime and Method of its Establish∣ment. This was acknowledged long since by the Considerer, and Mr Harrington could not

but see it, though He makes so pitifull an En∣deavour to mistake my Meaning. But I am at a Loss; The Dialect of the next Pages makes Me think I am fallen into the Company of Cheats, And that it is not Aristotle or Plutarch that can now bring Me off, but that the late Act of Par∣liament against Gaming must do it. This is at least made evident by it, That Mr Harrington is conversant in the Mysteries of other Boxes besides Ballotting Ones, and is no less Quali∣fied for Secretary to the Comb-makers Ordi∣nary, then to a Commonwealth. I envy not his high endowments, but I must soberly let him know, that though, while he maintains the Dignity of a Philosopher, and a Gentleman, I count my self obliged to return him a Serious Answer, When he thinks fit to play the Buffoon, I can laugh as unconcernedly as any other Man. And to Laughter only (my Pity excepted) am I disposed by seeing how he disports himself in shaking the 15 false Dice he pretends to find in one of my Throwes: Gentlemen, (for it is necessary I should appeale to the Lookers on) the Dice I threw were all true, for which he has in taking them up, set down these False Ones; Not any one of those 15 Absurdities be∣longs to Me, but are all framed by himself, ei∣ther by a willing Mistake of my meaning, or by a childish Distortion of my Words. My first Argument therefore, That his Modell of an A∣grarian is unjust, remains unconfuted, and is not ever to be answered by any Man who, like Mr Harrington, makes Propriety the Ground * 1.26

of Government. He ventures indeed to say, that his Agrarian does not alter Propriety, but only obliges a great landed Man to divide it a∣mong his Children: But he ought to have re∣membred that the Liberty of disposing as a Man thinks fit of his own, is Essentiall to the Propriety We now Dispute of; And if it be the Piety of dividing the land among all the Chil∣dren he is taken with, his Hypocrisie may be a little suspected, in regard he has made this Law only to concern the Surplusage of 2000l. p. an.

The second Argument which in the Consi∣derations I made use of against the Agrarian of Oceana was this, That the Rate of 2000. l. p. an. at which it is stated can never be fixt, but that it will continually be in danger of be∣ing still brought lower, till at length it be so far debased, That the keeping it from going a∣ny lower will be the Concernment of a greater Number of Men, then They make up who have an Interest in the further debasing of it. This Argument Mr Harrington has thought sit to anticipate, by pretending to answer it in his eight Chapter. I must therefore go back to that Place, which I find to be not only dislo∣cated, but so strangely shattered, that it will be very hard for Me to Splinter up the broken confused Pieces of it. But to make as much of his Answer as I can, He seems to say in the first Place, That the People are naturally inca∣pable * 1.27 of such a Design as Levelling or reducing the Standard of Estates to the lowest Rate, see∣ing

never any People (except a faint Attempt of the Romans) went about it; And if there be any such thing familiar with the Nature of the Peo∣ple, why appeared it but once, and vanished with∣out Effect? This Method of arguing à non esse ad non posse, or affirming because a Thing has not yet been it can never be, is peculiar to Mr Harrington; But there is some reason to doubt, other men will not look upon this as suffici∣ent Security, especially if They consider how the People are now taught Principles before unknown to them, That the Ballance of Domi∣nion in Land is the Naturall Cause of Empire, And That the Ballance ought to be fixt by an Agrarian Law. For in Oceana every Man (who is not a Servant) above 18 yeares of age being obliged to have Armes, and every Man above 30 being capable of Magistracy, the People finding the Empire in their own hands, must of necessity conclude the Ballance ought to be there too, and consequently must endea∣vour to take down the standard of the Agra∣rian so low as that the Land may come to be divided among the whole Body of the People. And if the People in other Governments, for Example under the late Monarchy, did never * 1.28 so much as think of Levelling the Nobility, It was partly because They did not then ap∣prehend it, as They will do now, to be a thing just and necessary; And partly be∣cause They wanted Power to do it, their Arms depending upon the Nobilitie, And their Vote in the Commons house being insig∣nificant

without the Consent of the King and Lords. But in the Commonwealth of Oceana the People can not want Power and Interest to effect it, either by the way of Arms or Vote: By the way of Arms, the People amounting to 200000 armed Men, with Commanders and Officers chosen by themselves out of their own Body, and having a certain Rendezvous ap∣pointed in reference to their Musters, need but declare their Resolution to have the Agra∣rian taken down to a less Rate then 2000l. p. an. And the whole Business is dispatch't. For They who can have an Interest to keep it up at that Rate, not being above 5000 Men, can not possibly resist so much a greater Multi∣tude, that is already armed and formed in∣to a Body. So that the People of Oceana ought not to be deterred from this Attempt by the Feare of a Civill War, and the Loss they may sustain by it, (Though, by the way, If that Reflection were enough to keep the People Q••uet, there would be little need ever to feare their stirring) seeing the 5000 Men can not do otherwise then immediatly sub∣mit, as being apparently too weak to main∣tain themselves in the State of War. But if the People of Oceana choose rather to manage this Design by the way of Vote, They may with more ease effect it; For the Elders or Men capable of Magistracy in Oceana, being 100000 in number, And they who possess 2000l. p. an. being but 5000 in number, The same Proportion, according to an equall

Calculation, must hold in the Deputies at the Prerogative Tribe; Wherefore in the Repre∣sentative or Prerogative Tribe there will be twenty for one who will have an Interest to Vote the Agrarian down to a lower Stan∣dard. Yet I do not think that this will come to absolute Levelling, or giving to every Man (as Mr Harrington computes it) ten pounds * 1.29 a yeare; But I do not see how it is possible it should stay sooner then at about 200 pounds a yeare; But that being made the measure of the Agrarian, or the greatest Estate which a∣ny man can possess in Land, there can not be less then 50000 Persons concerned to keep it from going lower, which number will, it is likely, prove considerable enough to fix it at that Rate.

In his Answer to my third Argument, He takes Pleasure in straying out of a plain Way, and will understand Me as if I had said, The old Jewes during their being Inhabitants of Ca∣naan were great Traders. I am not aware that any Ambiguity in my Words could give him an Occasion of this Thought; But how∣soever, I am content to explaine my self better by declaring that I meant this of the Modern Jewes, who though dispossest of Canaan, are every where so Rich, that unless perhaps in Solomons time, their Ancestours could never have compared Estates with them. And as They having no Land are all Merchants, so in Oceana the Possession of Land being limit∣ed, Men who aimed at farther Riches or

Power, would convert their stock into Traf∣fique, by which Emporium would be increast beyond the Proportion consisting with the Se∣curity of the Commonwealth. These were the Considerer's thoughts, which Mr Harrington seems not to disallow of, but only in the last particular, that the greatness of Emporium can prove dangerous to the Commonwealth of Oceana. To make this Probable, I must be∣gin a Good way off. Of Commonwealths both Antient and Modern, some have been founded upon one Great City, in which are Resident not only the Magistrates and Senate, but also the whole Body of the People which constitues the Commonwealth; Such were of old, Athens, Syracuse, Carthage, Rome, at present Venice and Genoa. These Cities are both the Heart and Head of their severall Commonwealths, In them the Principall Actions of Life are per∣formed, and from thence Bloud and Spirits are conveyed into all the Parts: Their Increase is the Augmentation of the whole, and as long as they continue in Health, the Repub∣lique can not die. Hereupon have all wise Le∣gislators contrived and incouraged the In∣crease of these Cities both in Population and Riches, for the whole Commonwealth being in a manner comprehended within their Walls, their inlargement can never cause any ine∣quality or Danger to the Publique. If it be * 1.30 thought that I commit an Error in placing Rome in this Classis of Commonwealths, seeing her Rustick Tribes were the most considerable

both for number and Reputation. My induce∣ments to it were, First that at the Institution of the Rustick Tribes they were so neere adjacent to the City, that there was scarse any difference, as to the facility of Assembling together, be∣tween them and the Inhabitants of the City it self; And then secondly, That before Rome had attained any considerable Greatness, the Tribes were no longer to be taken in a Locall accepti∣on but only as so many divisions of the People, to some one of which every Citizen where∣soever inhabiting must necessarily relate; As with us every freeman of London must be of some one of the old Companies. And it was in this sense that the Patricians chose to be of some Rustick Tribe, which is no more then that my Lord Major is a Skinner or a Mer∣chant Taylor. But thirdly though Rome had her Rustick Tribes, and Athens her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Populations in the Country, none of these had Right to assemble within their own precincts, for choosing Magistrates or nominating Depu∣ties to represent them, nor had any capaci∣ty of dealing in Publique Affaires, unless They in person repaired to the Capitall City, so that this City still remained the Seat of the Commonwealth, all Pub∣lique Business being transacted within her Walls.

Other Commonwealths have not been raised upon the greatness of one City, but have con∣sisted of the Confederacy or League of many, of which sort so many examples occur among the

Grecians it is needlesse to name any; Of Modern ones the Union of the Netherlandish Provinces is of this Nature. And in this case no one City can acquire an extraordinary Greatness with∣out danger to the Liberties of all the rest, or at least of Dissolution to the Union: Thus the City of Thebes being grown Powerfull, took a∣way the Liberty of the Boeotians their Confede∣rates: And thus the Elians being inrich't by the Conflux of People to the Olympian Games, incroch't upon the Privileges of the Neigh∣bouring Towns. That Amstredam of late yeares hugely advanced by Traffique, is in a Condition to do as much for the United States; and has in part attempted it, was intimated by the Considerer: The Actions are fresh, and those Relations and Discourses which are Pub∣lished, make every man a judge; If Mr Har∣rington be satisfyed that their actions resisted not * 1.31 the Interest of Liberty, but of a Lord, He may de∣serve a pension in communicating this satisfa∣ction to them of Zealand, Frizeland and Over∣yssell.

A third sort of Commonwealths are those which consist not of Leagues or Unions, nei∣ther are seated in some one great City, but are diffused through a whole Nation, and are not to be assembled but by the Mediation of a Repre∣sentative Body: Of this kind you are not to expect many Examples; Israel (when it shall be evinced to have been a Commonwealth) must needs have been such an one, and such an one is the proposed Modell of a Commonwealth for

Oceana. In these the disproportionate Greatness of any one City, becomes still more dangerous, for now this City is no longer to be reputed the Head or Heart, but the Spleen or Liver, whose overgrowth brings the rest of the Body to Decay or Ruine. Any one City so overtop∣ping the Rest constitutes Rem-publicam in Re∣publica, and the Inhabitants of it will alwaies stand united in reference to their own Interest even when it looks a squint upon that of the Commonwealth. In Israel indeed they need not to feare this Inconvenience, for it does not ap∣peare that before the establishment of the Mo∣narchy, any one City had so much advantage over the rest as to claim the Dignity of a Me∣tropolis. But in Monarchies the Mischief has been frequent; Paris both formerly and in our time has been the Rise and Retreat of severall Re∣bellions, Ghendt and Liege have more then once done as much for their Princes, In Spain the War de las Communidades took its beginning from Toledo, Valladolid, Valentia and two or three more great Towns. And that the mischief should be multiplyed in a Commonwealth, I have one reason more to think, wch is that a Monarch can by the Residence of his Court, that brings so ample profit to a City, lay an obligation up∣on them, which in a Commonwealth can amount to very little, or rather Nothing. To make an end, the City of Emporium is already so Potent That it may will be doubted whether she will be content with that portion Mr Harrington has allowed her in his Commonwealth of Oceana,

and whether when she looses the Honor of obeying a Prince, she will not think her Com∣mon Councell as good as the Prerogative Tribe, and her Commander in Chiefe as the Strategus of Oceana.

Therefore those of the Nobility who have disposed of their Sons in the City may fairely expect to see them Princes, The rest may doe well to consider whether the Beare's skin will keep them warme while it is upon the Beares back, and whether they can live upon the re∣version of those Estates Mr Harrington has pro∣mised * 1.32 them in the first Provinces his Common∣wealth conquers.

The fourth Argument was taken from the dif∣ficulty of making the Agrarian equall and sted∣dy in reference to the inconstant value of mony: But this saies He, was sufficiently provided for * 1.33 where it is said that a new survey at the present Rent being taken, the Agrarian should ordain that no man should thenceforth hold above so much Land as there is valued at the rate of 2000l. per an. Though this was omitted in the Order, I deny not that it was hinted in one of the speeches; but this is to recompence one errour by committing another that is greater, or to cure an Ague by a Feavour; The value of mo∣ny'tis true is alwaies in motion, but not in so swift and irregular one, as the Improvement of Land I speak not of the improvement of Rent, or the advantage the Landlord makes upon the Farmer, but of that Naturall one which sometimes consist in the Meliorating of the soile

it self, as by derivation of Water; Sometimes in the Discovery of a profitable Minerall; And sometimes by imploying the ground to a new Husbandry as the planting Tabacco, Hops, and many other things which have already and may for the future be invented. By all these waies, the value of Land may come to be many times multiplyed, and consequently the Agrarian notwithstanding this Provision must soon re∣cede from the first Design of its institution. He need not now have been put in mind of this, if he would have learn't this Lesson of Aristotle, That those Orders in a Commonwealth * 1.34 which relate to the Census or Valuation of Estates, must be renewed and adapted continually to the Census through all its shiftings and Changes, and this at furthest once in five yeares.

That the Agrarian does not stem, but follow the Tide of Custome in this Nation, will scarse meet with Belief, notwithstanding Mr Harrington's undertaking, as long as We have before our eyes so many examples of Elder Brothers and great Purchasers. But I mean not to trouble him with any Discourses about keeping or breaking old Customes; That would be as to this subject but a Common place of talke, and if the Agrarian be a thing so custo∣mary, his paines in discovering of it, merit the less of thanks from the Publique; For thogh we usually give Mony to those who shew Us an Hare or Patridge, it has not been made a fashion to reward such as bring Us to a Crow or a Jack-Daw.

After all this, that an Agrarian is necessary * 1.35 unto Government be it what it will, and as much to Kings as unto Commonwealths, I can not give my assent; The Reasons of my not doing so, have been made out abundantly, unless I have had the ill fortune to throw away all that has been said in this Chapter and that of the Bal∣lance. I doe not deny that these Notions are of good concernment, if taken in generall, and without this severe Restriction to Estates in Land. I lay it for a ground that Princes ought to consider Riches as one of the principall in∣struments of Governing; That in order to this They should not think a Crown worth wea∣ring, unless provided with a Constant Revenue, (or at least a way of raising it) large enough for all Publique Occasions; That they weare the Key of their Treasury, with the same Jealousy as their Sword, permitting neither to be taken out of their own hands. For the rest, That they take care those men whose interest is de∣pendant upon the Prince's may be possest of such estates as shall bring them a Returne of Respect and Power. The favour of the Prince, the Profit of Offices, the Advantages arising from Publique Imployment both Military and of State, joyned with other Arts of Governing, will in a Monarchy put faire for attaining this, without the necessity of an Agrarian Law: Nor on the other side does a Prince stand in need of that help to abate the Power of any Subject that is grown dangerous, but is readily presented with some more silent way of effecting it from

the present Juncture of Business. And indeed universally Monarchies have this advantage over Commonwealths, that Commonwealths are like Engines which being wound up can not in the greatest necessity vary from the Designation of the Artificer, but Monarchies are animate Bodies, moving and acting according to all exigencies by vertue of their own Soules: The former like the wooden Eagle which met the Emperour limited in her flight by the will of the Engineer, The other has Wings of her own, and when she sees the Quarry, failes not to make a gallant flight.

Notes

• * 1.1

  H. p. 85
• * 1.2

  Arist. Polit. lib. 2. c. 7
• * 1.3

  H. p. 8••
• * 1.4

  ibid.
• * 1.5

  Ocena. p. 26.
• * 1.6

  H. p. 87.
• * 1.7

  Gceanap. 26.
• * 1.8

  H. p. 86.
• * 1.9

  H. p. 12.
• * 1.10

  H. p. 88.
• * 1.11

  Ocean. p. 16.
• * 1.12

  H. pag. 90.
• * 1.13

  ibid.
• * 1.14

  Plut. in Solon.
• * 1.15

  Plut. in Lyc.
• * 1.16

  Plut. in Pelop.
• * 1.17

  Paus. Messen
• * 1.18

  Polit. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• * 1.19

  Arist. P ol lib. 5. c. 7.
• * 1.20

  Plut. in Agid.
• * 1.21

  Plut. in Lysand.
• * 1.22

  H. pag. 86.
• * 1.23

  Diod. Sic. lib. 11.
• * 1.24

  Ocean. p. 26.
• * 1.25

  H. pag 86.
• * 1.26

  H. p. 93.
• * 1.27

  H. p. 44.
• * 1.28

  H. pag. 44.
• * 1.29

  H. pag. 45.
• * 1.30

  Ocean. p. 147 H. p. 98.
• * 1.31

  H. p. 98.
• * 1.32

  H. p. 100.
• * 1.33

  H. p. 101.
• * 1.34

  Pol. lib. 5. cap. 8.
• * 1.35

  H. pag. 102.