Protestancy condemned by the expresse verdict and sentence of Protestants

THE FIRST CONSIDERATION (Book 1)

Concerning the lives of the first Protestant pretended Reformers. (Book 1)

OUR Saviour forewarning us (saith Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subdivis. 1) That a good Tree yieldeth good fruit (Math. 7.17.) and, beware of false Pro∣phets, which come to you in sheeps clothing, but inwardly are ravening Woolvs, by their fruits you shall know them (Math. 7.15, 16.) omitting petty examples (saith Brereley tract 2. chap. 3. sect 9. subdivis. 2.) we will intreat of Principals, namely of Luther, of Jacobus Andreas, the grea∣test enlarger of his Doctrine, and of Zuinglius, Calvin, and Beza; and of these also (for other respects) but with a gen∣tle, sparing, and forbearing touch, as not undertaking to allege any thing of them, but that which is in it self evident, and for such confessed.

Of Luther.

1 COncerning Luther's Life and Man∣ners (saith Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 11.) for so much as he is strongly privileged with the opinion of the present time, we will in respect thereof but briefly touch the same, and that also not without great and respective observation, as forbearing purposely the credible Testimonies in that behalf, of Cochlaeus, Lyndanus, Staphylus and other our Catholick Writers, to whom his life and manners were well known, and choosing specially to speak thereof from no other testimonie than of himself, and his own dearest Scholars. As touching his Life before his revolt from our Catho∣like Church it is confessed, that he as then [a] 1.1 lived in his Monasterie, puni∣shing his body with watching, fasting, and praier; [b] 1.2 Honored the Pope of meer Con∣science, [c] 1.3 kept Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience; and [d] 1.4 whatsoever (saith he) I did, I did it with a single heart, of good zeal, and for the Glory of God, fearing grievously the last Day, and desirous to be saved from the bottom of my heart. In so much also as for some small time after his revolt, there remained yet in him some Reliques, or steps of former Sancti∣mony,

whereof Erasmus (in epistola ad Thomam Cardinalem Eboracensem) affor∣deth him commendable testimonie: wher∣as afterward, upon his further defection from our Church, he at last became quantum mutatus ab illo? and was so far transported with sensuality from his for∣mer course of intended Chastitie, that he saith to the contrarie, [e] 1.5 Nothing is more sweet or loving upon the Earth, than is the love of a woman if a man can obtain it. And again, [f] 1.6 He that resolveth to be without a woman, let him lay aside from him the name of a man, making himself a plain Angel or Spirit. Yet further, [g] 1.7 Quam non est in meis viribus ut vir non sim? &c. As it is not in my power that I should be no man; so is it not in my power that it should be either staid or omitted, but is as necessary as that I should be a man, and more necessary than to eate, drink, purge, make clean the Nose, &c. Insomuch as he acknowlegeth himself to have been [h] 1.8 almost mad through the rage of Lust and desire of Woemen: And ( [i] 1.9 to omit his other like sayings) he yet further saith (tom. 1. Epistolarum latinarum fol. 334. ad Philippum) I am burned with the great flame of my untamed flesh, I, who ought to be fervent in Spirit, am fervent in the flesh, in lust, sloath &c. Eight dayes are now past, wherein I neither write, pray, nor studie, being vexed partly with the

temptations of the flesh, partly with other trouble. But (saith he ubi supra fo. 345) [k] 1.10 it sufficeth that we have known the Riches of the Glory of God the Lamb which taketh away the sins of the World, from whom sin cannot draw us, although we should commit Fornication, or kill a thousand times in one day. And being in this case, he laboureth not to keep his former kept Chastitie by his foresaid punishing his body with watch∣ing, fasting, and praier, before time conti∣nued by him in his Monasterie, when he was a Catholick, which course of resistance by Praier, the blessed Apostle (2. Cor. 12.7.) being so assaulted, used, and thereby pre∣vailed; but unmindfull of his former Vow, and forbearing Praier, somtimes even for eight daies together, at the last (having [l] 1.11 cast off his Religious habit Anno 1544) he did in speedy accomplishment of his longing desire [m] 1.12 Marrie even upon the suddain Katherine Bore the Nunn, with∣out any communication before had thereof with any of his friends, but having in the evening (so impatient was he of delay, as not to forbear, but that present Night, till the usual time of Marriage in the Day∣time next ensuing) invited to Supper Po∣merane, Luke the Painter, and Appelles the Lawier, he then so finished the Espou∣salls, for which by the most antient and Imperial Laws (made [n] 1.13 not lately, but during the venerable times of the

Primitive Church) He should have lost his head. A thing at that time holden so scandalous by report of [o] 1.14 Sleydan, and others, that Luther himself after∣wards became [p] 1.15 grieved and ashamed thereat: And his dearest Melancton did therefore specially [q] 1.16 and speedily [r] 1.17 write to a friend of his in excuse ther∣of, wherein nevertheless he holdeth it [s] 1.18 Marveilous, that Luther should be so regardless and little touched with grief at the Calamitie then present, as to undertake that mariage: Only he excuseth it with Luther's sociable condition of [t] 1.19 Life, and other [u] 1.20 Matters (there∣upon depending, and not to be uttered) which (saith he) are fitter for you to imagin than me to write; for [x] 1.21 I am perswaded that Luther was a man infor∣ced to marry by Nature. Hereunto we may adde, that Luther lying thus open, acknowledged his [y] 1.22 Profession not to be of Life or Manners, but of Doctrin, [z] 1.23 wishing that he were removed from the Office of preaching, because his Man∣ners and Life did not answer to his pro∣fession,

wherein he was so censured even by Protestants themselves, that as ap∣peareth by their own report, [a] 1.24 If at any time they would give assent to the provo∣cation of Nature, they blush not to say a∣mong themselves (hodie Lutheranicè vi∣vimus) to day we will live Lutheran like. By which confessed premisses it appears, that Luther together with his alteration of Religion made a like answerable al∣teration of his life. And yet (saith Brere∣ley pag. 415) was this untoward course of life so peculiar (in their own confidence and opinion) to their profession of Do∣ctrin, that as some of them affirmed, that to live thus, was to live Lutheran like; so others of them likewise doubted not to tearm it the Evangelical Instruction: af∣firming withall a serious and Christian Discipline, to be a new Papacie and Mona∣chism, as witnesseth Jacobus Andraeas conc. 4. in cap. 21. Lucae, saying, Mandat serio Deus in Verbo suo, & à suis Christianis requirit seriam & Christianam discipli∣nam, haec vero apud nos novus Papatus novusque Monachismus existimantur: sic enim inquiunt, Dedicimus modo per solam sidem in Christum salvari &c. quamob∣rem sine & permitte ut hujusmodi opera missa faciamus, cùm per Christum alioquin salvari possimus, & solum gratia Dei Christique meritis nitamur, atque ut totus Mundus agnoscat eos non esse Papistas, nec

bonis operibus quic quam fidere, illorum eti∣am operum nullum penitus exercent; Jeju∣nii loco comessationibus & perpotationibus nocte dieque vacant &c. precationes ver∣tunt in juramenta &c. atque hoc univer∣sum vitae genus ab illis Evangelicum dici∣tur institutum &c.

As concerning Marriage and Di∣vorce [b] 1.25 Luther (in serm. de Matrimo∣nio) saies, Si non vult uxor, aut non pos∣sit, veniat ancilla, If the Wife will not, or cannot come, let the Maid come. And whereas Mr. Whitaker (who would make the best Glosse thereof) answereth here∣unto (in respons. ad rat. Camp. rat. 8. pag. 150) that Luther hereby only meant first to divorce, and then after to marry the maid; Yet is this Divorce (though upon such foresaid occasion either of in∣firmity or willfullness) utterly rejected even by Mr. Whitaker himself (in the same place, and contra Duraeum l. 8. pag. 687. fine) And neverthelesse Luther was so vehement against the wives froward refusal of her Husbands B••d, that he further said thereof, [c] 1.26 The Magistrates duty is to bridle this Wife, yea and to put her to death: this if the Magistrate omit, the Husband must imagin that his wife is stoln away by Theevs, and dead; and consider how to marry another; For (saith he yet

further) [d] 1.27 we cannot stop St Paul's mouth, &c. His words are plain, that a Brother or Sister are free from the Law of Wedlock, if the one depart or do not consent to dwell with the other; neither doth he say, that this may be done once only, but leaveth it free, that so often as the case shall require he may either proceed or stay. In which case (as he signifies) [e] 1.28 a man may have ten or more Wives fled from him, and yet living. Nay he doubteth not in case of Adulterie committed by a married man or married woman, to give liberty even to the offending Adulterer, [f] 1.29 to fly into an∣other Countrey and marry again: So dan∣gerously doth he incline to Polygamie, the which himself elswhere seemeth to defend, affirming that [g] 1.30 Polygamie is no more abrogated, than is the rest of Moses Law, and that it is free, as being neither commanded nor forbidden. In respect whereof he signifieth that [h] 1.31 he will ne∣ther bring in Polygamie, nor condemn it. Insomuch that the Calvinists themselves do further say, Lutherus de conjugio quae∣dam, & alia haudquaquam probanda scrip∣sit. See this in Hospinian in his Concord. Discord. printed 1607. fol. 99. b. ante med. &c.

3 As concerning Magistracie (saith Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10 subdivis. 6.) how fully, plainly, and directly Lu∣ther impugned the same, especialy be∣fore

the Princes of Germanie had under∣taken the defence of his Doctrine, is by his own writings more than manifest, and in part from thence declared by Brereley tract. 3. sect. 5. where he cites Luther de seculari potestate tom. 6. Germanico, say∣ing: Among Christians no man can or ought to be Magistrate, but each one to o∣ther equally subject &c. Among Christi∣an men none is superiour, save one and only Christ. And in serm. de ove perdita, and also in his Sermons englished by William Gage pag. 97. fine, and tom. 7. Wittemberg. fol. 327. b. Luther further saith, Therefore is Christ our Lord, that he may make us such as himself is: and as he cannot suffer himself to be tyed and bound by Laws &c. so also ought not the con∣science of a Christian to suffer them. And in his said Sermons pag. 261. circa med. He doth admonish, that wee obey the Civil Magistrate, for (saith he) there cometh no loss of Christian Liberty or faith thereby. For, for somuch as they do not contend, that those things are necessary to salvation which they ordain &c. Howbe∣it if any should contend that those Com∣mandements of the Civil Magistrate be necessary to salvation (as doubtless they be, in regard that they bind us in Consci∣ence, and to break them were sin) then, as it is said of the Traditions of the Papists, the contrary rather were to be done. I will

adde (saith Brerely tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 6.) the base and invective Ca∣lumniations wherewith he charged (to omit sundry other Princes and [i] 1.32 States) our late Soveraign King Henry the 8th. of famous memory, calling him (in libro con∣tra Regem Ang. in Praefat.) An envious mad fool, babling with much spittle in his mouth, more furious (in the same Book extant tom. 2. Wittemberg. fol. 333. 334. and 335. &c.) than madness. it self, more doltish than Folly it self, indued with an impudent and whorish Face, without any one vein of Princely blood in his Body, a lying Sophist, a damnable rotten worme, a Basilisk and progenie of an Adder, a lying scurrill covered with the title of a King, a clownish wit, a doltish head, most wicked foolish and impudent Henry; and saying further (ibid. fol. 338. a.) he doth not only lie like a most vain scurr, but passeth a most wicked knave; and (ibid. fol. 340. b. & vide 333. b. 335. a) thou liest in thy throat, foolish and sacrilegious King. Whereunto might be added his exceed∣ing many other more like dispitefull and scurrilous words used against his Maje∣stie,

some of them being so immodestly base, a we a r••shamed to English them. In the place cited fol. 333. and 337. &c. He saith, Jus mihi erit pro meo Rege Ma∣jestatem tuam Anglicam stercore consper∣gere (and) sit ergo mea haec generalis re∣sponsio ad omnes sentinas infulsissimae hu∣jus larvae &c. Haec sunt robora nostra ad∣versus quae obmutescere coguntur Henrici, Thomistae, Papistae, & quicquid est fae∣cis, sentinae, latrinae, impiorum & sacrile∣gorum ejusmodi. Sordes istae & labes ho∣minum, Thomistae & Henrici, sacrile∣gus Henricorum & asinorum cultus, fu∣ror insulsissimorum asinorum & Thomi∣sticorum porcorum, os Vestrae Dominati∣onis impurum & sacrilegum: with infi∣nite more such like. This intemperate railing was so evident in Luther, that himself, in loc. com. class. 4. fol. 35. b. ac∣knowledgeth the Worlds Opinion here∣in had of him, saying there, Video ab om∣nibus in me peti modestiam, omnes ferè in me damnant mordacitatem, Insomuch as Mr. Fox Act. Monu. pag. 404. a. fine, re∣ports, how that Luther's chiefest Patron, even Frederick Duke of Saxonie, wrote grievously to Luther, exhorting him to temper the vehemencie of his Stile. To his scurrilous railing we will adde what Brereley (in his Book a part of the lives of the late pretended Reformers, cap 3. sect. 2. initio, pag. 60.) saith, concerning

his contentious spirit; which was so a∣bounding in him, that for fear of being idle, and to keep himself awork in that kind, he contracted with Carolostadius, and giving him [k] 1.33 a piece of Gold to write against him, he upon Carolostadius his acceptance thereof, gave to Carolosta∣dius his hand upon the bargain, and ther∣upon drunk to him in a cup of Wine, exhorting Carolostadius not to spare him, but to deal roundly and vehemently with him, whereupon ensued their most contentious and invective writings: This fact of Luther was so scandalous, that Hospinian though [l] 1.34 favouring Luther yet signifieth from what [m] 1.35 Spirit the same proceeded.

4 Concerning the Administration of the Word and Sacraments (saith Brereley tract 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 7.) Lu∣ther maketh it common to Laymen with the Clergy, saying to this end [n] 1.36 The first Office of the Priest is to preach the Word &c. but this is common to all: next is to baptize, and this also may all do, even wo∣men

&c. the third is to consecrate Bread and Wine, but this also is common to all no less than Priests, and this I avouch by the Authority of Christ himself, saying, Do this in remembrance of me; This Christ spake to all there present, and to come afterwards; whosoever should eate of that Bread, and drink of that Wine &c. This also is witnessed by St. Paul, who 1. Cor 11. repeating this, applyeth it to all the Corinthians, making them all as him∣self was, that is to say Consecrators, &c. If then that which is greater than all, be given indifferently to all men and women, I mean the Word and Baptism, then that which is less, I mean to consecrate the Sup∣per, is also given to them. And the like Doctrin doth he affirm no less plainly in [o] 1.37 another of his Writings, being (as Dr. Covell affirmeth) [p] 1.38 not afraid to affirm that Sacraments are effectual though ad∣ministred by Sathan himself. Thus did Luther in respect of want of calling in his Followers, write against the Pope; though elswhere to serve his own turn against the Anabaptists (who upon the same ground used the same weapons a∣gainst

him) he [q] 1.39 presseth and chargeth them for their want of ordinary calling: So Variable, Inconstant, and Tempori∣zing, (as occasion required) was he in his Doctrine: wherof Zuinglius tom. 2. in responsione ad Confessionem Lutheri, fol. 458. circa med. saith, Lutherus nunc hoc, nunc illud deadem Re pronunciat, nec us∣quam sibi constat: haud dubiè eain constantia & levitate in Dei Ver boutendum esse existi∣mat, qua effrictae frontis scurrae inter ale∣am uti consueverunt. Also Hospinianus, a learned Calvinist, in his Historia Sacra∣mentaria, parte altera, in his Alphabe∣ticall table, set before the begining of that Book, at the letter L. under the word Lutherus, setteth forth Luther's wonder∣full inconstancy in Doctrin with particu∣lar reference to his contrary sayings and Doctrines, there by him in that book at large alleged, in which course he chargeth Luther in the same table, saying; Luthe∣rus sibi ipsi dissimili, in Doctrina de persona Christi 18. And under the word Lutheri, is set down Lutheri inconstantia in Doctri∣na 4. b. Lapsuum & inconstantiae causae 5. Ejus de coena sententia Prima 5. b. Secunda 7. b. Tertia 8. Quarta 12. Quinta ibidem, De ejus inconstantia in negotio Coenae, Stur∣mius 12. a. b. inconstantia de communione sub uno vel utraque specie 12. b. 13. in∣constantia de manducatione impiorum 13. b. inconstantia de concommitantia 13. b.

inconstantia de elevatione Sacramenti 13. b. 14. inconstantia de adoratione Sacra∣menti 14. with much more there set down in this kind. And in the Book exemplified at large from Luther's own inconstant and contrary writing, according to the fi∣gures of direction here as before mentio∣ned. Also concerning the form of words requisit to a Sacrament, Luther affirmeth Baptism to be good with whatsoever words it be ministred, so the same be not in the name of Man but God. So Luther tom 2. Wittemberg. in lib de captivit. Babylon. cap. de Baptismo fol. 75. a. initio saith, Quocunque modo tradatur Baptismus, mo∣do non in nomine Hominis, sed in nomine Domini tradatur, verè salvum facit; imô non dubitem, siquis in nomine Domini susci∣piat, etiamsi impius Minister non det in no∣mine Domini, verè Baptizatum esse in Nomine Domini.

5 Concerning the [r] 1.40 sufficiency of our Redemption by our Saviours Passion in his humane nature upon the Cross, Lu∣ther taught thus far to the contrary, as that not only the Humane Nature of Christ sufferd for us, for (saith he) in affirming but so much, Christ is a Saviour of vile and small accompt, and needeth himself al∣so a Saviour. [s] 1.41 Cum credo quod sola huma∣na natura pro me passa est; Christus ille vilis nec magni pretii Salvator est. Imo ipse quoque Salvatore opus habet: but also that

the [t] 1.42 Divinity of Christ did suffer, which is so intollerable and grosse, that it is speci∣ally contradicted by divers learned Prote∣stants, as Zuinglius, Hospinianus, D. Barnes, Beza, Czecanorius (in Brereley pag. 403, 404.) and affirmed to be an old condemned opinion in Apollinarius and Eutiches, and contrary to the Pro∣phets, Apostles, and all true Believers. To this we may adde Luther's wicked Doctrine concerning our Saviour's de∣scending into Hell, there also for to suffer Torments in Soul after his death. Thus Luther (tom. 3. Wittemberg. in Psalm. 16. fol. 279. a. post med.) saith, Christus sicut cum summo dolore mortuus est, ita videtur & dolores post mortem in inferno sustinuisse, ut nobis omnia superaret &c. And see this opinion confessed in Luther, by Fulke in his defence of the English translation of the Bible, cap. 7. pag. 204. See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect 10. sub. 8. at 16. pag. 205. (it should be 405)

6 Conterning Luther's [u] 1.43 contempt of the antient Fathers, and his own great undertaking knowledge, he saith, [x] 1.44 Since the Apostles times no Doctor

or Writer hath so excellently and cleerly confirmed, instructed, and comforted the Consciences of the Secular States, as I have done, by the singular grace of God. This certainly I know, that neither Austine, nor Ambrose, who yet are in this matter the best, are equall to me herein. And again (tom. 7. in serm. de eversione Hierusalem. fol. 271. a.) The Gospel is so copiously preacht by us, that truly in the Apostles time, it was not so clear. And (apud Bre∣reley trect 1. sect. 3. subd vis. 14. initio. in the Margent at the figure 4.) he affirms, (tom. 2. Wittemberg. Anno 1551. lib. de servo Arbitrio pag. 434.) the Fathers of so many Ages to have been plainly blind, and most ignorant in the Scriptures; to have erred all their life time, and that un∣less they were amended before their deaths, they were neither Saints, nor partaining to the Church. See further Luther's Book de servio arbitrio printed in octavo 1603. pag. 72, 73, 276, and 337. Also in Col∣loquiis Mensalibus cap, de Patribus Eccle∣siae, Luther saith of sundry Fathers in particular, In the writings of Hierom, there is not a word of true Faith, Christ,

and sound Religion. Tertullian is very su∣perstitious. I have holden Origen long since accursed. Of Chrysostom I make no account. Bazil is of no worth, he is wholly a Monk, I weigh him not of a hair. Cypri∣an is a weak Divine &c. affirming there yet further, that the Church did degenerate in the Apostles age, and that the Apolo∣gie of Phillip Melancthon doth far ex∣cell all the Doctors of the Church, and ex∣ceeds even Augustin himself. [y] 1.45 How highly he esteemeth of such Doctrine as himself collecteth from the Scriptures, and how much he preferreth himself therein before the Fathers, himself signi∣fieth saying (tom. 2. l. contra Regem An∣gliae fol. 344. b.) Gods Word is above all, the Divine Majestie maketh for me, so as I pass not if a thousand Austins, a thousand Cyprians, a thousand King Harry Chur∣ches stood against me: Nay he doubteth not in plain tearms to exempt his Do∣ctrine from all judgment of Men and Angels, making himself therby judge of both, saying, (Adversus falso nominatum Ecclesiasticum statum) Scire vos volo, quod in posterum non amplius hoc honore dignabor, ut sinam vel vos vel ipsos An∣gelos de Caelo, de mea doctrina judicare &c. nec volo meam doctrinam à quoquam judicari, atque adeone ab Angelis quidem: cum enim certus de ea sim, per eam & ve∣ster & Angelorum judex esse volo. And

see these words, though somwhat altered in the late edition of Wittemberg tom. 2. fol. 306. a. fine. And (apud Brereley, tract. 3. sect. 7. pag. 681. marg. at e.) tom. 2. Wittemberg. lib. contra Regem An∣gliae fol. 333. a. fine. he saith, Certus e∣nim sum dogmata mea habere me de Caelo &c. dogmata mea stabunt &c. And will our English Divines allow this in the Doctrine of Real presence, Images &c. wherewith they charge and reprove Lu∣ther? Luther also (apud Brerely tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 2.) saies (in Epist. ad Galat. cap. 1. after the English Translation fol. 33. b. paulo post med. and 34. a. initio, & tom. 5. Wittemberg. of anno 1554. fol. 290. b.) Be it that the Church, Austin, and other Doctors, also Peter, A∣pollo, yea an Angel from Heaven teach otherwise, yet is my Doctrine such as sets forth Gods only Glory &c. Peter the chief of the Apostles, did live and teach (extra verbum Dei) besides the Word of God. And in the same place fol. 290. a. fine, he further saith, Sive S. Cyprianus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, sive S. Petrus, Paulus, immo Angelus è Caelo ali∣ter doceat, tamen hoc certè scio, quod hu∣mana non suadeo, sed Divina. For this cause sundry Calvinists have not forborn to taxe Luther with excessive Pride. Con∣radus Regius (in lib. Germanico contra

Hessium de Caena Domini b. 2.) saith, God hath for the sin of Pride (wherewith Lu∣ther extolled himself, as many of his wri∣tings shew) taken from him his true Spi∣rit &c. and in place thereof hath given an angrie, proud, and lying Spirit. And the Tigurine Divines in Confessione Germanica, Printed Tiguri 1544. in octavo; say, Luther boasteth himself to be the Apostle and Pro∣phet of the Germans, who hath learned of none, of whom all others have learned; no man hath known any thing, but what he learned of Luther; no man hath done any thing, Luther hath done all &c. And (a∣pud Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 11. sub∣divis. 2. at*) Zuinglius, in responsione ad confessionem Lutheri, chargeth Luther with magna Arrogantia, & cum arrogan∣ti verborum fastu, minis quoque plusquam turgidis. And Oecolampadius in responsi∣one ad confessionem Lutheri, saith, that Luther was arrogantiae & superbiae affect•••• inflatus. Also the Tigurine Divines in their answer to Luther's Book against Zuinglius, say, Prophetae & Apostoli Dei Gloriae, non privato honori, non suae pertinaciae & superbiae studebant; Lutherus autem sua quaerit, pertinax est, insolentia nimia effertur &c. And Symon Lythus responsione altera ad alteram Jacobi Gret∣zeri Apologiam, pag. 333. paulo ante med. saith, Lutherus plusquam debeat tribuit gloriolae partae, cujus particulam communi∣cari

cum aliis indignissime ferebat. And Thomas Naogeorgus (a learned Calvinist) alledged by Schlusselburg in Theolog. Cal∣vinistarum l. 2. fol. 131. a. post med. saith of Luther, Plurima scripsit per iram car∣nalem, & per aemulationem, ne succumbe∣re cerneretur ulli, Doctorum veterum orbi∣tam reliquit, indulgens stomacho suo ac ho∣nori. And Calvin alleged ibidem fol. 126, a. post med. Hanc intemperiem quâ ubique ebullit, utinam magis fraenare stu∣duisset &c. Utinam recognoscendis vitiis plus operae dedisset &c. And Conradus Ges∣nerus in Universali Bibliotheca, saith, Il∣lud non est dissimulandum, Lutherum vi∣rum esse vehementis ingenii, impatientem, & qui nisi per omnia sibi consentientes fer∣re nesciat &c. Dominus faxit, nequid con∣tentione & impudentia oris obsit Eccle∣siae, cujus olim crepundiatam feliciter pro∣movit. Pride, even the confessed intole∣rable pride was the only true cause of his persisting in his revolt, and Apostacy (a point to be carefully considered by all Protestants, who have any care to save their Souls!) For (saith Fox, Acts and Monum. pag. 404. a. fine) It is apparent that Luther promised Cardinal Cajetan to keep silence (with this annexed condi∣tion of pride) provided also his Adver∣saries would do the like. And Osiander in epitom. &c. centur. 16. pag. 61. fine, & 62 initio, saith accordingly: Quod Luthe∣rus in Pontificem quaedam durius scripse∣rit,

id condonari sibi petit, promittens post∣hac majorem modestiam, indulgentiarum∣que posthac nullam se facturum mentio∣nem, modo adversariis etiam suis silenti∣um imponatur. And Mr. Cowper, late Bishop of Winchester reporteth further (in his Chronicle fol. 278 a. paulo post initium) that Luther by his letter, sub∣mitted himself to the Pope, (with this other like condition) so that he might not be compelled to recant.

7 As concerning Luther's [z] 1.46 impug∣ning of the Masse, upon his confessed in∣struction from the Devill, by sensible con∣ference had with him, we referre the same to his own Testimony hereof, hereafter alleged. [a] 1.47 He did continue his accusto∣med saying of Masse, until that among the [b] 1.48 severall Apparitions hapened unto him (not of [c] 1.49 Angels, for therein he disclaimeth, but of wicked Spirits, wher∣with he was infested or haunted, whereof one was so terrible that [d] 1.50 he was almost

cast into a sound (in prevention whereof, Oil was distilled into his Ear, and his Feet rubbed with hot Clothes) It chan∣ced that upon a certain time (as himself reporteth the matter) he suddainly awa∣ked about midnight: then (saith he) Satan began this Disputation with me; saying, Harken right learned Doctor Luther, thou hast celebrated Masse by the space of five∣teen years &c. And so the Devill with Arguments, which himself there at large setteth down, disswaded him from fur∣ther saying of Masse; whereat the Pro∣testants are greatly ashamed, and strive in vain to answer to this our objecting of Luther's foresaid Disputation, had, as be∣fore, with the Devill. For first [e] 1.51 Mr. Clarke (in his answer to the Censure given upon the Books of W. Clarke and Meredith Hanmer, in the special tract there, had of this matter) and Mr. Fulke (in his Treatise against the defence of the Censure pag. 234 initio) answer, that by Luther's foresaid discourse of his Disputation had with the Devill, is meant only a spiritual fight in mind, and no bodi∣ly conference. What? no bodily confe∣rence? With what Face can they affirm this? Do not the many other precedent and confessed like fearfull nightly Appa∣ritions argue this also to be of the like kind? Doth not Ltuher himself, in his foresaid Treatise of this matter, report

how the Divell [f] 1.52 then spake to him in a base and great voice, so fearfully, as made Luther to sweat, and his heart to tremble? Doth he not also report (as before) that the Devill spake to him, calling him (ac∣cording to the humour of his Pride) Right learned Doctor Luther? Doth he not there also yet further affirm, how Oe∣colampadius, Empser, and others, were slain with such horrible encounters, say∣ing, [g] 1.53 Ego planè persuasus sum Empse∣rum & Oecolampadium, & similes, his ictibus horribilibus & quassationibus subito extinctos esse? This answer being there∣fore without all probability, and though supposed for true, yet wholly imperti∣nent; For in either case, the perswasions and arguments whereto Luther here yiel∣deth, came confessedly from the Devill, and what differrence is there, whether the Devill made them to Luther by sen∣sible conference, or by inward suggesti∣on? A [h] 1.54 second answer of Mr. Sut∣cliffe is, that Luther in his foresaid dis∣course of this matter, only declared his Dream; for he in his Book de Vera Catholica Christi Ecclesia pa: 258. post med: saith, Per somnium tantùm Diabolum se colloqui visum dicit Lutherus, ut est in libro. what, but a dream Mr. Sutcliff? Is there in Luthers whole discourse here∣of so much as but mention of any dream? Are not also Luthers foresaid words di∣rectly

to the contrary, that he was first suddainly awaked, and that then after, Sathan began the disputation with him? Again, doth not his foresaid affirming of Empser and Oecolampadius to have been slain with such horrible encounters, argue more than a dream? Are men I pray you slain by dreaming? or rather was not your self deeply dreaming when you made an answer so plainly untrue? But in what book of Luther (Mr. Sut∣cliff) is this found? you should have done well to have alleged it. For Luthers words are, that he was then first suddain∣ly awaked. And, ibidem pag. 299. pau∣lo ante med: Mr. Sutcliff further saith hereof, Lutherus autem nihil aliud pec∣cavit, quam quod ut homo Germanus, & non ita pridem Monachus, qui eas de Dia∣bolorum apparitionibus Monasticas fabu∣las è mente adhuè non ejecerat, somnium narrat crasso filo & Monachis familiari: quare si nullum aliud habeant hujusmodi calumniae fundamentum praeter somnium, quod etiam ipsi malè detorquent, nihil est &c. But although we should suppose it for true, yet this Answer is no lesse plain∣ly impertinent: for what difference is it whether the Devill seduced Luther sleep∣ing or waking? In either case it con∣fessedly proceeded from the Devill. These foresaid answers of Mr. Fulk, Mr. Clark, and Mr. Sutcliff, being so evident∣ly

untrue, [i] 1.55 Mr. D. Morton (in Apolog: Catholica part: 1. l. 2. c. 21. pag: 351. an∣te med.) betaketh himself to a new eva∣sion. And what is that? He taketh no exceptions to Sathans sensible confe∣rence had with Luther, nor to his per∣swading him against the Masse, but in steed of answer, objecteth [k] 1.56 Delrius (a Jesuite) affirming, that the Devill ap∣peared to an Abbot in form of an Angel, and perswaded him to say Mass: Suppos∣ing this for the truth, and the whole truth of Delrius his report, how unapt yet is the example thereof? For here is no long and laboured disputation to prove the Masse good, nor did the party here assent to the Devill, nor did the Masse thereupon first begin to become publick, as in the other example we charge the Devill with long framed disputation and arguments against the Masse, and Lu∣ther as overcome therewith, to have a∣bandoned the Masse, then before gene∣rally received. And that in this manner now in this last age began the new ap∣pearing doctrin of Luther, and so many of his followers in impugning of Masse. Neither is this all, for Mr. Morton hath in his report hereof (besides his mis∣naming the Abbot for the Monk) com∣mitted as yet further negligence, if not fraud, in omitting both, which is there next precedent and following in his Au∣thor,

as namely that [l] 1.57 the Devill useth to perswade against the Canons, &c. and that accordingly that the party whom the Devill here so perswaded to say Masse, was not yet Priest: a perswasion I con∣fess fitting for the Devill, and but an∣swerable to Luthers doctrine, who teach∣eth (as is before said) that Laymen, and even Women, are Priests, and may con∣secrat the Sacrament, and preach. [m] 1.58 The last of whom I sind any mention to offer help in relief of Luther from this so known scandall, is Baldwinus. And what saith he? First directly against Mr. Clark, Mr. Fulk, and Mr. Sutcliff, he acknowledgeth the conference between the Devill and Luther to have been not spirituall only, nor yet a dream, but that it was a reall truth, written by Luther not hyperbolically but seriously and according to the truth of the historie, for in his book de disputatione Lutheri cum Diabo∣lo, Printed Islebii 1605. c 4. fine, & pag. 83. fine, he saith thereof: Quapropter non est cur Monachus miretur, me fateri dis∣putationem illam esse veram, & neque joco neque hyperbolicè, sed serio & historicè, scriptam. And again there pag. 75. post med. he saith, Historiam illam tam pro∣lixè, tam consideratè Lutherus conscrip∣serit: quod enim eam scripserit & quidem serio & historicè, etiamnum & constanter fateor. Et vide ibidem pag: 76 fine. How

then would he evade? The substance of his long answer is, that Luther had before, and then, quite abandonned the Masse: that therefore the Devill in∣tended no disputation against Luther, but only by way of strong temptation, to put Luther in mind of his old errours, so thereby to drive him to despair, urging to such purpose, such only known truths and reasons against the Masse, as Luther then, and before knew to be most true, and wherein Luther was allerady satisfy∣ed: in regard whereof (saith he, ibidem pag: 127. fine) Semper in praeterito loquitur Sathan &c. talis sacrificulus fuisti: the Devill speaketh alwayes to Luther as in the time past, thou saidst Masse, thou hast done this, & that, &c. But how extremely false and impertinent is all this? First, for the matter of despair it is a false [n] 1.59 supposall; for there is not in all the pas∣sage of that disputation so much as the least mention or signification of any perswasion to despair, whereas to the contrary in the same disputation there, fol. 228. b. paulo ante med. the Devill re∣proveth Luther and the Papists, for think∣ing Christ unmercifull, saying: Nos Spi∣ritus rejecti non fidimus illius misericor∣diae, neque habemus eum pro Mediatore aut Salvatore, sed exhorrescimus ut saevum Iudicem: ejusmodi fidem, non aliam, & tu habebas, &c. & omnes alii &c. Ideo à

Christo tanquam crudeli Iudice confugie∣batis ad S. Mariam & Sanctos, & illi e∣rant Mediatores inter vos & Christum, sic erepta est gloria Christo &c. Thus doth Sathan quite against the pretence of despair, amplify the mercies of Christ, urging the same as a speciall argument against Prayer to Saints. And whereas Luther (which some urge) doth there afterwards, fol. 230. b. post medium, an∣swer to the Catholicks, who (as he fore∣saw would object to him that the Devill was a lyer) labours to prevent the same, alleging there to that end the example of Judas, whom the Devill tempted with urging to him, that he had betrayed the innocent blood, and so brought him to des∣pair; with like alleging also the exam∣ple of Cain: yet is this no part of the Conference between the Devill and Lu∣ther, which is there before fully ended, but are only the words of Luther him∣self, used by him uppon the occasion a∣foresaid many years after, at his writing of the said Conference. But though we should admit this supposall for true, yet it is also [o] 1.60 impertinent; for though he had withall perswaded Luther to des∣pair, as having sinned in his saying of Masse, yet this proveth not (which is the only point now questionable) that he did not also then dispute with Luther to perswade him agaiust the Masse: For

this is evident throughout the whole pas∣sage of that his long disputation, against which the other pretence of despair (though admitted to be mentioned in the same disputation, as it is not) maketh for that nothing. Secondly [o] 1.61 as con∣ceruing the Devills supposed speaking to Luther alwayes in praeterito, as of the time past, it is egregiously false: for as in regard of his then former saying of Masse, the Devill somtimes speaketh to him as in the [q] 1.62 time past; So like∣wise in regard of Luthers present custome then continued in saying Masse, he also speaketh very often as in the time present, as appeareth in Luther tom: 7. Wittemberg. An: 1558. fol. 229. a paulo post med. where the Devill saith, Tu solus in angulo tuo tacens & mutus comedis solus, et bibis solus. Et ibidem fol. 229. a. post med, the Devill speaking to Luther, as of his saying Masse in the time to come, saith, Ponam simi∣litudinem: Si quis Baptismo uteretur ubi non est persona Baptizanda, &c. cujusmo∣di esset hic Baptismus? &c. deest enim per∣sona quae Baptismum accipiat: Quid si idem tibi accideret in tua Missa? &c. Nam persona accipiens Ecclesia non esse ibi, &c. Hic for san dices, etiam sialiis in Ecclesia non porrigam Sacramentum, tamen ipse sumo, ipse mihi porrigo, &c. And ibidem fol: 229: b. Prope finem, the Devill further saith to Luther (as being then one with the Pa∣pists

in this point,) En audaciam vestram! in tenebris geritis haec, & abutimini no∣mine Ecclesiae, ac deinde onmes abomina∣tiones vultis defensas n••mine Ecclesiae. And again, ibidem fol: 230. a. prope ini∣tium: Quare ergo in Missa privata blas∣phemè eontravenis claris verbis & Ordi∣nationi Christi, & postea tuo mendacio, tuae impietati praetexis nomen & intenti∣onem Ecclesiae, & misero hoc fuco tuum ornas commentnm? And ibidem fol: 229. b. ante med. going about to prove that Luther may not deliver the Sacra∣ment to himself alone, he allegeth the example of the other Sacraments, which a man cannot use for himself, saying: Non est absolutio, si quis absolveret seipsum; non est inunctio, si quis inungeret seipsum; non est conjugium, si quis nuberet sibi ipsi &c. Haec enim sunt vestra septem Sacra∣menta, (so plainly yet was Luther in these points then Catholick) si nunc nul∣lum ex Sacramentis vestris aliquis ipse pro se facere potest, aut tractare, qùi fit ut tibi soli hoc Summum Sacramentum facere velis? And Brereley in his Omissions of pag. 737. saith, And ibid: fol. 229. a. circa med. The Devill yet further saith to Luther, Stas ibi solus, & putas (so evi∣dently is Luthers then present opinion then signifyed) Christum propter te in∣stituisse Sacramentum, & protinus in tua privata Missa te conficere Corpus & San∣guinem

Domini. Thirdly [r] 1.63 as to the supposall of Luthers then having aban∣doned the Masse, it is likewise but sup∣posed and false, as appeareth by the De∣vills foresaid often speaking to him in the present [s] 1.64 tense, to whom Luther answers ibidem fol. 228 b. initio, as not disclaiming from the Masse, or that he had then or before given it over, but as yet standing in the defence thereof, ju∣stifieth to the Devill his saying of Masse, to that end alleging (saith he) that I was an anointed Priest, Cui respondi, sum un∣ctus Sacerdos, accepi unctionem & conse∣crationem ab Episcopo, & haec omnia feci ex mandato & obedientia Majorum: and (in regard of such his then Catholick opinion in that point) using yet further (saith he ibidem fol. 229. b. post medium) those weapons whereto I was accoustom∣ed in the Papacie, objecting the intention and faith of the Church, and that I ce∣lebrated Masse in the intention and faith of the Church, &c. And that the Chuch did righty believe, and think. In his an∣gustiis & agone contra Diabolum, volebam retundere hostem armis, quibus assuetus eram sub Papatu, objiciebamque intentionem & fidem Ecclesiae scilicet quod Missas pri∣vatas in fide & intentione Ecclesiae cele∣brassem: & si ego inquam non rectè credidi aut sensi; tamen in hoc rectè credidit & sensit Ecclesia. But (saith he) Sathan

replyed more vehemently; verum Sathan è contrae fortius & vehementius instans, &c. Hereby, and other the premises, it appea∣reth, that Luther yet hitherto defended the Mass: in respect of which (his then opinion) the Devil [t] 1.65 beginneth his sug∣gestion of doubt saying, What if such Masses were horrible Idolatry? Which had been improper, if so Luther had then before thought the Mass to be I∣dolary. [u] 1.66 Fourthly as concerning the main point, which is, that the Devil in∣tended hereby no disputation against Lu∣ther, but only a temptation upon evi∣dent truths, by Luther then and before known and confessed, it is of all other most false, as appeareth by Luther him∣self, who expresly tearms it a disputation. Also by the [x] 1.67 Protestant like Argu∣ments (as namely among other, the Priests not preaching, but receiving alone, against the institution of Christ; his not communicating to the people in both kinds; that of a Sacrament he made it a Sacri∣fice, and made gain thereof, sicut tu facis in Missa tua, as thou (saith the Devil to Luther) dost in thy Mass) at large there by the Devil begun and prosecuted, pur∣posely to give colour against the Mass, and most evidently by example of the sundry other points, whereto the De∣vil in like sort then endeavoured to per∣swade Luther, but could not prevail:

For first it appeareth by Luther tom. 7. Wittemberg fol. 229. a. that the Devil perswaded Luther, that he could not consecrate, because he was a wicked man, which errour (peculiar to Wickliff and some others) Luther ever abhorred, as appeareth by the Protestant Treatise intituled, Orthodoxus consensus, &c. Printed in fol. 1578. in proleg. pag. 14 b. and in Brerely tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. sub∣divis. 7. at p. q. r. where Luther holdeth that even Lay-persons, and the Devil himself, might Minister Sacraments, ob∣serving the words of institution. Also Sathan perswaded Luther against the indifferencie of Communion under one or both kinds, whereof see here in the Margent at [y] 1.68 which indifferencie (not∣withstanding the Devils Arguments to the contrary) Luther afterwards held, as appeareth in Brerely tract. 2. cap. 2.

sect. 14. in the margent at [z] 1.69 next after f. at Fourthly. Whereto divers other like examples might be added [a] 1.70. Thus then the several and disagreeing answers of Protestant Writers to our objection of the Devils disputation had with Luther against the Mass, being discovered for vain and idle, I will now conclude this point with the further evident testimony of Hospinianus a learned Calvinist, who though he acknowledge Luther [b] 1.71 for a man adorned with excellent gifts, with the light of Heavenly knowledge, zeal of Gods glory, and as raised up to restore the Gospels light, &c. Yet, as inforced, he confesseth most plainly the thing in que∣stion in Hist. Sacrament. part. alter. fol. 131. a. where he reciteth out of Luthers works, a part of the disputation (written by Luther) between the Devil and him, and then in the end of that side of the leaf addeth, saying, De hac disputatione narrat Lutherus plura, quorum summa est, se à Diabol•• edoctum esse, quod Missa pri∣vata imprimis sit res mala, & rationibus Diaboli convictum abolevisse eam, Luther being instructed by the Devil that the Mass was wicked, and being overcome with Sathans Arguments, did (there∣upon) abandon the Mass. Insomuch as Hospinian doth yet further in his first Index or Alphabetical Table set before his Book, under the Letter C. and at the

word Colloqium, among the many o∣ther Colloquies had among Protestants by him there set down, place, among o∣ther, this Colloquie between the Devil and Luther in these words: Colloquium Lutheri cum Diabolo in quo instituitur de erroribus Missae, 131. As also Joannes Re∣gius (another prime Protestant) in his Book intituled, Liber Apologeticus, &c. under the title Consideratio censurae pag. 123. circa med. forbeareth not to defend and justifie Luthers foresaid confessed in∣struction from the Devil, saying, Quid hoc ad Mysterium seu doctrinam verbi Divini per Lutherum restauratum ever∣tendum, aut ad Missae etiam veritatem sta∣bilendam? Et unde constat (Pu. constat by the testimony of Luther himself, tom. 7. Wittember. An. 1558. in lib. de Mis∣sa privata & unctione Sacerdotum fol. 228. a. fine, & tom. 9. Germ. Jenen. fol. 28. in lib. de Missa angulari) tibi malum ipsum fuisse Spiritum, qui (Luthero) hoc dixerit? Et posito licet malus Spiri∣tus fuisset, non sequitur tamen mox eum mentitum fuisse, quia & vera interdum Diaboli loquuntur, quando dicunt id, cu∣jus Scriptura testis est. So confessedly is that true, which we object against Lu∣ther.

8. As concerning [c] 1.72 obedience to the Spiritual Pastors, in behalf of the people he saith, The Governours of Chur∣ches,

and Pastors of Christs Sheep, have power indeed to teach, but the Sheep ought to give judgement, &c. Whereof let the Pope, Bishops, and Councels de∣cree what they please, we will not hin∣der it, but we who are Christs Sheep and hear his voice, are to judge whether those things be true which they pro∣pound or no, and they ought to give place and subscribe to our censure and judgement, &c. Qui volunt perhiberi re∣ctores Ecclesiarum & pastores ovium Chri∣sti, habent quidem potestatem docendi, sed oves debent ferre judicium, utrum illi vo∣cem Christi vel alienorum proponant; or∣dinent Papa, Episcopi, Concilia, &c. quic∣quid velint, non impediemus, sed penes nos qui oves Christi sumus, & vocem ejus audimus, erit judicium, utrum vera & consentanea voci pastoris nostri, proponant vel non, ac ipsi nobis cedere, nostrae censu∣rae ac sententiae subscribere & obtempera∣re debent. Luther tom. 2. Wittemb. fol. 375. a. initio; and next before there, fol. 374. b. fine, he saith: Christus ademit E∣piscopis, Doctoribus & Conciliis, tum jus, tum potestatem judicandi de doctrina, ac tradit illa omnibus Christianis in genere. Is this the saying of a Sheep, or of a Wolf? Pu. Conformable to this Do∣ctrine is that, which Bellarmine in prae∣fat. de Conciliis & Ecclesia militante, saith of Luther. Igitur Martinus Lutherus, cum

fama accepisset, indictum esse Concilium, continuè arrepto ••alamo, librum confecit, atque inscripsit, De Conciliis: credes, ut ageret Deo gratias, & Ecclesiae gratulare∣tur, atque omnes ad Concilium invitaret. Nihil minus; summa enim libri est, nihil es∣se opus Conciliis, cum etiam vetera illa sanctissima & celeberrima erraverint, & quilibet Parochi & Ludi-Magistri non mi∣nus possint in Ecclesia, quàm quaevis maxi∣ma & numerosissima Concilia. Orditur à Concilio illo sine controversia antiquissimo & sanctissimo, quod Apostoli Hierosolymis celebraverunt: & quanquam in ••o Conci∣lio Apostoli decreverunt abstinendum esse à sanguine & suffocato, ad has angustias nos redigit, ut vel ab his cibis nos abstinea∣mus, vel apertè fateamur liberum esse Con∣cilio summo ac primo non obedire. Deinde, graviter exponit quanta calamitas esset, non vesci deinceps capreis, leporibus, cer∣vis, cuniculis, anseribus, turdis, caeteris∣que aviculis, & quod miserius est abstinere lucanicis, aliisque farciminibus, & juscu∣lis etiam quibusdam, quae non solum pipere condiuntur, sed etiam sanguine (ut ipse lo∣quitur, qui ista benè norat) vel liquido tinguntur, vel crasso, & coagulato infar∣ciuntur. Quia vero tam gravis jactura nullo modo subeunda Luthero esse videba∣tur, inde effecit, non esse Apostolico decre∣to obtemperandum. Ex quo rursum ita

conclusis; Ergo liberum est nobis omnia concilia relinquere, & sic liberi sumus ab omnibus Concilliis. Praeclare omnino, qua∣si vero quia non tenemur ea Concilii lege, quae solum ad tempus data fuerat, jam nul∣lis aliis Conciliorum legibus teneamur.

9 As concerning the [d] 1.73 souls im∣mortality, Luther was in the end so ob∣stinately bent against Purgatory and Prayer to Saints, that to prevent them he affirmed [e] 1.74 the Soul to sleep, to this end saying, the dead sleep &c. they alto∣gether sleep and feel nothing, they lie there dead, neither numbring Daies, nor Years &c. with much more to this purpose.

10 As concerning even the most [f] 1.75 blessed and holy Trinity, Luther taught thus far to the contrary, as that the Divinity is three-fold, even as the three Persons be &c. And the same so grosly, as he is therein specially confuted by Zuinglius, tom. 2. in resp. ad confes. Lutheri fol. 474. b. fine. saying, Nec enim hunc Lutheri Sermonem immodestius vel fe∣rocius exagitabo, quo, sic inquit, Hic de sola & unica Divinitate dicitur, quod illa triplex vel trium sit generum, quemadmodum & tres personae &c. In quibus verbis gravis∣simi errores latitant &c. mihi certè cum librum istum, Lutheri, lego, porcum quen∣dam impurum in horto floribus consito fra∣grantis simis, hinc inde grunnire videre videor, tam impurè, tam parum theologicè,

tam impropriè de Deo & sacris omnibus disputat Lutherus &c. And upon this ground perhaps it was, that where the Scripture saith 1 Joh. 5.7. There be three wich give witness in Heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three be one, This being a most evident place in proof of the Trinity, is neverthe∣less quite omitted by Luther in his Dutch [g] 1.76 Bibles. As also he likewise put forth of the [h] 1.77 Letanies this verse, Holy Tri∣nity one very God have mercy upon us, af∣firming that the word [i] 1.78 Trinity is but a humane invention, and soundeth coldly, and concludeth that his Soul hateth the word Homousion.

11 As concerning the [k] 1.79 Author of our Sinns, Luther teacheth thus dange∣rously, saying, in assertionibus damnatis per Leonem Art. 36. [l] 1.80 Quomodo potest sese ad bonum praeparare, cum nec in pote∣state sit suas vias malas facere. Nam & mala opera in impiis Deus operatur, ut prov. 16. dicitur, omnia propter semetip∣sum operatus est Dominus, etiam impium, ad diem malum. How can Man prepare himself to good, seeing it is not (so much as) in his power to make his wayes evill, for God worketh the wicked work in the wicked &c. Thus stand Luthers words in the antient Editions of his workes at Wit∣temburg and also at Basill 1521. and so recited by Roffensis in his Confutatio as∣sertionis

Lutheranae &c. printed at An∣twerp 1523. Art. 36. fol. 204. a. fine Whereas in the latter corrupted editions of Wittemberg tom. 2. Anno 1592. fol. 112. a. fine, his Scholars have instead of the word operatur, thrust in regit. And a∣gain (ubi supra art. 36.) he saith, Nulli est in manu sua quippiam cogitare mali aut boni, sed omnia (ut Wyccleffi articulus Constantiae damnatus rectè docet) de neces∣sitate absoluta eveniunt, quod & Poëta voluit, quando dixit, Certa stant omnia lege. It is in no mans power to think Good or Evill, but all things (as Wiccliffs article condemned at Constance doth rightly teach) proceed from absolute necessity &c. This saying thus extant in the Editions, and in Roffensis before alleged, are corrupted & altered in the foresaid last Edition of Wit∣temberg tom. 2, fol. 112. b. fine. Yet more (de servo arbitrio cap. 32) Luther saith, Christiani non libero arbitrio, sed spiritu Dei aguntur. Rom. 8. Agi verè non est agere, sed rapi, quemadmodum serra aut securis à fabro agitur: Et hic ne quis dubitet Lu∣therum tam absurda dicere, verba ejus re∣citat Diatribe, quae sane agnosco. Fateor enim articulum illum Wyccleffi (omnia necessitate fieri) esse falso damnatum in Constantiensi Conciliabulo &c. These words of Luther being extant in the Edi∣tions of Luther's life time, and so appa∣rently his known words, that they are ac∣cordingly verbatim extant in this very

Treatise of Luther de servo arbitrio, set forth by that prime Calvinist Jacobus Kimedoncius, and printed 1603 Neustadii in Palatinatu fol. 195. circa med. are yet neverthe less altered and corrupted in Lu∣thers Editions of Wittemberg tom. 2. prin∣ted 1562. fol. 455. a. post med. And see Luther's like Doctrine in the foresaid Book de servo arbitrio set forth by Kime∣doncius pag. 3••. Much more might be alleged from Luther and his Scholars in this behalf. Brereley in the Omissions of pag. 428. adds. Also Brentius, whom Mr. Jewell in his defence &c. pag. 473. termeth a grave and learned Father, in his Commentarie upon Amos, printed Hagonae 1530. with Luther's Preface thereto, in cap. 3. saith of Gods secret Will, Omnia à Deo potenti manu & effi∣caci fiunt, sive mala culpae, sive mala poe∣nae. Deus enim est qui obduravit Pharao∣nem &c.

And Luther himself de servo arbitrio saith, Deus indignos coronat, immeritos damnat, quomodo hoc justum sit incompre∣hensibile est modò, videbimus autem cum illic venerimus. See these words of Lu∣ther alleged by the Calvinist writer Matthias Martinius, in his doctrinae Christianae summa capita, &c. Printed 1603 pag. 288. post med. From whom and from their Principles of advancing onely Faith, extenuating good works, and other like doctrines, have sprung, as

from a Hydra, the late sect of the Liber∣tines, who uppon the very foresaid [m] 1.81 grounds and colours (denying never∣thelesse verbally as Protestants doe, God to be the Author of sin, and verbally also requiring integrity of life and man∣ners) have set abroad to the world by their published writings (stored with testimonies of Scriptures) all Epicurism and impure liberty of life. Which point we shall repeat, and say somewhat more of it hereafter in the life of Calvin.

12. [n] 1.82 Zuinglius tom. 2. in resp: ad conf: Lutheri, reproveth in Luther his willfull frowardness, or obstinacie, a∣gainst that which himself conceived for true, or even though it be proved to be against holy Scripture, saying, Lutherus obstinato & devoto animo conceptam semel opinionem persequi & obtinere conatur; nec multum curare solet, quodcunque de re quavis pronunciet, etiamsi vel sibi ipsi, vel divini verbi oraculo contradicere de∣prehendatur. These words of Zuinglius are also in Schlusselburg in Theologia Cal∣vinistarum l. 2. fol. 122. a. fine. Thus Luther of Communion under both kinds saith (de formula Missae) If the Councell should in any case decree this, least of all then would wee use both kinds, yea rather in despite of the Councell and that Decree, we would use either but one kind onely, or neither, and in no case both. See Luther

tom. 3. Germ. fol. 274. And see this say∣ing of Luther alleged and rejected by Hospinian in hist: Sacramentar: part: altera, fol. 13. a. post med. And whereas Mr. Jewell answereth hereunto in his reply against Mr. Harding, pag. 107. post med: that Luther only meant that Gods truth should not hang upon the authority of man, to forbear that this is Mr. Jewels device or shift, and no words in all that passage of Luther to explain his meaning for onely such; can yet this meaning, though admitted, inable Luther to teach that in despite of the Councell wee should use either but one kind or neither, which last were directly against Christs institu∣tion? For which cause Hospinian as be∣fore, rejecteth this saying of Luther. Of like nature is it where he teacheth (tom. 2. Germ. fol. 214.) that if the Councell should grant the Church-men liberty to marry, he would think that man more in Gods grace, who during his life kept three whores, then he who married ac∣cording to the Councels decree, and that he would command under pain of dam∣nation, that no man should marry by the permission of such a Councell, but should either live chast, or if it were impossible, then not to despair, though he kept a whore. In like manner he saith in parva confessione touching Elevation of the Sa∣crament, I did know the elevation of the

Sarament to be Idolatricall (as making for Sacrifice) yet nevertheless I did retain it in the Church at Wittemberg, to the end I might despite the devill Carolosta∣dius: Elevationem Sacramenti sciebam esse idolatricam, sed tamen eam retinebam in Templo Wittemburgensi, ut aegrè face∣rem Diabolo Carolostadio. And see Lu∣ther tom. 3. Germ. fol. 55. and in Col∣loquiis Mensalibus Germ. fol. 210. A Saying and Practice so gross, that A∣mandus Polanus, Professor at Basill, specially mentioneth and reprooveth the same (in Syllogethes. Theolog. pag. 464. ante medium) saying further, ibidem, I will not recite more of Luther's absurd Sayings, which are many: Sed nolo plu∣ra absurde dicta Lutheri recensere, quae multa sunt, quae tegenda potius quam exagitanda &c. And Hospini∣an in Hist. Sacramentar. part. altera. fol. 14. a. initio, reciteth this Saying of Luther, tearming it, minimè profe∣cto conveniens oratio Christiano Theo∣logo, & magna infirmitas in Luthero: A speach unworthy of a Christian Divine, and shewing a great weakness in Luther. Pu. To this may be added, that Luther in his Book of abrogat∣ing the private Masse, exhorts the Augustine Fryars of Wittemberg who first abrogated the Masse, that even

against their conscience accusing them, they should persist in what they had begun, acknowledging that in some things he had [o] 1.83 done the like. And Joannes Mathesius a Lutheran Prea∣cher saith, Antonius [p] 1.84 Musa the Parish Priest of Rocklitz, recounted to me, that on a time he heartily moaned himself to the Doctor he means Luther that he him∣self could not believe what he preached to others: and that D. Luther answered; Praise and thanks be to God, that this hap∣pens also unto others, for I had thought it had happened only to me [q] 1.85.

(Pu.) Pause here a little Protestant Reader, and if the salvation of thy Soul be dear to thee in any least measure, con∣sider uprightly with fear and trembling, whether indeed it could be any scruple of conscience, which could move Luther to forsake the whole Church of Christ dispersed over the whole world, when he appeared, seeing he had a conscience large enough to swallow a sin confessed by him [r] 1.86 to forsake us Catholicks even upon pretence of Idolatry. If he could against his conscience leave Carolostadius, one of his own Brethren, expresly and formerly, upon the motive of vexing and despising him, who can wonder if he forsook the Church and Pope of Rome upon passion, rage, and hatred, and not because he found any thing taught by

them, which his conscience could not have disgested, if his passions had not been stronger than his reason & conscience? So that his revolt was not upon judgement, but envy and passion that John Tecel a Dominican Fryar, and not he or some of his Order was appointed to promul∣gate some Indulgences granted at that time, in so much that we have seen a∣bove, how he would have submitted to the Pope, if confessed pride had not hindered him [s] 1.87. Yea the Arguments in favour of us Catholicks against his new course were so many, and of all kinds, and so evident and convincing, that not∣withstanding his strong passions, hard heart, and large conscience, (of which we have spoken even now) they forced him to great trembling, perplexity, and remorse of conscience, and to say as him∣self confesseth (tom. 2. Germ. Gen. fol. 9. b. And tom. 2. Wittemberg: of Anno 1652. lib. de abroganda Missa privata fol. 244. b. ante med.) How often did my trem∣bling heart beat within me, and reprehen∣ding me, object against me that most strong Argument, Art thou only wise? Do so many worlds erre? Were so many ages ig∣norant? What if thou errest and drawest so many into error to be damned with thee eternally? See his like sayings tom. 5 Wit∣temberg, in Galatas cap. 1. fol. 290 a. ver∣sus sinem. And he further saith in an other

place tom. 5. Annotat. breviss. Dost thou O sole man, and of no accompt, take upon thee so great matters? What if thou being but one, offendest? If God permit such, so many, and all to erre, why may he not per∣mit thee to erre? Hitherto appertain those Arguments, the Church, the Church, the Fathers, the Fathers, the Councils, the Customs, the multitudes and greatness of wise men: whom do not these hills of Arguments, these Clouds, yea these Seas of examples overwhelm? And now what trust can Protestants give to their own learned Writers, as well English, as of other Nations, who with shameful flat∣tery, and inexcusable partialitie call Lu∣ther, [t] 1.88 this very man (who was of so large, and yet so desperate and despai∣ring a conscience) Holy Saint Luther (as Gabriel Powel saith of him in his consi∣deration of the Papists supplication pag. 70. prope initium) [u] 1.89 a man sent of God to lighten the world: [x] 1.90 the Helias, Con∣ductor and Chariot of Israel: to be reve∣renced next after Christ, and Paul: [y] 1.91 greater then whom lived not since the A∣postles time; [z] 1.92 the Angel and last trum∣pet of God. But woe be to them that call evill good, and good evill, exalting Schis∣matical and Heretical sinners, and de∣spising true and Orthodox believers and Saints! Worthily therefore doth Bre∣reley

end his 15. subdivision in the place cited with this exclamation. O sin and most hateful sin of former Catholick times, which (in Gods just Judgement) made the world (for the time) subject to such efficacie of error (2 Thessal. 2.) and gross illusion.

14. We have seen above Luthers shameless words and works concerning Chastity. Let us now say something of his Charity. And (not to repeat that he would rather offend God most grie∣vously even by Idolatry, than not to vex and despite Carolostadius, as [b] 1.93 concer∣ning the implacable contentions between him and the Zuinglians or Calvinists, to whom our English Divines adhere, and how they disclaimed each one an o∣ther, Luther expresseth, saying: (contra Articulos Lovanienses thes. 27. tom. 2. Wittemberg. fol. 503.) We censure in earnest the Zuinglians and all the Sacra∣mentaries for Hereticks, and alienated from the Church of God. And in Epistola ad Jacobum Presbyterum he saith, Bea∣tus vir, qui non abiit in Concilio Sacra∣mentariorum, nec stetit in via Zuinglia∣norum, nec sedit in Cathedra Tigurino∣rum. Habes quid sentiam. Blessed is the man, who hath not gone in the Councel of Sacramentaries, nor stood in the way of Zuinglians, nor sate in the Chair of the Tigurines. And (tom. 7. Wittemberg. fol. 381. b. & 382. b.) I do protest before

God and the world, that I do not agree with them, nor ever will while the world stan∣deth, but will have my hands clear from the bloud of those Sheep, which these He∣reticks do drive from Christ, deceive, and kill. And again in the same place, Cur∣sed be the Charity and Concord of Sacra∣mentaries for ever and ever to all Eter∣nity. And a little before his death he protesteth saying: [c] 1.94 I have now one of my feet in the Grave, I will carry this te∣stimony and glory to the tribunal of God, that I will with all my heart condemn and eschew Carolostadius, Zuinglius, Oeco∣lampadius, and their Scholars, nor will have with any of them familiarity, nei∣ther by letters or writings, neither by words nor deeds, accordingly as the Lord hath commanded: with infinite much more to the same effect. To make this more evident as yet, by the like answera∣ble testimonies of the Zuinglians and Calvinists, the Tigurine Divines say hereof; [d] 1.95 Nos condemnatam & execra∣bilem vocat sectam, &c. Luther calleth us a damnable and execrable sect, but let him look that he do not declare himself an Arch-hereticke, seeing he will not, nor can∣not have any society with those that confess Christ: But how marvelously doth Luther here bewray himself with his Devils? what filthy words doth he use, and such as are replenished with all the Devils in hell? For be saith, that the Devil dwelleth both

now and ever in the Zuinglians, and that they have a blasphemous breast, insatha∣nized, superthanized, and persathanized, and that they have besides a most vain mouth, over which Sathan beareth rule, being infused, perfused, and transfused into the same. Did ever man hear such speeches as these pass from a furious Devil himself? In so much as Zuinglius (tom. 2. in resp. ad confessionem Lutheri fol. 478.) saith, En ut totum istum hominem Satan occupare conetur! Behold how Sa∣than doth endeavour wholly to possess this man. And Oecolampadius (in respon∣sione ad confess: Lutheri) accordingly forewarneth Luther, lest that being puf∣fed up by arrogancy and pride he be sedu∣ced by Satan. And the Tigurine Divines (in confessione Germanica impressa Tiguri Anno 1544. in Octavo fol. 3.) say, Su∣perioribus diebus edidit Martinus Luthe∣rus librum, quem inscripsit (Brevis con∣fessio de Sacr amento) in quo non obscurè pro Haereticis Sacramentariis & scelera∣tissimis hominibus, habet & condemnat Oecolampadium, Zuinglium, & omnes Tigurinos: liber plenus est daemoniis, ple∣nus impudicis dicteriis, scatet iracundia & furore, &c.

15. Concerning his [e] 1.96 pride, where∣with he was so vainly conceited, that he imagined himself to be the only one of mortal men whom Satan foresaw to be hurtful to him, saying, (loc. com. class. 4.

pag. 50. circa medium:) Videtur mihi Satanas à pueritia mea aliquid in me praevidisse eorum, quae nunc patitur, ideo ad perdendum, ad impediendumque me in∣sanivit incredibilibus machinis, ut saepius fuerim admiratus, egone solus essem inter mortales quem peteret: as if Religion had been to begin and dye with him, and accordingly he saith (in Epist. ad Ar∣gentinenses Anno 1525.) Christum à no∣bis primò vulgatum audemus gloriari, We dare glory Christ to have been first made known by us: and (in loc. com. class. 2. pag. 83. post med.) he saith, Nobis adhuc vi∣ventibus, &c. perpauci sunt etiam inter il∣los, qui pii videri volunt, & nobiscum profitentur Evangelium, qui ista reotè te∣neant. Quid futurum putatis nobis abla∣tis? And (class. 5. pag. 40. initio) he further saith, Timeo quod ista doctrina nobis extinctis iterum obscur abitur. And (ibidem class. 5. pag. 40. post med.) he further saith, Si nostra Ecclesia pulcher∣rimè instituta, &c. sic subverteretur, ut me amplius Doctorem suum agnoscere non vellet, id quod aliquando fiet, si non vi∣ventibus nobis, tamen sublatis nobis, &c. And ibidem pag. 43. paulo post med. E∣rit fortè tempus, ut & mihi liceat dicere, Omnes vos scandalum patiemini in ista nocte. And again a little after there, Quantum sectarnm excitavit Satan nobis viventibus, &c? quid futurum est nobis mortuis? And ibidem class. 2. pag. 53.

post med. he saith, Legis usus, ut timeo, post tempora nostra iterum obscurabitur, & prorsùs obruetur. The Reader will sind more of Luthers intolerable pride and testimonies thereof out of Prote∣stants above in his contemning the holy Fathers, and all Antiquity; and in his impugning Magistracie, and rayling a∣gainst Princes and States.

16. Concerning the [f] 1.97 success and preservation of Christian profession in general, he affirmed and taught (to the great danger thereof) that to War against the Turke was to resist God visiting our sins by them; (Luther tom. 2. Wittemberg. in assertionib. damnatis per Leonem de∣cimum Art. 34. fol. 110. which was, Praeliari adversus Turcas est repugnare visitanti iniquitates nostras per illos.) And in explicat. Articuli 34. fol. 111. a. he saith among other defensions there∣of, Sicut Michaeas qui & ipse odiosus erat, quia non prophetabat nisi malum, dicam & ipse meo Achab, ite, praeliamini contra Turcas, ut resistatis virgae Dei, & cadatis sicut & Achab cecidit; which saying of Luther argued so evidently the indisposi∣tion of his mind to the avail of Christians against the Turk, That M. Harvey in his Theological discourse, &c. p. 115. a. initio saith thereof, The Gospel is dispersed in most parts of the earth, as much and more then the Alcoran, howsoever Luther in a fu∣rious imitation of Michaeas, hath rapt out the contrary, as if he desired rather the

name of a Prophet among Infidels, than of a friend to Christians. And further Luther in Epistola contra duo mandata Im∣perialia saith, Oro cunctos pios Christia∣nos, nè ullo modo sequantur, vel in militi∣am ire velint, vel dare aliquid contra Turcas, quandoquidem Turca decies pru∣dentior probiorque est, quàm Principes nostri. See also tom. 2. Wittemberg. fol. 419. b. And Luther in confut. determin. Doctorum Paris. impress. Noriberg. 1525. saith, ut liberè animum meum aperiam, hoc apertè de me praedico, quod tam invi∣tus Turcam gladio impeterem, quàm Chri∣stianum fratrem: the which said opini∣on (that to War against the Turk was to resist God visiting our sins) he did also af∣terwards more at large defend, conclu∣cluding and saying (in explicat. Art. 34. prope finem:) He that ears to hear let him hear, and abstain from the Turkish Wars whiles the Popes name prevaileth under Heaven: I have said. And hereof see the Treatise against the defence of the cen∣sure pag. 230. ante med. & 231. initi••. And Luther in his Book de bello contra Turcas affirmeth, that the Devil by Gods permission did govern and hinder the Councels and Assemblies of the Princes of Germany, for no other cause, but that his Article of not warring against the Turk might remain in force and uncon∣demned. And whereas a Protestant Writer (in his Apology of the Profes∣sors

of the Gospel, &c. against Peter Frareins pag. 31. initio) doth excuse all this as meant of those Christians which were under the Turks dominion: it is so directly against the scope and circum∣stance of Luthers words (his former men∣tion of resisting Gods visiting us by the Turk, and likewise of the Princes of Ger∣many, and the whole passage of his Treatise made thereof at large, avoy∣ding this answer, in so much as the Au∣thor of the defence of the Censure pag. 231. laboureth to excuse Luther other∣wise) which also are in some places as sounding to disswade us from making for∣tifications against the Turk, that [g] 1.98 Rof∣fensis did therefore write specially a∣gainst this his foresaid Doctrine, at large reciting and confuting his reasons. The words of Luther are, Impia et inanis fiducia est in munitionibus, vallis, bom∣bardis, et si quande Deo ita fuerit visum, ut Turca grassetur in Germaniam, non tue∣buntur nos aggeres isti, &c. quando genua flectimus et clamamus ad Creatorem no∣strum, is poterit igneos muros nobis cir∣cundare: ego odi molem istam vallorum et munitionum, quia nihil aliud est quam perditio pecuniae, et ostentatio extremae stultitiae: id potius agendum est, ut firmi∣ter statuamus, nos esse in manu Creatoris, et non tantum nos sed etiam hostes et Dia∣bolos, &c. Thus adviseth he, that neg∣lecting

ordinary means, we should, with out respect thereto, depend immediatly upon miraculous help from God: see these words in Luther, loc. com. class. 4. pag. 84. And ubi supra class. 5. pag. 142. circa med. it is said, Dissuadet (Lutherus) bellum Turcicum, nec in veteri nec in novo Testamento ullum gestum est bellum hu∣manis viribus, nisi semper infelici even∣tu: si quid autem recte cessit, de coelo fuit bellatum, &c. Which foresaid Doctrine of Luther was also so known and [h] 1.99 grateful to the Turk, that (as Luthers own Scholar reporteth) [i] 1.100 the Turkish Emperour (to the great shame of Luther) hearing hereof, demanded of our Chri∣stian Embassador how old Luther was, and wished him younger, promising to be his very good Lord. And the Duke of Saxony (a Professor of Luthers Do∣ctrine) was accordingly holden charge∣able, as [k] 1.101 being confederate with the Turk. In so much as Erasmus (whom our adversaries think to have been [l] 1.102 in∣differently affected towards Luther) saith hereof (in Epistola ad Fratres inferiores Germaniae pag. 39.) Many of the Saxons following that first Doctrine of Luher, de∣nyed to Caesar and King Ferdinand aid against the Turks, &c. and said they had rather fight for a Turk not Baptized, then for a Turk Baptized, thereby meaning the Emperour. Whereunto might be added

the further example of the German Protestants [m] 1.103 denying their Empe∣rour to give aid against the Turk, unelss their own conditions were first agreed to.

17. Concerning the [n] 1.104 Canonical Scrip∣tures, if it be true which M. Fulk saith (in his confutation of Purgatory pag. 214. circa med.) that whosoever denyeth the au∣thority of holy Scriptures, thereby bewrai∣eth himself to be an Heretick, what is then to be thought of Luther, who denyed sundry confessed parts thereof? Con∣cerning the Apocalyps, Bullinger (upon the Apocalyps Englished c. 1. serm. 1 fol. 2. a. post med.) giveth testimony saying, Doctor Martin Luther hath as it were stic∣ked this Book by a sharp Preface set before his Edition of the New Testament in Dutch, for which his judgement good and learned men were offended with him. And concerning the Epistle of St. James, Lu∣ther not in the latter edition of [n] 1.105 Wit∣temberg corrupted by the Zuinglians and others, (of which alteration made in Luthers works the zealous Lutherans in a Synod holden at [o] 1.106 Altemburg and [p] 1.107

[q] 1.108 elsewhere, do greatly complain: as also Joachim [r] 1.109 Westphalus a Lutheran doth in like manner charge Calvin with most foul mutations and corruptions made in certain of Luthers Works translated into French, and Printed at Geneva) but in the more antient edition of Jena (a City in Religion Lutheran) uttereth these words, which some of our adver∣saries (to speak the least) have no less then over boldly [s] 1.110 denyed: The Epistle of James is contentious, swelling, dry, strawy, and unworthy an Apostolical Spirit. In so much as Illyricus (Luthers own Scho∣lar) whom Mr. Thomas Bell tearmeth a [t] 1.111 very famous Writer and most worthy defender of the Christian truth, expresseth and defendeth Luthers foresaid judge∣ment, saying, Luther in his Preface up∣on St. James Epistle, giveth great reasons why this Epistle ought in no case to be ac∣compted for a writing of Apostolical au∣thority; to which reasons I think every godly man ought to yield. Which fore∣said

judgement of Luther concerning this and other parts of the new Testa∣ment is yet to this day so continued and defended by Luthers other Scholars that (to omit sundry of them) Chemnitius (Luthers greatest Scholar) affirmeth that [u] 1.112 the second Epistle of Peter, the second and third of John, the Epistle to the He∣brews, the Epistle of James, the Epistle of Jude, and the Apocalyps of John are Apocryphal, [x] 1.113 as not having sufficient testimony of their authority: and there∣fore [y] 1.114 that nothing in controversie may be proved out of these Books. Moreover Luther lib de servo arbitrio contra Eras∣mum tom. 2. Wittemberg. fol. 471.) saith, The Jews place the Book of Esther in the Canon, which yet, if I might be Judge, doth rather deserve to be put out of the Ca∣non. Protestants, when they will exclude from the Canon Books received by Ca∣tholicks, they allege, that they are not in Hebrew; and yet Luther likes not Esther, though he confesseth the He∣brews admit it. And of Ecclesiastes he saith (in latinis sermonibus convivalibus Francofurt. in Octavo impres. Anno 1571.) This Book is not full; there are in it many abrupt things: he wants Boots and Spurs, that is, he hath no perfect sentence, he rides upon a long reed like me when I was in the Monastery. And much more

is to be read in him: who (in Germ. Col∣loq. ab Aurifabro editis Francofurti tit. de libris veteris & Novi Test. fol. 379.) saith further, that the said Book was not written by Salomon, but by Syrach in the time of the Macchabees, and that it is like to the Talmud (the Jews Bible) out of many Books heaped into one Work, perhaps out of the Library of King Prolo∣maeus. And further he saith ibidem tit. de Patriarchis & Prophet. fol 28••. that he doth not believe all to have been done as there is set down. And teacheth tit. de lib. vet. & Novi Test. The Book of Job to be as it were an argument for a fable (or Comedy) to set before us an ex∣ample of Patience. And he (fol. 380.) delivers this general censure of the Pro∣phets Books: The Sermons of no Prophet, were written whole, and perfect, but their Disciples, and Auditors, snatched, now one sentence, and then another, and so put them all into one Book, and by this means the Bible was conserved. If this were so, the Books of the Prophets, being not writ∣ten by themselves, but promiscuously, and casually, by their Disciples, will soon be called in question. Concerning now the other Books of Scripture, although Luther acknowledged many of them for Canonical, how far yet hee was chargeable otherwise in mistranslating

them, we will refer to the credit of Zuing∣lius his testimony, who (tom. 2. ad Lu∣ther. l. de Sacrament. pag. 412. b. 413. a.) saith hereof to Luther: Thou dost corrupt (Luther) the word of God, thou art seen to be a manifest and common corrupter and perverter of the holy Scriptures, how much are we ashamed of thee, who have hitherto esteemed thee beyond all measure, and now prove thee to be such a man. And see the like testimony of Keckermannus in Brere∣ley tract. 1. sect. 10. subdivis. 4. initio at b. saying (in System. S. Theolog. l. 1. p. 188. circa medium) Lutheri versio Germanic. in vet. Test. praesertim in Job & Prophetis, naevos suos habet non exiguos. Omitting many other particulars, we will here ob∣serve, that whereas it is said 1 Joan. 5.7. There are three which give testimony in Heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one, This being a most evident place in proof of the Trinity, is omitted by Luther in his Dutch Bibles. In like manner where it is said Rom. 3.28. We accompt a man to be justifyed by faith, without the works of the Law, Luther, to colour his doctrine of only faith, translateth here justifyed by faith alone; and being admonished of his thus adding here to the text the word a∣lone, he persisteth wilful, saying tom. 5. Germ. fol. 141. & 144. Sic volo, sic jubeo, sit

pro ratione voluntas &c. Lutherus ita vult, & ait se esse Doctorem super omnes Docto∣res in toto Papatu. And concludeth last∣ly, Propterea debet (vox sola) in meo novo Testamento manere, etiamsi omnes Papis∣mi ad insaniam reducantur, tamen non eam inde tollent: paenitet me quod non ad∣diderim & illas duas voces, omnibus & omnium viz. Sine omnibus operibus om∣nium legum. (Pu. Mark his boldness to addo even to the text of holy Scripture.) In like manner Luther doubteth not to argue the Aposties themselves of error in doctrine, which is to the great preju∣dice and danger of their writings (for if they did or might erre in Doctrine, how then can we be sure that they were the Scribes of the holy Ghost, and that their writings be Canonical and voyd of er∣rour? To this end Luther saith (in Epist. ad Galat. Cap. 1. after the English tran∣slation fol. 33. b. paulo post med. and 34. a. initio, & tom. 5. Wittemberg. of An. 1554. fol. 290. b.) Be it that the Church, Austine, and other Doctors, also Peter, Apollo, yea an Angel from Heaven teach otherwise, yet is my Doctrine such, as set∣teth forth Gods only Glory, &c. Peter the chief of the Apostles did live and teach (extra verbum Dei) besides the word of God. And in the same place fol. 290. a. fine, he further saith, Sive S. Cyprianus,

Ambrosius, Augustinus, five S. Petrus, Paulus, imò Angelus è Coelo aliter doceat, tamen hoc certè scio, quòd humana non suadeo, sed Divina. Yet further against St. James his mentioning of extreme Unction he saith de captivit. Babylon. (de extrema Unctione in tom. 2. Wittem∣berg. fol. 86. h. ante med.) Ego autem∣dico, si uspi am deliratum est, &c. tamen si etiam esses Epistola Jacobi dicerem non licere Apostolum sua authoritate Sacra∣mentum instituere. &c. Hoc enim ad Chri∣stum solum pertinebat. I further say, that if in any place it be erred (Pu••or be done like a man doting or raving) in this place es∣pecially it is erred, &c. (or done like one doting or raving) but though this were the Epistle of James I would answer, that it is not lawful for an Apostle by his autho∣rity to institute a Sacrament. For this ap∣pertained to Christ alone. As though that blessed Apostle would publish a Sacra∣ment without warrant from Christ. In like manner concerning Moses he saith (tom. 3. Wittemberg. in Psalmum 45 fol. 423. a. & vide ibidem fol. 422. and tom. 3. Germ. fol. 40.41. & in Colloq. Mens. Germ. fol. 152.153.) Habuit Moses la∣bia, sed profunda, infacunda, impedita, ira∣ta, in quibus non est verbum gratiae sed irae, mortis & peccati: colligite omnes sa∣pientias Moysis, Gentium & Philosopho∣rum,

& invenietis eas coram Deo esse vel dolatriam, vel sapientiam hypocriticam, vel si est politica sapientiam irae, &c. Ha∣••et enim Moyses labia diffusa fellè & ira, &c. Moses hath his lips unpleasant, stop∣••ed, and angry, &c. Do you collect toge∣ther all the wisdoms of Moyses and of the Heathen Philosophers, and you shall find them to be before God either idolatry, or hypocritical wisdom, or if it be politick (yet but) the wisdom of wrath, &c. Moyses hath his lips full of Gall and anger, &c. away therefore with Moyses, &c.

18. As concerning [a] 1.115 faith, Luther reproveth as well such Protestants as say, [b] 1.116 Neither can faith be true faith without charity, as also those others who teach, [c] 1.117 though my faith be never so perfect, yet if this faith be without charity, I am not justified, calling it [d] 1.118 impiety to affirm, that faith except it be adorned with cha∣rity, justifyeth not. Nay he proceeded so far, as he doubted not to say: [e] 1.119 Fides nisi sit sine, &c. Faith unless it be with∣out even the least good works, doth not ju∣stify, nay it is no faith. Which saying of his D. Covell specially acknowledgeth and reciteth, tearming it [f] 1.120 harsh, and justly called in question by the Church of Rome. He also further taught, that [g] 1.121 a Christian or Baptized person is so rich, that although he would he cannot lose his sal∣vation by any sin how great soever, unless

he will not believe. Whereof he giveth this reason elsewhere, saying, As nothing justifyeth but faith, so nothing sinneth but unbelief. (Luther in loc. com. &c. class. 5. c. 27. pag. 68. initio, and in 2. part. Po∣still. Germ. Printed Argentorati Anno 1537. fol. 140. b.) he saith, No sin is so great which can condemn a man: for only infidelity condemneth all men that are condemned, and on the contrary only faith maketh all men blessed.

19. As concerning [h] 1.122 good Works, Luther teacheth (in his Sermons Engli∣shed, &c. pag. 147. antemed.) that works take their goodness of the worker, and (pag. 278.) that no work is disallowed of God, unless the Author thereof be disallowed be∣fore, saying thereof further, such a one worketh nothing but good works, neither can it be but good, which he being good be∣fore shall do. And as concerning the ne∣cessity of good works affirmed against him by English Protestants, (as Willet, Whita∣ker, &c. whereof see Brereley pag. 392. 1.) it is so far disclaimed in by him and his followers, that they deny [i] 1.123 good works to be so much as (causa sine qua non) of salvation, affirming the controversie with the [k] 1.124 Papists to be (not only) whe∣ther good works do justify, but also whether they be in any respect necessary to salvation. Which last position, they call [l] 1.125 a Pa∣pistical error, terming it the [m] 1.126 Doctrine

of the new Papists, as pernicious as the old, to say (as English Protestants do) that the Apostle meant to exclude good works from justification, not simply and as due, but only as meritorious and causes efficient. They will not in the point of our justi∣fication grant [n] 1.127 good works to be ne∣cessary (necessitate praesentiae) so much as with necessity of presence, condemning their Brethrens contrary Doctrine for [o] 1.128 worse then is the Papists Doctrine: and they fortifie themselves herein with the testimony of [o] 1.129 Luther, and have pro∣ceeded so far against all necessity of good works, that some of them (as namely Amsdorphius a Protestant Divine of great [q] 1.130 note, and by Luther much esteemed) doubt not to affirm, that [r] 1.131 good works are not only not necessary to salvation, but also hurtful to it; [s] 1.132 alleging Luther in proof of this opinion, [t] 1.133 the which

Illyricus (whom Mr. Bell in his Regi∣ment of the Church pag. 25. fine tear∣meth a very famous Writer, and most worthy defender of the Christian truth) doth allow and defend by publick writing: And all this so grosly and intolerably, that sundry other Protestant Writers, who acknowledge Amsdorphius [u] 1.134 for a man (otherwise) of godly memory, do yet nevertheless in this profess [x] 1.135 to leave both him and Luther to themselves. Which foresaid extenuating of good works, is yet nevertheless so grateful to some of the Calvinists, that their blessed [y] 1.136 man of God, and constant Martyr of Jesus Christ, Master Tindall, so greatly by them yet otherwise [z] 1.137 commended, was so careful to prevent all merit of good works, that in his Book intituled the wicked [a] 1.138 Mammon, he doubteth not to affirm, that [b] 1.139 Christ with all his works did not deserve Heaven. Which sentence their Martyr John Teuxbury defendeth for [c] 1.140 plain enough and [d] 1.141 true as it lyeth to omit that Calvin himself condemneth this Doctrine of Christs meriting to himself, though expressed in Scripture, [e] 1.142 for a foolish curiosity,

and rash opinion) the said Tindall was so much bent against all opinion of Good Works, that he affirmed and taught, that as concerning [f] 1.143 the preaching of the Work, and washing of dishes, there is no difference as touching to please God. Which saying (as their foresaid Martyr Teuxbury affirmeth) is a [g] 1.144 plain Text, as needing no further explication, and that as for pleasing God (saith he) all is one; for, saith Tindall, [h] 1.145 there is no work better than other as touching to please God; to make water, to wash dishes, to be a Sowter or an Apostle, all is one to please God.

20 Having at length written out what Brereley delivers concerning Luther's Doctrine and Manners, [i] 1.146 taking his proofs from witnesses above all exception, that is, from his own words, and the wri∣tings of Protestants themselves, as I could not without a deep sense of grief reflect how many have been, and are yet deceived in that unhappy man, whom they conceive to have been sent by God to the World, for Reformation thereof, so now in order to the help of persons so seduced, I must beg of them to ponder well these ensuing Reflections.

First, as for his Doctrine, whether they can acknowledge him for their Fa∣ther, or Brother, or a Protestant in any degree, who taught Doctrines so wick∣ed,

Carnal, Absurd, Temporizing, In∣constant, Seditious and Blasphemous, as both Protestants and Catholicks, and all Christians, yea and all men of common Reason and human Civility must abhorr and detest; whether I say, this man can be said to have been of the Protestant Religion, and consequently that their Church remained without any being no less after than before Luther appeared.

Secondly, For his Life and Manners, by his own Confession, and the Testi∣monie of Protestants (after he under∣took to reform the whole Church of God) they grew to be so abhominable and shameless, as we may well judge that God Almighty out of his Wildome, Goodnes, and Justice, permitted him to fall so openly and shamefully, that who∣sover did follow his Doctrine should be∣come inexcusable, it being a thing very evident, that men chosen by the Holy Ghost to enlighten and reform others, are first to be freed from intollerable Er∣rours in their Understanding, and Vici∣ousnes in their Will, and not to fail noto∣riously in both, even upon their very be∣gining that pretended great worke, hav∣ing before led a commendable life as Lu∣ther did, which cannot but manifest to the World, that his pretended Reforma∣tion could not proceed from God, but from that Enemy, who perpetually seeks

whom he may devour. And although all the followers of Luther were inexcu∣sable in adhering to such a man, against the whole Church of God united in Peace and Union, for as much as concer∣ned Faith and Religion; yet they who persevere still to embrace and pursue such a Reformation are less excusable, than they who followed him in the be∣gining, when men came to the knowledg of his Vices and abhominable Errours in Faith, not all at once but by degrees, as he day by day profited to the worse; whereas now every one may at one view see his Vices and Heresies put together, published and acknowledged by his own confession, and the confession of Prote∣stants themselves. When the Holy Ghost moves us to some worke, he doth it suaviter & fortiter, with Sweetness and Efficacie, inspiring Constancy, Perseverance, Meekness, Humility, and Satisfaction to the Soul, according to that of the Apostle, The Gifts of God are without Repentance; Whereas we have seen that Luther confessed himself to have opposed Indulgences, when he knew not what the name meant, and would have renounced his reforming the World, if for sooth he might have done it with his credit, and wished that he ne∣ver had begun that business (in Coll. mensal.) affirming futher, that he fell

Into those troubles casually, and against his will; Casu non voluntate in has turbas incidi Deum ipsum testor; not so much as dreaming or suspecting any change, which might happen. Act. Mon. pag. 404. whereby it appears that Luther was mo∣ved by Ambition, Pride, Lust and En∣vy, and not led by any true desire of Re∣formation, which if he judged to be ae∣cessary, what a huge wickednes was it in him to promise silence if his Adversaries would do the like? or to submit himself to the Pope, so that he might not be compel∣led to Recant? or if the Reformation were not necessary (as certainly the Church can never need Reformation for matters of Faith) how can he, and they who fol∣low him, be excused from damnable Schism and Heresie? And accordingly it is no wonder if he fell into that deep sense of remorse and perplexity of Soul, so farr as to wish his Books were all abo∣lished, as we have seen above. It is also reported, Oecolampadium à Landgravio privatim admonitum de perspicuitate ac certitudine verborum Christi, cum gemitu respondisse, optare se dextram sibi fuisse praecisam, antequam de hac Controversia scribere quicquam ordiretur. But let us now with Brereley go on to other chief Protestants.

Of Jacobus Andreas.

21 AS concerning [k] 1.147 Jacobus An∣dreas (the prime Lutheran of this age, and the greatest enlarger of Lu∣ther's Doctrine, and Chancelor of the Uni∣versitie of Iubinge) no less honored and fa∣mous in Germany, than ever was Calvin or Beza at Geneva, The Protestant writer Hos∣pinianus discoursing briefly of his life from testimony of the learned Lutherans, allegeth them charging him, that he had no God except Mammon and Bacchus; that he never prayed neither going to Bed nor rising from thence; that in the residue of his life he shewed no spark of Godliness, but great lightness in his words, deeds and Counsells. Thus Hospinian in Hist. Sa∣crament. part. 2. fol. 389. b. initio, saith, Nicolaus Seluecerus de ipso saepe coram multis bonis sideque dignis viris dixisse fertur, quod nullum omninò habeat Deum, si Mammonem & Bacchum excipias. Nam se nunquam audivisse vel conjectura aliqua saltem animadvertere potuisse (toto illo tempore quo venalem ubiquitatem circum∣vexerunt) quod vel cubitum iturus, vel de lectu surrecturus, aut or ationem Domi∣nicam recitaverit, aut ullum Dei mentio∣nem fecerit, In reliqua vero vita, dictis,

factis, Consiliis, nullam pietatis scintillam, summam vero levitatem semper deprehen∣disse. And Hospinian, ibidem fol. 389. b. versus finem, allegeth further Sturmi∣us a Calvinist, charging him with the crim of Covetousness, Adultery, robbing of the Poor, and Sacrilege. For he alle∣geth the words of Sturmius to be of Ja∣cobus Andreas as followeth. Virgae furi∣bus inventae sunt contra avaritiae crimen, & lapidationes adulteris, si ab his duobus criminibus Jacobus Andreas solutus est, non est quod metuat: ego facilè fero quod celatum est occultum esse, neque ipsum scru∣tor &c. quid secum divitiarum è Saxonia & Misnia abstulit, scio id pauperum esse debere, & ad pauperum fiscum redigi, & illorum esse debitam mercedem, quos è suis muneribus una cum uxoribus ejecit, & tam magnum esse ipsius Sacrilegium &c. And ibidem fol. 389. b. paulo post initium, he allegeth Seluecerus and the other Luthe∣ran Writer Andreas Musculus, tearming him, erronem, levissimum scurram, qui ut ex dictis & factis ejus cognoscatur, ne∣que Religionem, neque Conscientiam ullam habeat &c. And yet further there fol. 389. a. [l] 1.148 Insomuch as Lavather, a learned Adversarie, confesseth and wri¦teth for newes unto Zanchius, how that this [m] 1.149 Andreas was taken in publick

Adultery, reciting withall, [n] 1.150 certain Verses thereupon then made thereof, by the Calvinists.

Of Zuinglius.

22 NOt to repeat what we said above of Luther's opinion concerning [o] 1.151 Zuinglius; To give some taste both of his carnall Disposition and Doctrine, and the same from no other testimony than taken from his own alleged writings, it is thereby manifest, that [o] 1.152 Zuinglius and certain other Ministers of the Evan∣gelicall Doctrine, who joyned with him in the Admonition to the Helvetian Common-Wealth, after some underta∣king, [q] 1.153 to impart to it the Evangeli∣cal Doctrine, for which they take it grie∣vously to be called [r] 1.154 Lutherans and Hereticks, do first make petition for wives, saying, We earnestly request that the use of Marriage be not denied to us, who fee∣ling the infirmitie of our Flesh, perceive that the love of Chastity is not given us by God: For if we consider the words of Paul, we shall find with him no other cause of marriage, a carnal saying, than for, to sa∣tisfie, the lustfull desires of the Flesh, which to burn in us we may not deny, seeing that by means thereof we are made infamous

before the Congregations. Their words are, Hoc vero summis precibus contendi∣mus, ne Matrimonii usus nobis denegetur, qui carnis nostrae infirmitatem experti, castitatis studium nobis à Deo non conces∣sum esse sentimus: si enim Pauli verba consideremus, non aliam apud hunc Ma∣trimoniorum causam, quam carnis ad libi∣dinem calentem aestum reperire licet, quem in nobis fervere negare non possumus, cum hujus ipsius opera nos coram Ecclesiis in∣fames rediderunt. tom. 1. fol. 115. a. ante med. And to set forth his carnality as yet more plainly, by his own explaining that wherewith he as before professeth him∣selfe, and his said Brethren, to have been so greatly troubled; he expresseth the same in these plain words there next af∣ter, saying,

By the burning desires of the flesh, we understand those de∣sires of the flesh, wherewith a man be∣ing almost inflamed, tosseth in his mind the studies of the lustfull flesh; in these only he spendeth all his thoughts, upon these he meditateth, and is wholly bu∣sied in this, that he may satisfie the fury of his flesh.

Aestum vero libidinis eas carnis cupiditates & affectus intelligi∣mus, quibus homo tantum non accensus carnis libidinosae studia animo suo versat, ut carnis furori satisfaciat. Zuinglius ibi∣dem. This being then the confessed car∣nal disposition of Zuinglius and his fore∣said

brethren, he signifieth yet further, their answerable forepassed behaviour during their remaining so unmarried, saying,

If we respected the liberty of the flesh, who seeth not how much more commodious it were for us, that we should forbear the lawes of marri∣age, as hitherto we have done, &c. For we have known how easily in this free and loose state, being glutted with sa∣ciety (of one) we might change. Wherefore for the love, not of lust, but of Chastity, and the Souls to us committed, we desire Marriage; lest that the Souls committed to our charge by example of our lust should be any longer offended.

Si carnis licentiam quaerere animus esset, quis non videt, quam commodius foret, si ut hactenus, à Matri∣moniorum legibus abstineremus? &c. Novimus quam facilis in hoc statu nostro soluto & libero, mulierum quarum cum nos capit satietas, permutatio fieri possit. Quare non carnis libidine, sed chastitatis et animarum nobis commissarum amore per∣moti, hoc petimus, nè hoc exemplo nostrae libidinis diutius offendantur. Zuinglius ibidem fol. 119. a. ante medium. And,

We have proved that the weakness of our flesh hath been (o for grief!) cause of our often shamefull falling.

Quare cum carnis insirmitatem nobis non semel (proh dolor) pudendi lapsus causam fuisse ex∣perti

simus, &c. (Zuinglius ibidem fol. 119. a. panlo post med.) And in another Epistle to the Bishop of Constance writ∣ten and [s] 1.155 subscribed unto by Zuinglius, Leo, Jude, Erasmus, Fabricius, and eight other Ministers there named, who all cry out for Wives, after some intimation made of the [t] 1.156 heavenly Doctrine so long (before) hidden, and then (lately) restored he further confesseth and saith: [u] 1.157 Hitherto we have tryed that this gift of Chastitie hath been denyed to us, &c. We have [x] 1.158 burned (O for shame!) so greatly, that we have committed many things unseemingly. To speak freely with∣out boasting, we are not otherwise of such uncivil manners, that we should be ill spoken of among the people to us commit∣ted, for any wickedness, this one point only excepted. Non usque adeo incivilibus mo∣ribus sumus, ut ullum ob flagitium malè audiamus apud gregem nobis creditum, hoc uno excepto. Was this the Spirit of the Apostles and antient Fathers? Or was this Doctrine fit or safe to be by him thus divulged to the modest thoughts of innocent young men and damsels, who wanting means of marriage, were in danger hence to suck poyson?

23. Having thus laid down this fore∣said ground-work of liberty, thereupon withall he undertook to impugn the Mass by instruction (as his own Brethren re∣port)

from a Spirit, whether black or white he remembreth not, as appeareth by Zuinglius his words set down by him tom. 2. in libro de subsid. Euchar fol. 294. a. And also in Mr. Fulks Treatise a∣gainst the defence of the Censure pag. 249, 250. that [y] 1.159 Zuiuglius having la∣boured the abolishing of the Mass at Zu∣rick against a certain Scribe that had op∣posed himself (in argument) against Zuinglius, Zuinglius was in that dispu∣tation provoked to bring forth examples which were joyned with no parable; Therefore we began (saith he) to think of all that we could, but yet no other example came to mind, &c. but when the 13. day of April drew neer (I tell the truth, and my conscience compelleth me to utter what the Lord bestowed upon me) me thought (as I was a sleep•• that I was again disputing with the Scribe, and my mouth so stopped, that I was not able to speak, &c. and suddainly there see∣med an admonisher to be present with me (ater fuerit an albus nihil memini) whether he were black or white I re∣member not, &c. which sayd, why dost thou not answer him that which is writ∣ten Exodus 12. For it is the Paschal which is the [z] 1.160 Passover of the Lord, &c. Whereupon (saith he) I (afterwards) considered the place, and thereof before the whole Congregation Preached,

which Sermon, when it was heard, drave away all mist. Thus were Zuing∣lius his foresaid proceedings against the Mass furthered with nightly instruction in his dream, by an admonisher, whether black or white he remembreth not, wher∣of though he made serious and great accompt, affirming it to be no light mat∣ter which (saith he) I learned by this dream, thanks be to God, &c. In so much as Hospinianus in Hist. Sacrament. part. altera fol. 26. ante medium tear∣med it a Divine Revelation, yet is the same derided as a meer illusion by his o∣ther Bretheren, as namely by Jacobus Andraeas in confut. disput. Joan. Jacobi Grinaei pag. 120.254. fine, & 304. and by Schlusselburg (in Theolog. Calvinist. l. 1. in prooem. fol. 3. a.b.) and by Gerardus Giesekenius de veritate Corporis Christi in S. Coena pag. 64. By Benedict Morgen∣sterne in tract. de Ecclesia pag. 68. and by Jacobus Heilbrunerus in Swenkfeldio-Calvinismo, &c. in praefat. ante med. And this kind of perswasion or appari∣tion reported by Protestants themselves as happening likewise to [a] 1.161 Carolostadi∣us, [b] 1.162 and Oecolampadius, was confessed∣ly

the first that dissuaded Luther from further saying Mass. In like manner Mr. Fox in Apocalyp. pag. 364 fine, & 365. initio, and in his Acts and Mon. Printed 1596. pag. 90. b. circa med. re∣ports the very like pretended wonderful revelation happened to him (as it did to Zuinglius) whereby he was instructed, that by the 42. months, mentioned in the Apocalys, was understood the 294. years of the Primitive Churches first persecution. And yet is this understan∣ding of them sithence rejected, and in steed thereof is thereby understood the last 1260. years before Luther by Mr. Napier upon the Revelations propositi∣on 15. pag. 22, 23, 24. by Mr. Brocard upon the Revelations fol. 110. a. and by Mr. Gifford upon the Revelations pag. 890. post med.

24. Zuinglius [c] 1.163 after this impugning the Mass, proceeded withall after a strange confessed course of temporizing liberty, whereof he himself tom. 2. de vera & falsa religione fol. 202. b. initio saith, Retractamus igitur hic quae illic diximus, tali lege, ut quae hic damus anno atatis nostrae quadragesimo secundo, pro∣pendeant eis, quae quadragesimo dedera∣mus quando ut diximus tempori potiùs scripsimus quàm rei (we had regard ra∣ther of the times, than of the matter)

sic jubente Domino, [d] 1.164 ut tali ratione aedificemus, nè inter initia canes & porci nos rumpant. Insomuch as in the Alphabe∣tical Table there under the Letter Z. it is said: (Zuinglius docendo servivit tem∣pori;) and this even in the great point concerning the Sacrament (whereof see Bellarm. de Eucharist. l. 1. c. 1. §. De∣cimus patronus:) he proceeded, I say, further to deliver Paradoxes strange and before unheard-of, all tending to li∣berty of life or Doctrine. As first, the discouragement which his Doctrine af∣fordeth against all good works in gene∣ral, saying tom. 1. de Providentia Dei fol. 371. a. versus finem: Sed contra, ista sunt hyperochae atque hyperbolae, Si vis ad vitam ingredi serva mandata, &c. & quaecunque alia promissa nostris operibus facta sunt. What can more discourage us to good works, than thus to affirm with Zuinglius, that the promise of re∣ward made to us, is but hyperbolical?

25. Secondly concerning Original sin, he taught that it is but a [e] 1.165 disease

which of it self is not culpable, neither can bring the pain of damnation, that, [f] 1.166 it is not truly called sin (sed metonimi∣ce) but figuratively: concluding, [g] 1.167 the offence and fault of Adam cannot condemn Infants and young Children, thinking [h] 1.168 original sin only damnable in those that be of years and discretion, when in them it bursteth forth into action. And all this so grosly, as his own Brethren do. therefore [i] 1.169 reprehend him, [k] 1.170 giving warning to their friends, lest they suffer themselves to be drawn into ruin by this his damnable opinion.

26. Thirdly, concerning salvation, and the way to Heaven, he maketh it so easy and open, that he affirmeth even the salvation of the [l] 1.171 Heathen who ne∣ver believed in Christ, (as) Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, [m] 1.172 attributing also salvation to the young dying Children of the Heathen, &c. In which his opi∣nion (defended nevertheless by [n] 1.173 Gual∣ter, and [o] 1.174 Bullinger) he is so unworthy, that sundry other Protestant Writers do therefore [o] 1.175 reprove him.

27. Fourthly, concerning the Apo∣stles assured authority in their writings, let his judgement of them all appear in the only examples of St. Paul, of whom he affirmeth, that though he for his part would not but that St. Pauls writings should be now holden for Canonical, yet we ought not to think that Paul did then attribute so much to his Epistles, that what∣soever was contained in them, was sacred, lest that in thinking so, we should saith he) impute immoderate arrogancy to the Apostles. His words are (tom. 2. contra Catabaptistas fol 10. b. circa med.) Ig∣norantia

vestra est, quod putatis cum Pau∣lus haec scriberet, Evangelistarum com∣mentarios, & Apostolorum Epistolas, jam in manibus Apostolorum atque authori∣tate fuisse: quasi vero Paulus Epistolis suis jam tum tribuerit, ut quicquid in iis con∣tineretur, sacrosanctum esset, non quod ipse velim non esse sacrosancta, quae illius sunt, sed quod nolim Apostolis imputari immoderatam arrogantiam. In so much that where the Evangelists say, This is my Body, Zuinglius to supply their sup∣posed defect, altereth the text with in∣credible boldness, translating and saying insteed thereof, This signifieth my Body. Whereof Schlusselburg a learned Prote∣stant in Theologia Calvinistarum l. 2. art. 6. fol. 33. b. fine saith, Nec potest hoc sce∣lus Zuinglii ullo colore excusari, res est manifestissima, in graeco textu non habe∣tur significat, sed, est, &c. And fol. 44. a. he speaketh to the Zuinglians saying, Nec potestis rem inficiari aut occultare, quia exemplaria Francisco Regi Galliarum à Zuinglio dedicata sunt in plurimorum ho∣minum manibus, excusa Tiguri Anno 1525. in mense Martio, in octavo, &c. And yet more of the Dutch Bible of the Zuinglians, he saith there, Ego in Saxo∣niae oppido Mundera An. 60. apud Scholae Rectorem Humbertum, vidi exemplar Germanicorum Bibliorum quae Tiguri e∣rant impressa, ubi non sine admiratione &

animi perturbatione, verba Filii Dei ad imitationem Zuinglii somniatoris deprava∣ta esse deprehend. Nam in omnibus illis qua∣tuor locis Math. 26. Marc. 14. Luc. 22. & 1. Cor. 11. ubi verba institutionis Testa∣menti Filii recensentur, Hoc est Corpus me∣um, hic est sanguis meus, inhunc modum textus erat falsatus, hoc significat Corpus meum, hoc significat sanguinem meū. And see further Zuinglius himself tom. 2. l. de vera & falsa Religione fol. 210. a. ante med. where he saith, Sic ergo habet Lucas, & accepto pane gratias egit, fregit, & dedit eis dicens: Hoc significat Corpus meum.

28. (Pu.) Be pleased Reader to re∣flect here, that as above we heard Zuing∣lius deeply taxing Luther, saying to him, Thou dost corrupt the word of God, thou art seen to be a manifest and common cor∣rupter of the holy Scriptures; so here we see, how the Lutherans cry shame on Zuinglians for the same crime of falsify∣ing the word of God, by turning This is, into, This signifies my Body, &c. teaching every one who desires not to betray his own Soul, not to trust either of these two, or any other Protestant in their Translations, seeing there is not a Tran∣slation among them, which is not con∣demned by other Protestants, as we shall declare after I have noted some very particular corruptions of our English Protestants. Zuinglius is condemned by

other Protestants for changing [This is] into (this signifies.) But was he alone guilty of this impiety? No. The Com∣munion Book of the Church of England, together with the Articles and Book of Ordination were composed Anno 1547. by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Rochester, Ely, Hereford, Worcester, Linclon, Chichester, Dr. Redman, Dr. Robinson, Dr. Cox, the Deans of Pauls, of Exeter, and of Lin∣coln, who at the Kings charges, partly at Windsor, partly elsewhere, contrived them: all which were ratified and con∣firmed by the Parliament in the year 1548. In this Common Book (to say these few things by the way) there was Invocation of Saints, and Prayer for the dead (which are the Doctrines common∣ly objected by modern Protestants a∣gainst Catholicks) as is yet to be seen, many Copies being yet extant. And in the Statute of King Edward the sixt it is resolved, that those that are abstemious (that is, cannot drink Wine) may re∣ceive under one kind only. Afterward the then Lord Protector, at Calvins in∣stigation, as appeareth by his Epistles to the Duke of Summerset, put out the In∣vocation of Saints, and Prayer for the dead; so variable is the Religion of Pro∣testants! But to come to our purpose of proving that not Zuinglius alone was

guilty of that foul falsification of the Scripture by translating (signifies) for (is:) In the first Edition of the said Com∣munion Book, the words cited out of Scripture were rendred thus, This is my Body, &c. A year after, it was altered thus, This signifieth my Body, &c. A little after (is) and (signifieth) were both expunged, and a blank Paper put in the place of the Verb, thus, this my Body, &c. which without the Verb signifieth no∣thing, or rather may be applyed to any thing, as it may please the Painter or changeable Protestant; And lastly (is) was put in again. Of this incertainty in Protestant Religion (in a matter of grea∣test moment) Nicholas Heath Archbi∣shop of York, and Lord Chancellour of England minded the Kingdom, 1. Eliza∣bethae, in his Speach against the bring∣ing in of the uncertain, and unsetled new Religions, which Speach (saith a man of great learning and credit, under whose hand I received it) I have read, and have seen divers of King Edward the sixt Service Books, some with (is) some with (signifieth) and some with a blank in the place. Now, Reader, look above and apply to English Protestants, that which Lutherans justly object to Zuinglius for his translating (signified,) for (is.)

29. Moreover, it is to be observed,

that the Bible in King Edward the sixt days, was translated into English by the Bishops of St. Davids, Hereford, Ely, Norwich and Rochester, and therefore it is called the Bishops Bible. In it the whole Book of the Canticles, (which they pro∣phanely why may not I say blasphemou∣sly translate the Ballad of Ballads) and many other Chapters and verses in the Bible, were particularly noted as not fit to be read to the common people, or by them. But in the latter Bibles all things are equally permitted to all, from which liberty what could be expected, then (that which we find by lamentable expe∣rience) an endless multiplication of new Heresies, without any possible means of remedy, as long as men are resolved not to acknowledge an infallible Judge of Controversies, but to leave every man to read Scripture, which they must interpret according to their own mind or fancy, not having any other infallible Rule or Guide to follow? I know that a learned Catholick in a familiar dis∣course with Dr. Collins, chief Reader of Divinity in Cambridge, told him, that Protestants themselves were the true cause of so many Heresies, by permitting the promiscuous reading of Scripture to every Body, and the Doctor answered plainly, That for his part he did not ap∣prove such liberty: and this is the thing

which the Church dislikes; but it is a meer calumny to say, that she universal∣ly forbids the reading of Scripture to all sorts of persons.

30. The new Translation which King James caused to be made, was over-seen, corrected, and altered by the Archbi∣shop Abbats, and Smith of Glocester, as Sir Henry Savill told Mr. Richard Montague, afterward Bishop of Chiche∣ster, and then of Norwich. For Mr. Mon∣tague wondring that Sir Henry (to whose care was committed the translating of S. Peters Epistles) would pervert the sense of the Apostle 1 Pet. 3.18, 19. a∣bout Christs descent into Hell, reading it; Quickned by the Spirit, by which also he went and Preached unto the Spirits in prison, &c. When the Greek is, Quick∣ned or alive in his Spirit or Soul, in which Spirit or Soul, he comming, Preached to them also that were in Prison. And it is to be observed, that this last Translation of the v. 18. is not only against Catho∣licks, but also against former Translati∣ons of Protestants, which says not (quick∣ned by the Spirit) but quickned in the Spirit. Sir Henry I say being thus questio∣ned, answered as above, that the fore∣named Bishops corrupted and altered the said Translation made by K. James his order; whereby it appears of how small authority or accompt it ought to

be. Again, in this same Translation they have translated Gal. 5.17. the flesh lu∣steth against the Spirit, so that ye can∣not do the things yea would; whereas the Greek and Latine is, yea do not (de facto) the things ye would.

31. Not unlike to the said salsificati∣on of Zuinglius concerning the Eucha∣rist, is that of Protestant English Bibles touching the same Sacrament, to proove their Heresie, that there is a Divine pre∣cept for all persons to receive both kinds, saying 1 Cor. 11. v. 27. Whosoever shall eat this Bread, (and) drink this Cup of the Lord unworthily, &c. Whereas in the Greek it is, Whosoever shall eat this Bread, (or) drink this Chalice, &c. which disjunctive (or) cannot infer the necessi∣ty of both kinds, as the Conjunctive (and) might seem to do, and for which end they falsify this Text, strangely standing for both species of Bread and Wine, while indeed they deprive men of the reall substance of our Saviours Body and Bloud for both species, by bringing all to a meer sign, or some phan∣tastical presence by Faith, or some such imaginary way.

32. What I am now to say, though it may seem to deserve only laughter, yet it shews in good earnest the inconvenience of translating the holy Scripture into vul∣gar languages, with a promiscuous free∣dom

of all sorts of persons to read them. Thus then Gen. 3. v. 7. Divers Prote∣stant English Bibles say thus: They (A∣dam and Eve) sewed fig-tree leaves toge∣ther, and made themselves Breeches. How ridiculously doth this sound to an Eng∣lish ear, that the woman should were Breeches? And yet this is the Transla∣tion of the Bible Printed at London by the Deputies of Christopher Barker, Prin∣ter to the Queens most excellent Maje∣sty Anno 1593. Cum Privilegio, And Anno 1596. by the same Printer (of which I have two Copies) it is transla∣ted in the same manner; As also Anno 1586. [q] 1.176 by Robert Barker Printer to the Queen. All which Editions I have at hand ready to be exhibited. If I did take pleasure to jeast in serious matters, I could say, That a Protestant whom I could name, being much troubled with this Translation, a Catholick (from whose mouth I received this story) bid the Protestant be not troubled at those Editions, seeing they were published under Queen Elizabeth, who being held by English Protestants for Head of their Church, no wonder it was, that under a Woman-Head, women did were the Breeches: which conceipt, though it did not much comfort that Protestant, yet we may in good earnest by this occasion detest those parasites and flattering Mi∣nisters,

who were not ashamed to make any temporal Prince, meerly in vertue of his temporal power, Head of Gods Church, and of all Clergy-men, even in spiritual matters; and we are to adore Gods just judgements, in permitting the temporizing Protestant Clergy of Eng∣land to be degraded by Temporal Pow∣er, in just punishment of their absurd Heresie that temporal Princes are upon earth Supreme Heads of Gods Church: neither ought we to wonder, that they come to suffer in their temporal power, who would needs, against all reason and principles of Christian Religion, usurp that Supreme spiritual Authority, which by our Saviour Christ was granted only to St. Peter and his Successors: Where I cannot omit what one of the most lear∣ned among the Protestant English Bi∣shops (we discoursing of the Universal Wars of these times) said, (and he spoke a certain and evident truth) that these Wars and troubles of Christendome be∣gan upon the year 1517. when Luther first revolted from the obedience of all Churches before his time.

33. But, why do I specifie some few par∣ticular mis-translations of the Protestant Bibles, seeing they themselves do mu∣tually reprove, impugn, and condemn their own translations? As appears out of Brereley tract. 1. sect. 10. subdivis.

4. joyned with tract. 2 cap. 2. sect. 10. subdi∣vis. 2. To omit (saith he) particulars, whose recital would be infinit, and to touch this point but generally only, the Translati∣on of the New Testament by Luther is condemned by Andreas Osiander, Kec∣kermannus, and Zuinglius, who saith here∣of to Luther, thou dost corrupt the word of God; thou art seen to be a manifest and common corrupter of the holy Scriptures: how much are we ashamed of thee, who hitherto esteemed thee beyond all measure, and now prove thee to be such a man? And in like manner doth Luther reject the Translation of the Zuinglians, tearming them in matter of Divinity fools, Asses, Antichrists, Deceivers, and of Asse-like understanding. Insomuch that when Proscheverus the Zuinglian Printer of Zurick sent him a Bible translated by the Divines there, Luther would not re∣ceive the same, but sending it back re∣jected it, as the Protestant Writers Hos∣pinianus & Lavatherus witness. The Translation set forth by Oecolampadius, and the Divines of Basil, is reproved by Beza, who affirmeth that the Basil Tran∣slation is in many places wicked, and al∣together differing from the mind of the holy Ghost. The Translation of Castalio is condemned by Beza, as being [r] 1.177 sacri∣legious, wicked, and Ethnical. As con∣cerning Calvins Translation, that lear∣ned

Protestant Writer Carolus Moli∣naeus saith thereof, [s] 1.178 Calvin in his Har∣mony maketh the Text of the Gospel to leap up and down; he useth violence to the Let∣ter of the Gospel, and besides this addeth to the Text. As touching Beza's Tran∣slation (to omit the dislike had thereof by Seluecerus the German Protestant of the University of Jena) the foresaid Mo∣linaeus saith of him, [t] 1.179 de facto mutat tex∣tum, he actually changeth the text; and giveth further sundry instances of his corruptions: as also [u] 1.180 Castalio that learned Calvinist, and most learned in the tongues, reprehendeth Beza in a whole Book of this matter, and saith; that to note all his errours in Translation, would require a great volume. And Mr. Parkes saith [x] 1.181 As for the Geneva Bibles, it is to be wished that either they may be purged from those manifold errors, which are both in the text, and in the margent, or else utterly prohibited. All which confirmeth King James his grave and learned Cen∣sure, in his [y] 1.182 thinking the Geneva Translation to be worst of all; and that [z] 1.183 in the marginal notes annexed to the Geneva Translation, some are very par∣tial, untrue, seditious, &c. Lastly con∣cerning the English Translations, the Puritans say, [a] 1.184 Our Translation of the Psalms comprised in our Book of Common Prayer, doth in addition, subtraction and

alteration, differ from the truth of the He∣brew in two hundred places at the least. In so much as [b] 1.185 they do therefore pro∣fess to rest doubtful, whether a man with a safe conscience may subscribe thereto. And Master Carlile saith of the Eng∣lish Translators, that they have [c] 1.186 de∣praved the sense, obscured the truth, and deceived the ignorant; that in many pla∣ces they do detort the Scriptures from their right sense; And that, they shew them∣selves to love darkness more than light, falshood more than truth. And the Mini∣nisters of Lincoln, [d] 1.187 Diocess give their publick testimony, tearming the English Translation, a Translation that taketh away from the text, that addeth to the text, and that, sometime to the changing, or obscuring of the meaning of the Holy Ghost. Not without cause therefore did his Majesty affirm, [e] 1.188 that he could ne∣ver yet see a Bible well translated into English. Thus far Brereley.

34. Pu. Now let Protestants consider duly these points First, Salvation cannot be hoped for without true Faith; Faith according to them relyes upon Scripture alone; Scripture must be delivered to most of them by the Translations; Tran∣slations depend on the skill and hone∣sty of men, in whom nothing is more certain than a most certain possibility to erre, and no greater evidence of truth,

than that it is evident, that some of them embrace falshood, by reason of their contrary translations. What then re∣maineth, but that truth, faith, salvation, and all, must in them rely upon a falli∣ble, and uncertain ground? How ma∣ny poor souls are lamentably seduced, while from Preaching Ministers, they admire a multitude of texts of Divine Scripture, but are indeed the false tran∣slations and corruptions of erring men? Let them therefore, if they will be assured of true Scriptures, fly to the alwaies vi∣sible, infallible [f] 1.189 Catholick Church, against which the gates of Hell can never so far prevail, as that she shall be per∣mitted to deceive the Christian world with false Scriptures, Translations, or Interpretations; wherein there is a main and clear difference between us Catho∣licks, who rely upon an infallible and li∣ving Guide (the Church,) and Prote∣stants, who believe not only every pri∣vate man, but the whole Catholick Church to be fallible, and subject to er∣ror; and if it were but for this cause a∣lone we ought to believe the Catholick Church to be infallible, without the be∣lief whereof we can have no absolute certainty what Books be Canonical, nor what is the certain interpretation of them, and the end of all will be, that we can∣not believe Christian Faith to be infal∣lible,

and certainly true: in so much as Luther himself, by unfortunate experi∣ence, was at length forced to confess thus much, saying, [g] 1.190 If the world last longer, it will be again necessary to re∣ceive the decrees of Councels, and to have recourse to them; by reason of divers in∣terpretations of Scripture, which now reign. On the contrary side, [h] 1.191 as our learned adversaries do thus agree to dis∣agree in their own translations, mutual∣ly condemning (as before) each other; so also have they upon a second and more advised consideration, afforded ho∣nourable testimony of our vulgar La∣tin translation had from Rome, (which Master Witaker otherwise in splene and spirit of contradiction tearmeth [i] 1.192 an old rotten translation, &c. full of faults, errors, and corruptions of all sorts, [k] 1.193 then which nothing can be more faulty or de∣steined; and [l] 1.194 of all others most cor∣rupt.) To this purpose Beza saith, [m] 1.195 The old Interpreter seemeth to have interpreted the holy Books with mervyllous sincerity and Religion, Vetus Interpres videtur summa Religione sacros Libros interpre∣tatus; which Religious observation of the old Interpreter is acknowledged in like sort by D. Humfrey de ratione inter∣pret. l. 1. pag. 74. where he saith, Pro∣prietati verborum satis videtur addictus vetus Interpres, & quidem nimis anxiè,

quod tamen interpretor Religione quadam fecisse, non ignorantia. Also Beza fur∣ther saith in praefat. novi Testam. Anni 1556. Vulgatam editionem maxima ex parte amplector, & caeteris omnibus an∣tepono, the vulgar Edition I do for the most part imbrace, and prefer before all o∣thers. Carolus Molinaeus in nov. Testam. part. 30. signifieth his no less answera∣ble liking thereof, saying, aegerrimè à vulgari consuetaque lectione recedo, quam etiam enixè defendere soleo, I can very hardly depart from the vulgar and accu∣stomed reading, which also I am accusto∣med earnestly to defend: In so much as he professeth [n] 1.196 to prefer the vulgar E∣dition, before Erasmus, Bucer, Bullinger, Brentius, the Tigurine translation, also before John Calvin (etiam Joannis Cal∣vini, & omnibus aliis) and all others. Whereto might be added the like fur∣ther answerable commendation thereof given by that famous Protestant Writer Conradus Pelicanus, who (in praefat. in Psalterium Anni 1534.) saith, Tanta dexteritate, eruditione, & fide, Hebraica quoad sensum, concordare deprehendimus vulgatam editionem Psalterii, ut erudi∣tissimum pariterque piissimum, & verè Prophetali Spiritu fuisse interpretem Grae∣cum & Latinum non dubitem. And whereas we affirm that St. Hierom [o] 1.197 at the request of Pope Damasus was Au∣thor

or reviewer of our common Edi∣tion, which the Fathers [o] 1.198 do so great∣ly commend, Master Whitaker answering thereto, doth (upon a more sober and stayed judgement) alter the former ve∣hemency of his stile, saying, (in his an∣swer to M. Reynolds pag. 241. paulo an∣te med.) St. Hierom I reverence, Dama∣sus I commend, and the work I confess to be godly and profitable to the Church. As also D. Covell in his answer un∣to Master John Burges, &c. pag. 94. ante medium acknowledgeth the anti∣quity of the vulgar translation, saying, It was used in the Church a thousand three hundred years ago, not doubting (ibidem) to prefer that translation before others. Insomuch as that whereas the English translations be many and among them∣selves disagreeing, he concludeth (ibi∣dem pag. 91. prope finem,) that of all those, the approved translation authori∣zed by the Church of England, is that which commeth neerest to the vulgar; and is commonly called the Bishops Bible. O truth, most strong, sacred, and invio∣lable! more forcible (as St. Austine con∣tra Donatistas post collat. cap. 24. obser∣veth) to wring out Confession, than is any rack or torment. Pu. Since the truth of that Translation which we use, must be the rule to judge of the goodness of their Bibles; they are obliged to main∣tain

our vulgar Translation, if it were but for their own sake; yea D. Done (saith Brereley here pag. 257.) in his perswasion to English Recusants, &c. pag. 16. circa med. saith likewise of the vulgar Translation, We grant it fit, that for uniformity in quotation of places in Schools and Pulpits one Latin text should be used: And we can be contented for the antiquity thereof to prefer that before all other Latin Books. But let us proceed with our former discourse of Zuing∣lius.

35. Fifthly, [q] 1.199 concerning our com∣mitting of sin, Zuinglius layeth the same upon God as the Authour thereof, af∣firming of God, that he moveth the thief to kill, (Zuinglius de Providentia Dei fol. 366. a. ante med. movet ergo (Deus) Latro∣nem ad occidendum) that the thief killeth, God procuring him, (Deo impulsore oc∣cidit. ibid. paulo post) that God moveth and inforceth till the party be slain (Mo∣vet & impellit Deus usque dum ille occisus est. ibid. fol. 366. a. circa med. and a lit∣tle after there, impulit Deus ut occideret) that the thief is inforced to sin, (At in∣quies, coactus est ad peccandum: permitto, inquam, coactum esse. fol. 366. paulo ante medium.) In so much that in our sinning against the Law we are not (saith he) Au∣thors (of the sin) but as (Gods) instru∣ments: In legem enim peccarunt, non

quasi authores, sed quasi instrumenta quibus Deus liberiùs pro sua voluntate uti potest. Ibidem fol. 366. a. initi••.) That even one and the same fact, which hath God for the Author and impulsor, is in God honourable, and in man sin, (Ergo factum quod Deo authore & impulsore fit, illi honorificum est, ••t homini crimen ac∣nefas,) that Davids adultery perteined to God as author thereof, (Adulterium Da∣vid ad Deum authorem pertinet, &c. ibid. fol. 365. b. fine) that though adultery and murther be not sin in God, because he is bound by no Law, yet saith he, they be, the works of God (as) the author, the mo∣ver, and inforcer. (Unum igitur atque idem facinus, puta adulterium, aut homi∣cidium, quantum Dei est authoris, moto∣ris, ac impulsoris opus est, crimen non est: quantum autem hominis est, crimen ac scelus est: ille enim lege non tenetur, hic autem lege damnatur.) So e∣vidently doth he make God the Au∣thor, though not of sin in him∣self, because he is subject to no Law; yet of sin in us. An opinion most dread∣ful, odious, and execrable.

36. Sixthly, concerning our obedi∣ence to the Civil Magistrate, in case he impugn Zuinglius his Religion, his Do∣ctrine was, that in such case even Kings are to be deposed. [r] 1.200 Zuinglius l. 4. E∣pistolarum Zuinglii & Oecolampadii, E∣pist.

Conhardo, Somio, & Simperto, &c. pag. 868. post med. & pag. 869. saith, Promittendum est Caesari officium debi∣tum, si modò fidem nobis permittat illiba∣tam, &c. Romanum Imperium, imò quod∣cunque Imperium, ubi Religionem since∣ram opprimere caeperit, & nos illud neg∣ligentes patimur, jam negatae aut contemp∣tae Religionis, non minùs rei erimus, quam illi ipsi oppressores. Exemplnm est apud Hierem. 15. ubi exterminium commina∣tur Deus Israeli, quod Manassem permi∣sissent impunè esse pessimum. Due loyalty is to be promised to Caesar, if so that he permit to us our Religion inviolable, &c. If the Roman Empire, or what other So∣veraign soever should oppress the sincere Religion, and we negligently suffer the same, we shall be charged with contempt, no less than the oppressors thereof them∣selves: whereof (saith he abusing therein the Scriptures most grosly) we have an example in the 15. of Jeremy, where the destruction of the people is prophesied, for that they suffered their King Manasses, being ungodly, to be unpunished. And see Zuinglius his words, tom. 1. in explanatio∣ne articuli 42. fol. 84. a. where he tea∣cheth that Quando perfidè & extra regu∣lam Christi egerint, possunt cum Deo de∣poni. And ibid. fol. 84. b. he allegeth to this the foresaid example of Manasses. And upon his reported disorderly pro∣ceedings

in this kind (saith Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subdivis. 3. at sixtly) it was, that certain Protestants, who ac∣knowledge of Zuinglius, that he taught some things well, and that he repurged the Church of Christ from the excess and filth of Popish superstition, do yet withall say, that he performed the same, not by just and lawfull Preaching of the word, but rashly, making havock of all things by a tumultuary and fanatical Spirit, &c. Vio∣lently assuming arms and the sword pro∣hibited by Christ, that so he might by force compel his adversaries to his opinion. Gualter in his Apologia pro Zuinglio & operibus ejus, placed in the beginning of the first tome of Zuinglius his works, Printed Tiguri 1581. fol. 18. a. ante med. allegeth them saying, Zuinglius licet quaedam benè docuerit, in multis ta∣men aliis erravisse contendunt. And on the b. side of that folio prope initium, it is further alleged, Christi (inquiunt) di∣lectam Sponsam Ecclesiam à Pontificiae superstitionis luxu & sordibus, non justa & legitima verbi praedicatione repurga∣vit, sed tumultuario & fanatico Spiritu per omnia temerè grassatus est, &c. Vio∣lenter & arma, & à Christo prohibitum gladium corripuit, nimirum in suam sen∣tentiam sibi contradicentes compulsurus. In so much as he is charged to have stir∣red up his Countrymen the Zwitzers to

Civil Wars, by reason whereof those of Tigure and Berna, who followed his Doctrine, are reported to have made War upon their Neighbours, the other five Towns, exacting of them upon profered conditions of peace, [s] 1.201 that they should receive again those whom they had banished for the (other) Religion, and should not forbid the reading of the Scrip∣tures, [t] 1.202 &c. To which the said five Towns disdaining to be so compelled, and being also thereupon [u] 1.203 brought to so great famine, as being forestalled of victuals, by those of Tigure and Berna, the War was renewed, and Zuinglius himself was thereupon [x] 1.204 slain, not as a Preacher, but as a Warriour, [y] 1.205 ar∣med in the field. Whereupon those fore∣said [z] 1.206 Censurers mentioned by Gualter, who as before liked Zuinglius his pre∣tended repurging of the Popish Supersti∣tion, but misliked his means thereof, and whom Gualter tearmeth [a] 1.207 Divines of great esteem, were not afraid to pronounce him dead in sin, and so consequently to have been the Son of Hell. Carion himself (as Gualter confesseth) hereupon not for∣bearing to [b] 1.208 charge the Tigurines (as) seditious (herein) against Rodulph King of the Romans.

Hitherto briefly and modestly concer∣ning both Luther and Zuinglius, humbly withall referring to the equity the readers

learned judgement, whether that in re∣gard of so plain and confessed premises, we may safely joyn with the Apology of the Church of England in acknowled∣ging them two for [c] 1.209 most excellent men, even sent of God, to give light to the whole world in the midst of darkness, when the truth was unknown and unheard of?

Of Calvin.

37. AS [d] 1.210 concerning John Calvin Born [e] 1.211 at Noyon in Picardy. Anno 1509. against whom is obje∣cted (how truly or untruly, I do now for some reasons purposely forbear hereby to affirm) that he forged Letters under the names of Galasius and others, as by them written in his praise, and his then sending them to Petrus Viretus Mini∣ster of Lausanna to be dispersed: his re∣ported further [f] 1.212 practise with one

called Brule and his Wife, that he should feign himself dead, whereupon Calvin should in Confirmation of his Doctrine, undertake in the presence of many to revive him, which when Calvin did, Brule was in Gods judgement found dead indeed, whereupon his wife excla∣med publikely against Calvin, and dis∣covered the practise; his like reported incontinency with the Gentlewoman of Mongis, who stealing from her Hus∣band at Lausanna, made abode at Gene∣va with Calvin; his like reported adul∣terous attempting at Geneva of the La∣dy Jollande of Bredrode, wife to a sickly Noble man called James Borgongue Lord of Fallaise, in so much as she perswaded her Husband to leave Geneva, and go to Lausanna, where she revealed the whole matter [g] 1.213; also his extraordinary curi∣ous and exquisit dyet, such, and so pub∣lickly, and precisely observed, saith [h] 1.214 Bol∣seke, as the Lords of Berna were thereat greatly offended. In report of all which, though Bolseke make solemn and great [i] 1.215 protestation of his truth; for so much yet as being scandalized with Calvins life, he afterwards became Catholick, and so was at the writing hereof, we will therefore in regard of our former under∣taken method, be sparing to urge the same. Only we cannot forbear the pub∣like testimony of that learned Lutheran

Conradus Schlusselburg, a man of principal estimation in the Protestants Church, being as appears by the title of his Book Dioceseos Raceburgensis Super∣intendens, & conjunctarum Megapolen∣sium Ecclesiarum Generalis Inspector, and no less learned, and enemy to the Pope, than was Calvin himself, who [k] 1.216 in Theo∣logia Calvinistarum l. 2. fol. 72. a. circa & post med. reported of Calvin, saying, God in the rod of his fury visiting Cal∣vin, did horribly punish him before the fearful hour of his unhappy Death: For he strake this Heretick (so he tearmeth him in regard of his conceived Doctrine concerning the Sacrament, and Gods being the Author of sin) with his migh∣ty hand, that being in despair, and calling upon the Devil, he gave up his wicked Soul, swearing, cursing, and blaspheming, he dyed upon the disease of lice and worms (a kind of death wherewith God often striketh the wicked, with which God did strike Antiochus 2 Machab. 9.5.9.10. and Herod Act. 12.23.) increasing in a most louthsome ulter about his privy parts, so as none could endure the stench. These things are objected to Calvin by publike writing, in which also horrible things are declared concerning his lasci∣viousness, his sundry abominable vices and sodomitical lusts, for which (last) he was by the Magistrate (at Noyon) un∣der

whom he lived branded on the shoulder with a hot burning iron, unto which I yet see not any sound and clear refutation made, &c. Deus man•• sua potenti adeò hunc haereticum percussit, ut desperata sa∣lute, daemonibus invocatis, jurans, exe∣crans, & blasphemans miserrimè animam malignam exhalârit, obiit autem Calvi∣nus morbo pediculari, vermibus circa pudenda in apostemate seu ulcere faetentis∣simo crescentibus, ita ut nullus assistentium faetorem amplius ferre posset. Haec publicis Scriptis Calvino objiciuntur (in quibus e∣tiam de ipsius Aselgia, variis flagitiis, & sodomiticis libidinibus ob quas stigma fer∣ro candenti dor so Calvini impressum fuerit à Magistratu, sub quo vixit, horrenda narrantur) ad quae non video solidam & luculentam aliquam refutationem, &c. scio & lego Bezam aliter de vita, moribus, & obitu Calvini scribere: cùm verò Beza eadem haeresi & eodem ferme peccato no∣bilitatus sit, ut Historia de Candida ejus meritricuba testatur, nemo ipsi in hac parte fidem habere potest. And see further there concerning Beza l. 1. in prooemio pag. 4. b. & ibid. pag. 92. a. post med. & b. & 93. a. initio. Hierom Bolseke further af∣firms in his said Book, that the City of Noyon in Picardy in which Calvin lived, and from which (saith Bolseke) Calvin upon his foresaid punishment of bran∣ding fled, did testify this foresaid offence

and punishment of Calvin, unto Monsieur Bertelier Secretary of the Counsel of Geneva, under the hand of a publick and sworn Notary, which testimony (saith Bolseke) is yet extant, and hath been seen to himself and many others. Now whe∣ther this Author would lye so egregi∣ously, and with setting down in Print such pretended known circumstances, wherein he was so notably disproveable, and to be discredited even in the knowledge of the whole City of Noyon (a place not remote, but in the same Kingdom) we will not affirm, nor de∣termine, but leave to all indifferency of judgement. Only we adde, that where∣as F. Campian (in rat. 3.) doth object this against Calvin, as a matter known and publick, tearming him therefore (stigmaticus perfuga) a branded fugitive, M. Whitaker in his answer thereto pag. 50. initio saith, Si stigmaticus fuit (Cal∣vinus) fuit etiam Paulus, fuerunt alii. And being told by Duraeus contra Whi∣takerum Printed 1582. fol. 73. b. that he was prophane in so comparing Calvins brands for wickedness, with Pauls brands for Christ, he doth (in respons. contra Duraeum pag. 280. answering to that very fol. 73. of Duraeus) pass over all this matter in silence, forbearing so thereby all further mention or defence thereof. [l] 1.217 To the former testimonies affirming

Calvins filthy despairing death, (upon the disease of Lice and Worms encrea∣sing in an Ulcer about his privy parts) assenteth the Protestant Writer Johannes Herennius, who being himself an ear∣nest Calvinist Preacher, and then con∣tinuing student at Geneva, affirmeth (in his published Book de vita Calvini) himself to have been present and eye∣witness thereof, saying, Calvinus in des∣peratione finiens vitam, obiit turpissimo & foetidissimo morbo, quem Deus rebelli∣bus & maledictis comminatus est, prius excruciatus & consumptus, quod ego veris∣sime attestari audeo, qui funest••m & tra∣gicum illius exitum, his meis oculis prae∣sens aspexi.

38. He [m] 1.218 teaches (in Dan. c. 6. v. 22.25.) that earthly Princes do bereave them∣selves of authority, when they erect them∣selves against God, yea that they are un∣worthy to be accounted in the number of men, and we must rather spit upon their faces, thn obey them, &c. Abdicant se potestate terreni Principes dum insurgunt contra Deum, imò indigni sunt, qui cen∣seantur in hominum numero; potius ergo conspuere oportet in illorum capita, quàm illis parere, &c. And see further this saying specially mentioned and objected to the Puritans for seditious by D. Wilts in his odedience or Ecclesiastical union pag. 6. prope initium. And Knox alle∣ged

in proof of his own seditious opini∣on, Calvin and certain other Ministers then residing at Geneva, teaching, that it is lawful for Subjects to reform Religi∣on, when Princes will not, yea rather than fail, even by force of Arms: and accordingly our adversaries themselves acknowledge, that-the Protestants of Geneva did depose their liege Lord and Prince, from his temporal right there, from which yet to this present he is kept, by strong force debarred: albeit he was by right of Succession, the temporal Lord and owner of that City and terri∣tory.

39. His intollerable contempt of the Antient Holy Fathers will appear many wayes, when we shall come to prove, that Protestants confess the Fathers to stand for us, and for that cause they reject them. Here we will only set down his taxing the Fathers for believing and tea∣ching the Sacrifice of the Mass [n] 1.219 (a point most opposed by Protestants, and most dear to us Catholicks) in these words, lib. de vera Ecclesiae reformatione (extant in tract. Theologic. Calvini, &c. pag. 389. a. fine & b. initio) Solemne est nebu∣lonibus istis (meaning us Catholicks) quiequid vitiosum in Patribus legitur, corradere, &c. cùm ergo objiciunt locum Malachiae de Missae sacrificio ab Irenao ex∣poni, oblationem Melchisedech, sic tra∣ctari

ab Athanasio, Ambrosio, Augustino, Arnobio, breviter responsum sit, eosdem illos Scriptores alibi quoque panem inter∣pretari Corpus Christi, sed ita ridiculè, ut dissentire nos cogat ratio & veritas, &c. And in his Book of Institutions Printed Argentorati 1539. pag. 350. ante me∣dium, and after the other Edition lib. 4. Instit. cap. 18. sect. 11. he saith, Veteres quoque illos video hanc memoriam aliò detorsisse, quam institutioni Domini con∣veniebat, quod nescio quam repetitae aut saltem renovatae imolationis faciem eorum coena prae se ferehat, &c. Imitati sunt enim propius Judaicum sacrificandi morem, quam aut ordinaverat Christus, aut E∣vangelii ratio ferebat. And see Brereley (tract. 1. sect. 3. subdivis. 3. post. 12.) where he expresly chargeth the Fathers with forging a Sacrifice in the Lords Supper without his Commandement, and adulterating the Supper with adding of Sacrifice. Thus Calvin in omnes Pau∣li Epist. in Hebr. c. 7. ver. 9. pag. 924. saith, Quo magis tot veteres Ecclesiae Do∣ctores hac opinione occupatos fuisse miror, &c. certè ut error errorem trahere solet, cum ipsi Sacrificium in Christi coena, nul∣lo ejus mandato finxissent, adeoque coenam adulterassent, addito Sacrificio, colores po∣stea hinc inde accersere conatisunt, quibus errorem suum fucarent. And in his Book de vera Ecclesiae reformatione (extant in

tract. theologic. Calvini) pag. 389. b. fi∣ne, he further saith, Veteres excusandi non sunt, quatenus scilicet ipsos apparet à puro & gennino Christi instituto deflexis∣se; nam cum in hunc finem celebranda sit coena, ut Sacrificio Christi communicemus, eo non contenti, oblationem quoque addide∣runt: hoc auctarium vitiosum esse dico, &c.

40. The Doctrines and sayings of Calvin, and Calvinists, whereby he un∣avoydably makes God the Author of sin in us, are so known, and so strongly im∣pugned by Protestants themselves, as I need not be long in alleging them par∣ticularly and at large, but refer the Rea∣der to Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 14. Where he will find exactly cited these, (and other like) Doctrines: [o] 1.220 That God doth ordain by his Counsel and Decree, that among men some be born destined to certain damnation from their Mothers womb, and that the decree of God in this behalf, is only because it so pleaseth him, without any respect had to their works either good or ill. That, God exciteth the wicked will of one thief to kill another, guideth his hand and weapon, justly inforcing the will of the thief. That God not only permit∣mitteth, but leadeth into temptation, even with an active power, and not permissive only; and doth truly, and by his determi∣nate purpose harden, make blind, and in∣cline

the heart to evill: that God hardned Pharao, not speaking hyperbolically but truly, and hardned him that so he might resist: that God would that Pharao should not obey his Commandement, yea he wrought in him, that he should resist it, nor could he do otherwise. That God wor∣keth effectally in our sins, that the falling of the ten tribes he calleth his work; that Davids adultery was the proper work of God, as was the conversion of Paul; that God pronounceth Absolons incestuous pol∣lution of his Fathers Bed to be his own work; and that in our sinning, neither Satan nor we are Authors, but as the in∣struments of God. That whatsoever thing God doth foresee (and he foreseeth all sins) the same he doth will, decree, and ordain to be done, that therefore he is the Author of all those things which the (Popish) Cen∣surers think that he idely permitteth. Which Doctrines are so absurd, that even Calvin confesseth it for [p] 1.221 inex∣plicable how God may be said to will sin, which he himself forbiddeth to be done, and sundry Protestants of great estimation do thereupon reject and con∣demn them, expresly also for that cause charging their Authors with teaching that God is the Author of Sin. From whence and from their other foresaid principle of advancing of only Faith, extenuating good works, and their other

like Doctrines, have sprung, as from a hydra, the sect of the Libertines: who upon the very foresaid grounds, and co∣lours [q] 1.222 (denying nevertheless verbally, as Calvin doth God to be Author of sin, and verbally also requiring [r] 1.223 integrity of life and manners) have set abroad to the world by their published [s] 1.224 writings (stored [t] 1.225 with testimonies of Scrip∣tures) all [u] 1.226 Epicurism, and impure li∣berty of life. I sayd (upon the very fore∣said grounds.) For it appeareth by Cal∣vins report of their words in tract. Theo∣logic. pag. 540. a. circa med. their chief reason to be (cùm Deus rerum omnium author sit, nullum jam boni & mali dis∣crimen esse habendum, sed quicquid agitur bonum esse: because whatsoever God doth is good. And Calvin ibidem pag. 518. a. ante med. saith of the same Libertines: Temulenti isti à Deo fieri omnia perstre∣pentes, eum mali Authorem constituunt. Deinde quasi immutetur mali natura, cùm sub hoc nominis velo tegitur, bonum esse affirmant, &c. And Calvin also ubi supra pag. 542. b. paulo post medium, saith furthermore of one of their chief men: Persuadet nihil esse mali in stupris & adul∣teriis, cùm à Deo fieri omnia cognoscimus. And again ibidem pag. 543. a. paulo ante medium, he saith yet further of him. In summa huc tantùm spectat ut discrimen tollat boni & mali, ut nemini quidvis fa∣cere

aut perpetrare Religio sit, cùm omnia Deo tribuat. And like as Calvin excu∣seth the absurdity of his like Doctrin, pre∣tending it to be inexplicable, and above understanding, requiring therefore our humble belief thereto, saying, Instit. l. 1. c. 18 sect. 3. Ubi non capimus quomodo fieri velit Deus, quod facere vetat, veniat nobis in memoriam nostra imbecillitas, & simul reputemus lucem quam inhabitat non frustra vo ari inaccessam, quia cali∣gine obducta est: so they in like excuse of their Doctrine, say as Calvin ubi supra pag. 540. a. prope finem reporteth their words) Omnes nostri sensus Deo subjicien∣di sunt, nec quicquam de sapientia nostra persuasum habere debemus: mens nostra subigenda, ut veluti captiva Christo morem gerat. So agreeable verbatim almost are they with the foresaid reason de∣livered by Calvin, that Calvin immedi∣atly upon his foresaid recital of their said words, addeth, saying thereof: Quod & ipsi fatemur, imò nullo utitur apparatu hic impostor, quem ex Doctrina nostra fura∣tus non sit. So confessedly doth their Do∣ctrine jump and agree with Calvin in the very first grounds and reasons thereof.

41. Although [x] 1.227 the Nycene Coun∣cel, and Athanasius his received Creed be, that Christ is very God of very God, Yet saith Whitaker (contra Camp. 208. pag. 121. circa med.) of Calvins opinion

to the contrary, which condemneth this for barbarous: Howsoever the Fathers of the Nycene Councel affirm Christ to be God of God, Calvin nevertheless affirmeth that we are strongly to believe, that Christ is God himself. Utcunque Patres illi (Niceni) Christum esse dixerint Deum de Deo, ta∣men firmissimè tenendum esse confirmat Calvinus Christum ex se habere ut Deus sit, nisi volumus Christum sua Divinitate spoliare. And Danaeus contra Bellarmi∣num part. 1. ad Controvers. 2. & cap. 19. pag. 121. saith, Hanc phrasin, Deus de Deo, verè sensit & scripsit Calvinus im∣propriam esse, ac barbariem redolere. And which is most fearful, that, if the Father have his essence of himself, the Son his of the Father, and the Spirit from them both, do not then three Essences hereupon arise? Si Pater (saith Calvin in admonitione ad Polonos extant in tract. Theologic. pag. 793. b. fine) suum esse habet à seipso, Fi∣lius suum esse à Patre, Spiritus ab utroque, annon tres Essentiae emergent?) All which (to forbear the Fathers) is contrary to the testimony both of Scripture, (Christ, saying, as the Father hath life in himself, so likewise hath he given to the Son to have life in himself. John. 5.26. And again, As the living Father hath sent me, and I live by the Father. John. 6.57.) and to the other more sober learned Protestants. For Szegedinus (in loc. com. pag. 634.

paulo post med.) saith directly, Dicendum est Filium eam ipsam Deitatem quae est Patris habere, non ex sese, sed ex Patre. Also Mr. Hooker (in his Ecclesiastical Policy l. 5. pag. 113. initio) saith, The Father alone is originally that Deity, which Christ is not. And see him further pag. 106. fine, & 113. ante medium. Which his assertion D. Covell in his defence of Mr. Hooker pag. 16.17. specially defen∣deth, affirming further pag. 17. initio, that Christ hath received his substance by the gift of eternal generation, & pag. 18. ante med. that Christ is God by being of God, light by issuing out of light, and more plainly yet ibid. pag. 121. Also Mr. Fox Apoc. pag. 474. initio, saith, Christus Deus ex Deo. And Lobecius in disput. 30. Theo∣log. pag. 49. saith, Filius non solum id quo Filius dicitur habet à Patre, verum etiam suam Essentiam. Solus enim Pater vitam seu Essentiam habet à seipso. And D. Dove in his Confutation of Atheism pag. 37. fine, saith, God the Father from everlasting understanding himself, begat his Son, coeternal with himself, &c. And the confession of Belgia in the Harmony, &c. pag. 34. initio saith, We believe that Christ in respect of his Divine Nature is the only Son of God. And Melancthon (in loc. com. of An. 1561. pag. 24. fine) saith, Pater aeternus sese intuens, gignit cogitationem sui, quae est imago ipsius, di∣citur

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quia cogitatione generatur, and ibid. pag. 25. initio) he saith, Secun∣da Persona filius dicitur, quia de substan∣tia Patris natus est: Moreover Calvin (Epist. 2. ad Polonos, extant in his tract. Theolog. &c. pag. 396. a. paulo ante me∣dium) saith, Precatio vulgo trita est; Sancta Trinitas, unus Deus miserere no∣stri, mihi non placet, ac omninò barba∣riem sapit. Calvin also affirms, that the Son hath his substance distinct from the Father (in Act. Serveti pag. 872. and pas∣sim.) Hereof see also Cnoglerus in his tria symbola pag. 34. and he (Calvin) al∣so saith, that according to his Divinity he maketh intercession to God the Father (in Ep. ad Polones) and see also his words in respons. ad Polonos, extant in tract. Theolog. &c. pag. 791. b. fine, and that the name of God is properly attributed to the Father by way of excellency (in tract. Theolog. &c. in explicat. perfid. Gentilis pag. 784. a. initio) Ingenuè tradimus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Dei nomen, Patri propriè as∣cribi, insinuating so thereby, that the name of God is attributed to the Son and the Holy Ghost, but improperly, and as it were after a secondary respect. And ibid. pag. 773. b. post med. Absurdum nega∣mus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Dei nomen, interdum Patri ascribi, quia ut alibi dictum est, fons est, ac principium Divinitatis. In like man∣ner he forbeareth not to call Christ the

Vicar of God, occupying the second degree of honour, saying in Harmon. in Matth. 26. v. 64.) Dicitur autem Christus se∣dere ad dextram Patris, quia summus Rex constitutus, quasi secundam ab eo honor is & imperii sedèm obtinet, sedet ergo ad Patris dexteram, quia ejus est vicarius, &c. And in admonit. ad Polenos (extant in tract. Theolog. &c. pag. 794. b. initio) he saith, Sententia Christi, Pater major me est, restricta fuit ad humanam ejus naturam; ego verò non dubito ad totum complexum extendere. And see there pag. 792, a. initio. And in Matth. 22. v. 44. and in 1 Cor. 15. v. 27. As also Amlungus (a prime Calvinist did let fall, that Christ was inferior to his Father according to his Divinity. Osiander in Epitom. &c. cent. 16. pag. 965. initio, reporting the con∣ference at Hertzburg Anno 1585. be∣tween the Divines of Saxony, and the Cal∣vinists of Hennalt (and in his praecipuus An••l••••ngus) of whom Amlungus (saith he) was the chief, saith, Inter caetera Amlun∣go haec impia vox excidit, Christum etiam secundum Divinitatem esse minorem Pa∣tre. There are also other sayings of our Adversaries which seem to sound dan∣gerously against the equality and con∣substantiality with God the Father. Ma∣ster Jewel and Master Fulk affirm, that [y] 1.228 Christ was according to his Deity his

Fathers Priest, and [z] 1.229 offered Sacrifice, (not only) according to his Manhood, but (also) according to his Godhead. An er∣ror confuted by St. Austine in Psalm 109. saying, According to that he is born of God the Father, God with God, &c. all with him who begetteth him, he is not a Priest, but a Priest for his flesh assump∣ted. And Theodoret in Psalm 109. saith accordingly, Christ exerciseth Priest∣hood as man, and receiveth Sacrifice as God. In respect of sundry which pre∣mises, Stancarus, in most other things a Calvinist, doubted not to affirm (con∣tra Ministros Genevenses & Tigurinos fol. 94.95. and fol. 118.123.) that the reformed Churches professing the Faith of Geneva, and Tigure, be Arian. And he further saith, Conclusum est ô Calvine, Doctrinam tuam de Filio Dei esse planè Arianam, à quâ resilias quàm primùm te oro atque obtestor. It is concluded ô Cal∣vin, that thy Doctrin concerning the Son of God, is wholly Arian, which I earnest∣ly beseech thee to abandon with all speed.

42. To which further purpose is no less apt and memorable the further con∣fessed testimony of Adam Neuserus (a learned Calvinist, and [a] 1.230 chief pastor at Heydelberg) who after his revolt unto A∣rianism, and from thence again unto Mahometism, [b] 1.231 did write to Doctor Gerlachius (a Protestant Preacher) from

Constantinople 2. Junii Anno 1574. saying, None is known in our time to be made an Atian, who was not first a Cal∣vinist (as) Servetus, Blandrata, Paulus, Alciatus, Franciscus David, Gentilis, Grebaldus, Silvanus, and others (all of them Calvinists revolted to Arianism) Therefore who so feareth to fall into Aria∣nism, let him take heed of Calvinism. Thus far Neuserus. Neither may it suf∣fice here for our adversaries to answer, that Calvin, and the fore-alleged Pro∣testant Writers do, notwithstanding their foresaid sayings, all of them acknowledge the Doctrin of the three Persons, and one God; for in vain, or, at least not well but coldly is that acknowledged in gene∣ral, which is either reputed for matter of [c] 1.232 indifferency, or else again impugned by other contrary inferring particulars, which are as before so many and divers in the forenamed Protestants, that sun∣dry of their own [d] 1.233 Writers do there∣fore

affirm them to have been the true and next occasion of these so late new uprising and many daily increasing A∣rians in [e] 1.234 Polonia, Hungary, and Tran∣silvania; A thing as yet more probable, in that the principal Heads or beginners of these late Arians were, as Neuserus confesseth, all of them at first Calvinists, and so to this present in most other points do these Arian Churches yet continue, thinking themselves hereby more refor∣med than others, of whom Mr. Hooker therefore saith in his Ecclesiastical Po∣licy, l. 4. pag. 183. fine, The Arians in the Reformed Churches of Poland, think the very belief of the Trinity to be a part of Antichristian corruption, and that the Popes triple Crown is a sensible mark, whereby the world might know him to be that mystical Beast spoken of in the Reve∣lation, in no respect so much as in his Doctrine of the Trinity.

43. And the Protestant Writer Luc. Osiander in Epitom. &c. centur. 16. pag. 269. fine, saith of these Reformed Ari∣ans, Asserunt Deum unum in Essentia, trinum in Personis, esse commentum An∣ti-Christi, esse triplicem Cerberum, esse Deum Baal, Moloch, &c. Symbolum A∣thanasii vocant fidem & doctrinam Sa∣tanasii, vanissimè insuper jactitant Lu∣therum vix tectum Babylonicae turris de∣texisse, se verò ex imis fundamentis eam

exscindere; thinking the vulgar Prote∣stant to be over Popish, and as far short of Reformation in respect of the Trinity, as do the Puritans think him to be in re∣gard of Bishops and Ceremonies. In de∣fence of which their horrible Heresie they do daily Print and publish their ma∣ny [f] 1.235 Books, taking advantage to fol∣low Calvins example in their like per∣verting of the Scriptures, &c. proudly [g] 1.236 rejecting the produced testimonies of the Fathers, and in [h] 1.237 appealing from them, with shew of great confidence, to only Scripture. In their allegations whereof, they are, as were the old Ari∣ans, [i] 1.238 very frequent and plentiful; as also no less prompt in making answer,

as Calvin doth, and by imitation of his example, unto sundry those very texts of greatest importance which were here∣tofore by the Fathers, and are now by us urg'd in proof of Christs Divinity. In so much as many (and some of them ve∣ry learned Protestants) and of great re∣putation in their Churches, (quite con∣trary to M. D. [k] 1.239 Fields untrue and bold denyal) are fully perswaded that Aria∣nism (or further infidelity) is as it were the Materia prima, or very last end or center, whereto the poyse or Bias, in this behalf, of Calvinism, is by the proper di∣rection of its genius, daily more and more moving and inclining. In most other points the Antitrinitarians and A∣rians continue yet Protestants, as appea∣reth by Gratianus Prosper the Arian, in his Book intituled, Instrumentum Do∣ctrinarum, &c. Printed Losci Anno 86. wherein he setteth down their several o∣pinions to be, The inequality of Christ with God the Father; That Children are not to be Baptized, till they be of dis∣cretion to answer for themselves (which Zuinglius and Oecolampadius think to be but a matter of indifferency, as is declared in Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subd. 3. at e. f. And that the Roman Church may not (in any sense) be called the Church of Christ.

44. Pu. Mark here who be they, who

are most opposite to the Roman Church, namely they, who deny the Blessed Tri∣nity and our Saviours Divinity, in res∣pect whereof they tearm themselves the Reformed Church, condemning the other Protestants for Popish and superstitious. And as to Puritans common Protestants were esteemed Popish, so Puritans who believe the Trinity and the Consubstan∣tiality of our Saviour with his Father, are also tearmed Popish, and now even they who deny the Trinity, &c. will be judged Popish by other Sects, who will pretend to be more Reform'd, for exam∣ple, by Independents, Anti-Presbyteri∣ans, &c. So that indeed Protestants are no∣thing but an heterogenious Body, consi∣sting of persons, whereof every part or member must think themselves obliged not to communicate with the rest, that is their Community must be an aggregate of Schisms and Schismaticks.

45. Concerning the known Texts of Scripture usually alleged in proof of the Trinity, and misapplyed otherwise by Calvin; to allege some few examples insteed of many; First, concerning this known text, I and the Father are (unum) one (thing Joan. 10.30. Calvin avoy∣deth it saying, Abusi [l] 1.240 sunt hoc loco veteres, ut probarent Christum esse Patri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Neque enim Christus de unitate sub∣stantiae disputat, sed de consensu. Calvin

in Joan. c. 10. v. 30. Which exposi∣tion of Calvin being the old condem∣ned answer of Arius is defended by Whitaker contra Camp. rat. 8. pag. 123. fine. Secondly concerning the word Eloim Gen. 1. v. 1. Mr. Willet up∣on Gen. in cap. 1. pag. 19. fine, & 20. initio, confesseth and urgeth saying, A∣gainst the Jews that deny the Trinity we have evident proof in this Chapter ver. 1. Where the word Eloim, &c. And in like manner it is thus urged by Zanchi∣us in Hunnius his Antiparaeus, &c. pag. 16.17. And by Peter Martyr ibidem pag. 14. and by very many other Pro∣testant Writers alleged in that tract. Yet is this so common and known place avoyded by Calvin in Gen. c. 1. saying, Ex verbo Eloim colligere solent hic notari in Deo tres Personas, sed quia mihi parum solida videtur tantae rei probatio, ego in voce non insistam, quin potius monendi sunt lectores, ut sibi à violentis hujusmo∣di glossis caveant. Thirdly, concerning Gen. c. 19. v. 24. it is said, The Lord rained upon Sodom fire from the Lord, &c. Upon which place Mr. Willet up∣on Genes. c. 19. v. 24. pag. 214. paulo ante med. saith, This place is well urged by the Fathers to prove the Eternity of Christ. Yet Calvin in Gen. c. 19. saith to the contrary, and against the Fathers, quod veteres Christi Divinitatem hoc te∣stimonio

probare conati sunt, minimè fir∣mum est, &c. And see Calvin in tract. theolog. &c. pag. 793. b. ante medium. Fourthly, concerning Psalm 2. v. 7. where it is said, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee: although not only the Fathers, but the Apostle also Hebrae. 1.5. do allege this in proof of Christs Di∣vinity, yet Calvin in Psalm 2. saith to the contrary thereof, Scio hunc locum de aeterna Christi generatione à multis fu∣isse expositum, qui & in verbo (hodie) ar∣gutè Philosophati sunt, sed, &c. And a∣gain Hebr. c. 1. v. 5. he further saith, [m] 1.241 frivola enim Augustini argutia est, qui (hodie) aeternum & continuum fingit. Christus certè aeternusest, &c. Sed hoc nihil ad praesentem locum, &c. Fifthly, concer∣ning Psalm 33. v. 6. where it is said, By the word of the Lord, the Heavens were made, and all the hoast of them by the spi∣rit of his mouth, Calvin rejected the ex∣position herein of the Fathers in behalf of the Trinity, saying (Instit. l. 1. c. 13. sect. 15.) Sciens & volens supersedeo à multis testimoniis, quibus usi sunt Vete∣res. Plausibile illis visum est citare ex Davidis Psalm 33. &c. ut probarent Spi∣ritus Sancti Divinitatem, sed illa ratio infirma fuit. See further concerning this place Hunnius in his Antiparaeus pag. 59.60. &c. Sixtly, concerning that known place 1 Joan. 5.7. where it is

said, There be three that give testimony in Heaven, the Father, the Word, and Holy Ghost, and these three be one, Cal∣vin upon this place saith, Quod dicit tres esse unum ad Essentiam non refertur, sed ad consensum potius. Thereof see further Hunnius in his Antiparaeus pag. 112.113. &c. The further examples of Calvins expositions in this kind are so exceeding many, as would grow to a great volume, and are for such accordingly collected and digested into special volumes, not by us, but by that famous and learned Protestant Preacher Aegidius Hunnius in his three special volumes of this ar∣gument, one of them intituled, Calvi∣nus Judaizans, hoc est judaicae glossoe & corruptelae, quibus Joannes Calvinus il∣lustrissima Scripturae sacrae loca & testi∣monia de gloriosa Trinitate, &c. detestan∣dum in modum corrumpere non exhorruit, &c. per Aegidium Hunnium S. Theol. Doctorem & professorem in Academia Wittembergensi Anno 1595. Another of them intituled, Antiparaeus, &c. Prin∣ted Wittembergae 1603. And the third intituled, Antiparaeus alter, Printed ut supra. And see like observation and col∣lection made of sundry Scriptures (de∣praved as before by Calvin) in sundry other Protestant Writers of great note, as in Conradus Schlusselburg in Theolog. Cal∣vinist. l. 2. fol. 38.39.40.41. & 42. a.

And in the Book (there alleged) of D. Jo∣annis Matthaeus l. de Cavendo Calvinistarū fermento. And in Pelargus his admonitio de Arianis p. 50.51. &c. And if our adver∣saries hereto answer, that Calvin, all this notwithstanding, professed to believe the Doctrin of the Trinity; yet seemeth this but verbal, seeing he really evadeth so very many of those chiefest places usu∣ally alleged in behalf of the Trinity, and by such his evasion directed the Arians how to avoid the rest: For the very same kind of evasion or answer is as strong a∣gainst the other, as against these. To forbear as over-infinite the particular examples of those very same evasions or answers made by sundry Arians, which Calvin maketh to the alleged Scriptures, concerning the Trinity, and to speak thereof only but in general; Hunnius in his Calvinus Judaizans pag. 44. saith hereof: Hanc glossam, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 excipiunt, amplexantur, & exos∣culantur Franciscus Davidis, Blandrata, caeterique juratissimi, perfidissimique ho∣stes adorandae Trinitatis. And Pelargus an other Protestant Writer of great note, in his admonitio de Arianis, &c. pag. 45. ante med. saith, Non hic Calvi∣num in plurimis Scripturae expositioni∣bus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 non Calvinianos in praecipuis de Divinitate Christi locis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, laboriosè estendam, &c. ex ipsis Arianorum libris ubi sua posuerint latibula, ubi parata sibi

cognoscunt receptacula, paucis referam. And see there pag. 50. the Arians words avoyding under the express alleged au∣thority of Calvins name and exposition, certain of the fore-alleged Scriptures. And see there further pag. 51. & 52.

46. [m] 1.242 Concerning Calvins Do∣ctrin concerning our Saviour Christ, he teacheth, that Christ at and before his Passion, suffered in soul the horrible tor∣ments of a damned and wicked man; Di∣ros in anima cruciatus damnati ac perditi hominis pertulit (Calvinus l. 2. Instit. cap. 16. sect. 10.) that he not only offered his body in price, but also suffered in soul the pains due to us: (Calvinus ubi supra; in Harmonia in Matth. 27. v. 46.) E∣ven that death which is inflicted upon the wicked by God in his anger (Calvinus in∣stitut. l. 2. cap. 16. sect. 10.) eam mortem pertulit, quae sceleratis ab irato Deo in∣fligitur. And, all the pains for which the damned stand answerable, only ex∣cepted, that he could not be deteined there∣in (Calvin Instit. l. 2. c. 16. sect. 10. qui dependeret ac persolveret omnes, quae ab illis sceleratis expectendae erunt, paenas, hoc uno duntaxat excepto, quod doloribus mortis non poterat detineri.) From whence also followeth the sequel of that despair, wherewith God inflicteth the damned. To which purpose certain Calvinists affirm accordingly of our Sa∣viour,

[n] 1.243 that he was in great horror with the feeling of eternal damnation: that [o] 1.244 he did strive with the horror of eternal damnation, [p] 1.245 feared more than his bodily death, even [q] 1.246 the other death far more dreadful, namely [r] 1.247 the death of the soul, or second death, and was for the time in despair. Brentius in Luc. part. 2. hom 65. & in Joan. hom. 54. & Mar∣loret in Matth. 26. & Calvin in Matth. cap. 27. v. 46. saith, Sed absurdum vide∣tur, Christo elapsam desperationis vocem. Respondeo, facilem esse solutionem, hanc desperationem ex sensu carnis profectam. And ibidem in ver. 47. Sic videmus om∣ni ex parte fuisse vexatum, ut desperatio∣ne obrutus, ab invocando Deo obsisteret, quod erat saluti renuntiare. And Beza ad Haebr. 5. v. 7. affirmeth, that, Christo divinae maledictionis horrore percusso, e∣lapsa est vox desperationis. In so much, as they affirm him to have been there∣upon distempered or unadvised in his prayer; Calvin in Harmonia in Matth. 26. v. 39. sayeth, Haec ratio est, cur mor∣tem deprecatus mox sibi fraenum injiciat, Patrisque imperio se subjiciens, votum il∣lud subitò elapsum castiget & revocet. And after, Non fuit igitur haec meditata Christi oratio, sed vis & impetus doloris subitam ei vocem extorsit, cui statim ad∣dita fuit correctio, eadem veheme••tia prae∣sentem caelestis decreti memoriam illi ab∣stulit,

ut non reputaret in ipso momento se hac lege missum esse, &c. Certè in pri∣mo voto Christi non apparet placida illa moderatio quam dixi, quia Mediatoris of∣ficio defungi quantum in se est, renuit, ac detrectat. Pu. O blasphemies of Calvin! If Christ did despair, and did refuse to redeem mankind (as his Father had de∣cree'd and commanded he should be our Redeemer) how can he be a Redeemer of sinners if he himself did commit so great and grievous sins as Despair and Disobedience are?

47. Pu. As we concluded the life of Luther with a saying of Erasmus, so now we may well end the life of Calvin with the words of Hugo Grotius esteemed one of the most learned, and eloquent, and moderate Protestants of this age, who in his Votum pro pace Ecclesiastica ad Articulum pag. 17. saith thus of Calvin, Qua vero humanitate solitus fuerit Cal∣vinus excipere à se dissentientes, ex scriptis liquet. Castalionem, quia illam, quam Calvinus docebat, praedestinationem op∣pugnabat, nebulonem & Satanam vocat: Cornhertium & nebulonem & canem: Scriptorem de officio pii viri in hoc Re∣ligionis dissidio, qui erat Cassander, ipsi autem putabatur esse Balduinus, appellat frontis ferreae hominem, pietatis exper∣tem, prophanum, impudentem, impostorem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, petulantiae deditum. Ei Scripto cum

se opposuisset Balduinus, vocat eum homi∣nem nihili, obscaenum canem, improbum falsarium, multa scelestè ac nequiter co∣gitantem, & conspirantem cum improbis nebulonibus, Cynicum, scurram, perfi∣dum, fatuum, belluinâ rabie, Satanae ad∣dictum. Cassandrum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, m••rosum, la∣miam, larvam, serpentem, pestem, car∣nificem. Quid quod Bucerum ita vexavit, ut virum mitem coegerit haec scribere longè verissima: Judicas prout amas, vel odisti: amas autem vel odisti prout libet. Imo & ob atrocia dicta Bucerus ei nomen dedit fratricidae.

Of Beza.

48. NOw [s] 1.248 as concerning Theodore Beza, whose life was in like manner written by Hierom Bolseck, and by him published, Anno 1582. wherein he objecteth against Beza many great and hainous imputations set down in par∣ticular, with special naming of times, places and persons, as for example (a∣mong other) the selling of his Priory for ready mony in hand, and further letting it to others in farm for five years upon mony before hand received, wher∣upon the abused parties (upon his se∣cret stealing away) fell at publick sute,

which depended of record in the Court at Paris; Also his then stealing away (at the time of his said flight) the Taylors wife dwelling in Calender street at Pa∣ris; furthermore the getting of his maid with Child at Geneva, and his then feig∣ning both himself and the Maid to be sick of the Plague, whereby none should dare to come to them, whereupon he requested that they might be lodged in two Chambers of Petrus Viretus in an outer Gardin; which obtained, he cau∣sed a Barber Surgion to let the woman bloud, and to give a strong Purgation, after which she was delivered of a dead Child, which they Buryed in that Gar∣den, as the said Barber after confessed to Bolseck himself; during which mean time Beza (to cover the matter) com∣posed certain spiritual Songs of the great pains he suffered by vehemency of the Plague, and Printed them at Geneva; whereto are further added, his Printed seditious Books for stirring up of Civil Wars in France, whereof one was in∣tituled, the French furies, an other Truth, an other the Watch, an other the waking Bell, with others. Besides many other like grievous imputations, and the same delivered as being so particular and pub∣lick, that the untruth of them (if any were,) could not but become discovera∣ble to all mens knowledge: Although

that all these were in Beza's life time pub∣lished by Hierom Bolseck, and with [t] 1.249 great shew of confidence, by him de∣dicated to the Governors of Geneva, and not without earnest Protestation of his truth and fidelity therein, yet in re∣gard of my [u] 1.250 former alleged reason concerning Bolseck, and the other me∣thod, whereto I have restrained my self, I will purposely forbear, either to af∣firm, and make good, or otherwise to disable Bolsecks foresaid report of them, as contenting my self with such only o∣ther testimony, as is delivered by lear∣ned Protestants themselves. In which course is not unworthy of observation, how much Beza differed from the A∣postolical zeal and Spirit, in his uncha∣ritable and prophane disclame of all care of [x] 1.251 converting Heathen Nations to the faith of Christ, leaving that (profes∣sedly) to the Jesuits: a resolution in him so unchristian, that D. Saravia (a lear∣ned Calvin••st) for such [y] 1.252 condemneth it, saying, Responsionem hujusmodi à Domino Beza non expectabam, nec à quoquam Theologo, cui Evangelii praedi∣catio cordi sit ut esse debet, &c. adserere judico impium, & ab omni Christiana charitate alienum. [z] 1.253 First then among [a] 1.254 those (confessed many) licentious Po∣ems

of Beza, wherein he imitated the stile of (the most wanton) Catullns and Naso, occurreth that known scandalous Epi∣gram, made of his inordinate liking to his Ganimede, in which he debateth whether sin he may prefer; and in the end he concludeth with preferring the Boy, before his Candida. Beza's Epi∣grams Printed at Paris 1548. is extant among other his Epigrams of Andeber∣tus and Candida, beginning thus:

Abest Candida, Beza quid moraris? Andebertus abest, quid hic moraris? Tenent Parisii tuos amores, Habent Aurelii tuos lepores. Et tu Vezeliis manere pergis, Procul Candidula amoribusque: Immo Vezelii procul valete, Et vale Pater, & valete fratres: Nam Vezeliis carere possum, Et carere Parente, & his & illis, Ac non Candidula, Andebertoque, &c.

Next there followeth;

Sed utrum, rogo, praeferam duorum? Utrum invisere me decet priorem? An quenquam tibi Candida anteponā? An quenquā anteferā tibi Andeberte? Quid si me in geminas secē ipse partes? Harum ut altera Candidam revisat,

Currat altera versus Andebertum. At est Candida sic avara novi, Ut totum cupiat tenere Bezam: Sic Bezae est cupidus sui Andebertus, Beza ut gestiat integro potiri, Amplector quoque sic hunc, & illam, Ut totus cupiam videre utrumque Integris frui integer duobus.

Then next after followeth,

Praeferre attamen alterum necesse est, O duram nimium necessitatem! Sed postquam tamen alterū necesse est, Priores tibi defero Andeberte, Quod si Candida forte conqueratur, Quid tum? basiolo tacebit uno.

We confess that Master Fulk in his Treatise against the Defence of the Cen∣sure doth in his there answer hereto who∣ly rest in denyal thereof; for whereas the Defence of the Censure pag. 86. doth in particular charge Beza with this mat∣ter of Andebertus and Candida, Master Fulk in his foresaid Treatise against the Defence, &c. Printed at Cambridge by Thomas Thomas, pag. 246. comming to answer these particulars, taketh no notice of them in particular, but only answereth with a denyal in general of all imputations objected against Beza. But in vain. For the matter is not only affirmed by the foresaid Protestant Wri∣ter Conradus Schlusselburg in his Theolo∣gia

Calvinistarum l. 2. fol. 72. a. circa med. & post med. saying, [b] 1.255 Scio & le∣go Bezam aliter de vita, moribus, & o∣bitu Calvini scribere: cum verò Beza eadem haeresi & eodem f••rmè peccato no∣bilitatus sit, ut historia de Candida ejus meretricula testatur, nemo ipsi in hac par∣te fidem habere potest. And see further there concerning Beza l. 1. in prooemio pag. 4. b. & ibid. pag. 92. a. post med. & b. & 93. a. initio. And Theol. Calvinist. l. 1. fol. 93. a. initio, saying, [c] 1.256 Con∣stat & hoc, Bezam obscaenissimos versus scripsisse ad Germanum Andebertum, Au∣reliae electum, & ••undem tanquam Ado∣nidem à Beza factum esse: as also affir∣med by Tilmanus Heshusius another Protestant Writer of great fame and re∣putation, in his Book intituled, Verae & sanae confessionis, &c. saying, [d] 1.257 Spur∣cissimis suis moribus dedecori fuit ipsius Disciplinis honestis, quique nefandos a∣mores, illicitos conc••bitus, scortationes, faeda adulteria sacrilego carmine decan∣tavit orbi, non contentus eo quod ipse more porci in coeno flagitiosarum libidinum sese volutaret, nisi etiam aures studiosae inventutis sua illuvie contaminaret: [e] 1.258 further in the same Book affirming, that Beza was accustomed to sing to the instrument his sacrilegious rythms: but also it is yet further confessed by our English Writers, Mr. D. Spark, and

Mr. D. Morton, who both do, for their best answer thereto, affirm that Be∣za indeed did this, but before his cal∣ling to the Gospel, even when he was Popish: Mr. D. Spark in his answer to Mr. John d' Albines (this foresaid mat∣ter being there objected pag. 397. he in his answer thereto pag. 400.) saith thereof: All this was before he was of our Religion, even whiles he was one of yours, and he was yours when he made them. And Mr. D. Morton in his Apologia Ca∣tholica part. 1. l. 2. c. 21 pag. 355. cir∣ca med. reciteth the objection, Orbi no∣tum est, quàm salax fuit Beza, qui publi∣catis poematibm paidastrias suas celebrare non erubuit, Galliae probrum, Symoniacus, Sodomita, omnibus vitiis coopertus; wher∣to, he in his words there, and next, and immediatly following, answereth, con∣fessing and saying, Erat, erat, sed dum in volutabro vestro miser haeserat, &c. Ille Beza igitur dum Papista, hircus fuit. Which their answer, is impertinent; for though we deny not, but many grievous sinners have repented and become after∣wards very holy men; yet that any one ever since Christs time, offending so in∣humanely and unnaturally (as is here confessed of Beza) should be called ex∣traordinarily by God to restore and pub∣lish to the world true Religion then for∣merly decayed (as Beza in the conference

had at Ratisbone affirmed his calling to be extraordinary: whereof see Brereley tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 6. fine at the margent at f.) is the point now only urged, and whereof we affirm all example to be wanting. For as to that which Master Morton (in Apolog. Catholica pag. 355.) allegeth of Saul made Paul, is unapt (if not injurious to the Apostle) seeing his er∣rour was only his persecuting of the Church grounded upon preposterous zeal towards God (Acts 22.3, 4.) and not in other wickedness of life, to the con∣trary whereof himself saith, As tou∣ching my life from my Childhood, and what it was, all the Jews know, that after the most strait sect of our Religion I lived a Pharisy. But besides that this their an∣swer is impertinent, it appeareth also to be most untrue, even by the testimony of Antony Faius (Beza's dearest [f] 1.259 Col∣legue and Successor at Geneva) who af∣firmeth that Beza being but [g] 1.260 twelve years old was brought up in learning un∣der VVolmarius, and by him then in∣structed out of the pure fountain of Gods word, in the ready knowledge of true Chri∣stian piety: In so much also as Beza him∣self doth in his last VVill and Testament give (special) thanks to the immortal God, for that at the ••6. year of his age, he was enlightned with the knowledge of true Christian Religion, as witnesseth Antony

Faius in his Book de obitu & vita Be∣zae, pag. 73. initio, where he maketh re∣cital of Beza's will, in which (saith he) Beza gratias agit Deo immortali, quod anno aetatis suae 16. verae Christianae Re∣ligionis cognitione ac luce donatus sit. VVhich time of his supposed inlightning (computation being had of his Birth [h] 1.261 24. Junii anno 1519. and of his foresaid Epigrams Printed at Paris un∣der his name, by Robertus Stephanus anno 1548.) appeareth evidently to have been many years before his publishing of the foresaid Epigrams, the which also as may seem by Antony Faius (before ci∣ted at a.) he dedicated even to his fore∣said Mr. Wolmarius, by whom he was (as before) first instructed in Religion. Hitherto of Beza's unchast Epigrams: In further proof whereof much more as yet is affirmed by Schlusselburg (in his Theologia Calvinist. l. 1. fol. 92. a. post med. & b.) from recital out of Beza's other writings. Only we adde hereto a remembrance of that Poetical vein, which Beza afterwards waxing old continued and used, when turning the Psalms of David into Latine verse (a work greatly commended by Antony Faius l. de vita & obitu Bezae pag. 80. saying, that Psalmos vario Latinorum carminum ge∣nere elegantissimè & suavissimè expres∣sos orbi Christiano dedit: And see this

Treatise of Beza further mentioned pag. 78. fine) he did among other Paraphrase the 50. Psalm, which being wholly pe∣nitential, and comprehending in it no∣thing but matter of grief and tears, let it be indifferently weighed, upon perusal but of part thereof here alleged (we will not say how lasciviously, but) how un∣answerable to Davids contrition the same is by Beza penned. He therefore saith of David,

—Rex David amore Correptus, vertit Bersabae ad limina vultus; Bersabae, quâ non formosior altera cunctas Isacidum populos inter numerata puellas. Sed cōjuncta viro, & mater jā digna videri Et mox tam raras mortali in corpore dotes Miratus, patulae radiantem frontis honorē, Purpureas{que} genas, pulchri & discrimina nasi, Os roseū, & flavos per eburnea colla capillos, Marmoreumq, sinum, porrecta{que} brachia longè, Et teretes digitos, me vero ludere in istis Fas oculis, inquit, &c. —

And a little after he describeth Bersabe.

Omnibus arridet pulchrae sibi cōscia formae, Nunc sinit extrema crispātes frōte capillos Ludere, nunc varia discriminat arte va∣gantes: Iam caelare sinū simulat, māmas{que} coërcet, Et super objectat tenuit velamina tele:

Iam cunct as ostentat opes, collo{que} superba Nudato, pulchra mentitur imagine Divam; Interdum excultis illi qui stabat in hortis Marmor••o insignis labro atque perennibus undis Fonte lavat, celeresque oculis jaculatur a∣mores:

VVas this the Spirit of Davids repen∣tance, or rather of Beza's yet hitherto continued vein of Naso and Catullus, whom he is mentioned to have imitated heretofore? These wanton verses were such an open scandal, that now in the o∣ther late Editions they are for very shame quite omitted, and left forth, but yet still extant, and to be seen in Beza's tractat. Theologic. Printed Genevae in fol. anno 1570. pag. 661. a. circa med. But to proceed on with Beza's life, that learned Lutheran Conradus Schlusselburg (in Theol. Calvinist. l. 1. fol. 92. b. fine) reporteth further saying, This also is manifest, that Beza espoused his Candida, without her Parents assent, and for four years space before he maryed her, kept her as is Concubine. Constat & hoc Bezam fibi despondisse suam Candidam insciis Pa∣rentibus, & cum ea quatuor annos consue∣visse, ea concubina utendo antequam Can∣didam uxorem duxerit. And whereas it is also reported, that his secret flight in Company of the said VVoman, for pre∣venting

of troubles hereupon to him intended, was the first occasion which brought him with her to Geneva, where (saith the reporter) he was forced to mar∣ry her in prevention of open scandal of their then conceived incontinency; it is not altogether without scruple, that An∣tony Faius not ignorant of this so com∣mon report, and undertaking to make mention of Beza's marriage, doth no better prevent or clear it, but rather (as some conceive) give colour thereto, tel∣ling how that Beza being intangled with the inticement of voluptuousness, ambiti∣ous sweetness of glory gotten upon the E∣dition of his Epigrams, and with hope of preferment, did (least he should be over∣come by those youthful desires) promise himself in marriage, but (yet) secretly, one or two of his godly friends made pri∣vy thereto. (Faius de vita & obitu Bezae fol. 11. initio.) Nam & voluptatum ille∣cebris & ambitiosula gloriae dulcedine quam ex Epigrammatum suorum editione erat adeptus, honorumque amplissimorum spe irretitus, aliquandiu detinebatur, &c. ac primùm, nè à juvenilibus illis desideriis superaretur, uxorem sibi despondit, sed clam, conscio uno & altero ex piis amicis. And that continuing with the party in this state a long time together, at last (saith Faius ibidem pag. 12. fine) beta∣king himself into voluntary exile, he with

his (foresaid) Spouse came to Geneva, and there first openly in the Church celebrated the marriage according to the solemn rite of Christians: Seque in voluntarium exi∣lium cum sua conjuge recipit Genevam, Anno 1548. ibi primùm palàm in Ec∣clesia solemni inter Christianos ritu ma∣trimonium celebravit. If Beza did not at first marry her, and yet as is confessed accompany with her, for the overcoming of his youthful desires, then is he upon the matter guilty of the accusation; and if he did then marry her though but secret∣ly, and did also afterwards (as is here confessed) marry her over again openly in the Church at Geneva, how is he then free from Sacrilege? And how this may be thought but to colour the matter of his foresaid accusation, or (as some perhaps will urge) rather to agree with every circumstance thereof, we will not determine, but refer to indifferency of judgement, as also we commend to like judgement, what sign of mortification beseeming Beza's pretended [h] 1.262 extra∣ordinary vocation, was by him shewed, when after [i] 1.263 the death of his said wife called indeed Claudia, though in the fore∣said Epigrams veiled under the name of Candida, himself being then sole with∣out Children, [k] 1.264 and at the time of her said death [l] 1.265 aged threescore nine years, he yet afterwards in more than ordinary

hast, even within the compass but of some few [m] 1.266 Months [n] 1.267 marryed, not with∣out great note thereof, both at home and abroad, Katherine, the (young) Widow of Franciscus Taruffus. As likewise (for∣bearing his confessed) [o] 1.268 insolency, [o] 1.269 pride, [q] 1.270 lewd saying, and [r] 1.271 discre∣diting himself in being crank with the an∣tient Fathers; we commend to all equi∣ty of Judgement, the many [s] 1.272 accusati∣ons of those sundry complotted sediti∣ons and conspiracies, wherewith he is, (how truly or untruly we will not say) charged to have troubled forein Nati∣ons, together also with those his confes∣sed unworthy [t] 1.273 disordered writings, wherein he is by our English Protestants said to [u] 1.274 arm the Subjects against the

Prince, and to [x] 1.275 overthrow in effect all the authority of Christian Kings and Magistrates.

49. To [y] 1.276 allege briefly some few par∣ticulars of Beza's seditious practises: doth not he allow and highly commend the Wars in France for Religion against the Laws and lawful King of that Coun∣try, saying (in his Epistle Dedicatory of his new Testament to the Queen of Eng∣land, in Edition Anno 1564.) That the Nobility of France (under the noble Prince of Condy) laid the foundation of restoring true Christian Religion in France, by con∣secrating most happily their bloud to God in the battail of Dreux? Did he not write a seditious Book of this Argument, intitu∣led de jure Magistratuum in subditos? so known and evident, that Master Sutcliff in his answer to a certain Libel supplica∣tory pag. 75. paulo post med. (and see pag. 71. paulo post medium) saith thereof, their Doctrin doth wholy tend unto trouble and rebellion: Beza in his Book of the power of Magistrates, doth arm the subjects a∣gainst the Prince in these causes. A Book (saith he yet further ibid. pag. 192. post med.) which overthroweth in effect all the authority of Christian Kings and Ma∣gistrates. And again (ubi supra pag. 98. initio) he allegeth Beza his judgement concerning excommunicated Princes, say∣ing, Beza roundly teacheth, what reason

have Christians to obey him that is Satans slave? And the like is yet further con∣fessed in this kind against Beza by Mr. Bancroft in his Survey of the holy pre∣tended Disciplin pag. 48. prope initium. And in his Book entituled dangerous Po∣sitions. pag. 21. & 18.

As also that temperate Protestant Wri∣ter D. Saravia argueth sufficiently Be∣za his seditious Doctrin in this his over∣modest or rather excusing reprehension and answer thereto, saying, Quid his verbis, &c. Some rest doubtful what Mr. Beza intendeth by these words, where he thinketh it not right, that the godly should stay till the Wolves be expelled by publick authority, and that he may seem secretly to insinuate that those Wolves may be ex∣pelled by private authority, as was done in the Low-Countries, and other places, &c. (Saravia in defens. tract. de diversis gra∣dibus Ministrorum, contra responsionem Clarissimi viri D. Theodori Bezae c. 2. pag. 74. paulo ante med.) And see Be∣za's own words there. And see him also in his Epist. Theolog. Epist. 68. pag. 318. ante med. where he saith, Habeo alia nonnulla majoris momenti, quae tamen per liter as satis commodè significare non pos∣sum, perplacet autem mihi quod de conven∣tu absque ulla Principum aut civitatem authoritate privatim instituendo scribis. And then thrusteth in this Bodge: Quam∣vis

nullis prorsus conselis Principibus id fieri minimè velim. And so likewise in the words reprehended as before by Sa∣ravia, he saith expresly, Si piis semper expectandum putas, dum lupi ultro cedant, vel publica authoritate expulsi, tibi mini∣me assentior. But yet saith he with a like Bodge, Nihil seditiose movendum extra controversiam est, sed piè & constanter amplectendas affirmo omnes Divinitus oblatas veri cultûs Divini restituendi oc∣casiones, &c. Et ni ita factum esset, quas tandem Ecclesias bodie haberemus? What hypocrisic is this, to teach Reformati∣on against the Magistrates mind? And yet forsooth not seditiously, as though it could be so performed without sedition. These are in words smooth pretences, but indeed no other than plain seditions and treasons, whereby himself in his foresaid words signifieth his Church to have enlarged her self.

Hereto may be added Mr. Bancrofts saying (in his Survey of the pretended ho∣ly Disciplin pag. 42. circa med.) He that shall read Mr. Calvins and Mr. Beza's two Books of Epistles, and likewise the Commentaries of France, with divers o∣ther discourses about those affairs, & should withall give any credit, either to Heshu∣sius, Balduinus, Carpentarins, or others, men learned all of them, and some of them known Protestaents, would certainly mer∣vail

to understand, into what actions and dealings they thrust themselves, of War, of Peace, of subjection, how far is enter ded, of Reformation without staying for the Magistrates, &c. Besides [z] 1.277 See a was present in the Batta•••• of Dre•••• de∣fended by him present. as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fas∣us de vita & ob•••••• Be•••• pag. 45. prope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith. Post mense•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conten••••∣sun•• 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉. &c. side 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chr••st•• 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 bor are 〈◊〉〈◊〉. &c. And the Protestants of Mea•••• (as is recorded in the general inventory of the History of France, pag. 593.) transported with indiscreet zeal grounded upon their numbers, did ••ly to the Churches, be at down Images, and make the Priests retire: Whereto is but agreeable their like confessed insolency at Greuoble, Charti••••s, and Orle••nce, ••e∣•••• Preaching there•••• with his Sword and Pistol, and exhorted the people to shew their manhood, rather in killing the Papists, than in breaking Images. Re•••• [a] 1.278 is also charged with Pultr••••s known murther of the old Duke of Guise, who being thereupon [b] 1.279 very strangely

(if not miraculously) apprehended, did at the time of his execution, publickly [c] 1.280 charge Beza, as being the first Au∣thor, and perswader thereof.

50. As [d] 1.281 concerning his unworthy opinion of the Apostolical times he doubted not (if not most arrogantly read and judge) to prefer in knowledge of the truth, the now Protestant Writers, e∣ven before those other that flourished immediatly, and next after the Apostles times. For in Epist. Theolog. Epist. 1. pag. 5. initio, he saith, Itaque dicere nec immeritò quidem, ut opinor, consuevi, dum illa tempora, Apostolicis etiam proxima, cum nostris comparo, plus illos conscien∣tiae, scientiae minus habuisse: nos contra, scientiae plus, conscientiae minus habere, haec mea sententia est.

51. Whereas [e] 1.282 the Catholick Faith holdeth one substance or unity of Essence in three Persons, Beza saith to the con∣trary, (in his Confession in English Printed 1585. pag. 1. and see Confes.

Genev. c. 1.) the word of God teacheth plainly that the Divine substance is (not wholy in three Persons, but) distinct re∣ally and truly from everlasting into three Persons.

52. Concerning [f] 1.283 our Blessed Sa∣viour, Beza (ad Haebr. 5. ver. 7.) affir∣meth, that he was for time in despair: Christo Divinae maledictionis horrore per∣cusso, elapsae est vox desperationis.

53. As [g] 1.284 concerning Beza's no∣table dissembling and temporising in matter of Religion, I will only allege one example thereof mentioned by the Protestant Writer Osiander, who repor∣teth [h] 1.285 that certain Protestants being cast into Prison at Paris, the French Cal∣vinists sent, as Legates into Germany, Beza and Farellus, that they might ob∣tain from the Protestant Princes, their intercession to the French King for the (foresaid) Captives. These Legats, Be∣za and Farellus going first to Worms unto the Lutheran Divines, Melancthon, Brentius, Marpachius, and Jacobus An∣dreas, offered unto them a Confession of their Faith, in which they did profess (among other things,) the very sub∣stance of Christs flesh to be exhibited in the Sacred Supper, and that the diffe∣rence among the (Protestant Divines, was not of the thing it self, but only of the manner of the presence, which was

known only to God: [i] 1.286 and many things were so put in that Confession, as they seemed not Calvinistical, but Lutheran: the original Copy of this confession I my self (saith Osiander) both saw and read, it being subscribed with the hand writing of Beza, and Farellus: hereupon they had recourse to the Duke of Witem∣berg, by whom they also obtained from other Princes intercession to the French King: (at their return) the Tigurine Divines reprehended this Confession of Beza and Farellus as over Lutheran; to whom Beza and Farellus answered, that they stood in need of some good de∣ceipt, whereby to deliver their Bre∣thren. Also that in the foresaid Confes∣sion, they privately retained with them∣selves in the secret of their brest, these two words, viz. by Faith, and spiritually; thus far the Protestant writer Ofiander concerning the said Confession, which (as himself saith) he both saw and read over, with his own eys: And is it now so hateful and reproveable in some Ca∣tholicks to equivocate though verbal∣ly, and in case of safety of their own or Brethrens lives, and yet lawful for Beza to equivocate, not verbally, but by subscribed writing, neither as in case of safety of life, but of profession of Faith? A course so peculiar in Osiander's opi∣nion to the Calvinists, that he doubteth

not to say of them, [k] 1.287 They hold this for a ground or principle, that it is lawful to lye for the glory of Christ.

54. Let us end the life of Beza with the words of Hugo Grotius (in Voto Pacis, &c. pag. 18.) saying, Beza fatetur per quindecim annorum spatium, quo alios docuit justitiae viam, nec sobrium se fa∣ctum, nec liberalem, nec veracem, sed haerere in luto.

To the foresaid lives I have thought it not amiss to adde somewhat of Me∣lancthon, Luther's dearest friend, and one of the most famous Protestants in those beginnings, of whom Luther (apud Brereley tract. 2. sect. 3. subd. 14.) in the margent at 4.) saith, that the Apo∣logy of Melancthon doth far excell all the Doctors of the Church, and exceeds even Austine himself: as also of Bucer, a famous Protestant, and called into Eng∣land to teach Divinity in the University of Cambridge; and lastly I will say a word of that furious Heretick John Knox, a seditious botifeu and incendiary, and pestilent Preacher of Heresie in Scot∣land.

Of Melancthon.

55 COncerning [l] 1.288 Melanthon; First he is charged to affirm, that there be three Divinities, as there be three per∣sons. Melancthon. in locis Communibus Anno 1545. cap. de Christo. Insomuch as he is for this Doctrine reprehended by Stancharus l. 4. de Trinitate. See his words alledged in the Treatise intituled Nullus & nemo fol. 3. b. And by Cnog∣lerus in his Tria Simbola pag. 34. & 124.

56 Moreover [m] 1.289 Melancthon in Con∣sil. Theolog. pag. 134. prope initium, ad∣viseth in behalfe of King Henry the 8th. (whose Divorce from his first wife he thought unlawfull) saying, Respondeo si vult Rex successione prospicere, quanto satius est id facere sine infamia prioris conjugii. Ac potest id fieri fine ullo pericu∣lo Conscientiae cujusquam aut famae per. Poligamiā &c. Quia Poligamia non est res omnino inusitata: Habuerunt multas con∣juges Abraham, David, & allii Sancti vi∣ri, unde apparet poligamiam non esse con∣tra Jus Divinum. This advice was thus given by Melancthon Anno 1531. as appeareth there pag. 128. paulo post med. And, apud Brerely tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 5. marg. e. Melancthon Consil.

Theolog. part 1. pag. 648. affirmeth, that in case of divorce and dismission upon Adultery; the offending party, whether Man or Woman may marry again. Affir∣ming there further this to be the Do∣ctrine of Luther and Pomerane. And see also there further pag. 550.

57 Concerning [n] 1.290 Melancthon's incon∣stancy touching the Reall Presence, see in l. Epist. Zuinglii & Oecolampadii l. 3. pag. 603. post med. where Melancthon in his Epistle there to Oecolāpadius saith most confidently in behalfe of the Reall Presence: Non modo cogitavi ipse quid in utram partem dici possit, sed inquisivi etiam veterum ea de re sententias &c. Cum omnia quae in utraque parte firmissi∣ma videntur, expendi, dicam pace tua, non tamen eo in sententiam tuam: nullam enim firmam rationem invenio, quae con∣scientiae discedenti à proprietate verborum (Christi) satisfaciat &c. And see Me∣lancthon's words more vehement, full and at large, ibidem in his Epistle to Fre∣dericus Miconius alleged there pag. 618. & 644. post med. & 645. And see Hos∣pinian in historia Sacramentar. part. al∣tera fol. 68 b. And yet of Melancthon's change afterwards unto Calvinisme, see the same confessed by Hospinian in Hist. Sacrament. part. altera fol. 115. a. initio. & circa med. & fol. 141. b. initio. And by Osiander in Epitom. &c. Centur. 16.

pag. 615. initio, where Osiander doth expresly charge Melancthon with incon∣stantia Viro Theologo indigna. And see no lesse there pag. 667. Hence it is that though the Protestants in Colloq. Attem∣bergensi printed in quarto Jenae ad Salam. 1570. fol. 510. b. paulo post medium do there commend and tearm Melancthon to be optimum & Sanctissimum Virum &c. Yet in regard of such his noted and known inconstancy in Doctrine, it is also there fol. 337. b. circa medium said of him illud saltem de locis Phillippi paucis et modeste addimus. Primum constare Philippum toties fere eos mutasse, & re∣bus & verbis, ut quibus sit fides adhiben∣da, in dubio est. Lutherum istam crebram mutationem improbasse, ex fide dignis accepimus. And see further of Melan∣cthon's inconstancy, the Protestant Wri∣ter Schlusselburg. in Theolog. Calvinist. l. 2. fol. 91. a. post med. & b. & fol. 92 a, b. & fol. 94 & 95. And see Osiander in Epitom &c. Centur. 16, pag. 809. circa & post medium. & pag. 703. paulo post medium where it is said of him: Hu∣jus viri eruditioni si constantia in vera re∣ligione respondisset, plane incomparabilis vir extitisset &c. Wherefore I may con∣clude with the words of Gasper Ulenber∣gius, in libro cui titulus, Granes & juste cause cur Catholicis in communione ve∣teris, ejusque veri Christianismi perma∣nendum

sit &c. Causa 15 c. 15. pag. 315. Edit. Collon. 1589 in octavo. Where he saith, Quamobrem non est usque adco a ve∣ritate alienum, quod Melancthonem no∣bili cuidam Johanni Bartholomeo a Vel∣berg, consuluisse aiunt, ut a Catholico communicandi atque orandi ritu non disce∣deret, ac inter cetera, hoc ejus quoque ver∣ba, ad eundem nobilem dicta referunt. Nullum habeo digitum (inquit) in manu mea, cujus jactur a non optarim, me nun∣quam ad scribendum de rebus Theologicis accessisse, sed vocasse Philosophiae meae quemadmodum feci a principio, verum longius nunc progressus sum quam ut re∣gredi passim, hactenus Melancthon, ex cujus verbis promptum est Estimare quo∣modo ipsius Conscientia, propter grave hoc in Religione dissidium, cui suscitando ipse quoque manum admovit, constituta fuerit, Scribit hoc Wolfangus, Agricola, Beca∣nus & Pastor Paltensis in Concione de Ma∣trimonio.

Of Bucer.

58 COncerning Bucer's [o] 1.291 Doctrine, among his many other grosse absurdities, wherewith Mr. Cartwright allegeth in Mr. Whitgift's defence pag. 522. prope initium. Chargeth him (apud Brerely hic at l.) he was so inclining to the Lybell of Divorce permitted by

Moses, that he doubted not to teach, that as there is at this day, like hardness of Hearts, so the distressed Wives ought to be releived no less now than in time past; For (saith he) the Magistrate now, hath no less Authority in this matter than Moses had, and at this day ought to use the same. Bucer, in sacra quatuor Evangel. &c. In Mat. 19. fol. 147. paulo post med. And see the Index or table to that book under the letter R. at the word Repudium. And see the other Edition of his Book Anno 1536. pag. 390 prope finem, & 391 ante med. In Matth. c. 19. he saith (apud Bre∣reley hic at d. in the margent) Sive juste sive injusté repudiata aliqua fuerit, si nul∣la ei sit spes ad primum virum redeundi, cupiat autem piè vivere, maritoque opus habeat, ducens eam nequaqam peccabit. And in further proof of the continuance thereof to this time, he yet further saith, Neither is it to be beleived that Christ would forbid any thing of that which his Father commanded, but he commanded to the hard of heart, that if they would not intreat their wives with Nuptiall equity, they should then procure liberty by a Libell of divorce to marry again. Bucer ibidem paulo post. (apud Brereley hic at 5.) And Bucer in his Scripta Anglicana de Regno Christi l. 2. c. 26 & 27. pag. 99 & 100. affirmeth further most plainly the same Doctrine, & ibidem c. 28. pag. 101. in

which places he doubteth not to teach, that Quicunque nolit &c.

Whosoever will not induce his mind to love his Wife, and to intreat her with all con∣jugall Charity, that man is comman∣ded by God to put her away and mar∣ry another: And that this being com∣manded in the old Law, pertaineth also to Christians.

See this ibidem pag. 100 In like sort also doth he allow and de∣fend liberty of Divorce and Marriage again, in case of the ones departure from the other (Bucer in script. Anglican. de Regno Christi, l. 2. c. 26. pag. 114. &. c. 41. pag. 122) In case also of Homicide (ibidem, l. 2. c. 37. post med &. c. 40 ini∣tio) or but repairing to the company or banquet, of imm••dest persons (ibidem, l. 2. c. 37. pag 115. ante med. &. c. 40. pag. 120 post med.) likewise in case of incu∣rable infirmity of the Woman by Child∣birth, or of the man by Lunacy or other∣wise, whereby either party is become unable to render marriage right (Bucer ibidem, c. 42. pag. 123 prope finem & 124 circa med) In these and many other such like cases, he yet further generally concludeth the lawfullness of Divorce and Marriage a∣gain. ibidem. pag. 124 prope finem, and see also the marginal note there, where is set down, Conclusio, quod aliis de causis quam fornicationis concedenda sint legiti∣ma divortia novaque inire connubia. And

in the Text there, it is said: Haec adfe∣renda putavi ad eam explicandam questi∣onem, num concedi a Christianis Principi∣bus & Rerumpub. moderatoribus possit di∣vertium facere & ad alteras transire nup∣tias, aliis quam fornicationis et stupri de causis. Ex quibus, siomnia rite et ex ver∣bo Dei ponderentur, satis liquebit nemi∣nem, nec virum, nec mulierum, cui opus sit ad bene casteque vivendum conjuge, ac conjuge cohabitate, aut conjugii ne∣cessaria officia faciente, prohibere debe∣re, quin vir talem quaer at uxorem et habe∣at, et mulier talem virum, si depreheasum & evictum sit, vel virum cui pia mulier nupta fuit, vel mulierem quam vir pius uxorem duxit, praestare necessaria conjugii officia, aut abstinatè nolle, aut hujusmodi comisisse scelera, ut propter turpitudinem suam non possit: aut denique incurabili impediri impotentia, quo minus per cor∣poris vires illa valeat conjugii officia per∣solvere. Moreover Bucer concludeth the lawfulnes of Divorce and marriage again to be Verbo Dei consentienter, Agreeable to the word of God: ibidem pag. 124. versus finem, and see pag. 120 prope finem. And all this in that very book of his de Regno Christi, which is by our learned Adversaries highly magnifyed: of which book Nicholas Car (in epist. de obitu Bu∣ceri ad Joannem Checum, extant in Bu∣cer's Scripta Anglicana pag. 873. fine)

saith, Liber Buceri de Regno Christi editus continebat absolutissimam & perfectissi∣mam totius Doctrinae Christianae effigiem. In like manner also in case of the Hus∣bands one years voluntary absence, the Opinion of Bucer (in Script. Anglic. pag. 122 ante medium) is, that it is law∣full for the Wife to marry again. An Errour so manifest and confessed, that it being objected to Mr. Whittaker by Du∣reus (contra Whittakerum printed at Pa∣ris 1581. fol. 287. b. fine) Mr. Whitta∣ker in his Reply to that Booke and very folio, forbeareth all mention and defence thereof.

59 As concerning divers [p] 1.292 notable In∣constancies (for which Luther in Ep. ad Joan. Har. Typ. Arg. calleth Bucer a ve∣ry Monster, charging him further with Perfidia, in Lutheri Locis Comm. quinta Class. fol. 50. antemed.) See further Osi∣ander in Epitom. &c. Centur. 16. pag. 249 initio. That after his first Apostacy from our Religion, he defended with Luther the Reall-Presence, is in it self evident and confessed by Peter Martyr in his Treatise of the Lords Supper, annexed to his Common Places in English 138. ae. fine. after which he became a Zuinglian, as appeareth by Bucer himself in Epist. ad Norimb. & ad esseingenses. After which he revoked that Opinion, and joy∣ned again with Luther, as appeareth by

the Acts of the Synod holden at Luther's House in Wittemberg Anno 1536. And is further confessed by Osiander in Epit. &c. Centur. 16. pag. 246 post med. and by Schlusselburg in Theolog. Calvanist. l. 2. fol. 17. b. ante med. and by Lavaterus in Hist. Sacrament. pag. 31. alleged al∣so by Schlusselburg ubi supra. Insomuch as Lavaterus in Hist. Sacrament. allegeth by Schlusselburg l. 2. fol. 129. a. post me∣dium saith of Bucer, non parum abaliena∣tus a Tigurinis esse visus est, quos ante & amârat plurimum, & singulare quâdam pietate coluerat. And see there also fol. 129. b. circa med., where it is further said, Bucerus a Tygurinis Zuinglianis omnino abalienatus est. And see Bucer's first Edition of his Commentaries upon the sixt of John and the 26 of Matthew, where he asketh Pardon of God and the Church, for that he deceived so many with the Errour of Zuinglius. And see further also Functius in Chronic. And for his fourth change after all this into Zuinglianism again, at his coming to Cambridge, it is to all men evident, and he therefore noted by the Protestant Writer Schlusselburg in Theolog. Calvin. l. 2. fol. 70. b. fine, where he saith, Idem tamen Bucerus Anno 1551 Cantabrigiae in Anglia, iterum ad Zuinglianorum haere∣sim deficit. And ibidem fol. 17. b. circa med. it is further said, Bucerus Anno 1551

Cantabrigiae in Anglia rursus parva cum honestate ad Calvanistas defecit. So evi∣dently he did change his Doctrine, First to Lutheranism, and from thence after∣wards to Calvinism, from thence back again to Lutheranism, and from thence lasty again to Calvinism. And all this thus done both by Melancthon and Bucer, with solemn Profession and shew, at eve∣ry such change, of all full confidence and resolution of opinion, and the same with great vehemency pretended evermore, as plain and evident from the Scriptures. Pu. Which shewes that Scripture alone cannot be a perfect Rule of Faith, but that we must have recourse to a living in∣fallible Judge of Controversies.

Of Knox.

60 THE most turbulent and seditious Doctrines and Deeds of John Knox, the pretended Reformer of Reli∣gion in Scotland, are so notorious and known and exorbitant, that I have no mind to set them down in particular, nor can any man of a quiet spirit take plea∣sure in recitall of them. Yet if any de∣sire to be further informed, he may read Brerely in his Preface to the Reader, par∣ticularly (besides other places) sect. 14.

Here therefore I will only set down that which a person of honour, of worth, and truth relates; namely, that when King James came first into England, being received and entertained by a per∣son of eminent rank at that time, took occasion one day at dinner (where at least a hundred persons attended to see and serve him) to inveigh in earnest manner against some kind of disobedient, sediti∣ous, and mutinous persons, upon which subject he was large: and as for Knox in particular, I remember well (saith the foresaid most worthy person, the Relator hereof, who then was present) and so well that I am able to depose it, that the King sayd in particular of him, that God thought fit to set a visible mark of Reprobation up∣on him even in this life before he went to the Devill; which was, that being sick in his Bed with a good fire of coales by him & a candle light upon the table, a woman or maid of his sitting by him, he told her that he was extreamly thirsty, and there∣fore willed her to fetch him some drink. She went, and returned quickly, but found the Room all in darkness; For not only the Candle, but the Cole-fire also was utterly extinct, and she by that light which her self brought in imediatly after, saw the body of Knox lying dead in the middle of the floor, and with a most gast∣ly & horrid countenance, as if his body

were to shew the condition of his Soul.

61 Pu. Holy Scripture saying, Prov. 17. v. 6 The Glory of Children their Fa∣thers; I beseech the Protestant Reader to weigh unpartially what Fathers the Protestant pretend Religion hath by re∣flecting upon what we have demonstra∣ted, even out of learned Protestants con∣cerning the Doctrins and Lives of their first Reformers; and if they find them to be such as indeed they were, they ought to resolve speedily to forsake such infamous Fathers, and return to that Re∣ligion from which those Sectaries depar∣ted: to which end these ensuing Reflecti∣ons may help, if they be pondered, not cursarily, nor with prejudice, or a Reso∣lution to find out some kind of answer to all that may be objected; but upright∣ly and with a harty desire to find the Truth, for attayning the salvation of their Souls. Consider then and collect from what we have said

First, that as I said heretofore, seeing they taught Doctrines which Protestants themselves do not only reject, but detest and abhorr, they cannot be said to have been of the Protestant Religion, and so Protestants must find some other begin∣ning or beginners of Protestancy, than those whom hitherto they have taken for their glorious Fathers, and persons qua∣lified with such gifts and endowments as

make them fit to reform the whole Chri∣stian world: and these being once remo∣ved from the rank of their Forefathers, how will they answer this question: Who in particular were the first beginners of their Protestant Church? at what time and in what place did they live? To which demand, I am sure they cannot answer with satisfaction, but perforce they must be content to be like the Donatists of whom St. Optatus sayd, that they were Filii sine Patre, Sonns without Father; and every one must be to himself a begining of his Faith and Religion. A dreadfull point in the business of an Eternity, and necessary subject to that weighty saying of St. Bernard; Qui se sibi magistrum constituit, stulto se discipulum subdit. He who will be his own Master, shall be Schol∣ler to a Fool.

Secondly, For Manners, who can imagin that God being Truth, Purity, and Peace it self; would choose for Re∣formation of the World) such men, as confessedly have shamefully erred a∣gainst Truth for Doctrin, and against not only Purity, but common honesty and morality: and against Peace by be∣ing, both for their Doctrines and Practi∣ses, Authors of Tumults, Seditions, and Rebellions.

Thirdly, it ought to be considered with deepest grief and Tears, what a lamenta∣ble

thing it was, that people should have been seduced from that antient Religion which the World professed, with the specious names of Dr. Luther &c. and with a fair but false and lying title of Re∣formation, by men, who indeed were such as hath been declared and proved from their own Writings, and the ex∣presse and direct Assertions of their own brethren.

Fourthly, since we have found them to be most inconstant in their Doctrine, in matters of highest concernment, ex∣presly professing to have temporized, & accommodated themselves to the times, and not to that which even themselves judged true, who can rely on them, un∣less he first resolve not to be settled in a∣ny truth, but to be ranked among those who circumferuntur omni vento doctrinae? which in effect is no better than to have no true Faith at all.

Fiftly, seeing they cannot, nor ever could agree with those whom they stile Brethren; and (which is the main point) have no possble means of agree∣ment; no men in wisdome can join them∣selves to the common generall name of Protestants, not knowing which of them in particular hold the Truth; nor who are or are not Protestants; nor why they should believe one sect of them more than another; neither is it possible to join

with them all, they believing and profes∣sing to believe contradictory Tenents, some of which must needs be false.

Sixtly, Seing those first Reformers are confessed to hold Doctrines in them∣selves damnable, and detested even by Protestants, how can they be excused from Heresy? And seing they left the whole Catholick Church extant before Luther, upon pretence of Errous in Do∣ctrine of lesse moment than those wher∣in they thus differ among themselves, and yet forsake not one another, but will needs be Brethren and of one Commu∣nion, how can they be excused from Schism by their division from the Com∣munion of all Churches?

But now having declared what kind of men the Progenitots of Protestants were, let us in the next place examine of what Fathers we Catholicks may deser∣vedly glory, even by the Confession of our Adversaries, who by evidence of Truth are forced to confesse, that the Antient Holy Fathers taught the same Doctrines, and practised the same things, which Protestants disprove in us, and for the Reformation whereof they pre∣tend to have forsaken our Church. This then, according to the order prescribed in the Preface, must be the subject of the next Consideration.

Notes

• [a] 1.1

  See Symon Voyon upon the Catologue of the Doctors &c. Englished, page 180. And Luther ad Galatas c. 1. v. 14. fo. 35. a. after the English Translation.
• [b] 1.2

  See Luthers own words hereof in his Commenta∣rie upon the Epistle to the Gala∣thians, in English, in c. 1. fol. 35. h.
• [c] 1.3

  Luther ibid. fol. 35. b.
• [d] 1.4

  Luther ibid. fol. 35. a.
• [e] 1.5

  Luther in Prov. 31. n. 10. addeth this amourous Rime for a morginal Glosse, Nicht li∣ebers ist afferden, Ben frawn lieb, wems tan werden: being in English as is alleged here in the Text.
• [f] 1.6

  Luther tom. 7. in Ep. ad Wolfangum &c. fol. 505.
• [g] 1.7

  Luther tom. 5. Wit∣temberg. serm. de Matrimo. nio fol. 119. a. vers. finem.
• [h] 1.8

  Luther in Colloquiis mens. fol. 526. a. et vide fol. 400. a.
• [i] 1.9

  Luther in Colloquiis Germanicis cap. de Mar∣monio saith, Ut nemo porest cibo vel potu carere, sic fieri nequit, ut aliquis a muliere abstineat, &c. Causa haec est, quia in utero mulierum con∣cept••, eo aliti, inde nati, la∣ctati, et educati sumus, ita ut caro nostra majore ex parte mulieris caro sit, et sic plane fieri nequit, ut ab eiis sepa∣remur. And tom. 2. Wittem∣berg. fol. 328. b. post. med. He saith, Puella, in qua non est sublime hoc donum con∣tinentiae nihilo facilius care∣re potest marito, aut viro, quam cibo aut potu, somno, &c.
• [k] 1.10

  O intolerable ingrati∣tude, and blasphemy, to abuse to Carnalitie the benefit of our Redemption!
• [l] 1.11

  Osiander centur. 16. pag. 97. fine.
• [m] 1.12

  Melancton in epist. ad Joac. Camer. de D. Lu∣theri conjugio. It is extant in Melancton's Consilia Evan∣gelica par. 1. p. 37.
• [n] 1.13

  See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. subdivis. 7. pag. 595) citing Zozomen hist. lib. 6. c. 3 affirming how that the Christian Emperour Jovian published an Edict, that who so allured a sa∣cred Virgin to marriage, should be therfore punish'd with the loss of his head. This Jovian (saith Brereley) was in course the third Emperour after Con∣stantine the Great. And the foresaid Law is yet extant, Cod. lib. 1. de Episcopis et Clericis, wherein it is said, Si quis non dicam rapere, sed attentare tantùm, jungendi causa Matrimonii Sacratissi∣mas Virgines ausus fuerit, capitali poena feriatur.
• [o] 1.14

  Sleydan in his Commen∣taries in English l. 5. Anno 25. f. 65. b. paulo post medium, saies, In those daies Luther married a Nunn, whereby he gave occasion to his Adversa∣ries to speak evil of him. And Mr. Fulk in his Answer to P. Frarines Declamation pa. 32. ante medium, confesseth that many men misliked Luther's marriage with a Nunn. Inso∣much as Luther himself in Col∣loquiis latinis tom. 2. de con-Jugio, saith hereof; Nisi ego clam celebrassem Nuptias, omnes impedivissent, quia omnes amicissimi clamabant, non illam, sed aliam.
• [p] 1.15

  Melancton ubi supra pag. 38. paulo ante med. saith, Quoniam Lutherum quodammodo tristiorem cer∣no & perturbatum ob vitae mutationem, omni studio ac benevolentia consolari eum conor.
• [q] 1.16

  Melancton his foresaid Epistle ad Joach. Camer. ex∣tant ubi supra.
• [r] 1.17

  Melancton in the end of his foresaid Epistle pag. 39. ante med. Ista ad te exposui verbosius, ne eventus inopi∣natus te perturbaret & tristi∣tia afficeret &c.
• [s] 1.18

  ] Melancton ubi supra saith, Ac possit fortassis ali∣quis mirari illum hoc infelici tempore bonis & honestis viris ubique graviter labo∣rantibus, non modo non affici simol dolore, sed videri propemodum nihil penitus cu∣rare ea mala quae ante oculos versantur.
• [t] 1.19

  Melancton ubi supra saith, Atque ego rem hanc sic gest am esse arbitror: est vir iste nequaquam ex iis qui homines oderunt & congressus fugiunt, quotidianae autem vitae illius usum non ignoras, unde cogitare te caetera quam me scribere melius ut opinor ••uerit.
• [u] 1.20

  Melancton ubi supra: What daily use of Life and other good Matters were these which Melancton did thus forbear to write, leaving them rather to his friends thoughts?
• [x] 1.21

  Melancton ibidem pag. 38. ini∣tio, saith, Ego naturam Lutherum arbitror coëgisse ut fieret maritus.
• [y] 1.22

  In Sleydan's Commentaries in English l. 3. An. 21. fol. 29. b. initio.
• [z] 1.23

  Sleydan ibidem fol. 22. a. circa medium.
• [a] 1.24

  Reported by the Prote∣stant Writer, Benedict Mor∣genstern in tract. de Ecclesia pag. 221. circa med. who saith of the Calvinists, Si quando volunt indulgere genio•• non verentur inter se dicere, ho∣die Lutheranicè vivimus.
• [b] 1.25

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 5.
• [c] 1.26

  Luther tom. 5. Wittem∣berg. serm. de Matrimonio fol. 123. a. vers. sinem. See also Luher's words cited in the Treatise against the defence of the Censure, pag. 219. post medium. And see Luther tom. 5. Wittemberg in 1. Cor. 7. fol. 113. a. initio. And Luther tom. 5. Wittemb. in 1. cor. 7. v. 11. fol. 111. b. ante medium, farther saith hereof, Quid si alter cum altero in gratiam redire nolit, sed simplicter esse velit, & alter contine∣re non valens, comparem habere conjugem ••••••atur, quid illi faciendum? poteritne cum alio contrahere? Respondeo, procul dubio poterit.
• [d] 1.27

  See the Treatise against the defence of the Censure, pag. 213. prope sinem.
• [e] 1.28

  See the Treatise against the defence of the Censurer, pag. 213. paulo post medium. And see Luther tom. 5. Wit∣temberg. fol. 112. b. fine.
• [f] 1.29

  In aliam profugere terram maechus potest, ibique si continere nequeat, uxorem ducere rursum. Luther tom. 5. Wittemberg. serm. de ma∣trimonio, fol. 123. a. initio.
• [g] 1.30

  Luther in propositi∣onibus de Bigamia Episco∣porum edit. An. 1528. pro. 62.65.66. & vide Luthe. in explicatione Geneseos e∣dit. An. 1525. in Commenta∣rio, c. 16.
• [h] 1.31

  Luther in Genes. c. 16. edit. Anno 1525.
• [i] 1.32

  Of his like immoderate railing against sundry other Princes, as namely against Henry Duke of Brunswick, See his special Book therof a∣gainst the Duke, intituled, Wi∣der Hanse worste &c. And of his like railing against the Arch∣bishop of Mentz Prince Ele∣ctor, See Luther in tom. 3. Germ. fol. 533. a. b & 32.6. & 360. & in Colloq. mensal. fol. 342. & 343. And against the Princes of Germanie, See Luther tom. 2. Germ. fol. 190. b. & 200. & tom. 3. fol. 195. b. See all those more parti∣cularly and at large alleged out of Luther's own writings by Gasper Ulemberg••us in his Book intituled, Graves & justae causae cur catholicis &c. prin∣ted 1589. causa 8. p. 234, 235, 237, & 238. And see also re∣ported by Sleydan (Luther's own Scholar) after the Eng∣lish Edition l. 16. fol. 222. a. & b. the unworthy, base, scur∣rilous (and not to be repeated) Pictures devised by Luther a∣gainst the Pope. A thing so evi∣dent, that the Protestant Land∣grave in his published writ∣ing penned by his Divines, saith, Lutherus non tantum mag∣norum Regum, Prin∣cipum & Dominorum, utrius∣que nostrum cognatorum, quemadmodum etiam priva∣torum quorundam hominum, ho••estam famam dicacitate quadam sua arrosit, & gravissimis qubusdam accusatio∣ni••us indecenter traduxit, quo, vel unonomine adducti, Lutheri scripta absque omni exceptione nullo plane modo probare volumus, nec sine tum nostri, tum laudatis∣simorum Majorum nost••orum famae & honoris laesione possumus: verum etiam &c. See this in Hospinian in Concord. Discord. fol. 99. b. ante medium, Printed 1607. And the Divines of the Count Palatine in their Admonitio Christiana &c. Printed 1581. pag. 233. fine, & 234. initio, do object to Luther his convitia praeter pietatem & modestiam confidenter & arroganter dicta, scurriles in rebus seriis lusus, quam multa acerbè & injuriosè scripta, non tantum in Christi insignes Ecclesias &c. sed etiam in magnos P••••cipes.
• [k] 1.33

  Hospinian in hist. Sa∣crament. part 2. at Anno 1525. fol. 32. b. ante med. saith, Lutheru•••• Carolostadi∣um ut contra se publicè scri∣bat aureum nummum extra∣ctum ex pera ipsi oftert, in∣quiens: En accipe, & quan∣tum potes animose contra me dimica &c. cumque au∣reum nummum marsupio suo recondidisset Carolostadius, Luthero manum in sponsio∣nem pactae & susceptae con∣tentionis porrexit, pro cujus confirmatione Lutherus ipsi vicissim haustum vini propi∣navit, adhortans eum ne sibi parceret, sed quanto vehe∣mentius & animosius con∣tra se ageret, tanto illum sibi chariorem futurum. See also Lavather hereof, in Hi∣stor. Sacrament. fol. 2. a. post med.
• [l] 1.34

  See this hereafter in this Consideration num. 7. ••t o. ante fi••em.
• [m] 1.35

  Hospinian in his Histor. Sacrament. par. 2. fol. 32. circa med. saith of Luthers foresaid bargain with Carolostadius, Haec Christiane lector, fuerunt, infelicissimi istius certaminis (quod ex pacto & sponsione susceptum tot jam annis Ecclesiam gravissime exercuit) infausta auspicia, quae si quis diligenter apud se ani∣mo sepositis affectibus expendat, ex quo spiritu fuerint profecta tanto rectius &c. est judicaturus &c. And Daniel Tossanus in lib. consolatorio, cap. 127. saith, that Lu∣ther did proceed contra Carolostadium instinctu maligui Spiritus.
• [n] 1.36

  Luther tom. 2. lib. de Ministris Ecclesiae institu∣endis, fol. 368. a & b. 369. a. b. & vide ibid. l. de abrogan∣da missa privata, tom. 2 fol. 249. a. b. & in lib. de captiv. Babylon. c. de Ordine. And see Hospinianus in Hist. Sa∣crament. part. 1. pag. 22. paulo post med. & part. 2. fol. 14. b. circa med.
• [o] 1.37

  Luther in assertionibus damnatis per Leonem deci∣mum art. 13. saith, In Sacra∣mento Paenitentiae ac remis∣sione culpae non plus facit Papa vel Episcopus, quam insimus Sacerdos: immo ubi non est Sacerdos, aequè tantum quilibet Christianus etiamsi mulier aut puer esset &c. quod autem absente Sa∣cerdote etiam puer aut mu∣lier & quilibet Christianus absolvere potest, Mat. 18. Clareè patet, ubi Christus omnibus Christianis dicit: Quodcunque solveritis super terram, solutum erit in Coeli••: Hanc invictam authoritatem non mihi subverten••. And see further in loc. commun. clas••. 2. pag. 136. & 138. But see his words more full than all this, alleged out of the Edition of Jena by Cnoglerus in his Symbola tria, pag. 157.
• [p] 1.38

  Mr. Covell in his defence of Mr. Hooker's five Books of Ecclesiastical Politie, Art. 15. pag. 101. post med. And see Luther de Missa privata Edit. An. 1534. And see Hos∣pinian. in Hist Sacramentar. pag. 22. paulo post med. And Hospinian in Hist. Sa∣cramentar. parte altera, fol. 1••. b. circa med. saith of Luther in 1 b. de Missa privata An. 34. Eousque progreditur, ut diceret Sacramentum verum futurum, etiamsi à Di∣abolo conficeretur.
• [q] 1.39

  See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 6. initio at u. & tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 3. sub. 2. at z.
• [r] 1.40

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 8.
• [s] 1.41

  Luther in confessio∣ne majori de Coena Domi∣ni.
• [t] 1.42

  Luther de Consiliis Part. 2. saith of the Zuingli∣and: Pertinacissimè contra me pugnabant, quod Divi∣nitas Christi pati non pos∣set.
• [u] 1.43

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdi. 9.
• [x] 1.44

  Luther in libro ad Du∣cem Georgium. And see his like saying in Colloquiis Liti∣nis cap. de consolatione. And ad cap. 1. dd Galatas tom. 5. Wittemberg. fol. 290 b. He saith Esto, Ecclesia, Augustinus, & alii Doctores; item Petrus, Apollo, imo Angelus è Caelo diversum doceant, tamen mea Doctrina est ejus∣modi, quae solius Dei gloriam illustrat &c. Petrus Apostolorum summus vivebat & docet extra Verbum Dei; And after the English Translation. fol. 33. b. paulo post med. and 34. a. initio. and in libro de servo arbitrio contra Erasmum, in the first Edition there∣of He saith, (if not most arrogantly judge) Deponite quicquid armaturae suppedita∣bunt Orthodoxi veteres, Theologorum Scholae, authoritas Conciliorum & Pontifi∣cum, consensus tot saeculorum, ac totius populi Christiani, nihil recipimus nisi Scrip∣turas: sed fic, ut penes nos solos sit certa Authoritas interpretandi. Quod nos inter∣pretamur hoc sensit Spiritus Sanctus, quod afferunt alii quamvis magni, quamvis mul∣ti, à Spiritu Satanae & ••lienata mente profectum est. See this Saying alleged in Nullus & Nemo G. 6. pag. 153. And in Cnoglerus his Symbola tria. pag. 152. And Luther tom. 2 Wittemberg. fol. 486. b. fine saith, Ego verò hoc libro non contuli, sed asserui, & assero, ac penes nullum volo esse judicium, sed omnibus suadeo, ut praestent obsequium.
• [y] 1.45

  See Brereley Tract: 2. c. 2. sect: 10. subdivis. 9.
• [z] 1.46

  Brerely tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 12
• [a] 1.47

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 11. subdivis. 2. In the Text and Margent at 17.
• [b] 1.48

  Manlius, Luther's Scholar testifieth this in loc. com. pag. 42. fine. And so also the Alphabetical Table of that Book, where it is set down Luthero saepe spectra appa∣ruerunt. And Luther Tuton: ad Senator: Civit: German: speaking of other Sectaries, to wit the Swenkfeldians and A∣nabaptists who bragged of Ap∣paritions, confesseth of himself saying, Ego quoque fui in Spiritu, atque etiam vidi spiritus, si omnino de pro∣priis gloriandum est, forte plulquam ipsi intra annum videbunt.
• [c] 1.49

  Luther in loc. com: class. 4. pag: 36. prope finem, saith, Nullas apparitiones Angelorum habeo. And ibidem page 40. ante med: He further saith, Pactum feci cum Domino Deo meo, ne∣vel visiones, vel somnia, vel etiam Angelos mihi mittat, &c. vide ibidem post med.
• [d] 1.50

  Manlius in loc. com: pag. 42. fine, & 43. initio saith, Cum Coburgi subsisteret Doctor Martinus Lutherus &c. accidit ut semper post apparitiones nocturnarum fa∣cium, ipse gravi capitis morbo agitaretur. Accidit autem ut cum praecedente nocte tres ejusmodi volantes faces vidisset, fere incidiffet in Syncopen, Praesentiens autem morbum, ministrum vocabat, is Amygdalinum oleum instillabat in aurem. &c. Lu∣ther tom: 7 Wittemberg: An: 1588. in lib. de Missa privata, & unctione Sacerdotum fol. 443. & tom: 6. Germ. Jenensi fol. 28. in lib. de Missa angulari. Also Luthers words hereof are acknowledged and set down in the treatise, against the defence of the censure, pag. 234, 235, 236. and in Luther tom: 7 Wittemberg: fol. 228. a. fine.
• [e] 1.51

  Brereley in his conclus. to the Judges Sect. 9. initio at c.
• [f] 1.52

  Luther describing there the sound of Sathans voyce, speaking then to him, saith, Haec illo dicente &c. The Devill speaking thus to me, I burst forth all on sweat, and my heart be∣gan to tremble and leap (voce forti & gravi utitur) the De∣vill hath a base and strong voyce &c. And then I learned how it came to passe that some∣times early in the morning, men were found dead in their beds: which words the rather to give colour to Mr. Clarkes preten∣ded onely Spirituall temptation, and no bodily conference, are shamefully falsifyed, as being quite omitted by the Divines of wittemberg in their later editi∣on of Luthers Works, but ne∣vertheless are yet still and ex∣tant in the more antient edition of Luthers Works tom: 6. Jen. Germ fol. 28. and to the e∣ternall discredit of the said Di∣vines of Wittemberg (who in many other things have like∣wise most shamefully falsifyed Luther) are yet also ac∣knowledged and verbatim re∣cited by the Protestant Writer Hospinianus in Hist: Sacra mentar. par. 2. fol. 131, a. post med. and by him alleged there out of Luther tom. 6. Jen. fol. 81.
• [g] 1.53

  Luther tom. 7. Wit∣tsmberg: fol. 230. a. post med. See also these words confessed by Mr. Fulk against the defence of the Censure, pag. 237. circa medium:
• [h] 1.54

  Brereley in his conclusion to the Judges, Sect. 9. at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• [i] 1.55

  Brereley ibidem sect. 9.
• [k] 1.56

  Where he saith: Apud Surium liquet Diabolum in specie Angelica appa••••isse, & statim Abbatem ut Mis∣sam celebratet hortabatur, alleging there in his margent, Delrius Jes••. 4. de Magia. cap. 1. q. 3.8.5.
• [l] 1.57

  The words of Delri•••• (in the place cited be Mr. Mor∣ton, uttered upon occasion to shew how the Devill often goeth about to deceive us, or by perswading us to do things of themselves good, but in an evill manner, whereof he there giveth many examples,) ••e as followeth: Item si (Daemon) suadeat aliiqua contra Canones, vel Constitutiones, vel regulas, vel alia praecepta Majorum: hoc indicio B. Simeon Mo∣naclus Trevirensis eum de∣prehendit: narratur historia ab Cuerwino Abbate (apud Surium 1. Junii.) In verti∣cem montis Sinai jussu Supe∣riorum cum missus fiuisset ibi habitaturus, nocturnis ho∣ris illi specie Angelcia Dae∣mon apparuit, & ut Missam celebret hortatur: ipse nec planè dormiens, nec perfectè vigilans contradicrit, non de∣bere fine praesbyterii ordine aliquem hoc ministerium im∣plere: contra inimicus in∣stat: &c. Whereby it appear∣eth that the Devill did not make this perswasion to the Abbott, (for the Abbot whom Surius al∣legeth is but the reporter thereof) but to Simeon a Monk, who, as there afterwards yet more fully appeareth, being not as yet Priest, but Deacon, refused to say Masse.
• [m] 1.58

  Brereley in his con••••••∣sion to the judges. Sect 9. nex as••er n.
• [n] 1.59

  Brer••ley in his Conclus. to the judges, Sect. 7. at q. in the margent.
• [o] 1.60

  Brereley ibid. Sect. 7. in the margent at r,
• [o] 1.61

  Brerele•• ibidem Sect. 9. in the text, versus finem.
• [q] 1.62

  Brereley in the conclus. to the judges, Sect. 8. in the margent at v and x.
• [r] 1.63

  Brerely ibidem Sect. 9. in the text prope sinem.
• [s] 1.64

  B••ercley in his Conclus. to the judge, ••••••ct 8 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and z in the margent.
• [t] 1.65

  Brereley ibid. Sect. 9. in the text, fine.
• [u] 1.66

  Luther tom. 7. Wit∣temberg. Anno. 1558. in Libro de Missa privata & unctione Sacerdotum fol. 228. a. fine. & tom. 9. Germ. Jenensi fol. 28. in Libro de Missa An∣gulari, and see these words ac∣knowledged and set down by Mr. Fulk in his defence of the Censure pag. 234. and 235. and 236.
• [x] 1.67

  Apud Brereley ibid. Sect. 7. at S.
• [y] 1.68

  Luther tom. 7. Wit∣temberg. An. 1558. fol. 229. b. initio. And fol. 228. b••circa med. the Devil further saith, Sacerdos enim ve••us, est Minister Ecclesiae consti∣tutus ad praedicandum ver∣bum, porrigenda Sacramen∣ta, sicut hoc habent verba Christi in Coena, & sicut Paulus 1 Cor. 11. de Coena Dom••ni loquitur: unde & à veteribus Communio ap∣pellata est, quod non Solus Sacerdos debeat uti Sacra∣mento, sed reliqui unà cum ipso. Nunc annos quindecim totos semper solus privatim pro te in Missa usus es Sacramento; & non communicast ali••s, ade••què interdictum tibi erat, ne por∣rigeres totum Sacramentum aliis, &c. coj••smod•• es tu Sacerdos, qui non pro Ec∣clesia, sed pro te ipso ordinatus es? &c. Tu vero Missator privatus in omnibus Mis∣sis tuis, ne semel quidem praedicasti, &c. Haeccine institutio Christi? &c. Institu∣tio Christi est, ut Sacramento communicent & alii Christiani, verum tu unctus es, non ad distribuendum Sacramentum, sed ad Sacrificandum, & contra institutionem Christi Missa usus es pro Sacrificio, &c. Et quod Christus instituit ad edendum &. bibendum pro tota Ecclesia, & porrigendum a Sacerdote unà communicantibus, &c. ex hoc tu facis Sacrificium propitiatorium. O abominatio super omnem abomina∣tionem, &c. And ibid. fol. 229. a. paulo post med. he saith, Solus bibis, &c. Nemini tecum communicas, & ut in more vobis positum fuit, tanquam bonum opus pro pe∣cunia vend••s. And ibidem fol. 228. b. ante med. He further saith to Luther, Confugie∣batis ad S. Mariam, & Sanctos, illi erant Mediatores inter vos & Christum, sic crepta est gloria Christo: Is not all this (with much more there objected by the Devil) very Protestant like?
• [z] 1.69

  Luther ibidem fol. 229. b. pau••o post initium.
• [a] 1.70

  Brereley in his Conclu∣sion to the Judges Sect. 10.
• [b] 1.71

  Hospinian: in Hist. Sacrament. part alter: in his Prolaegom: prope finem, saith of Zuinglius, Calvin & Lu∣ther: Hos enim tres viros nosco à Deo ornatos fuisse multis donis & virtutibus, ingenio, luce doctrinae Cae∣lestis, &c. Zelo gloriae Dei &c. Divinitusque formatos & excitatos ad Ecclesiam Christi his postremis tempo∣ribus, tyran nide ac tenebris Anti-Christi horribiliter op∣pressam, in libertatem & lu∣cem Evangelii vindican∣dam, &c.
• [c] 1.72

  Brereley in his Book a part of the Lives of the late pretended Reformers. Cap. 2. Sect. 1.
• [d] 1.73

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in his Booke a•• ••art of the lives of the late pretended Reformers &c. cap. 2. sect. 13. initio.
• [e] 1.74

  Luther tom. 4. Wittem. 1574. in Ecclesiasten c. 9. saith, Solomon sentire vide∣tur mortuos sic dormire ut prorsus nihil sciant: & pla∣ne credo non esse in scriptu∣ra locum fortiorem pro mor∣tuis dormientibus &c. con∣tra sanctorum invocationem & purgatorii fictionem, fol. 36. b. c••rca med. And see Slei∣dan's further report hereof con∣cerning. Luther lib. 9. Anno 1534. fol. 116. a. initio, af∣ter the English Translation, but read the Latine.

  Luther tom 4. Wittemb. fol. 37. b. ante med. saith, Sensit ergo Solomon, mortuos om∣nino dormire, & nihil pror∣sus sentire, jacent ibi mor∣tui non numerantes Dies vel Annos, &c. Anima abit in lo∣cum suum, ut intelligas in∣fernum dici ubi continen∣tur animae, & quasi quoddam sepulchrum animae extra hunc corporalem mundum, sicut terra est sepulchrum corporis.
• [f] 1.75

  Brereley tract. 2 cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 13.
• [g] 1.76

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 14.
• [h] 1.77

  Vide Enchirid. prec: Anni 1543.
• [i] 1.78

  Luther in postil: majo∣re Basiliae apud Herruagium in enarrat: Evang: Domini∣cae Trinitatis. And see further Examples of this kind mentio∣ned by Cnoglerus in his Sym∣bola tria pag. 121 & 122. and by Ulembergius in his Graves & justae causae &c. Printed 1589. pag. 534. Where he allegeth Luther's foresaid words at large, out of the se∣cond part of his Postil. printed Anno 1537. fol. 158. b.
• [k] 1.79

  Luther in lib. contra Jacobum La••omum tom. 2. Wittemb. latinè Edito An. 155••. saith, Anima mea odit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉& optimè exegerunt Arriani, ne vocem illam pro∣phanam, & novam regulis si∣dei statui liceret. We know [saith Brereley here] Luther's late Editions to be herein alte∣red and corrupted by his Scho∣lars, whereof see the like in this present section 10. subdivis. 2. and more subdivis. 14. at z. a, b, therefore we so specially cite the first Edition.
• [l] 1.80

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2 sect. 10. subdiv. 14.
• [m] 1.81

  It appears by Calvin's report of their words in tract. Theolog. pag. 540. a. circa med, their chief Reason to be, Cùm Deus rerum omnium author sit, nullum jam boni & mali discrimen esse ha∣••••dum, sed quicquid agitu•••• bonum esse.
• [n] 1.82

  Brereley, tract. 2. cap. 2 sect. 10. subdivis. 15.
• [o] 1.83

  Vide Tanner tom. 2. disput. 1. q. 2. dub. 4. n. 108.
• [p] 1.84

  In orat. Germ. 12. de Luthero.
• [q] 1.85

  Pu. Who can believe him who believes not himself?
• [r] 1.86

  To be Idolatry, and yet how in the mean time, I can∣not say whether more prodigiously or hypocritically to, &c.
• [s] 1.87

  Confessing further that he began to Preach against Indul∣gencies, when (saith he as witnesseth Sleydan l. 16. fol. 232. b. fine) I scarcely under∣stood what the name of Indul∣gence meant, which are Lu∣thers words in Sleydan l. 13. fol. 177. b. paulò post medi∣um Yea the Ar. &c.
• [t] 1.88

  See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 15.
• [u] 1.89

  Jewel in his Apology of the Church of England part. 4. c. 4. sect. 2. and in his de∣fence of the Apology Printed 1571•• pag. 426. prope fi∣nem.
• [x] 1.90

  See Acts & Monum. pag. 416. a. initio.

  Christus haber primas, ha∣beas tibi Paule, sicundas: At loca post illos proxima Lu∣ther habet.
• [y] 1.91

  Andraeas Musculus in praefat. ••n libellum Germ. de Diaboli ty••annide.
• [z] 1.92

  Schlusselburg Catalog. haeretic. l. 13. & ult. pag. 314. 316. & 489. And Michael Leander in his Theologia Christiana, &c. saith, Luthe∣rus vir Dei fuit, & verè ille A•• gelus cum aeterno Evan∣gelio volans per medium Cael, Apocal. 14.
• [b] 1.93

  Brerely tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 10.
• [c] 1.94

  Luther de Caena Do∣mini tom. 2. Germ. fol. 174. And see this also reported by the Tigurine Divines in confess. Orthodox. Ecclesiae Tigur. tract. 3. fol. 108. And Lu∣ther com. 3. Germ. fol. 264. calleth them persons condemned in their own knowledge, with whom he will have no inter∣course neither by letters, wri∣tings, or words.
• [d] 1.95

  Tigurini tract. 3. con∣tra-supremam Luthe••i con∣fessionem pag. 61. And the Author of the Treatise against the defence of the censure, doth hereupon charge Luther with breath of all Christian modesty, and immoderate zeal. pag. 155. circa med. even far beyond the bounds of Charity and modesty pag. 101. ante med.
• [e] 1.96

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subdivis. 2.
• [f] 1.97

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 1.
• [g] 1.98

  Roffensis in confut. Assert. Luther. Printed 1523. art. 34.
• [h] 1.99

  See hereof Belforest: in Cosmogra. l. 2. cap. 7. col. 579
• [i] 1.100

  Manlius in loc. com. pag. 636. fine.
• [k] 1.101

  Hereof see Sleydan l. 18. fol. 277. ante medium.
• [l] 1.102

  Acts Mon. pag. 404. a. fine.
• [m] 1.103

  See this in Sleydan l. 17. fol. 94. b. prope initium. and fol. 95 a. post mediunt. and in Osiander centur. 16 pag. 193. circa medium.
• [n] 1.104

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 2.
• [n] 1.105

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 2.
• [o] 1.106

  For Theodosius Fa∣bricius in his collections of Lu∣thers sayings, intituled loci communes Doctoris Marti∣ni, &c. Printed 1594. in his Preface circa med. set before the book, professeth there to fol∣low the Edition of Jena, saying there further: Cur ab iditione Wittembergensi discedam, causas habeo non comtem∣nendas. As in like manner Master Bancroft in his Survey of the pretended holy Discipline, pag. 225. chargeth the Puritans with like corruption of other Protestants works.
• [p] 1.107

  Col∣••oqui Altemberg. in respon. ad excusa Cor. fol. 227. & vide 2. respons. ad Hypoth. •• fol. 284. ad fol. 290. & fol. 353. & 355. & vide ibidem Hypotheses de libero ar∣••trio fol. 574. b. & 575. a. And Conradus Schlusseburg in his Theologia Calvi∣••istarum l. 2. fol. 56. b. chargeth the Calvinists with alteration of Luthers Works.
• [q] 1.108

  Of the great contentions is Germany between the rigid and soft Lutherans concerning the false and corrupt editions of Luthers works, See Walterus contra Aurifabrum de cor∣rupta editione Operum Lu∣theri Anno 1566. And see further proof of Luthers works corrupted, in the defence of the censure pag. 55. And see Bre∣reley in the conclusion to the Judges sect. 9. and in the mar∣gent at d. Of this corrupting Luthers Works see also above.
• [r] 1.109

  Westphalus Apol. con∣tra Calvinist. c. 46. pag. 458. And Luther himself in Epist. ad Jo. Harvagium Typographum Argentinensem ••har∣geth Bucer with corrupting his works.
• [s] 1.110

  Over-boldly denyed in the Tower disputation with Edmund Campian the first days conference. c.iiii. Luther praefat. in Epist. Ja∣cobi in editione Jenensi fine.
• [t] 1.111

  Bell in his regiment of the Church pag. 28. See Pome∣ran. in Epist. ad Rom. c. 4. And Vitus Theodorus in Annot. in nov. Test. pag. ult. And the Century writers of Magdeburg cent. ••. l. 2. c. 4 & cent. 2. l. 3. c. 4. And Hafferefferus in loc. Theologic. l. 3. sta••. 3. loc. 7. pag. 292. And Adamus Francisci in Margarita The∣ol. pag. 488. saith, Apoc••aphi libri novi Testamenti, sunt Epistola ad Haebreos, E∣pistola Jacobi, secunda & tertia Joannis, posterior Petri, Epistola Judae & Apocalyp.
• [u] 1.112

  Chem••itius in Enchyrid, &c. pag. 63. And see Chem∣nitius in his examen. Concil. Trident. part. 1. pag. 55.
• [x] 1.113

  Chemnitius exam. part. 1. pag. 56. b. initio.
• [y] 1.114

  Chemnitius ibidem p. 57. a.
• [a] 1.115

  Brerely tract. 2 cap. 2. s••ct. 10. subdivis. 3.
• [b] 1.116

  Luther upon the Gala∣thians Englished, in cap. 2. fol. 67. u. post med.
• [c] 1.117

  Luther ibidem fol. 67. circa med.
• [d] 1.118

  Luther ibid. fol. 68. b. prope finem, & fol. 126. b. And see Luther in his Sermons Englished, &c. pag. 204. cir∣ca. med.
• [e] 1.119

  Luther tom. 1. prop. 3.
• [f] 1.120

  Covell in his defence of Hookers five Books of Eccle∣siastical Policie pag. 42. ante med.
• [g] 1.121

  Luther tom. 2. Wit∣temberg. de captivit. Baby∣lon. fol. 74. and see further hereof in the Treatise against the defence of the censure. p. 198.
• [h] 1.122

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 4.
• [i] 1.123

  Illyricus in praefat. ad Rom. & vide Schlusselburg in Catalog. Haereticorum l. 13. & ult. pag: 819. circa med.
• [k] 1.124

  Illyricus in praefat. ad Rom. And see Colloquium Altembergense fol. 210. a. b. and 231.324.382. and 352.
• [l] 1.125

  Illyricus ubi supra.
• [m] 1.126

  Illyricus ibidem.
• [n] 1.127

  Schlusselburg in Ca∣talog: H••ereticorum l. 13. in Epist. dedicatoria pag. 22. paulò post med.
• [o] 1.128

  Illyricus de originali just tia ac injustitia in ap∣pendice pag. 163.
• [o] 1.129

  See Luthers sayings al∣leged in Actis Colloquii Aldeburgensis pag. 8. circa. med and in Illyricus in prae∣fat. ad Rom.
• [q] 1.130

  Dresserus in Millena∣rio Sexto Printed 1598. pag. 187. post med. saith, Nicho¦laus Amsdorphius Wittem∣b••rgae primum cum Luthero & Phil••ppo Theolog••ae sta∣dia coluit, postea Episcopa∣tui Numburgico à Frederico Electore praefectus est, & à Luthero inauguratus: (Pu. Consecrated Bishop by Luther who was no Bishop.) And Luther com. 2. Wittemberg: writeth to him, specially tear∣ming him, Optime Vir, fol. 487. initio. And in libro Concordiae bound in quatto, Lipsiae, 1581. pag. 72. ante med it is said, is inter caetera fecit mentionem Nicholai Amsdorphii, de quo Lu∣therus d••xisser Spiritus meus requiescet in Amsdorphio, & Wellerus, Nemo tantum hausit de Spiritu Lutheri ac Ams••orphius. And see yet the very same affirmed of Luther and Wellerus concerning Amsdorphius, by Chemnitius, alleged by Hospinian in his Concord. discor. Printed 1607. fol. 102. b. fine.
• [r] 1.131

  Hereof see Acta Colloquii Alde∣burgensis pag. 120. Sect. 11. initio; & pag 443. paulo post initium, & pag. 293. paulo ante medium. And see Nicholaus Amsdorphius speciall Book of this argument, in••ituled: Quod bona opera sint perniciosa ad salutem.
• [s] 1.132

  Vide Acta Colloq. Al∣deburg: pag. 205. post med. fi••e.
• [t] 1.133

  Ibidem pag. 293. paulo ante med. it is said, Scripsit Amsdorphius, & post eum, vel per eum Flaccius, non solum non necessaria, sed & perniciosa esse opera ad salutem, & pag. 120. sect. 11 it is said: Hanc detestan∣dam propositionem Amsdorphii, quam & Flaccius approbat, & editis scriptis pro∣pugnat, quod bona opera non solum non sunt necessaria, sed etiam perniciosa ad sa∣lutem, &c. Amsdorphius in suo libro ••. 4. Flaccius in Annotatione super re∣pet. Major.
• [u] 1.134

  Amsdorphius plae me∣moriae, so called ibidem pag. 206. circa medium.
• [x] 1.135

  Ibid. pag. 205. fine, & 206. nitio, it is said hereof, Nos quidem ipsos (Lutherum & Amidorphium) inter se committimus, hanc propo∣sit••onem non usurpaturi. And Osiander in Epitom. Hist. Eccles. centur. 16. pag. 609. saith, Nicholaus Amsdor∣phius, Theologus Luthera∣nus, dum falsam D. Maioris propositionem de necessitate bonorum operum ad salutem evertere conatur, in alterum extremum impegit, & defen∣dere conatus est hanc absur∣dam propositionem; Bona opera ad salutem esse perni∣ciosa.
• [y] 1.136

  So is he tearmed by D. Bulkley in his Apology for Re∣ligion, &c. pag. 46. initio.
• [z] 1.137

  Commended Acts Mon. pag. 514. b. fine & 515. a. 519. initio & 521. b. initio.
• [a] 1.138

  That Tindal was the Authour of this Book; see Act. mon. pag. 573. b. prope finem, & 486. a. initio & b. post med.
• [b] 1.139

  Act. Mon: pag. 486. b. fine.
• [c] 1.140

  Act mon. ibidem.
• [d] 1.141

  Act Mon. pag. 487. b. pau••o post med.
• [e] 1.142

  Calvin. Institut. l. 2. c. 17. sect. 6. saith, Quaerere an sibi meruerit Christus, non minus stulta est curiositas, quam teme••a•• a definitio. And a little after: Quibus enim meritis affequi po••uit ho∣mo, ut j••dex esset ••••undi, caput Angelorum? And see further Calvin in Epistolas Pauli in Philip. 2 ver. 9. pag. 466. b & 467. a. in so much that in his Books of Institutions l. 2. c. 17. sect. 1. He saith against Christs meriting for us: Equidem fateor, si quis sim∣pliciter, & per se Christum apponere vellet judicio Dei, non fore merito locum, quia non reperietur in hom••ne dignitas, quae possit Deum promereri.
• [f] 1.143

  Acts Monu. pag. 488. a. initio.
• [g] 1.144

  Acts Mon. pag. 488. a. initio.
• [h] 1.145

  Acts Mon. pag. 1336. a. ante med.
• [i] 1.146

  Finally we may conclude the life of Luther with the words of Erasmus [a man highly esteemed by Protestants] writing to Luther Anno 1526 11. Aprilis in these words: Optarem tibi meliorem mentem, nisi tua tibi tam valde placeret. Mihi opta∣bis quod voles, modo ne tu∣am mentem, nisi tibi Domi∣nus istam mutaverit.
• [k] 1.147

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. sudivis. 2.
• [l] 1.148

  Apud Bre••eley in his book a part of the late pretended Reformers cap. 3. sect. 7. fi∣ne.
• [m] 1.149

  In Zanchius his Epi∣stles printed: 609. lib. 2. pag. 340. Lavather writeth to Zanchius saying, Schmidelinum (alias Jacobum Andream) fertur apud nos in a∣dulterio cum Ancilla deprehensum, magnum odium &c. incur••isse &c.
• [n] 1.150

  Ibidem paulo post.
• [o] 1.151

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subdivis. 3.
• [o] 1.152

  The direction or title of this writing is, Pietate & Prudentia insigni Helvetio∣rum Reipub: Huldericus Zuinglius aliique Evangeli∣cae doctrinae Ministri grati∣am & pacem à Deo &c. in tom. 1. fol. 110. a. in itio.
• [q] 1.153

  Zuinglius ibidem fol. 113. post med.
• [r] 1.154

  Cum od••osis & penes omnes invisis nominibus, eos infames reddunt, qui Evan••elicam veritatem bo∣na fide praedicant, Luthera∣nos, Hussitas & Hereticos illos nominando. Zuinglius ibidem fol. 113. b. initio.
• [s] 1.155

  Subscribed tom. 1. fol. 123. b.
• [t] 1.156

  Tom. 1. fol. 120. post medium.
• [u] 1.157

  Hactenus experti hoc donum nobis esse negatum. fol. 121. a. fine.
• [x] 1.158

  Arsimus (proh pudor!) tantopere, ut multa indecorè gefferimus. fol. 122. a. prope finem.
• [y] 1.159

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 11. subdivis. 2. fine. in the margent at 1.
• [z] 1.160

  See Bellarmin. tom. 3. de Eucharistia l. 1. c. 11. Quaedam citantur, where he answers this weak objection.
• [a] 1.161

  In the Book intiuled Con∣spiracy for the pretended Refor∣mation pag. 83. initio it is said, Among others, Carolo∣stadius a Preacher professing the Gospel, &c. attributed much to Cabinet teachers in private conventicles, and unto visions, and pretended co••ference with God. And see O siander Epitom. Centur. 16. pag 86. and Chemnitius in repetit. de Eu∣char. Art. 31. and Slevdan Hist. l. 5. fol. 65 a. post. med.
• [b] 1.162

  Luther alleged ubi supra, sai••h concerning these apparitions: Planè p••rsuasus sum Empserum & Oecolam∣padium, &c. his ••ctibus horribilibus subito extinctos fuisse. So plainly was he persua∣ded, that Oecolampadius was in one of these apparitions slain by the Devil.
• [c] 1.163

  Brerely tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subdivis. 3.
• [d] 1.164

  Pu. O blasphemy! as if in matter of Christian Doctrine our Saviour did command men to temporize, dissemble, and ut∣ter falshood by delivering con∣tradictories. Luther as we have seen above is taxed by Zuing∣lius for his temporizing and contradicting himself, and now Zuinglius confesseth of himself the same sault; who then can believe either of them, and what goodly guides have Protestants?
• [e] 1.165

  Zuing. tom. 2. l. de Baptismo fol. 89. b. circa med. saying, Peccatum ergo originale damnationem non meretur, si modo quis Pa∣rentes fideles nactus fuerit. And 90. a. post med. he saith of Original sin: Qui enim fieri potest, ut quod morbus & contagio est, peccati nomen mereatur, vel peccatum revera sit, &c. Morbus enim hic damnationem nobis afferre n••quit. And pag. 90. b. ante med. Ea quoque Pauli verba considerabimus, quibus Theologi nostri abusi Originalem illum morbum pec∣catum esse dixerunt, &c. sed toto caelo errant. And tom. 2. fol. 115. a. paulo post med. & in Epist. Zuinglii, & Occolampadii l. 1. pag. 252. paulo ante med. he saith, Quid enim brevius dici potuit, quam Originale peccatum non esse peccatum, sed mor∣bum, &c?
• [f] 1.166

  Zuing. tom. 2. de pec∣cato orig. declar. fol. 116. a. post med. saith, Hoc ipsum volo, culpam Originalem non vere, sed metonimice à primi Parentis admisso cul∣pam vocari. And in Epist. Zuinglii & Oecolampadii l. 1. pag. 258. fine, he saith, Est ergo ista ad peccandum a∣more sui propensio pecca∣tum originale, quae quidem propensio non est propriè peccatum, sed fons, &c. And tom. a. ad Cardum Imp. fidei rat. fol. 539. b. initio, he saith, Patrem igitur nostrum (Adam) peccavisse fateor peccatum, quod verè pecca∣tum est, &c. At qui ex isto prognati sunt, hoc morbo non peccaverunt, &c. Velimus igitur nolimus admittere cogimur peccatum originale, ut est in filiis Adae, non propriè peccatum esse, quomodo jam exposuimus. Non enim est facinus contra legem, morbus est propriè, &c.
• [g] 1.167

  See Zuinglius his words hereof alleged by Schlusselburg in Theologia Calvinistarum l. 1. fol. 65. a. fine & b. initio.
• [h] 1.168

  Tom. 2. l. de Baptismo fol. 90. a. post med. he saith, Ubi legis cognitio nulla est, ibi nec peccati cognitio esse potest: ubi verò p••ccati cognitio non est, ibi nec praeva∣ricatio est, adeoque nec damnatio, &c. sic igitur jacet Theologorum sententia, & omnibus constat, fidelium liberos propter originalem illum & haereditarium morbum damnationem subire nullam, quoad legem & legis sententiam ignorant. De iis au∣tem loquor, qui per aetatem legis cognitionem habere non possunt, non de iis, qui vel scire nolunt, vel etiam scientes nesciunt. And see the l••ke tom. 2. fol. 118. a. paulo post med. & tom. 1. fol 372. b. initio. In so much as (in Epist. Zuinglii & Oecolampadii pag 505. paulo ante med.) he thinketh that the Children of the Gentiles and Infidels are free from all guilt hereof, because (saith he) lex nulla cos damnat, &c. And see him there pag. 969. circa med. & tom. 2. fol. 540. ante med. where he saith, Verum quomodo∣cunque de Gentilium infantibus statuendum sit, hoc certè adseveramus, propter vir∣tutem salutis per Christum praestitae, praeter rem pronuntiare qui eos aeternae male∣dictioni addicunt, &c. non debent igitur temere à nobis damnari qui fidem per aeta∣tem non habent, &c.
• [i] 1.169

  Reprehended by Schlusselburg in Theol. Calvinist. l. 1. fol. 65. a. fine, & b. initio, and by Hunnius in Papism. Calvinistarum, &c. Papism. 21. sect. 132.133. And Zuinglius tom. 2. de peccat. or••g. declar. initio, & fol. 115. b. paulo post initium saith thereof to Urbanus Regius, Nec enim solus insolitè nos putas de humanae generationis contagione tum sentire tum scribere: sunt enim & alia mag∣na nomina qui idem existimant, &c.
• [k] 1.170

  Amicis cavent ne in ruinam se à. nobis trahi patiantur. Ibidem fol. 115. circa med.
• [l] 1.171

  Zuinglius in Epist Zuinglii & Oecolampadii, l. 1. pag. 39. a. circa med. saith, Ethnicus si piam men∣tem domi foveat, Christianus est, etiamsi Christum igno∣ret. And see Zuinglius tom. 2. de pec. orig. fol. 118. a. cir∣ca med. A••so tom. 2. in ex∣posit. fidei Christianae fol. 159. b. circa med. he affirmeth the being in Heaven of Adam, Abel, Enoch, &c. Hercules, Theseus, Aristides, &c.
• [m] 1.172

  See next heretofore k.
• [n] 1.173

  Gualter in Apologia pro Zuinglio, & operibus ejus prae∣six. tom. operum Zuinglii fol. 27. a. b. & fol. 28, 29. a. b.
• [o] 1.174

  See Simlerus in vita Bullingeri: and see Bullingers allowance of Zuinglius his foresaid Treatise in Zuinglius tom. 2. fol. 550. b. initio.
• [o] 1.175

  Reproved by Hunnius in Papismis Calvinianorum part. 1. Papism. 18. numer. 115, 117. and by Benedict Morgensterne tract. de Ecclesia p. 72. And by Lobechius Indisput. Theolog. pag. 163. initio. And by Luther, who tom. 6. in Cap. 47. Genes fol. 633. a. fine, tearmeth it a most pernicious errour.
• [q] 1.176

  Printed by the same Prin∣ter, and likewise Anno 1602.
• [r] 1.177

  Beza resp. ad def. & respon. Castal.
• [s] 1.178

  Moli. in sua transl. Te∣sta. Novi part. 12. fol. 110.
• [t] 1.179

  Molin. in Testa. part. 20.30, &c.
• [u] 1.180

  Castalio in defen. trans. pag. 170.
• [x] 1.181

  Parks in his Apology for three testimonies of Scripture, &c
• [y] 1.182

  In the Conference before his Majesty pag. 46.
• [z] 1.183

  Ibid. fol. 47.
• [a] 1.184

  Master Christopher Carlile in his Book that Christ descended not into Hell pag. 116. a. 117, &c.
• [b] 1.185

  Purita. Petiti: to his Majesty pag. 76. initio.
• [c] 1.186

  Carlile pag. 118.
• [d] 1.187

  In their Book delivered to King James 16. of Decem. pag. 11.
• [e] 1.188

  In the confer. before his Majesty fol. 46.
• [f] 1.189

  St. Aug. l. 4. de Tri∣nit. c. 6. saith, Contra ratio∣nem nemo sobrius, Contra Scripturas nemo Christia∣nus, Contra Ecclesiam ne∣mo pacificus senserit.
• [g] 1.190

  In lib. cont. Zuingl. de ver ta: Corporis Christi in Eucha.
• [h] 1.191

  Brereley tract. 1. sect. 10. subdivis. 4. pag. 259.
• [i] 1.192

  Whitaker in his answer to Mr. Reynolds Preface pag. 2. fine & 26. initio.
• [k] 1.193

  Whitaker de Sacra Scriptura quaest. 5. c. 11. pag. 543. initio.
• [l] 1.194

  Whitaker in his answer to Mr. Reynolds pag. 223. fi∣ne, & vide pag. 218. fine.
• [m] 1.195

  Beza. Annot. in Cap. 1. Lucae ver. 1.
• [n] 1.196

  See Molinaeus in Luc. 17.
• [o] 1.197

  St. Hierom. in his Pre∣face before the new Testament ded cated to Pope Damasus saith hereof, Novum opus me f••cere cogis ex veteri, &c. You constrain me to make a new work of an old, that I after so many copies of Scriptures dis∣persed through the world, should sit as a certain Judge, and de∣termin which of them agree with the true Greek. Also H••e∣rom. in Catal. fine, saith, Novum Testamentum Grae∣cae fidei reddidi, vetus juxta Haebraicum transtuli. And see further hereof Bellarmine de Verbo Dei l. 3. c. 9.
• [o] 1.198

  St. Hierom. in praefat. Psalterii ad Sophroniā, quae est Epistola 134. saith, Cer∣tè confidenter dicam & mul∣tos hujus operis testes citabo, me nihil duntaxat sententiae de Hebraica veritate mutas∣se, &c. interroga quemlibet Hebraeorum, & liquidò per∣fidebis, &c. and see him fur∣ther in prologo in libros Re∣gum. And St. Austine de Civ. Dei l. 18. c. 43. initio saith, Non defuit nostris tempori∣bus Praesbyter Hieronymus, homo doctissimus, & omni∣um trium linguarum peritis∣simus, qui non ex Graeco, sed ex Hebaero in Latinum eloquium easdem Scripturas converterit. Cujus tamen literatum laborem Judaei fa∣tentur esse veracem. And see St. Austine Epist. ad Hiero∣nym. c. 3. And see Aurelius Cassiodorus l. 2. Institut. c. 12. & 21. & Gregorius Mag∣nus l. 20. Moral. c. 23. and Isidor. l. 6. Etymol. c. 5. & 7. & de divinis Officiis l. 1. c. 12. and Beda in Marty∣rologio.
• [q] 1.199

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subd. 3. at fiftly.
• [r] 1.200

  See Brereley tract. 3. sect. 2. ante med. at. g.
• [s] 1.201

  O siander in Epitom. Hist. Eccles. centur. 16. pag. 203. initio.
• [t] 1.202

  Pu. Of promiscuous rea¦ding Scripture see heretofore.
• [u] 1.203

  Osiander ibid. & in Gualter, Apol. fol. 30. a. cir∣ca••med it appeareth that they tearmed Zuinglius, Iniquis∣simum belli authorem, qui superb••a & crudelitate im∣pulsus, Tigurinis novi & ex∣quissti facinoris contra socios audendi author fuit, ut vi∣ctus inopia, & famis neces∣sitate, eos in suas partes con∣cedere cogeret.
• [x] 1.204

  O siander ibid.
• [y] 1.205

  Gualter in Apologia, &c. fol. 31. b. fine, saith, Obiit in bello Zuinglius, & armatus obiit.
• [z] 1.206

  Gualter ibid. fol. 31. b. prope finem, tearmeth them, Nostri illi perquam egregii Censores ipsum (Zuinglium) in peccatis mortuum, & pro∣inde Gehennae filium esse, pronuntiare non verentur.
• [a] 1.207

  Gualter in Apologia fol. 30. a. prope finem, saith hereof: Non ignoro contra quos & quantos viros, hic nobis quaedam dicenda sunt, &c. sunt quidam inter hos magni nominis Theologi, qui in hac re animi sui im∣potentiam produnt.
• [b] 1.208

  Gualter in Apolog. fol. 30. a. fine.
• [c] 1.209

  Hereof see Mr. Jewels defence of the Apology Printed 1571. pag. 426. prope fi∣nem; and see the apology of the Church of England part. 4. c. 4. divisione 2.
• [d] 1.210

  Brereley in his Book a part of the lives of the late pre∣tended Reformers cap. 6. sect. 1. initio.
• [e] 1.211

  In the answer for the time to the defence of the Cen∣sure, Printed 1583. fol. 85. a. prope finem.
• [f] 1.212

  See this in Bolseke in vita Calvini cap. 13. Where he reporteth that Calvin attemp∣ted to restore to life this Brule (comitatus magna caterva amicorum) in the presence of a great number of his friends; see also in Dialog. Alani Copi l. 6. c. 29. like report of a Pro∣testant Preacher in Poland, who Anno 1558. practised the like upon one Matthew publickly in the open Church at Biethage a Town neer Cracovia, at what time the said Matthew being found dead indeed, the Confederacy was thereupon there openly discovered by his wife. In like manner doth Gregorius Turonensis in Hist. l. 2. c. 3. report how that Cirola an Arian Heretick practised in like fort with one to counter feit blindness, and to request mira∣culous help from this Cirola, which being accordingly so done, the party was indeed strucken blind, whereupon he exclaimed and revealed the practise: in which like respect Tertullian, in libro de praescript, not unhappily saith of Heretick••, Agnosco maximam virtutem eorum, qua Apostolos in perversum aemulantur: illi enim de mortuis suscitabant, isti de vivis mortuos faciunt.
• [g] 1.213

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 3. sect. 9. subd. 4.
• [h] 1.214

  Bolseke in his Book of the life of Calvin, reporteth how that Calvins wine was choice, and carried abroad with him in a silver pot, when he dyned a∣broad; that also special bread was made purposely for Cal∣vin only, and the same made of fine flower wet in rosewater, mingled with Sugar, Synamon and Anizeseeds, besides a singu∣lar kind of bisket made for Cal∣vin alone; and be affirmeth this as a matter known all Geneva over.
• [i] 1.215

  In the beginning of his said book dedicated to Monsieur of Epinac Archbishop and Earl of Lyons, he hath this Prote∣station, I am here for the love of the truth to refute Theodore Beza his false and shameless lies in the praise of Calvin, prote∣sting before God and all the ho∣ly Court of Heaven, before all the world, and the Holy Ghost it self, that neither anger, nor envy, nor evill will hath made me speak or write any one thing against the truth, and my con∣science.
• [k] 1.216

  See this apud Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 11. fine, at 3.
• [l] 1.217

  Apud Brereley in his Book a part of the lives of the late pretended Reformers cap. 6. sect. 1. fine.
• [m] 1.218

  Brereley in the Prefac. to the Reader n. 11. & tract. 3. sect. 2. paulo post med. at. f. & n.
• [n] 1.219

  Brereley tract. 3. sect. 1. under the Letter t.
• [o] 1.220

  Calvin Instit. l. 3, cap. 23. sect. 6.
• [p] 1.221

  Calvin. Instit. l. 1. cap. 18. sect. 3.
• [q] 1.222

  Calvin ubi supra pag. 540. b. paulo ante med. saith of their said principal man, con∣testatur sibi longe aliam esse mentem, seque D••um m••li authorem facere nolle affir∣mat.
• [r] 1.223

  Calvin ibid pag 548. a. prope finem, saith of their contesting in this case (as Ca∣tholicks say of Calvin himself) Contestetur quantum vol. t, se licentiam peccand, praebe∣re nolle, hoc enim nihil al ud est, quàm inane nimisque ri∣diculum simolationis velum obtendere, quoniam ipsi ni∣hil est, cùm Deus omnia fa∣cere putatur. Might not th••se very words of Calvin against them, be returned aptly against Calvin himself.
• [s] 1.224

  Concerning their sundry published writings, See Calvin tract. Theologic. pag. 510. a. ante med. & pag. 532. a. fine.
• [t] 1.225

  See their frequent alle∣gation of Scripture in Calvin ubi supra. 533, 534, 535, 536, &c. And see in Calvin their allegation of these very Scrip∣tures, which Calvin and other Protestants usually alleage in defence of their foresaid Do∣ctrine. For they alleage Amos 3.6. and Esay 45.7. (apud Calvinum ubi supra, pag. 542. b. ante med.) 1 Reg. 22.21. (p. 346. a. ante med.) and Hieremie 10.32. (apud Cal∣vinum ubi supra pag. 541. b. post med) ad Epist. ad Rom. c 7. (ubi supra pag. 542. a. initio) & 1 Joan. 3.9. (ubi) supra pag. 547. b. post med.)
• [u] 1.226

  Calvin ubi supra pag. 527. b. post med. & pag 543. a. ante med.
• [x] 1.227

  See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 13. initio.
• [y] 1.228

  Of this confessed opinion of Mr. Jewel and Mr. Fulks re∣tentive pag. 89. paulo ante med. and see his confutation of the Papists quarrels Printed 1583. pag. 64, 65.
• [z] 1.229

  See Fulk against the Remish Testament in Hebr. 5. in sexto, sect. 4. fol. 399. b. paulo post m••d.
• [a] 1.230

  The Protestant Writer Osiander in Epitom. &c. centur. 16. pag. 818. fine saith, Adam Neuserus Pastor Heydelbergensis ex Calvi∣nismo prolapsus est in Aria∣nismum. And Conradus Schlusselburg Theolog. Cal∣vinist. l: 1. art. 2. fol. 9. b. tearmeth him, Ad••m Neuseru•• olim Heydelbergensis Ec∣clesiae primarius Pastor. &c.
• [b] 1.231

  See this thus reported by Osiander in Epitom, &c. cent. 16. pag. 208. fine, and Osiander there pag. 209. ini∣tio, affirmeth, that D. Gerla∣chius hath at Tubinga the o∣riginal writing (or letter it self) so written to him by Neu∣serus.
• [c] 1.232

  Fulk in answer to a coun∣tersect Catholick pag. 15. pro∣pe finem affirmeth, that the true Church under the Empe∣rours Constantine, Constans, and Valens, was greatly in∣fected with the Heresy of the A∣rians, as though the Church with Arianism could be a true Church, What else is this, but to repute Arianism for a matter of ••ndifferency? Also Mr. Tho∣mas Morton in his treatise of the kingdom of Israel, and of the Church, dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, pag. 94. fine, af∣firmeth, that the Churches of A∣rians are to be accompted the Churches of God, because they do hold the foundation of the Gospel, which is, faith in Jesus Christ the Son of God, and Sa∣viour of the world. And ibid. p. 91. ante med. be further saith, Whensoever a company of men do jointly and publickly by wor∣shipping the true God in Christ profess the substance of Christian Religion, which is faith in Jesus Christ the Son of God and Saviour of the world (which, as before, in his opinion the A∣rians do) that there is a true Church, notwithstanding any corruption whatsoever, &c. So evi∣dently doth he affirm the Arians Church to be the Church of God, and a true Church.
• [d] 1.233

  The learned Lutheran Pelragus in admonitione de Arianis, having pag. 41.42.43. excused in what be can Melancthons dangerous sayings, doth yet pag 45. say, Non hic Calvinianos in praecipuis de Divinitate Christi locis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 laboriosè ostendam, non Adami Neu∣seri, non Blandratae, non Pauli Alciati, Francisci Davidis, Gentilis, Grebaldi, Silva∣ni & aliorum facilem è Calvini Schola ad Arianos lapsum & progressum commemo∣rabo. And Jacobus Andraeas in praefat. refutationis Apologiae Danaei pag. 54. saith, Minimè mirandum est ex Calvinianis in Polonia, Transilvania, & Hungaria, aliis∣que in locis quam plurimos ad Arianismum, quosdam etiam ad Mahometismum ac∣cessisse, quorum impietati haec Calviniana doctrina iter parat. And see the like affir∣med by Schlusselburg in Theolog. Calvinist. l. 1. Art. 2. fol. 9.2. post med. And Hun∣nius in his Antiparaeus pag. 97. initio, saith, Tot celebres Antitrinitarii ex Calviniano∣rum Scholis & Ecclesiis prodierunt.
• [e] 1.234

  Beza in Epist. Theo∣log. Ep. 81. pag. 303. pau∣lo post med. saith hereof, Hinc illud incendium, quod tota jam vastata Polonia, in Tran∣silvaniam quoque pervasit. And Ep. 16. pag. 122. post med. be saith hereof, Poloniam totam & Transilvaniam in hunc miserrimum statum re∣dactam vides.
• [f] 1.235

  Gratianus Prosper a principal Arian publ••shed in defence of Arianism a Book of this title, Instrumentum do∣ctrinarum Aristo elicum in usum Christianarum Scho∣larum, exemplis Theologicis illustratum per Gratianum Prosperum, Losci Anno 86. Wherein are reduced into form of argument all or most of the Scriptures usually alleged in proof of Christs Divinity, and by him undertaken there to be answered, As also he propoun∣deth very many other Scriptures and reasons reduced into like form of argument against the Divinity of Christ. As also So∣cinus another Arian published lately his Book thereof against Volanus. And the other publi∣shed writings of Gentilis, Servetus, Blandrata, and many other late Arians, are known and many.
• [g] 1.236

  See this in Brereley tract. 1. sect. 10. subd. 2. at i. k. And whereas the Calvinists in Polonia did dispute against the Antitrinitaries there, and charged them with arguments taken out of the Fathers, the Antitrinitaries answered the Calvinists from them∣selves saying, Hi sunt vetusti panni, quos••vos ipsi primi lacerastis in aliis fidei articulis, &c. & lacerata jamdudum calceamenta. See this in Nullus & nemo H. 9.
• [h] 1.237

  Symle∣rus de aeterno Dei Filio l. 1. c. 2. saith of the Arians, Hienim nos ad Scripturas pro∣vocant, & quia omnem antiquitatem sibi adversari non ignorant, omnes sine excep∣tione rejiciunt. And see Brereley tract. 1. sect. 10. subdivis 2. at i. k. the like appeal of other Arians to only Scripture, expresly pretending the same by like examples of the Calvi∣nists.
• [i] 1.238

  St. Austine (apud Brereley tract. 1. sect. 10. at••g.) contra Maximinum A∣r••a••um Episc. l. 1. initio, induceth the Hereticks saying then to Catholicks (as Protestants do now:) Si quid de Divinis Scripturis protuleris quod commune est cum omnibus, necesse est ut audiamus: Hae vero voces quae extra Scripturam sunt, nullo casu à no∣bis susc piuntur: Cum ipse Dominus moneat nos & dicat, Sine causa colunt me, do∣centes mandata & praecepta hominum. And again ibid. versus finem libri, the Heretick further saith, Oro & opto Discipulus esse Divinarum Scripturarum, &c. Si affirma∣veris de Divinis Scripturis, si alicubi Scripti lectionem protuleris, nos Divinarum Scripturarum optamus inveniri Discipuli. See the very many Scriptures alleged only by the Arian Gratianus Prosper in his Book intituled, Instrumentum doctrinarum, &c.
• [k] 1.239

  M. D. Field of the Churc•• l. 3. c. 29. initio, pag. 138. ante med. saith, The tenth imputation is of Arianism, which Heresy we accurse to the pit of Hell, with all the vile calumni∣ations of damned slanderers that charge us with it. Neither did any of our men incline to it.
• [l] 1.240

  Pu. Mark how Calvin contemns Antiquity in a matter of greatest moment, and in fa∣vour of wicked Arianism.
• [m] 1.241

  Pu. See what respect Cal∣vin bears to St. Austine, whom even Protestants do so much e∣steem.
• [m] 1.242

  See Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 8.
• [n] 1.243

  See M. Whitaker con∣tra Duraeum l. 8. pag. 556. cir••a medium; and Master Nowels Catechism Greek and Latine pag. 281. And see Mr. Bilsons survey, &c. pag. 377. fine & 445. post med. and Calvin in Harmonia in Mat. c. 26. ver. 39 versus finem, and Marloret in Mat. 26.
• [o] 1.244

  Calvin Instit. l. 2. c. 16. sect. 10.
• [p] 1.245

  Calvin in Harmonia in Matth. 27. ver. 37. & 39. And see in M. Bilsons survey pag. 387. ante med.
• [q] 1.246

  See in M. Bilsons sur∣vey pag. 392. prope initium.
• [r] 1.247

  See in M. Bilsons sur∣vey pag. 503. circa & post med.
• [s] 1.248

  Apud Brereley in his Book a part of the lives of the late pretended Reformers cap. 7. sect. 1.
• [t] 1.249

  With great sh••w of con∣fidence, for it is by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dedicated even to the honourable, Magi∣strates, Counsellors, and other Governors of Geneva, for that (saith he) they could best tell whether most of those re∣ports were true or not, and of such as they knew not, could best learn and inquire; And he professeth to have written Be∣za's life purposely in Beza's time, to the end Beza then li∣ving might answer for himself.
• [u] 1.250

  See heretofore in this Consideration num. 24. prope initium.
• [x] 1.251

  Beza in his words ex∣tant in Saravia, defensio tract. de diversis Ministrorum gra∣dibus, Printed Londini M. D. XCIII. cap. 1••. pag. 309. circa med. saith, N••que verò nobis hic curiosè inqui∣rendum puto num ad omnes gentes pervenerint A postoli, nec etiam magnopere nobis de legatione ad remotissi∣mas aliquas gentes laboran∣dum, quum nobis domi & in propinquo sit satis superque, quod nos & posteros exerce∣at, has igitur potius tam longinquas peregrinationes locustis illis, &c. Jesu nomen ementientibus relinquamus, &c.
• [y] 1.252

  Saravia ibid. pag. 309. post med.
• [z] 1.253

  Apud Brereley tract. 2. cap 3. sect. 9. subd. 5.
• [a] 1.254

  Antony Faius l. de vita & obitu Clarissimi Viri D. Theodori Beza (Printed) Genevae 1606. pag. 9. paulo post med. confesseth and mentioneth, Poemata illa quae (Wolmario) praeceptor•• suo inscripsit; in quibus non mores, sed stylum Catulli & Nasonis ad imitandum sibi proponens, Epigrammata quaedam licentiosiùs quàm po∣stea voluisset, Scripta effudit.
• [b] 1.255

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 11. fine in the margent at 3.
• [c] 1.256

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 3. sect. 9. subd. 5.
• [d] 1.257

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. subd. 11.
• [e] 1.258

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 3. sect. 9. subd. 5.
• [f] 1.259

  Antony Faius l. de o∣b••u & vita Bezae pag. 46. fine.
• [g] 1.260

  Antony Faius ubi su∣pra pag. 8. fine & 9. ante med. and see pag. 11. ante med.
• [h] 1.261

  Antony Faius ubi su∣pra pag. 8. post med.
• [h] 1.262

  See this in Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 6. fine in the margent at f
• [i] 1.263

  Antony Faius de vita & obitu Bezae pag. 54. ante med. saith, Anno 1588. men∣se Aprili è vivis excessit Claud a de Nossa Bezae con∣jux, cum qua conjunctissime vixerat annos quadringinta.
• [k] 1.264

  Antony Faius ubi su∣pra pag. 74. ante med. saith of Beza, Liberos nullos un∣quam habuit.
• [l] 1.265

  Antony Faius ubi supra pag. 8. fine, affirming Beza to be born 24. Junii Anno 1519. which compared to her foresaid death in April 1588. it fol∣loweth by computation, that he was then aged 69. years wanting but one Month.
• [m] 1.266

  It appeareth by Antony Faius ubi supra pag. 96. fine, & 67. initio, that Beza dyed 13. Octo. 160••. aged 86. years, 3. Months, And it appeareth further pag. 74. ante med. that his second wife had been then marryed to him during the space of 17. years, which number of 17. years, being deducted from the foresaid years of 1588. in which his first Wife as before dyed. And this perhaps was the cause why Antony Faius being c••rious in setting down precis••∣ly the very year and certain time of Beza's other procee∣dings, as nom ly of his Birth (pag. 8.) his death (pag 66.) his first marriage at Geneva (pag. 12.) the death of his first Wife, and many other like; for∣beareth yet to observe this course in like setting down the certain time of his second marriage, though yet nevertheless the observant Reader may otherwise collect the same from him, in that upon his foresaid mention of Beza's first wives death, set down pag. 54. he doth say pag. 55. that Beza made his second marriage, aliquanto post tempore, a small time after, and the same there set down as in order precedent to Beza's actions of anno 1589. mentioned pag. 56. initio:
• [n] 1.267

  Antony Faius ibidem pag. 55. paulo post medium.
• [o] 1.268

  See his insolencie noted by Master Bancroft (now sithence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury) in his Survey of the pretended holy Disciplin pag. 54. initio.
• [o] 1.269

  Master Bancroft ibidem.
• [q] 1.270

  Ibidem pag. 59. post med.
• [r] 1.271

  Ibidem pag. 219. fine, & 220. initio.
• [s] 1.272

  See Master Ban∣crofts Survey of the pretended holy Disciplin pag. 42. post med. where it is said, He that shall read Master Calvins, and Master Beza's Epistles, and the Commentaries of France, with divers other discourses, and some of them known Protestants, would certainly mervail to un∣derstand, into what actions they thrust themselves, of war, of Peace, of subjection, how far it extendeth, of Reformation without staying for the Magistrates, of ••eagues, of Impositions, and what not? They write their Letters to this State and that State, &c. And D. Bol∣seke in his Book of Beza's life, and the defence of the Censure pag. 88. & 89. charge Beza with many odious Conspiracies, and with publishing of many seditious Books there named in particular. And Master Bancroft in his Survey pag 48. maketh mention of divers Books of deposing Princes Printed at Geneva.
• [t] 1.273

  Master Barcroft in his Survey, &c. pag. 127. post med.
• [u] 1.274

  See this in Brereley tract. 3. sect. 2. subd. 2. at k.
• [x] 1.275

  See ibidem at l.
• [y] 1.276

  Brereley in the Preface to the Read•• sect. 13 pag. 21.
• [z] 1.277

  Br••••••ky in the Presa•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 pag. ••4.
• [a] 1.278

  Apud li••••ley in his 〈…〉〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the late 〈…〉〈…〉 cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. sect 4 〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 18••, 184.
• [b] 1.279

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pul•••••• ••••∣〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 all might 〈…〉〈…〉 hi•• P••∣stol 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉, and of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being sound and taken 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th•• 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 after, at the 〈…〉〈…〉 be did the deed: the Protestant Author of se••und•••• 〈…〉〈…〉, &c. saith, 〈…〉〈…〉 pesta no•••• in eum prope locum unde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉. pag. 345. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• [c] 1.280

  The Protestant Author of the Treatise intiuled Secun∣dae partis Commentariorum de statu Religionis & reip. in Regno Galliae libri tres, Carolo nono Rege, Printed 1571. pag. 357. post med. saith of Poltrots execution, illud interfecti Guisii supplicium ded••••, quaestionis habitae edito quodam se ipto, Pol••rot us Amiral••um facinoris illius authorem & hortatorem appellabat, & Theodo um Bezam cum alio mimmè nominato Ministro illi accusa∣tion•• involvebat ut ad eam rem impulsorem, &c. Also Pultrots confession at his death yet extant in P••int, chargeth Beza as persuader and procurer thereof, in answer whereto Mr. Whitaker in his answer to F. Camp an (rat. 8. and after the English Edition pag. 223.) doth surmise that Pultrot was induced to accuse noble and innocent men, through hope of impunity, or sear of punishment: By which pretext all accusations made by the confessions of offenders at their deaths, are most improbably taken away.
• [d] 1.281

  Brereley tract. 1. sect. 3. subd. 14. in the text and margent at 15.
• [e] 1.282

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 15. sect. 2.
• [f] 1.283

  Brereley tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 10. subd. 8. at 15.
• [g] 1.284

  Brereley in his Book a part of the lives of the late pretended R••formers, &c. cap. 7. sect. 3.
• [h] 1.285

  See this in Osiander centur. 16. l. 3. cap. 28. pag. 657. post med.
• [i] 1.286

  Pleraque in illa con∣fessione sic posita erant, ut videre••ur non Calvinistica sed Lutherana: hujus Con∣fessionis autographon ego vidi, & legi manu Theodori Bezae & Farelli subsignatum &c. Tigurini Theologi hanc Bezae & Farelli con∣fessionem ut nimis Luthera∣nam reprehenderunt, qui∣bus responderant Beza & Farellus; opus sibi fuisse bo∣no dolo ad liberandos fra∣tres: ••tem se in illa confes∣sione clam apud se in scrinio pectoris sui, duas voces (per fidem & spiritualiter) reti∣nuisse. Osianderabidem pag. 65. ante med. Also the Lu∣theran writer Holderus in his Book inti••••eled. Asinus, Prin∣ted Tubingae. 1587. cap. 29. pag. 49. circa med. saith hereof. Tigurini ubi de re to∣ta certiores ••unt, tanta ho∣minis impostura acriter do∣lent, & eam contessionem magna contentione impug∣nant, Bezamque falsi reum peragunt: quid verò inte∣rim Beza, num se deserit? minimè: Audi artem tali artifice dignam: vult per∣suadere Tigurinis, dolum aliquando bonum esse, & a∣liud agere, aliudque simu∣lare, &c.
• [k] 1.287

  Osiander centur. 16. lib. 3. c. 61. pag. 796. pau∣lo post med. saith, Hanc enim Maximam seu regulam ha∣bent Calvinistae, licere pro gloria Christi mentiri.
• [l] 1.288

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. subdivis. 13. sect. 2. 〈…〉〈…〉
• [m] 1.289

  Brereley in his Omissi∣ons pag. 396.
• [n] 1.290

  Brereley tract. 3. sect. 7 in the margent at †.
• [o] 1.291

  Brereley tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 10. subd. 5.
• [p] 1.292

  Brereley tract. 3. sect. 7. in the margent at †.