Q Valerius Maximus his collections of the memorable acts and sayings of orators, philosophers, statesmen, and other illustrious persons of the ancient Romans, and other foreign nations, upon various subjects together with the life of that famous historian / newly translated into English.

Quintus Valerius Maximus OF Memorable things.

LIB. I.

The PROLOGUE TO AUGUSTUS TIBERIUS CAESAR.

I Have resolved with thy self, to collect together the Deeds and Sayings of most note, and most worthy to be re∣membred, of the most emi∣nent persons both among the Romans and other Nations, taken out of the most approved Authors, where they lie scattered at such a distance, that makes them hard to be known; to save them the trou∣ble of a tedious search, who are willing to fol∣low their Examples. Yet I have not been over-desirous to comprehend all: For who in a small Volume is able to set down the Deeds of

many Ages? Or what wise man can hope to deliver the order of Domestick and Forraign story, which our Predecessors have done in such happy stiles, either with greater care, or more abounding Eloquence? Therefore, Caesar, thy Countries onely safety, thee I invoke in the be∣ginning of my Ʋndertaking, whom the con∣sent of Gods and men hath ordain'd the great Commander both of Sea and Land; by whose Divine providence those Vertues, of which I am to discourse, are most favourably cherish'd, Vices most severely punish'd: For if the an∣tient Orator: did well to begin from the Om∣nipotent Jove, if the most excellent Poets did always call some particular Numen to assist 'um; much the rather does my little Work, fly to your protection: For other Gods we adore onely in Opinion, you we behold equal to your Fathers and your Grand-fathers Stars in brightness, whose resplendent Lustres have ad∣ded not a little to the Ceremonies of our Reli∣gion. Others we receive for Gods, Caesars we make such. And because it is my intention to begin with the worship of the Gods, I shall dis∣course briefly of the nature thereof.

CHAP. I. Of Religion.

OBSERVED BY

• 1. The people of Rome.
• 2. Lucius Metellus, High-Pri••••••
• 3. Titus Gracchus.
• 4. Colledge of Priests.
• 5. Q. Fabius Dictator, and C. Flaminius Mr. of the Horse.
• 6. Pub. Crassus High-priest.
• 7. The Disciple of Aemilia the Vestal Nun.
• 8. Marcellus junior, Consul.
• 9. Lucius Furius Bibaculus.
• 10. Lucius Albinius.
• 11. C. Fabius Dorso.
• 12. Q. Petillius Spurinus Praetor.
• 13. Lucius Tarquinius the King.
• 14. Marcus Attilius Regu∣lus.
• 15. The Roman Senate.

NEGLECTED BY

• 16. C. Terence Varro.
• 17. Appius Caecus, and the Family of Potinius.
• 18. A Roman Souldier, and Brennus the Gaul.
• 19. P. Turullius Admiral.
• 20. Q. Fulvius Flaccus Censor.
• 21. Q. Pleminio Legat for the Pretor.

Forraign Examples of Religion observ'd or neglected.

• 1. Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
• 2. Massanisa King of Numi∣dia.
• 3. Dionysius the Elder of Sicilie.
• 4. Thymasitheus Prince of the Liparitans.
• 5. The Souldiers of King Alexander.
• 6. Perseus.
• 7. Athenians.
• 8. Diomedon an Athenian Captain.

OBSERVED.

1. OUr Ancestors appointed that the set and solemn Ceremonies should be ordered by the know∣ledge

of the High-Priests; the right Administration of these Ceremonies, and authority for so doing, the observations of the Augurs, the Predictions of Apollo, should depend upon the Books of the Sibyls; but that the mysteries or Wonders should be unfolded accor∣ding to the Rules of the Hetrurian Discipline: For by the antient Institutions, when we were to com∣mend any thing to the Gods, we gave our selves to Prayer; when any thing was earnestly to desired of the Gods, then to Vows; when any thing to be p••••••, to Thanksgiving; when enquiry after future suc∣c••ss was made, to obtain by Request; when any so∣l••mn Sacrifice was to be done, to sacrifice: By which ••••ans the significations of Wonders and Thunders were likewise discovered.

So great also was the care of our Ancestors, not onely to observe, but to increase Religion, that by decree of Senate, ten of the Sons of the chief men were sent out of their most flourishing and opulent City to the several people of Hetruria, to learn the Order and Discipline of Ceremonies.

1. And when they had resolved to worship Ceres after the Greek manner, they sent for Calcitana, or, as others say, Calliphimia, from Vilia, which had not yet recei∣ved the name of a City, to be their Priestess, that they might not want a skilful Governess of the antient Ce∣remonies of the Goddess: To whom having in the City a most stately Temple dedicated, and being warn'd in the Sibyls Books to appease the ancient Goddess Ceres in the time of Gracchus Tumult, they sent ten persons to Enna, where they believed her Sacred My∣steries were first instituted, to make an Atonement for themselves. And many times our Emperours and Commanders having obtained great Victories, have ••••one themselves to Pessinuntes, there to perform their ••••ows to the Mother of the Gods.

2. Metellus High-Priest, when Posthumius the Con∣sul, and also a Flamin of Mars, desired Africa for his Province to make War in, commanded him under a penalty not to depart the City, thereby to desert his Functions; believing that Posthumius could not safely ad∣venture himself in Martial Combats, when the Cere∣monies of Mars were neglected.

3. Praiseworthy was the Reverence of the Twelve, but more to be extoll'd, the obedience of the Twenty four Fasces: for Titus Gracchus sent Letters to the Colledge of Augurs out of his Province, by which he gave them to understand, that having perus'd certain Books belonging to the Sacred Mysteries of the peo∣ple, he found that the Tabernacle was erroneously ta∣ken at the grand Consular Assemblies for Election, which he had caus'd to be made; which thing being reported to the Senate, by command thereof C. Figulus returning out of Gallia, Scipio Nasiea from Corsica, both laid down their Consulships.

4. For the same reason, P. Cloelius of Sicilie, M. Corne∣lius Cethegus, in C. Claudius, for that the Entrails were less reverently brought to the Altars of the Gods than they ought to have been, at several times, and in seve∣ral Wars, were commanded and compelled to leave the Flaminship. And because a Bee fell upon the head of Sulpicius while he was sacrificing, he lost the Priest∣hood.

5. The peeping of a Mouse being overheard, was the reason that Fabius Maximus quitted the Dicta∣torship, and C. Flaminius ceased to be Master of the Horse.

6. To this we may add, that P. Licinius High-Priest thought fit to give the lash to a Vestal-Virgin, for that one night she had been negligent of the Holy fire.

7. But Vesta her self sav'd the Hand-maid of Emi∣lia the Vestal, who had let the fire out; for while she

was worshiping, and had laid her Vail which was very rich upon the Hearth, presently the fire caught hold thereof.

8. No wonder then that the indulgence of the Gods was so great in preserving and increasing their Empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to exa∣mine the smallest concernments of Religion, so that our City is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the Gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times Consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his Vows, erected a Temple to Ho∣nour and Vertue: He was opposed by the Colledge of Priests, who deni'd that one Domicil could be rightly dedicated to two Gods. For if any Prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which Deity should be made Address: nor was it the custome to sacrifice at once to two Deities, unless to some in par∣ticular. Upon which Admonition of the Priests, Marcellus in two several Temples set up the Images of Honour and Vertue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hin∣drance to the Colledge, nor the addition of expence any impediment to Marcellus, but that all Justice and Observation was given to Religion.

9. Lucius Furius Bibaculus hath hardly any Ex∣ample to parallel him, unless that of Marcellus: Nor is he to be deprived of the praise of a••most pious and religious minde, who while he was Pretor, being com∣manded by his Father, Principal of the Colledge of the Salian Priests, carried the Ancilia, six Lictors go∣ing before him; though he might have pleaded an excuse from that duty, by vertue of his place. But our City valued Religion above all things, preferring it before the authority of all soveraign Majesty: there∣fore their Emperours have not scrupled to obey in Sa∣cred

things; believing they should the more easily ob∣tain the sole command of humane things, if they were constantly and truly obedient to the Divine power.

10. Which resolution hath been also bred up in the breasts of private persons. For when the City was taken by the Gauls, and that the Quirinal Flamen and the Vestal Virgins were forced to carry the Sacred things, taking every one a share of the burthen, ha∣ving now pals'd the Sublician Bridge, and ready to descend the Rock that leads to Janiculum; they were spied by Alvanius, who was driving a Cart wherein he had put his Wife and Children, who no sooner saw them in that condition, but regarding publick Reli∣gion more than private Charity, commanded them to alight; and then placing the Holy things, and or∣dering the Vestal to get in, he left his own intended Journey, and drave them till he came to the Town of Caere; where, because they were curteously and re∣verently received, we testifie our thanks, and honour the memory of their Humanity: for thence it came to be instituted, that those Sacred Rites were called Ceremonies, because the Ceretans worshipped and obser∣ved them as well in the low as flourishing state of the Commonwealth: And that Mean and Country Cart, on a sudden the receptacle of so much Honour, came to equal, if not out-vie, the glory of a Trium∣phal Chariot.

11. About the same time, memorable was the Ex∣ample of observ'd Religion which Caius Fabius Dorso gave us: for when the Gauls besieged the Capitol, lest the accustomed Sacrifice of the Fabii should be put by, clad in a Gabin habit, and carrying the Sacred things in his hands and upon his shouldiers, he at length pass'd through the midst of the Enemy to the Quiri∣nal-Hill, where having performed what was to be done, he returned to the Capitol with Divine Adora∣tion

of his victorious Atchievement, as if he had been a Victor indeed.

12. Great also was the care of preserving Religion among our Ancestors, where Publius Cornelius and Baebius Tamphilus were Consuls: For the Labourers that were digging a Field of Petillius the Scribe, at the foot of Janiculum, delving somewhat deeper than ordinary, found two little Stone-chests; in one where∣of was a Writing, declaring, That it was the body of Numa Pompilius Son of Pomponius: In the other were seven Books in the Latine Tongue, treating of the right of the High-Priest; and as many in Greek, dis∣coursing of Wisdom. For the preservation of the La∣tine Books they took especial care; but the Greek one, (for there seemed to be some things therein prejudicial to their Religion) Lucius Petillius the Pretor by decree of Senate caus'd to be burnt in a publick Fire made by the Officers belonging to the Sacrifices: for the an∣tient Romans could not endure that any thing should be reserved in the City, which might he a means to draw the minds of men from the worship of the Gods.

13. Tarquinius the King caus'd Marcus Tullius the Duumvir to be fow'd in a Sack after the antient man∣ner, and to be thrown into the Sea, for that he had for a Bribe delivered to Petronius Sabinus a certain Book containing the Mysteries of the Civil Sacred things committed to his keeping. Most justly, see∣ing that violation of Trust deserves the same punish∣ment among men, as from the Gods.

14. But as to those things which concern the Ob∣servation of Religion, I know not whether Atilius Regulus have not excelled all that ever went before him, who of a famous Conquerour being now become a Captive, through the wiles and ambushments of Hannibal and Xantippus the Lacedaemonian, he was

to the Senate and people of Rome, to try if he could get himself, being but one, and old, redeemed for several young and noble Carthaginians; who when he came, advised the Senate to the contrary, and went back to Carthage, well knowing to what cruel and inveterate Enemies he returned; but he had sworn so to do, if he could not obtain the release of their Captives. Surely the Immortal Gods had rea∣son to have mitigated their fury; but that the glory of Atilius might be the greater, they permitted the Car∣thagians to take their own inhumane courses: As they who in the third Punick War would severely recom∣pence the death of so noble a Soul with the destructi∣on of their City.

15. How much more religious toward the Gods did our Senate shew themselves? which, after the fa∣tal overthrow of Cannae, decreed that no women should mourn longer than thirty days, to the end the Rites of Ceres might be by them performed. For now the greatest part of the men lying slain upon the bloody accursed Earth, there was no Family in the City that did not partake of the general Calamity. And there∣fore the Mothers and Daughters, Wives and Sisters of the slain were compelled to put off their Mourning-weeds, and put on their White-garments, and to per∣form the office of Priests. Through which constan∣cy of observing Religion, forc'd the Deities themselves to blush, and be ashamed of raging any more against such a Nation, that could not be drawn from adoring them that with so much cruelty destroy'd them.

NEGLECTED.

16. It is believ'd, that the reason why Varro fought with so much ill success at Cannae against the Carthagini∣ans, was through the wrath of Juno: for when he made

publick the Circensian Games, being Aedil, he set a young Player of extraordinary beauty to watch in the Temple of Jupiter: which Fact being call'd to mind after some years, was expiated with Sacrifices.

17. Hercules also is reported to have very severely revenged the abuse of his Worship: for when the Fa∣mily of the Potitii had intrusted his Ceremonies, the Ministry whereof belonged to them as it were by in∣heritance, to be performed by servants and persons of mean degree, of which Appius the Censor was the oc∣casion; all the flower of the Family, who were a∣bove thirty young men, di'd within the space of one year; and the Name of the Potitii, that was branch'd into twelve Families, was almost extinct; Appius also the Censor was stricken blinde.

18. A sharp Revenger also was Apollo, of an injury done to himself, who at the Sack of Carthage being spoil'd of his Rode of Gold, never ceas'd till the hands of the sacrilegious Souldier were sound cut off among the broken pieces of his Image. Brennus, Captain of the Gauls, entering into the Temple of Delphos, by Destiny was compelled to lay violent hands upon himself.

19. Nor was his Son Aesculapius a less violent Re∣venger of contemned Religion, who not enduring to behold a Wood consecrated to his Temple cut down by Turullius to build Ships for the use of M. Antonie, by a strange power so ordered it, that Turullius was by the command of Caesar, being judged to death while he was in the midst of his business, executed in the very Wood: And so the God ordain'd it, that being there remarkably slain by Caesar's Souldiers, that with the same death he expiated the loss of those Trees that were cut down, and secured the safety of those that were standing.

20. Nor did Q. Fulvius Flaccus go unpunished,

who in his Censorship translated the Marble Tiles from the Temple of Lacinian Juno to the Fane of Fortuna Equestris, which he was, then building at Rome: for he no sooner had done it, but he fell mad, and for very grief expired, hearing that of his two Sons, both Souldiers in Illyria, one of them was dead, the other slain; by whose mishap the Senate being warned, or∣dered the Tiles to be carried back to Locri.

21. Much after the same manner did they punish the covetousness of Q. Pliminius, Legate to Scipio, in robbing the Treasure of Proserpina: for when he was brought in Fetters to Rome, before he could come to his Tryal, he died in Prison of a most filthy Disease. The Goddess, by command of the Senate, had not onely her Money restored, but double the sum.

Forraign Examples of Religion, observed or neglected.

1. As to the Fact of Pleminius, it was well punish'd by the Conscript Fathers. But against the sordid Vi∣olencies of King Pyrrhus, the Goddess her self defen∣ded her self well enough: for the Locri being com∣pelled to give him money out of her Treasury, while he was sailing upon the Sea laden with his impious Prey, by force of a mighty Tempest his whole Navy was cast away upon the shoar adjoyning to the said City; where the money being found entire, was re∣stored to the most sacred Treasury of the Goddess.

2. But the Act of Massanisa was of another na∣ture, whose Admiral having landed in Melita, and ta∣ken out of the Fane of Juno certain Ivory-teeth of an immense proportion, and given them as a Present to the King; Massanisa no sooner understood from whence they came, but he commanded them to be carri∣ed back in a Galley with five Oars, and put in the place

whence they were taken, having caus'd certain Words to be carved upon them, signifying that the King had taken them ignorantly, and willingly restored them.

3. Dionysius, born at Syracuse, us'd to make Jests of his Sacriledges, of which he committed more than we have now room to recount: for having plundered the Temple of Juno at Locri, and satling upon the Sea with a prosperous gale, laughing to his friends, he said, What a pleasant Voyage have the Gods granted to us Sacrilegious Robbers! Having taken also a Cloak of Massie gold from Jupiter Olympian, which Hiero the Turant had dedicated to him out of the spoils of the Carthaginians; and throwing over the Statue a Wool∣len-mantle, told his Companions, That a Cloak of Gold was too heavy in the Summer, too cold in the Winter; but a Woollen Cloak would serve for both Seasons. The same person commanded the Golden beard of Esculapius to be taken from his Statue in his Temple at Epidaurum, saying, It was not convenient for Apollo the Father to be without a Beard, and the Son to have so large a one. He also took away the Silver and Golden Tables out of other Temples, where finding certain Inscriptions, after the manner of Greece, that they be∣longed to the good Gods, then said he, Through their goodness we will make use of them. He also took away the little Statues of Victory, Cups and Crowns which they held in their hands being all of Gold, saying, He did but borrow them, not take um quite away: say∣ing, It was an idle thing, when we pray to the Gods for good things, not to accept um when they hold um forth to us. Who in his own person though he were not re∣warded according to his deserts, yet in the infamy of his Son, he suffered after death what in his life-time he had escaped.

4. For the avoiding whereof, Tim••sitheus Prince of the Liparitans by his wisdom provided for his own

and his Countries safety: for when certain of his Sub∣jects, using Pyracy, had taken a Golden cup of a very great weight, and that the people were gathered to∣gether to divide the spoil, understanding that it was consecrated to Apollo Pythian in lieu of their Tenths by the Romans, he took it from them, and carefully sent it to Delphos.

5. Milisian Ceres, when Miletum was taken by A∣lexander, and that several Souldiers were broken into the Temple to plunder it, on a sudden depriv'd them all of their sight.

6. The Persians coming to Delos with a Navy of a thousand Ships, behaved themselves more irreligiously than rapaciously toward the Temple.

7. The Athenians banish'd Diagoras the Philoso∣pher, because he adventured to affirm that he knew not whether there were any Gods or no; or if there were any, of what nature they were. They also con∣demned Socrates, because he endeavoured to introduce a new Religion. They endured Phidias when he af∣firmed that it was better to make the Statue of Miner∣va of Marble rather than of Ivory, by reason it was more lasting; but when he added, that it was also cheaper, they commanded him silence.

8. Diomedon, one of the ten Captains who at Ar∣ginusa won a great Victory to the Athenians, but to himself the reward of Condemnation; being now led to his undeserved Execution, spake nothing else, but onely that the Vows which he had made for the safety of the Army might be performed.

CHAP. II. Of Feigned Religion.

ROMANS.

• 1. Numa Pompilius.
• 2. P. Scip. African the grea∣ter.
• 3. L. Cor. Sulla.
• 4. Q. Sertorius.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Minos King of Crete.
• 2. Pisistratus, Athenian.
• 3. Lycurgus, Spartan.
• 4. Zaleucus of Locri.

1. NƲma Pompilius, that he might oblige his peo∣ple to the observance of Holy things, feigned to have familiarity by night with the Goddess Egeria; and that by her direction onely, the worship of the Gods which he propos'd was instituted.

2. Scipio, sirnamed the African, never went about any private or publick business, till he had been for some while in the Fane of Jupiter Capitoline; and was therefore thought to have been begot by Jove.

3. Lucius Sulla, when he resolved to give Battel, embracing a little Image of Apollo, which was taken out of the Temple of Delphos, in the sight of all his Souldiers, desired the Deity to bring to pass what he had promised.

4. Q. Sertorius had a tame white Hart, which he taught ••o follow him over all the cragged Mountains of Lusitania▪ by which he feigned himself instructed what to do▪ or what not.

FORRAIGN.

1. Minos ••ing of Crete was wont to retire him∣self

every ninth year into a deep and antiently-conse∣crated Den; and there staying some time, brought forth new Laws, which he there feigned were deliver∣ed to him by Jupiter.

2. Pisistratus, to recover the Tyranny of Athens, which he had lost, made as if Minerva her self had led him into the Castle; deceiving the Athenians by shewing an unknown woman who was called Phya, in the habit of Minerva.

3. Lycurgus perswaded the people that the Laws which he compos'd for the grave City of Lacedaemon, were made by the counsel of Apollo.

4. Zaleucus, in the name of Minerva, was accoun∣ted the wisest man among the Locrians.

CHAP. III. of Forraign Religion rejected.

• 1. By the Roman people.
• 2. P. Cornelius the Pretor.
• 3. Lucius Emilius Paulus.

THe new Custom which was introduced among the Feasts of Bacchus, when it grew to Mad∣•••••••••• was quite taken away. Lutatius, who finished 〈…〉〈…〉 Punick War, was forbid by the Senate to go 〈…〉〈…〉 to consult Fortune; judging it meet that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••••••s of the Commonwealth should be gover∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their own national Omens, and not those of 〈…〉〈…〉 Countries.

〈…〉〈…〉 Cornelius Hispallus, a forraign Pretor, in the 〈…〉〈…〉 at Popillius Laenas and M. Calpurnius were 〈…〉〈…〉, by Edict commanded the Caldeans to depart 〈…〉〈…〉 Italy, who by their trivial tricks, and false in∣terpretations

of the Stars, cast a gainful Mist before their eyes.

3. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Jupiter Sabazius sought to cor∣rupt the Roman Customs.

Lucius Emilius Paulus the Consul, when the Senate had decreed that the Temples of Isis and Serapis should be destroyed, and that none of the Workmen durst lay hands upon the Work, laying his Consular habit aside, and taking a Hatchet, was the first that broke open the Gates.

CHAP. IV. Of Luckie Signes.

Which the ROMANS took.

• 1. Atius Navus the Augur.
• 2. T. Gracchus, Son of Ti∣tus Tribune.
• 3. P. Claudius Pulcher, and L. Jun. Pullus. Consul.
• 4. Lucius Metellus High-priest.
• 5. M. Tullius Cicero.
• 6. M. Junius Brutus Pro∣consul.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Alexander the Great.
• 2. King Dejotarus.

1. LƲcius Tarquinius the King having a minde to adde other Troops of Horse to the Troops which Romulus had fortunately enroll'd, being oppoed by the Augur, in a great fury asked him, If that which he thought of might be done? Who answering, That it might, the King commanded him to ••••eave a Whet-stone with a Rator; which was no sooner brought, but Atius by an incredible act, made the King admire the Effect of his Profession.

2. Titus Gracchus designing Tumult and Sedition, sought for Lucky Signes at home; which fell out ve∣ry sad, and contrary to his Expectation: for as he was going out of doors, he stumbled in such sort, that he broke one of his Toes. Then three Crows cawing on the wrong side, let fall a piece of a Tile just before him: But he contemning all these Signes, and being expelled the Capitol by Scipio Nasica the High. priest, was knock'd on the head with a piece of Chair of State.

3. P. Claudius, in the first Punick War, being ready to joyn Battel, yet being willing to know the Signes after the old Custome, when he that kept the Birds told him that the Chickens would not come out of the Penns, commanded them to be cast into the Sea, saying, If they will not eat, let um drink; together with Junius his Colleague, lost the Roman Navy for ne∣glecting the Lucky Signes: Of which two, one fell by the Sentence of the People, the other prevented the ignominy of Condemnation by killing himself.

4. Metellus the High-priest travelling for Tuscula∣num, two Crows flew directly toward his face, as if they went to stop his journey, yet hardly prevail'd with him to return. The next night the Temple of Vesta was burnt, and Metellus sav'd the Palladium out of the fire.

5. M Cicero had his death foretold by an unlucky Signe: for being at the Village of Cajeta, a Crow strook off the Gnomon of a Sun-dial before his face, and by and by flying toward him, held him by the hem of his Garment, till his Servants came and told him that certain Souldiers were come to kill him.

6. M. Brutus having rallied the remains of his Army against Caesar and Antonius, two Eagles flew, one from one Camp, and the other from the other, and encountring one another, the Eagle which came out of Brutus Camp being worsted, fled.

FORRAIGN.

1. Alexander being about to build a City in Egypt, Diocrates the Architect for want of Chalk laid out the streets with Meal: By and by a vast number of Birds from the next Lake, devoured the Meal; of which the Egyptian Priests made this Interpretation, That that City should in time afford great store of Provision to Strangers.

2. King Dejotarus, who was very prosperous in his Actions, was preserv'd by the sight of an Eagle: for seeing the place whence she came out, he would by no means go in there; and the house fell the next night e∣qual with the ground.

CHAP. V. Of Omens.

Which the ROMANS took.

• 1. The Fathers Conscript.
• 2. M. Furius Camillus Di∣ctator.
• 3. L. Aemilius Paulus Con∣sul.
• 4. Caecilia Metelli.
• 5. C. Marius in Exile.
• 6. Cn. Pompeius Pro-Con∣sul.
• 7. M. Brutus Pro-Consul.
• 8. C. Cassius Pro-Consul.
• 9. Q. Petillius Consul.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. The Prienians.
• 2. Apolloniates.

THe observation of Omens is founded upon a cer∣tain touch of Religion, as depending not up∣on any fortuitous Chance, but upon Divine Provi∣dence.

1. Whereby it came to pass, that when the City was destroyed by the Gauls, and the Senate was con∣sulting whether they should remove to Veii, or rebuild their own Walls, some Cohorts returning from Gar∣rison, a Centurion crying out in the place for publick Assemblies to his Eagle-bearer, Fir your Ensigne, we'll stay here in good time: the Senate hearing his voice, took it for a good Omen, and left off their designe of going for Veii. In how few words was the Domicil of the future Empire of the World designed? The Gods disdaining that the Roman Name sprung from happy Omens, should change its Seat, or that the glo∣ry of Victory it self should lie buried in the Ruines of a City already neer decay'd.

2. The Author of this most famous Work, Camil∣lus, while he was praying, that if the happiness of the people of Rome seemed to any of the Gods to be too great, that they would satisfie their Envy by any mis∣chief done to himself, at the end of his Prayer sud∣denly stumbling sell down; which Omen is thought to have related to the Condemnation which he after∣wards underwent. But deservedly did Victory and the Prayers of this great man strive together for praise: nor was the strife of his Vertue less, that he increased the Good fortune of his Country, wishing all its evil fortune might fall upon his own head.

3. How memorable was that which befel L. Paulus the Consul! who being by lot designed to make War with Perseus King of Macedon, in his return to his house met his youngest Daughter at the door, and ob∣serving her to look something sad, kiss'd her, and de∣manded the cause of her discontent; who answered, That Persa was dead: that was the name of a little Dog which she highly esteemed, which di'd a little be∣fore. Paulus laid hold of the Omen, and upon a for∣tuitous saying, built the hopes of his future Tri∣umphs.

4. But Cecilia the Wise of Metellus, when her Si∣sters Daughter required after the antient custom those Nuptial-Rites due to a Virgin of ripe years, gave oc∣casion to the Omen her self: for the Virgin having stain in a certain Chappel for that purpose, and hear∣ing no body speak to her minde, wearied with long standing, she desired of her Aunt to let her have some place to fit down; to whom her Aunt repli'd, I freely give thee my Seat: Which saying proceeding out of Kindness, prov'd ominous in the Event, for not long after Cecilia dying, Metellus married the Virgin of whom we speak.

5. The observation of Omens was certainly the preser∣vation of Caius Marius, at what time he was adjudged an Enemy by the Senate, lying at the house of one Fannia at Minturnae for his security: For he observed an Ass-colt when he gave him Meat, that neglecting that, he ran still to the water. At which sight thinking that what was now offered by the Providence of the Gods, was to be followed, being himselt otherwise very skilful in Religious Interpretations, he desired of the Multitude that came to his aid, that he might be con∣ducted to the Sea: and so getting aboard a little Ship, he sailed into Africk, and so avoided the Victorious Arms of Sylla.

6. Pompey the Great at the Battel of Pharsalia be∣ing overthrown by Caesar, and seeking to save himself by flight, directed his Course to the Island of Cyprus, to gather more Forces there; and approaching the City of Paphos, and viewing a stately Edifice, he asked the Pilot the name of it; who answering, That it was called Kings Evil, presently lost all that little hope which he had remaining: nor could he dissemble it; turning his head another way, and weeping, betray'd the grief which he conceived from so dire an Omen.

7. To M. Brutus an Event befitting the Murther

which he had committed, was designed him by an O∣men: For after that wicked deed, as he was celebra∣ting his Brith-day, and studying for some convenient Greek Verse, by accident he pitched upon one in Hom.

Me cruel Fate and Son of fair Latona slew.

Which God being by Caesar and Antonius given for the Signe, seemed as it were to be the occasion of his overthrow.

8. With such a strange Ejaculation, the Fortune of Cassius amazed his ears, who when the Rhodians begg'd of him that they might not be deprived of all the I∣mages of the Gods, made answer, That he had left the Sun: for having lost the Field in Macedon, he was not onely forced to leave the Effigies of the Sun, which he had granted them as suppliants, but also the Sun it self.

9. Worthy of remark is that Omen under which Petillius fell in the Ligurian War: for being to assail a Mountain that was called Letho, he boasted in his Exhortation to his Souldiers, saying, This day I will take Lethum or Hell: And fighting inconsiderately, confirmed by his death the truth of his fortuitous Speech.

FORRAIGN.

1. To our own, we may adde two Forraign Exam∣ples of the same nature. The Samians when the Prie∣nenses sent to them for aid against the Carians, instead of Ships and Men, puffed with Arrogance, sent them a little Skiff; which the Samians interpreting as an Aid sent from Heaven, willingly received, and by a true Prediction of the Fates, found her to be the Captain of the Victory.

2. Nor did the Apolloniates repent; for being press'd by the Illyrian War, and craving aid of the Epidam∣nians, they answered, That they would lend the River Aeas, running by the Walls, to their assistance. They replied, We accept your Gift: and so gave the River the first place in the Army, as to their Captain. After which having unexpectedly vanquish'd their Enemies, attributing the success to the accepting the Omen, thenceforward they sacrificed to Aeas as a God, and made him their Captain in all their Battels.

CHAP. VI. Of Prodigies.

Which fell out among The ROMANS.

• 1. To Servius Tullius.
• 2. Lucius Marcius Centuri∣on.
• 3. People of Rome and Vei∣entines.
• 4. L. Sulla Pro-Consul.
• 5. The people of Rome at divers times.
• 6. C. Flaminius Consul.
• 7. C. Hostilius Mancinus.
• 8. T. Gracchus Pro-Consul.
• 9. M. Claudius Marcellus Consul.
• 10. Cn. Octavius.
• 11. M. Licinius Crassus, Pro-Consul.
• 12. Cn. Pompey the Great.
• 13. Julius Caesar Dictator.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Xerxes King of Persia.
• 2. Midas King of Phrygia, an Infant.
• 3. Plato the Philosopher, an Infant.

OF Prodigies also, whether prosperous or unluckly, it is no way from our purpose to discourse.

1. While Servius Tullius was an Infant and asleep, his Attendants beheld a flame upon his head; which Prodigy Tanaquil the Wise of Tarquinius Priscus ad∣miring,

she brought up Servius, who was the Son of a Servant, instead of her own Son, and advanced him to the Throne.

2. Equal happiness in Event did that flame promise which blaz'd upon the head of Lucius Marcius, Cap∣tain of the two Armies, which the deaths of P. and Cn. Scipio's had much weakned in Spain, while he was speaking to his Souldiers: for upon the sight of that, the Souldiers before fearful, now encouraged to reco∣ver their wonted Fortitude, with the slaughter of 38000 men, and a great number of Prisoners, they took two Camps of the Carthaginians crammed with spoil.

3. Also when after a long and sharp War the Veii could not be taken, though besieg'd within their own Walls, and that the delay was no less terrible to the be∣siegers than the besieged, the Gods themselves open'd the way to an unexpected Victory: for on a sudden the Lake Albanus, neither augmented by any showers, nor assisted by the inundation of any other Stream, rose far above its usual hight. To know the reason whereof, Messengers were sent to the Oracle at Delphos, who brought for answer, That they should let the wa∣ters that over swelled the Lake into the Fields: For so the Veii would come into the power of the Romans. Which before the Messengers could bring back, a Southsayer of the Veii, taken by one of our Souldiers and brought into the Camp, had also declared; so that the Senate double admonished, both obey'd the Gods, and got possession of the City.

4. Nor was this which follows an Omen of bad success: Lucius Sulla Pro-Consul in the Confederate War, while he was sacrificing before the Pretorium in the Country of Nolas, on a sudden beheld a Snake glide from the lower part of the Altar; at the sight whereof, by the advice of Posthumus the Southsayer, he led forth his Army, and

got the strong Camp of the Samnites: which Victory was the first foundation and step to his future great∣ness.

5. Chiefly to be admired are those Prodigies which hapned in our City, P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius being Consule. An Ox his Lowing being chang'd in∣to Humane Speech, exercised the minds of all people with the strangeness of the Accident. Little pieces of Flesh also fell like showers of Rain from the Sky, of which a great part was d••voured by the Birds; the r••st lay many days upon the ground, neither offensive to the smell, nor irksome to the sight.

At the beginning of another Tumult, Monster•• of the same nature were to be seen. A Childe of half a year old in the Cow-market, proclaimed a Triumph. Another Childe was born with an Elephants head.

In Picenum it rain'd Stones. In Gaul a Woolf came and took a Sword out of the Centinels Scabbard. Bloody Ears of Corn dropt among the Sheaves, as men were reaping neer Antium. The Waters of Ce∣rite were mix'd with Bloud. And before the second Punick. War, an Ox was heard to speak, Look to thy self. O Rome.

6. Cains Flaminius being inauspiciously made Con∣f••l, when he was preparing to fight with Hannibal at the Lake of Thrasymene, commanded the Ensignes to be taken up, when immediately his Horse stumbling, he was thrown to the ground and pitched upon his head: and nothing regarding this Prodigy, when the Ensigne-bearers told him they could not stir the En∣••••••nes, threatned to punish um if they did not dig um 〈…〉〈…〉 But of this rashness of his, would onely he ••••••elf, and not whole people of Rome had felt 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••••leful success: for in that Battel 15000 Romans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 slain, 6000 taken, and 20000 put to flight. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••ss body of the Consul, Hannibal sought for, to

have buried it, who had done what in him lay to bury the Roman Empire.

7. The headlong obstinacy of Caius Flaminius, C. Hostilius Mancinus followed with a vain obstinacy, to whom these Prodigies hapned as he was going Consul for Spain. Being resolv'd to sacrifice at Lavinium, the Pullets being let out of the Bin, flew to the neigh∣bouring Wood, and though sought for with all dili∣gence imaginable, could never be found: And when he was about to go abroad in the Port of Hercules, whither he went afoot, he heard a strange Voice, cry∣ing, Stay, Mancinus: With which affrighted, and in his return putting into Genoa, and there going aboard a little Boat, a Snake of a prodigious bigness appeared, and suddenly vanished out of sight. Which three Prodigies he equalled with the number of Calamities which befell him; an unfortunate Battel, a shameful Truce, and a most dismal Surrender.

8. The sad Event of Gracchus, a most dangerous Citi∣zen, who being an inconsiderate person, and being fore∣warn'd, would take no advice or counsel, makes his rashness less to be wondered at: For when being Pro-Consul, he was sacrificing among the Lucans, two Snakes on a sudden creeping out of some hidden place, having eaten the Liver of the Beast which he had sacri∣ficed, retir'd to their lurking holes. And whereas by reason of this accident the Sacrifice was renew'd, the same Prodigy happen'd again. The third Sacrifice be∣ing slain, and the Entrails more diligently lookt to, neither could the Serpents be driven away when they came, nor be hinder'd in their flight; which though as the Southsayers affirm'd, it signified that the Gene∣ral was to be careful of his own safety, yet was not Gracchus so careful, but that by the treachery of Fla∣vius, at whose house he lay, he was drawn to a place where Mago hid himself with an armed power, who slew him naked and without defence.

The misfortune of the Consuls, equal Errour, and an end not differing from that of Titus Gracchus, draws me to the memory of Marcellus. He inflam'd with the glory of having taken Syracuse, and first of any driven Hannibal from the Walls of Nola, having resolv'd either to overthrow the Carthaginians, or at least to drive um out of Italy; and to that end pur∣posing with a most solemn Sacrifice to inquire into the will and pleasure of the Gods; The first Beast that was slain before the fire, the Liver was found without a head; the next had a Liver with a double head: which being view'd, the Southsayer with a sad countenance said, That the Entrails did not please him: the first were altogether bad, the second were not so good. Thus Marcellus being admonish'd not to do any thing rashly, the next night adventuring to go out with a few men to view the Enemies Camp, environ'd by a multitude of his Enemies in the Country of the Brutii, by his death occasion'd much sorrow and detriment to his Country.

10. As for Octavius the Consul, as he feared a most direful Omen, so he could not avoid it; for finding the head of the Image of Apollo broken, and so pitch'd in the ground that it could not be pull'd up, being at that time in Arms against his Colleague Cinna, he from thence prognosticated his own ruine; in the midst of which fear he came to a sad end, and then the fix'd head of the Image was easily set in its place.

11. Nor must we pass over in silence Marcus Crassus, who is to be reckon'd one of the greatest losses of our Empire, who was warn'd by many and most remark∣able blows of Fate, before so great a ruine.

As he was drawing his Army out of Carrae against the Parthians, he had a mourning Garment brought him; whereas they should have brought him either a white or a purple Robe, when he was going to battle.

The Souldiers march'd sad and silent to their places, whereas they were wont to run with loud acclamati∣ons: One of the Eagles could scarcely be pull'd up out of the ground; the other being pull'd up, turn'd it self the quite contrary way to which it ought to have been carried. These Prodigies were very great, but the Calamities of the overthrow were far greater; the slaughter of so many fair Legions, so many Ensignes, so much of the glory and beauty of the Roman Militia trodden to the ground by the Horse-men of the Bar∣barians, hopeful Young men besprinkled with the bloud of their Parents, and the body of their Com∣mander among the promiscuous heaps of the Slain, thrown a common Prey to the Fowls of the air. I wish I could speak what were more delightful; I re∣late the truth. Thus the Gods contemn'd, become fu∣rious in their Anger; thus the Counsels of men are chastized, when they think to outbrave Celestial Ad∣monishments.

12. For the mighty Jove had abundantly warn'd Cn. Pompey, that he should not try the utmost hazard of War with Caesar, casting his Lightning full in the faces of his Battalions marching from Dyrrachium, covering his Ensigns with swarms of Bees, affrighting his whole Army with Nocturnal Terrours, and the flight of the Sacrifices from the Altars: But the Laws of invincible necessity would not suffer a mind, other∣wise remote enough from folly, to weigh those Prodi∣gies with a due consideration. And therefore while he extols his large Power, his Wealth above private use, and all those Ornaments which from his Youth he had contracted even to Envy, in the space of one day he lost um all. In the Temples of the Gods, the Statues turn'd of themselves. Such a noise of men shouting, such clattering of Arms, was heard at Anti∣ochia and Ptolemais, that the Souldiers ran to the Walls:

Such a noise of Drums in the most secret places of Per∣gamus: in the Temple of Victory a Palm suddenly sprang up under the Statue of Caesar, in the Pavement between the Stones. Whereby it is plain that the Gods did favour Caesar, and fain would have recover'd Pom∣pey o••t of his Errour.

13. To thy Altars and most Holy Temples I ad∣dress my self, most Divine Julius, that thou would'sr savourably suffer the falls of so many great men to lie hid under the defence and tuition of thy Example: for we read that thou, the same day thou sa••'st in the Gol∣den Seat clothed with Purple, that thou might'st not seem to have despised the honours which the Senate had with so much diligence designed, and with so much duty offered, before thou would'st publickly shew thy wish'd-for presence to the people, didst spend some time in that religious worship which was shortly to be given to thee; and offering a far Ox which wanted a heart, the Southsayer told thee, the Omen concern'd thy life, and care of thy own preservation: Then was that M••rther committed by those persons, who while they sought to ravish thee from the number of Men, translated thee to the number of the Gods.

FORRAIGN.

Let us conclude the Domestick Relation of such Prodigies with this Example, left by dilating farther upon those of the Romans, I should seem to transfer disagreeing Customs from the Temples of the Gods to private Habitations: I shall therefore touch upon For∣raign Presidents, which being related in Latine, as they are of less authority, yet they bring with them some∣thing of a grateful variety.

1. In the Army of Xerxes which he had amassed up against Greece, a Mare is said to have brought forth a

Hare, before the Army had yet pass'd the Mountain Athos: by which kind of monstrous birth, the event of such vast preparations was plainly shewed: For he that had covered the Sea with his Fleets, the Land with his Armies, was forc'd, like the most timorous Animal, with shameful flight to recover his own Kingdom.

Before he had ruin'd Athens, while he was ad∣vising how to invade Lacedaemon, a most wonderful Prodigy hapned while he was at supper: For the Wine being poured forth into the Cup, more than once, twice, or thrice, nay a sourth time, was changed into Blood. Whereupon the Magi being consulted, ad∣vised him to desist from his purpose. And had he had the least foo••••••p of Reason in his vain breast, he might have prevented his ruine, being so often warn'd to take heed of Leenidas and the Spartans.

2. While Midas, to whose Scepter all Phrygia once was subject, was a child, a company of Ants laid a heap of Wheat in his mouth as he lay asleep. His Pa∣rents desiring to know what the meaning of the Pro∣digy should be, the Augurs answered, That he should be the richest of all men: Nor was the Prediction vain; for Midas exceeded all the Princes of his time, in plenty of Gold and Silver.

3. I should have by right and deservedly preferr'd Plato's Bees before Midas's Emmets; for they were onely Prognostications of frail and fading, these of so∣lid and eternal Felicity; while they brought Honey and laid it upon the lips of the little Infant, sleeping in his Cradle. Which thing being reported, the Interpre∣ters of Prodigies declared, That a most singular grace of Ʋtterance should hereafter drop from his mouth. But to me those Bees, not bred upon Hymettus cover'd with fragrant flowers of Thyme, but on the verdant Heliconi∣an Hills of the Muses, flourishing with all sorts of learn∣ing, seem'd to distil into his mouth the sweetest nourish∣ment of Eloquence.

CHAP. VII. Of Dreams.

Of the ROMANS.

• 1. Artorius Physician to Augustus.
• 2. Calpurnia.
• 3. P. Decii, T. Manlii Con∣sul.
• 4. Of T. Atinius.
• 5. Cicero in Exile.
• 6. C. Sempronius Grac∣chus.
• 7. Cassius Parmensis.
• 8. Arterius Rufus a Roman Knight.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Annibal.
• 2. Alexander.
• 3. Simonides.
• 4. Croesus.
• 5. Cyrus.
• 6. Himera.
• 7. The Mother of Dion. Ty∣rant.
• 8. Amilcar.
• 9. Alcibiades.
• 10. An Arcadian.

NOw because I have touched upon the Riches of Midas, and the Eloquence of Plato, I will shew you how the quiet and safety of many men has been shadowed out under several representations.

1. And where shall I sooner begin, than from the most sacred memory of Divine Augustus? His Physi∣cian Artorius being asleep, the night before the day wherein the Romans fought one against the other in the fields of Philippi, the appearance of Minerva admo∣nish'd him to warn Augustus, then lying very ill, that not withstanding his sickness he should not abstain from the Battel: Which Caesar hearing, caus'd himself to be carried in a Litter into the Field, where, while be laboured above his strength for the Victory, his Camp was taken by Brutus. What other can we think then,

but the Divine Benevolence so ordain'd it, that a per∣sonage destined to immortality, should not be subject to a Fate unworthy his Divinity?

2. Nor was it onely the Dream of Artorius that gave warning to Augustus, who had a natural perspi∣cacity and vigour to judge of every thing, as a fresh and domestick President: For he had heard that Cal∣purnia the Wise of his Parent Julius, the last night that he lived upon earth, dream'd that she saw her Husband lie stabbed and bleeding in her bosom; and being affrighted with the strangeness of the Dream, was an earnest suiter to him to abstain from going to the Senate the next day: but he, lest he should have been thought to have been mov'd with a womans dream, went the rather to the Senate-house, where the Murtherers quickly laid violent hands upon him. It is not needful to make any comparison between the Father and the Son, both equal in their Divinity: for the one had made way for himself to Heaven by his own works, the other was to let the world enjoy his Vertues a long time. Therefore the Gods were one∣ly willing that the first should know the approaching change, which the other was to defer; it being enough that one Honour should be given to Heaven, and ano∣ther promised.

3. Admirable also was that Dream, and famous in the Event, which the two Consuls Decius Mus, and Manlius Torquatus dream'd, when they lay incamped not far from the foot of the Mountain Vesuvius, at the time of the Latin War, which was very sharp and dangerous: For a certain person foretold to both of them, that the Manes and Terra Mater claim'd as their due the General of one side, and the whole Army on the other: But that which Captain soever should assail the forces of the Enemy, and devote himself a Victim for the good of his Army, should obtain the Victory.

This the Entrails of the Sacrifices confirmed the next morning to both Consuls, who endeavoured either to expiate the misfortune, if it might be averted, or else resolv'd to undergo the determination of the Gods. Therefore they agreed, that which Wing should begin to faint, the other should with his own life appease the Fates, which while both undauntedly ventured to perform, Decius hapned to be the person whom the Gods required.

4. The Dream which follows, seems to concern publick Religion. A certain Master o•• a Family ha∣ving caused his Servant to be whipped, and brought him to the punishment of the Fork in the Flaminian Circus, at the time of the Plebe••an Plays, a little before the Show was about to begin, Jupiter, in a Dream, commanded Titus Atinius, one of the Vulgar, to tell the Consuls, That he that bad danc'd before the last Circensian Games, did no way please him; and that un∣less the fault were expiated by an exact restoration of the Plays, there would ensue not a little vexation and trou∣ble to the City. He fearing to involve the Common-wealth by Religion to his own disadvantage, held his peace. Immediately his Son, taken with a sudden fit of sickness, died. Afterwards being ask••d by the same God in his sleep, Whether he thought himself pu∣nished enough for the neglect of hit Command? yet re∣maining obstinate, was strucken with a general weak∣ness of body: At length, by the advice of his friends, being carried in a Horse-litter to the Consuls Tribunal, having fully declared the cause of his misfortunes, to the admiration of all men recovering his former strength, he walked afoot to his house.

5. Nor must we pass over in silence, that when M. Cicero was banished the City, by the Conspiracy of his Enemies, He diverting himself in a certain Village in the Country of Atinate, and falling asleep in the field,

as he thought himself wandring through strange pla∣ces and uncouth Regions, he thought he met C. Marius in his Consuls Robes, who asked him, What he made there wandring with so sad a Countenance? Whereup∣on Cicero making his condition known to him, the Consul took him by the right hand and delivered him to the next Lictor, to conduct him to his own Mo∣nument, telling him, That there there was a more joyful hope of his better condition laid up for him. Nor did i•• otherwise fall out; for the Senate made a Decree for his return in the Temple of Jupiter built by Marius.

6. But C. Gracchus was most openly and apparently foretold, in a Dream, the mischief of an approaching mischance: for being asleep, he saw the shape of his Brother Titus, who told him, There was no way for him to avoid the same Fate which he had undergone, when he was driven out of the Capitol. This many related from the mouth of Gracchus himself, before he had under∣tak••n the Tribuneship, wherein he perish'd. And one Caelius a Roman Historian, said, He had heard much talk thereof while Gracchus was living.

7. But that which follows, far exceeds the dire Aspect of the foregoing Narration. Antonius having lost the Battel of Actium, Cassius Parmensis, who had taken his part, fled to Athens; where he fell asleep in the night, being tired with care and trouble: He thought there came to him a person of a very great stature, black Complexion, his Beard deformed, and long hanging Hair, who being ask'd what he was, answer∣ed, Cacodaemon. Being affrighted with so horrid a sight, and terrible a name, he called up his Servants, and demanded of them if they saw any one in such a habit, either come in or go out of the Chamber: Who affir∣ming that no such had come there, he again betook himself to his r••st; when immediately the same shape appeared to him again; where awaking altogether, he

called for a light, commanding the Servants to depart. But between this night and the loss of his head, which Caesar took from him, there followed a very short space of time.

8. But the Dream of Aterius Rusus, a Roman Knight, was more plainly hinted to him: for he dream'd one night, at a time when th••re was a great F••ncing-prize at Syracuse that he saw himself slain▪ which he told the next day to those that sate by him in the Play-house. It happened afterwards, that n••er to the Knights place, the Net-player was introduced with the Challenger, whose face when he saw, he said, that he was to be slain by the Net-player; and imme∣diately would have departed. They endeavouring by discourse to put away his fear, were the cause of the destruction of this miserable man. For the Net-play∣er being driven thither by his Antagonist, and cast up∣on the ground, as he lay along endeavouring to de∣fend himself, he ran Aterius thorough the body with his Sword.

FORRAIGN EXAMPLES.

1. The Dream also of Annibal, as it was detestable to the Roman bloud, so the prediction thereof was cer∣tain, whose waking not onely, but his sleeping was fa∣tal to our Empire. He had a Dream apposite to his purpose, and fitted to his wishes: for he fancied a young man of humane shape, taller than ordinary, was sent to him by Jupiter, to be his Guide and Conductor in his Invasion of Italy; by whose command at first he followed his Foot-steps, without casting his eyes ei∣ther one way or another: afterwards, our of the eager desire in mortals to do what is forbidden, looking be∣hind him, he saw a Serpent of an immense magnitude destroying all before it: After that he beheld prodigi∣ous

showers of Hail, with Thunder and dark Clouds. Being astonish'd, he asked, What that Monster meant? to which his Conductor, Behold, said he, the waste and devastation of Italy; therefore be silent, and commit the rest to Fate.

2. How gently was Alexander King of Macedon warn'd to take more care of his life, had Fortune ad∣vised him so well to avoid the danger! for he knew that the right hand of Cassander would be mortal to him, long before he felt it by the event: for he belie∣ved he should be slain by him, although he had never seen him. After some time, upon sight of him, be∣holding the resemblance of his nocturnal fear, so soon as he sound him to be the Son of Antipater, re∣peating the Greek Verse so much in favour of the cre∣dit of dreams, he banish'd from his thoughts all suspi∣tion of the Poyson prepared for him as was publickly believed by Cassander.

3. More indulgent were the Gods to the Poet Si∣monides, confirming their admonition by the strength of repeated advice: For he coming ashore and finding a dead body of a man, buried it; whereupon he was by the same body admonished, that he should not set sail the next day: which he believing, staid ashore; but those that went to Sea were all cast away. He was not a little glad that he had trusted his life to the security of a Dream, rather than to the mercy of the Sea: And being mindful of the benefit receiv'd, eter∣niz'd the memory of the person in a living Poem, rai∣sing him up a better Sepulchre in the memories of men, than that which he had bestowed upon him on the shore.

4. Of great Efficacy also was that apparition to Croesus in his sleep, which first occasion'd in him great fear, afterwards greater grief: For it seemed to him that Atys, one of his Sons, the most excellent for

strength of Body, and endowments of Mind, and his design'd Successor, was violently murder'd. There∣upon the Young-man, though he were usually sent to the Wars, was kept at home. He had also an Armo∣ry stor'd with all sorts of Weapons, and that was re∣mov'd from him. He had Companions that us'd to go armed: They were also forbid to come near him. Yet Necessity gave access to gri••f. For there being a Wild-Boar, of an incredible bigness, that wasted the till'd fields of Mount Olympus, and kill'd several of the Countrey-people, and the Royal aid being implo∣red, the Son extorted from his Father leave that he might be sent to deliver the people from their Cala∣mity: which he the more readily granted, because the mischief was not threatned from Teeth, ••ut from Iron. But while every one was intent and eag••r in killing the wild beast, obstinate Destiny p••rsisting in her in∣tended violence, directed a Spear into his Body, which was intended against the Boar, and chose particularly that the right hand of him should be only guilty of the Murder, to whose charge and tuition the Father had chiefly committed his Son: which being conta∣minated with the blood of Chance-medley, fearing his Country-god, at the prayer of the person, was re∣purify'd by Sacrifice.

5. Neither was Cyrus a small argument of the ine∣vitable necessity of Fate; whose Birth, to which the Empire of all Asia was promis'd, Astyages his Grand∣father by the Mothers side sought in vain to hinder, by the predictions of a Dream. He married his Daughter Mandane, for that he had dreamt that she had over∣whelm'd all the Nations of Asia with her Urine, not to one of the Nobles, lest the Right of Dominion might fall to his family, but to one of a small fortune among the Persians. When Cyrus was born he caus'd him to be expos'd, having dreamt that a Vine grow∣ing

out of the Secret Parts of Mandane, should cover all his Dominions. But he was frustrated in all his endeavours and humane Counsels, not being able to hinder the felicity of his Nephew, which the Gods had so fully determined.

6. While Dionysius of Syracuse liv'd a private life, Himera, a woman of no mean p••rentage, fancied in her Sleep ••hat she ascended into Heaven, and having there view'd the Seats of all the Gods, that she saw a strong man yellow-hair'd, scurfie countenanced, bound in Iron Chains to the Throne of Jove, and ••ying at his feet: and asking a young man who was her guide the meaning th••reof, she was told that he was the ill fate of Sicily and Italy; and when his chains should be taken off, many Towns would be ruin'd: which Dream she declared the next day. Afterwards seeing Dionysius, by the help of Fortune, an enemy to the Liberty of Syracuse and the lives of the Innocent, freed from his Cel••stial Chains, entring the Walls of the Himeraei, she cryed out, This was he that she had seen in her Dream. Which being related to Dionysius, he caused her to be put to Death.

7. Safer was the Dream of the Mother of the same Dionysius; who, when she had conceived him, fancied that she was brought to bed of a great Satyr: and con∣sulting the Interpreter of Prodigies, she understood that he should be the greatest and most powerful of all the Greeks of his time.

8. But Amilcar General of the Carthaginians, while he was besieging Syracuse, thought that he heard a voice proclaiming to him, that he should Sup the next day in that City. With great joy, as if victory were promis'd him from Heaven, he prepared his Army for the Assault; at which time dissention arising between the Carthaginians and Sicilians, the Syracusans sallied out, took his Camp, and brought him bound into the

City. Thus deluded by his Hope, not his Dream, he supp'd a Captive in Syracuse, not, as he had conceiv'd, a Victor.

9. Alcibiades also beheld his lamentable end in a Dream, no way fallacious. For being slain and unbu∣ried, he was covered with the same Apparel of his Concubines, which he had seen himself cloathed in, in his Sleep.

10. The following Dream, for its manifelf certain∣ty, though somewhat longer, craves not to be omit∣ted. Two familiar Arcadians travailing together came to Megara; one of which went to lye at his Friends house, the other at a common Inne. He that lay at his Friends house dreamt, that he heard his com∣panion intreating his help, for that he was abused by the Innkeeper, which he might prevent by his speedy presence. Leaping out of his Bed, he endeavoured to finde the Inne where his friend lay. But Fate con∣demning his humane purpose as needless, and be∣lieving what he had heard to be but a Dream, he went to Bed again and to sleep. Then the same person came wounded and beseech'd, that since he had neglected to assist him in his life-time, he would not delay to re∣venge his Death; for that his body slain by the Inne∣keeper, was carrying out at the Gate in a Cart, cover'd with Dung. His friend, mov'd by his Prayers, made haste to the Gate, and stopt the Cart which was de∣scribed to him in his sleep, apprehended the Inne∣keeper, and brought him to condign punishment.

CHAP. VIII. Of Miracles.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. Castor seen in the Latin and Persian Wars.
• 2. Esculapius appearing in the shape of a Serpent.
• 3. Words spoken by Juno Moneta.
• 4. Words spoken by female Fortune.
• 5. Words spoken by a Syl∣van in the war of the Veii.
• 6. Mars seen in the Lucan War.
• 7. Penates returning from A ba to Lavinium of their own accord.
• 8. Julius Caesar seen after his death.
• 9. The Sepulchre of Pom∣pey miraculously found.
• 10. The Death of Appius Claudius, Pro-Consul, foretold by a Miracle.
• 11. The Scepter of Romu∣lus and Statues preserved from fire.
• 12. Men brought to their graves revive.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Erus Pamphilius revi∣ving after ten daies.
• 2. An Athenian deprived of his Memory.
• 3. A Woman suddenly struck dumb.
• 4. Egles the Samian dumb suddenly, rec••vering his Speech.
• 5. Gordias the Epirote born after the death of his Mother.
• 6. Jason Pheraeus cured of an Impostume.
• 7. Simonides the Poet e∣scaped the fall of a house.
• 8. The death of Daphidas the Sophister foretold by the Oracle.
• 9. The death of Philip King of Macedom fore∣told.
• 10. The death of Alexan∣der miraculously foretold.
• 11. The chance of a Rower.
• 12. The strange Teeth of King Prusias his Son.
• 13. Drypetine daughter to

• Mithridates born with a double order of Teeth.
• 14. The accurate Sight of Strabo Lynceus.
• 15. The hairy Heart of A∣ristomedes the Messenian.
• 16. The annual Fever of Antipater the Poet.
• 17. The equality of Poly∣stratus and Hippoclides in fortune.
• 18. Miracles of Nature.
• 19. The Serpent of Regu∣lus.

MAny Accidents also happen to men awake, and by day, as well as those which are invol∣ved in the clouds of darkness and dreams; which be∣cause it is hard to understand whence they proceed, or upon what reason grounded, are deservedly called Miracles.

1. Among the great multitude whereof, this first occurs. When Aulus Posthumius Dictator and Mani∣lius Octavius Captain of the Tuscans were in fight with great forces on both sides, at the Lake Regilius, and that for some time neither Party gave ground; Castor and Pollux taking the Romans side, overthrow the forces of the Enemy.

Also in the Macedonian War, P. Vatinius a Magi∣strate of Reate returning toward the City by Night, thought he met two beautiful Men sitting upon white Horses, who told him, that the day before Perseus was taken by Aemilius. Which when he related to the Senate, he was by them committed to Prison, as a contemner of their Majesty and Power. But after∣wards, when they understood by the Letters from Paulus that Perseus was taken the same day, he was not only delivered out of custody, but honoured with a gift of Land, and vacancy from bearing Office. It was also farth••r found, that Castor and Pollux did watch o••er the safety of the Common-wealth, and travail'd hard for the good of the same, for that they were s••en to wash themselves and their ho••ses in the Lake of

Juturna, and their Temple adjoyning to the Fountain open'd of it self, nor being unlockt by the hand of any person.

2. But then we may relate how favourable the rest of the Gods were to our City. For when our City was visited with a triennial Pestilence, and that nei∣ther through divine Compassion or humane Aid any remedy could be found ••or so long and l••sting a Cala∣mity; the Priests looking into the Sibyls Books ob∣serv'd, that ther•• was no other way to restore the City to its ••••••m•••• health, but by ••••tching the Image of Esculapius from Epidaurus. The City therefore send∣ing their Ambassadours thither, hop'd that by its au∣tho••••ty, the greatest then in the world, they might pr••vail to obtain the only remedy against their fatal misery. Neither did her hope deceive her. For her desire was granted with as much willingness, as it was r••quested with earnestn••ss. For immediately the Epi∣daurians carrying the Ambass••dours to the Temple of Esculapius; (distant from the City s••me five miles) de∣sired t••••m to take out of it whatever they thought convenient for the preservation of Rome; whose free benignity the god himself imitating by his celestial obedience, approv'd the courtesie of mortals. For that Snake, which but seldom or never seen but to their great benefit, the Epidaurians worshipt equal to Esculapius, b••gan to glide with a mild aspect and gentle motion through the chief parts of the City, and being three days seen to the religious admiration of all men, without doubt taking in good part the change of a more noble Seat, hasted to the Roman Galley, and while the Martiners stood affrighted at so unusual a sight, crept aboard the Ship, and peaceably folding its self into several rings, quietly remain'd in the Cabbin of Q. Ogulnius, one of the Ambassadours. The Legats having return'd due thanks, and being in∣structed

by the skilful in the due worship of the Ser∣pent, like men that had obtain'd their hearts desire, joyfully departed, and after a prosperous Voyage put∣ting in at Antium, the Snake, which had remained in the Ship, glided to the Porch of the Temple of Escu∣lapius, adorn'd with Myrtle and other Boughs, and twisted itself about a Palm-tree of a very great height, staying for three days in the Temple of Antium; the Ambassadours with great care setting by these things wherewith he used to be fed, for fear he should be unwilling to return to the Ship: after which he pa∣tiently suffer'd himself to be transported to our City. The Amb••ssadours landing upon the shore of Tiber, the Snake swam to the Island where the Temple was dedicated, and by his coming dispell'd the Calamity for remedy whereof he was sought.

3. Not less voluntary was the coming of Juno to our City. The Veientes being taken by Furius Ca∣millus, the Souldiers by command of the General going about to remove the Image of Juno Moneta, which was there in principal adoration, endeavour'd to re∣move it from the place where it stood. Among the rest, one of the Souldiers asked the Goddess in sport, whether she would go to Rome; to which the God∣dess replying she would, the jest was turn'd into ad∣miration. And now believing that they did not only carry the Image, but Juno her self, with great joy they placed her in that part of the Aventine Mountain, where now we see her Temple stand.

4. The Image also of the Womens Fortune, about four miles from the City upon the Latine Road, con∣secrated together with her Temple, at the same time that Coriolanus was diverted from the destruction of the City by his Mothers tears, was heard, not once, but twice to speak these words: In due manner have you seen me, Matrons, and in due manner dedicated me.

5. But Valerius Publicola Consul, after the expul∣sion of the Kings, waged War with the Veientes and Hetrurians, while the one sought to restore Tarquinius to his Kingdome, the other sought to retain their new-recover'd Liberty: At which time, while the Hetru∣rians and Tarquinius had the upper hand in the Right Wing, there hapned such a sudden Consternation, that not only the Victors began to fly, but also drew the Veientes, struck with the same fear, along with them. On a sudden a loud voice was heard from the adjoin∣ing Arsian Wood, said to be uttered from the mouth of a Sylvan: But one more of the Hetrurians shall fall: The Roman Host shall obtain the Conquest. The truth of the Miracle appeared by the number of the dead Bo∣dies told.

6. What say ye to the Assistance of Mars, which facilitated the Victory of the Romans, is it not worthy of lasting memory? When the Brutians and Lucans with most inveterate Hatred and great Forces sought the destruction of the City of Thurinum, C. Fabricius Luscinus Consul on the other side endeavouring with all his might to preserve the same, and that the event of things seemed dubious, the Forces of both sides being met in one place, and the Romans not daring to venture battle; a young man of a comely stature began to exhort them to take courage; and finding them not very forward, laying hold of a Ladder, he posted through the middle of the Enemies body to the opposite Camp, and setting up his Ladder scal'd the fortification; and then crying out with a loud voice, that there was a step to Victory rais'd, he drew ours to assail, the Lucans and Brutians to defend their own Camp, where after a sharp Conflict they were utterly overthrown. For by the impulse of his own Arms, he deliver'd um over to be slain and taken by the Romans; Twenty Thousand being slain, Five

Thousand taken, togeth••r with Statius Statilius Ge∣neral of both People, and Twenty Military Ensignes. The next day, when the Consul told the Souldiers that he had reserv'd a Crown for him who had shewed so much Courage in taking the Camp, and no young man was to be found to claim it, it was then known and believed that Mars had taken the Romans part. And among other demonstrations of the truth of the thing, there was a Head-piece found with two Plum••s, which had covered his sacred Head. Therefore by command of Fabricius there was a Supplication to Mars proclaim'd, and thanks return'd to him with great joy by the Souldiers crown'd with Lawrel, in testimony of the assistance which they had received from him.

7. I shall relate now what being known in that age was faithfully deliver••d to those which succeeded: Aeneas bringing his houshold-gods with him from Troy, placed them in Lavinium: From thence they were by his Son Ascanius remov'd to Alba, which himself had built: which lest it should seem a force put upon them by the hands of men, they resolv'd to testifie their good Will. Wherein I am not ignorant how opinion hesitates in the asserting the truth of the mo∣tion and voice of the Immortal Gods. However, be∣cause we do not make a relation of things new, but only repeat what has been d••liver'd, let the first Au∣thors vindicate the truth. It is our part not to refuse as vain, what the sacred Monuments of Story have consecrated for cer••ain.

8. Having made mention of that City, from whence our own had its first original, heavenly Julius the glorious offspring thereof com••s into our mind, whom C. Cassius (never to be named without remembring his publick Parricide) while he was labouring coura∣giously at the Battle of Philippe, saw above mortal

Stature, clad in a Purple Robe, and an angry Coun∣t••nance, making toward ••im with full speed; at which sight affrighted he fled, having first heard these words utter'd, What wouldst thou do more, if it be too little to have kill'd? Didst thou not murther Caesar. O Cassius? But no Deity can be prevail'd gainst; therefore by injuring him whose mortal body still burns, thou hast deserved to have a god so much thy enemy.

9. Lentulus passing by the shore where the Body of Pompey 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Great, murdered by the treachery of King Ptolemy, was then at the same time burning; altoge∣ther ignorant of his fall, cryed out to his Souldiers, How do we know but that Pompey may be now burning in yonder flame? Th•• Miracle was, that he should igno∣rantly speak so great a truth as it were by inspira∣tion.

10. This was only the saying of a man; but that which came from the mouth of Apollo himself was more miraculous, a clear evidence of the Delphick Pre∣s••ge, which foretold the Death of Appius. He in the Civil War wherein Pompey had separated himself from his friendship with Caesar, through advice no less baneful to himself than disadvantageous to the Com∣mon-wealth, being willing to know the event of so great a Commotion; by his power in command (for he was Governour of Achaia) caus'd the chief Presi∣dent of the Delphick Oracle to descend into the inner∣most part of the holy Den, whence as more certain Answers are demanded, so the over-abundance of the divine exhalation becomes more noxious to those that give the Answer. The Virgin therefore through the impulse of the inspiring Spirit, with a most dreadful tone, among other obscure terms and aenigma's, thus return'd to Appius: The War concerns thee nothing, O Roman: Thou shalt have for thy lot, that part of Eu∣boea call'd Coela. He believing that Apollo had fore∣warned

him to avoid the danger of the War, retired into that Countrey which lies between Rhamnuns a noble part of the Countrey of Attica, and Caristus ad∣joining to the Chalcidic Bay, where consum'd with sickness before the battle of Pharsalia, he possessed the place assign'd for his burial.

11. These things may also be accompted as Mira∣cles; that when the Chappel of the Salii was burnt, there was nothing escap'd the fire but the Kings staff of Romulus. That the Statue of Servius Tullius remain'd untouch'd, when the Temple of Fortune was con∣sum'd by fire. That the Statue of Claudia, plac'd near the entry into the Temple of the Mother of the Gods, that Temple being twice consum'd by fire, once when Nasica Scipio and L. Bestia, another time when Servilius and Lamia were Consuls, stood firm upon its Basis and untouch'd.

12. The Funeral Pile of Acilius Aviola brought no small astonishment to our City, who being taken for dead both by the Physicians and by his Friends, when he had been laid out for some time upon the Ground, the Flame no sooner coming near his Body, but he rose up and affirmed himself to be alive, calling for the assistance of his Schoolmaster, who only re∣main'd with him. But being encompass'd with the flames, he could not be drawn thence.

13. Lucius Lamia also, a person of the Pretorian Order, is said to have spoken upon his funeral Pile.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. But the fate of Erus Pamphilus has render'd the foregoing relations less miraculous; whom Plato af∣firm'd that after he was thought to have been slain in Battle, and had lain in the field ten days, when he came to be taken away and laid upon the funeral Pile,

he reviv'd, and related strange things, which he saw while he lay dead.

2. And since we are come to Forraign Examples, there was a certain learned Man at Athens, who ha∣ving received an unlucky hurt with a Stone upon his Head, though he retain'd his Memory as to all other things very perfect, yet forgot his Learning, which he had follow'd all his life time. A dire and fatal Wound in the Soul of him that was wounded, as if having of purpose sought out every sense, it had pitch'd upon that particularly wherein the Patient most de∣lighted, burying the singular Doctrine and Learning of the person in the perpetual grave of Envy. To whom if it were not lawful to enjoy those Studies, it had been better that he had never obtain'd a taste of them, than to want the sweetness of what he once had in poss••ssion.

3. But more lamentable is the narration of the fol∣lowing mischance. For the Wise of Nausimenes an Athenian hapning to take her Son and Daughter in the act of Incest, struck with horrour of so monstrous a sight, became suddenly dumb, so that she neither could express her present Indignation, nor ever after speak a word. They punish'd themselves for their own wicked act, with voluntary Death. Thus For∣tune that in a rage took from her her Speech, from them their Lives, was therein favourable to the Mo∣ther.

4. Aegles a Samian Wrastler born mute, when he saw the Rewards of a Victory, which he had won, taken from him, out of indignation for the injury done him, recover'd his Speech.

5. Famous also was the Birth of Gorgias an Epirote, a very strong man, who coming forth of his Mothers Womb as she was going to be buried, with his crying caus'd them that carried the Beer to stand, affording

a strange Miracle to his Countrey, as one that receiv'd his Birth and being from the Funeral-Pile or his Mo∣ther. For at the same moment she in her Death yields to fate, the other is taken into arms alive be∣fore he was born.

6. A fortunate Wound was that which a certain person gave to Phaerean Jason, endeavouring to have slain him. For striking at him with his Sword, he brake an Impostume in that manner, which could neither be broken nor cured by any skill'd in Physick, delivering him from an incurable Disease.

7. Equally belov'd of the immortal Gods was Si∣monides, who being sav'd from imminent danger, was also preserv'd from after-ruine. For while he was at Supper with Scopas at Cranon a City of Thessaly, news was brought him that two young men were at the door, earnestly desiring to sp••ak with him. When he came to the gate, he found no body there. But at the same mom••nt, the Roof of the Dining-room fell down, and kill'd both Scopas and all his Gu••sts. What greater wealth, than so much f••licity, which neither the rage of the Sea or Land could take from him?

8. I am not unwilling to adde to this the Story of Daphidas, that men may understand how profitable it is to sing the praises of the Gods, and obey the Divine Power. He being of their profession who are call'd Sophists, resolving to ask a frivolous question of the Oracle of Apollo, in derision demanded, Whether he should finde the Horse he had lost, when in truth he had none at all. To which the Oracle answer'd, That he should finde his Horse, but be kill'd with a fall off his back. B••ing upon his return, merry and laughing at the trick he had put upon the Oracle, he fell into the hands of Attalus the King, whom he had often abus'd with his scurrilous Verses, being out of his reach: And being by his command thrown headlong

down a Rock, which was call'd The Horse, he receiv'd the just reward due to one that would go about to cavil with the gods.

9. Philip K. of Macedon being also admonisht by the same Oracle to have a care of the violence of a Cha∣riot, caused all the Chariots in his Kingdom to be cut to pieces, and alwaies carefully shun'd that place in Boeotia which is call'd The Chariot; and yet he could not avoid that kind of death which was foretold him: for Pansanias that slew him, had a Chariot engraven in the Hilt of his Sword.

10. And this fatal Necessity which the Father could not avoid, was as severe to his Son Alexander. For Calanus the Indian b••ing about to throw himself, of his own accord, upon his Funeral-Pile, being ask'd by him whether he had any thing to command or tell him made no other reply, but I shall shortly see thee. Nor was his answer in vain, for the violent Death of Alexander speedily follow'd his violent decease.

11. These Royal Funerals are equal'd in Miracle by the fortune of a Rower in a Galley, who standing at the Pump in a small Tyrian Vessel, and by the vio∣lence of a Wave thrown out of the same, the force of a contrary Wave wash'd him into the Vessel again: congratulating and bewailing, at one time, his mi∣serable and happy condition.

12. What more? Are we not to believe that there are certain Mockeries of Nature in the Bodies of Men? tolerable indeed, because not horrid; yet no less miraculous, because unusual. The Son of Prusias King of Bithynia, bearing the same name with his Father, instead of an upper row of Teeth, had one continued Bone, though neither deformed nor unfit for use.

13. Dripetine also the Daughter of Mithridates, born of La••dice the Queen, having her mouth de∣formed with a double row of Teeth above and b••low,

was her Fathers Companion when he fled from Pom∣pey.

14. No less admirable were the Eyes of that per∣son, who is reported to have had so sharp a sight, that he was able to discover the Ships going out of the Port of Carthage, from the Promontory of Lilybaeum in Sicily.

15. More admirable than his Eyes was the Heart of Aristomenes the Messenian; which the Athenians by reason of his admirable subtlety causing to be cut out, (for they had often taken him, yet still by his cunning he escaped them) found to be all over hairy.

16. The Poet Antipater the Sidonian, every year on the very day of his Birth had a F••ver; and having lived to a great age, upon his Birth day died of a F••ver.

17. Here we may very conveniently take notice of Polystratus and Hippoclides, Philosophers, who were born the same day, followed the Precepts of the same Master Epicurus, possess'd the same Revenues, went to the same School, and living long Friends together, at length both died the same day. So equal was the fortune and friendship of their Society, that who would not think them born, bred, and deceas'd in the very bosome of divine Concord her self?

18. Why all this should come to pass, either to the Children of Kings, or to a most famous King himself, to a Prophet of a flourishing Wit, or be so remarkable in the Lives of Learned Men, or among the Vulgar sort, Nature it self, so fruitful in good or evil, hath never given a reason. No more than why among the wild Goats, which are bred in Crete, being wounded with darts, should fly for present help to the Herb Dittany, which being eaten immediately forceth the Dart and Poyson out of their Wounds. Or how it comes to pass that in the Island of Cephalenia, whereas all other beasts in other places are re••resh'd with drink∣ing

water, in that place they are wont to quench their thirsts by receiving the wind into their mouths. Or why at Crotona, in the Temple of Lacinian Juno, the ashes should remain undisturb'd, and not to be remov'd, what Wind soever blow. Or why one Fountain in Macedonia, another in the Countrey of Calenum, should have s•• much the property of Wine, as to intoxicate men. These things we do not so much admire, as think worthy of remembrance, being well ascertain'd, that Na••ure may well assume to herself the greatest share of knowledg, who has the painful charge of begetting all things.

19. And now seeing we are talking of things that exceed common reason, let us give a relation of that Serpent, which Livie has so elegantly described. For he saith, that upon the Banks of the River Bagrada in Africk so great a Serpent appear'd, as hindred the whole Army of Attilius Regulus from the use of the water: Many Sould••••rs she swallowed down her fi••••hy wide Mouth, many killed with the hideous bangs of her Tall: and when they could pierce her with no Dart or Spear, at length they were forced to plant their En∣gins of Battery against, and bruise her to pieces with huge Stones and Flints of massie weight; and to all both Horse and Foot seemed more terrible than Car∣thage it self. At what time the stream being defiled with her Blood, and the air infected with the stench of her Body, the Roman Camp was forced to remove. The Skin of this Monster, he saith, was 120 foot long, and sent to Rome.

LIB. II.

CHAP. I. Of Matrimonial Ceremonies, and Duty of Re∣lations.

• 1. Good Signes preceding Marriage.
• 2. Marriage-Feasts.
• 3. Women praised for living Widows.
• 4. First Divorce.
• 5. Matrimonial liberty and decency.
• 6. Conjugal Love.
• 7. Modest Consanguinity.
• 8. The Feast of Charistia, or Love.
• 9. Age honoured.
• 10. Youth observed, and in∣structed by example.

WHile we are searching into the rich and potent kingdom of Nature, it will not be unseaso∣nable to take notice of the antient and memorable In∣stitutions, as well of our own City, as of other Nati∣ons. For it is worth our while to know the first ori∣ginal of those happy Manners, and that way of living which we now enjoy under the best of Princes, seeing that the consideration of them may perphaps be profi∣table to the present Customes.

1. Among the Antients there was nothing either publickly or privately undertaken, unless they had first observed the signe; from which Custome, the South-sayers were alwaies consulted before Marriages. And though they have left off the marking of Birds, or bodings of good or bad luck, yet nominally they fol∣low the footsteps of the old Custome.

2. The Women supp'd with the Men sitting, but the Men lay down: which Custome among men was observed in Heaven. For Jupiter is said to sup lying on his Couch, while Juno and Minerva are in∣vited to sit. Which kind of severe Custome our Age more diligently observes in the Capitol than in their Houses: It being more proper to adhere to the Discipline of Goddesses than Women.

3. They that were content to be married but once, were honoured with a Crown of Chastity. For they believed that Matron to have an incorrupted mind, and sincere Loyalty, that would not leave the Chamber where she had first deposited here Virginity; and e∣steemed the experience of many Matrimonies to be a signe of some Incontinency.

4. There was no Divorce between Man and Wife till Five Hundred and Twenty Yeares after the City was built. The first was Spurius Carvilius, who di∣vorced his Wife for being barren. Who though he appeared to have a good excuse for what he did, yet there were that blamed him enough, being such as believed that Conjugal Loyalty was to be preferred be∣fore desire of Children.

5. But that the Honour and Modesty of Matrons might be more sacred, when they were call'd into Court, no man was permitted to touch them, that their Gar∣ments might not be defiled by the contact of a strange hand. The use of Wine was formerly unknown to the Roman Women, for fear it might bring them to any disgrace, because the first degree to forbidden Ve∣nus is from father Bacchus. Yet that their Chastity might not alway occasion undecent retirement, but that they might appear in a comely Garb of converse, through the Indulgence of their Husbands they wore Purple, and ornaments of Gold. For then Corru∣pters of Marriages were not fear'd, but Women

might modestly behold, and chastly be beh••ld.

6. When there was any diff••rence between Hus∣band and Wife, they went to the Chappel of the God∣dess Viriplaca, which is in the Palace: and having li∣berty to talk what they had a minde to, after the heat was over, they returned home very good friends. This Goddess had her name from appeasing of men; wor∣thy of adoration, and to be worshipped not with choice but exquisite Sacrifices: as being the Keeper of dayly and Family-peace, rendring to men and women, under the same yoak of Peace, what is due to the Majesty of men, and the Honour of women.

7. This Modesty among Wives, is it not necessary among other Relations? ••o•• that I may be a small ex∣ample, set forth the great force thereof: formerly neither Father us'd to wash with his Son at age, nor Father-in-law with Son-in-law. Whence it appears, there was as much Religion attributed to Kind••••d and Consanguinity, as to the Immortal Gods; while a∣mong those that were thus ••i'd, it was no more law∣ful to strip themselves, than it was in the Temple.

8. Our Ancestors also instituted a sacred Feast, which was cal••••d Charistia, where none w••re admit∣ted but Kindred; that if there were any difference a∣mong Re••ations, there might be a reconciliation by the help of Friends, in the midst of their sacred Rites and holy M••rch.

9. Youth gave to Old Age such circumspect and manifold Honour, as if the ••lder were the common Fa∣ther of the younger. There upon Council-day, if a∣ny young man waited upon any Senator, Relation, or Friend of his Fa••her, to the Senate, they stay with∣out door till the other came to perform the same duty home again. By which voluntary attendance they accustom'd their bodies and minds to undergo publick Offices, and in a short time became more experienced

in labour and meditation. Being invited to a Feast, they diligently inquired who was to be there, that they might not be forced to rise to give way to their Elder: and when the Cloth was taken away, they always rose and went away first: and all the time of Supper they were very sparing and modest in their discourse.

10. The Elder were wont to sing the famous deeds of their Ancestors, in Verse, at their Festivals, thereby to stir up Youth by imitation thereof. What more splendid or more profitable than this kind of Combat? Youth honour'd Gray Hairs, and superannuated Age encourag'd those who were ready to enter into Action with the nourishment of their favour. What Athens, what School, what forraign Education may I prefer to this Domestick Discipline? This raised the Camilii Sci∣pio's, Fabricii, Marcelii, and Fabii: and that I may not be tedious in recounting all the lights of our noole Empire, thus the most glorious part of Heaven the ••a∣cred Caesars obtained their fame.

CHAP. II. Of the Offices of Magistrates and Orders.

• 1. The Roman Fidelity and Taciturnity.
• 2. Authority of Magistrates, and observance of the La∣tin Tongue.
• 3. C. Marius despising Elo∣quence.
• 4. Consular Majesty.
• 5. Constancy of the Roman Embassadours.
• 6. Vigilancy of the Senate.
• 7. Diligence of the Tribunes.
• 8. Abstinence of the Magi∣strates.
• 9. The Tryal of the Roman Knights, and Lupercalia.

1. SO high a Love had all our Ancestors for their Countrey, that there was not a Senator, who for many Ages would reveal the Transactions of the Fathers. Q. Fabius Maximus onely, and he also through imprudence, going into the Countrey and meeting P. Crassus by the way, told him what was done in order to proclaiming the Second Punick War, remembring that he had been Questor three years be∣fore, and not knowing that he was not yet put into the Senate by the Censors, who were the only persons that gave admittance to those that had born Honours in that Assembly. However, though this were but a harmless errour in Fabius, yet he was severely repre∣hended for it by the Consuls. For they would by no means suffer Taciturnity, the best and safest bond of Government, to be violated in the least. And there∣fore when Eumenes King of Asia gave intelligence to the Senate, that Perseus was preparing to make War, it could not be known either what Eumenes said, or what the Fathers answered, till Perseus was taken.

The Court was the faithful and deep breast of the Commonwealth, environ'd and fortifi'd with Silence; which they that enter'd, soon cast off private Love, cloathing themselves with publick Zeal. So that I may say, that one would have thought, that no man heard what was committed to the ears of so many.

2. But our antient Magistrates how they behaved themselves in bearing up the Majesty of the Roman People, from hence may be observed, that among all their other marks of Gravity, this they punctually maintain'd, not to talk with the Greeks but in the Latine Tongue. And also causing them to lay aside the volubility of their own language, forc'd them to speak by an Interpreter, not only in our own City, but in Greece and Asia: That the honour of the Latine Tongue might be spread with greater veneration a∣mong other Nations. Not but that they had their Schools of Learning, but that they did not hold it con∣venient that the Gown should in any thing be subject to the Cloak. Believing it a poor and low thing, that the weight and authority of Government should be tam'd by the charms of Eloquence.

3. And therefore, Caius Marius, thou art not to be condemn'd of clownish Rigour, not to let thy old age, crown'd with a double Lawrel, illustrious with German and Numidian Trohies, be softned and over∣come by the Eloquence of a vanquish'd Nation. Per∣haps, lest while he appear'd a forrainer in the exercises of his Wit, he might seem a Runagate from his native Rites and Customes. Who therefore open'd the way to the Greek Pleadings that now deafen our ears? Molo the Rhetorician, as I am perswaded, who likewise sharpned the studies of M. Cicero. For he was the first Stranger that was ever heard in the Senate without an Interpreter; which Honour he receiv'd not undeser∣vedly, having mainly advanc'd the force of the Roman

Eloquence. Of conspicuous felicity is Arpinum, whe∣ther you respect the one as a great contemner of Lear∣ning, or the other as the abounding Fountain there∣of.

4. With great diligence this Custome also was ob∣served by our Ancestors, that no person might walk between the Consul and the last Lictor, though he went along by vertue of his Office, unless he were a Child and the Son of the Consul. Which Custome was so obstinately maintain'd, that Q. Fabius Maxi∣mus, five times Consul, and besides in prime Autho∣rity, and honour'd with Age, being requested to go between him and the Lictor, for fear of being over∣born by the crowd of Samnites, with whom he was going to treat, y••t refus'd the Courtesie. The like did that same Fabius when he was sent by the Senate to his Son Consul at Suessa. For as his Son was dispatching Causes without the City, he took his Horse to ride through the prease; but his Son seeing him afar off, sent a Lictor to him, commanding him to alight and come afoot, if he had any thing to say to the Consul. Whom Fabius readily obeyed, saying, Son, I did not this in contempt of thy Authority, but only to try whether thou knewest how to behave thy self like a Consul or no: Nor am I ignorant what is my Duty to my Countrey; but I prefer publike Institutions before private Piety.

5. Having done with the Fabii, Men of an admi∣rable Constancy offer themselves, who being sent to Tarentum by the Senate to demand certain things; af∣ter they had received many Injuries, one of them having a Pisspot thrown upon his Cloaths, they were brought to the Theater, or place of Audience, and finished the whole business of the Embassie; but as to what they had suffered, they uttered not a word, lest they might seem to talk more than what they had

given them in charge: for it was impossible that ••••y vexation at the affronts which they had received, could make them alter the respect which they had to Antient Custome.

6. But I will pass from Customes grown obsolete through Vice, to the most severe Institutions of our Ancestours, before the Senate sate continually in that place which was call'd the Little Senate-House; they never were assembled by Edict, but b••ing cited th••y came immediatly. For they thought the praise of that Citizen much to be call'd in question, that was to be compell'd to shew his Duty to his Country. For whatever is forc'd by Compulsion, is look•• upon as rather done by Constraint than Duty.

7. We are likewise to remember, that it was not lawful for the Tribunes of the people to be admitted into the Senate; but being plac'd upon Seats before the Doors, there i•• behov'd 'um diligently to h••ar and examine the Decrees that were under Vote, that if there were any thing which they misliked, they might hinder them from passing. And therefore the Letter T was wont to be subscrib'd at the bottome of all the antient Decrees of the Senate: by which Mark it was understood that the Tribunes had consented. Who although it were their business to lie pe••du for the good of the People, and to suppress the growth of ambitious attempts; yet they suffer'd them to use Silver Vessels, and to wear Gold Rings given them at the publick charge, by the sight of such things to render the authority of their Magistracy the more con∣spicuous.

8. Whose Authority as it increased, so their absti∣nence was most strictly commanded: For the En••ra••is of the Sacrifices offered by the Tribunes, were brought to the Questors of the Treasury. The worship of the Gods, and humane Continence, was shewn in those

Sacrifices of the Roman people, our Captains learning at those Altars what holy hands they ought to come prepared with. And such honour they gave to Conti∣nence, that many times the Debts of those that had well behaved themselves in the government of the Re∣publick, were paid by the Senate: For they esteemed it an unworthy thing, that the dignity of those men should suffer at home, by whose industry the Common∣wealth had obtained splendor abroad.

9. The Youth of the Order of Knighthood, twice every year, were wont to shew themselves in a publick Spectacle at the charge of some great Person, upon the day of the Lupercal Feasts, which was the time of the approbation of Knights. The Custome of the Lupercals were begun by Romulus and Remus, at such a time as they were making merry, for that their Uncle Numitor had permitted them to build a City in the place where they were bred up, under Mount Palatine, which Evander the Argive had consecrated by advice of Faustulus their Foster-father. For there∣upon they made a Sacrifice, and having slain several Goats, and eat and drank somewhat more largely than ordinary, they divided themselves, and in their jollity made a sportive Combat together; the memo∣ry of which Pastime is celebrated with annual succes∣sion of Holidaies. As for the Knights which were named Trabeati, Quintus Fabius appointed their pu∣blike Shew upon the Ides of July. He also, being Censor with Pub. Decius, in commemoration of a Se∣dition which he had appeas'd, when the Comitia or publick choice of Magistrates was almost fallen into the hands of the meanest people, divided the whole Rout into four Tribes, which he called City-Tribes; by means of which wholesome act, being a man other∣wise famous in Warlike Acts, he obtain'd the name of Maximus, or Greatest.

CHAP. III. Of Military Institutions.

• 1. Souldiers first tax'd by Pole.
• 2. Military Exercise.
• 3. The first use of the Velites, or light-armed.

THe Modesty of the People is also to be commen∣ded, who by freely offering themselves to the la∣bours and dangers of War, prevented their Comman∣ders from putting those that were tax'd by Pole to their Oaths; whose extreme poverty being suspected, made them incapable of being trusted with the Publick Arms.

1. This Custome confirm'd by long use, C. Marius first brake, making Souldiers of those that were tax'd by Pole. A noble Citizen, yet by the Novelty which he brought in, not so propitious to Antiquity. Not unmindful, that if Military Sloath should persist to despise humility, he himself might be deem'd a Com∣mander cess'd by the Pole. Therefore he thought it best to obliterate that proud way of choice among the Roman Armies, lest the contagion of that mark should spread it self to the obscuring his own glory.

2. The Discipline of handling Arms was recommended to the Souldiers by P. Rutilius Consul, Colleague with Cn. Mallius: For not following the example of any Commander before him, calling together the Teachers of the Gladiators, from the Plays of Cn. Aurelius Scaurus, he first began to have the Souldiers learn the way of shunning and giving blows, according to the reasons of Art; mixing virtue with art, and art with virtue; strengthen∣ing vertue with the force of art, and encouraging art with the force of strength.

3. The use of the Velites, or light-armed, was first experienc'd when Fulvius Flaccus besieged Capua. For when our Horse, being in number fewer, were not able to resist the frequent excursions of the Campa∣nian Cavalry, Q. Naevius a Centurion choosing out of the Foot certain that were nimble of body, armed with light and crooked Spears and little Targets, or∣dered them with a swift running jump to joyn them∣selves

with the Horse, and by and by as swiftly to re∣tire; whereby the Foot being mingled with the Horse, with their Darts not only infested the men, but the horses likewise. Which unusual way of Fight was the only overthrow of the Campanian Treachery. For which cause Naevius the author of it is still had in great honour.

CHAP. IV. Of Shews.

• 1. Theaters first built.
• 2. Places appointed for su∣periority.
• 3. The Original of Comical Scenes.
• 4. Of Secular Plays.
• 5. First Secular Playes.
• 6. Ornaments and pride of Plays.
• 7. First Gladiator, and Wrestling Shews.

1. FRom Military Institutions we are next to come to the City-Camps, that is to say, the Theaters, for that upon them were many Combats oftentimes for victory, invented both for the recreation of Men, and worship of the Gods; not without some blushing tincture upon the face of Peace, to see Delight and Religion contaminated with civil blood, meerly for Scenical Ostentation.

2. They were begun by M••ssalla and Cassius, Cen∣sors; but by the authority of Scipio Nasica, the whole furniture of all their work was publiquely sold. After∣wards a Decree of Senate pass'd, that no one should have any seats in the City, nor within a Mile thereof, or behold the Playes sitting, to the end that Manhood in standing, joyn'd with relaxation of the Mind, might be a mark of the Roman Fortitude.

3. For Five Hundred Fifty Eight years, the Senate stood mixt among the common People to behold the publick Shews. But this custome Atilius Serranus and L. Scribonius Edils abrogated, when they made Plays to the Mother of the Gods, following the judgment of the Elder Africanus, and setting up seats for the Sena∣tors distinct from the people. Which thing alienated the Affection of the common people, and weakned the high esteem which they had of him.

4. Now I shall rehearse the beginning and first ori∣ginal Institution of Playes. In the time that Sulpitius Peticus and Licinius Stolo were Consuls, a most vio∣lent Pestilence had afflicted our City, then at peace a∣broad, with new cares of preservation from intestine calamity: And there was no help in any humane ad∣vice, all reliance was upon the strict and new wor∣ship of Religion. Nor would the favour of the Gods lend any ear to the Verses compos'd for their atone∣ment, until the time which Romulus, upon his ra∣vishing the Sabine Virgins, consecrated with particu∣lar Festivals, which he called Consualia. Now as it is the custome of men to pursue small beginnings with an ardent affection, the young men added gesture to the pious and reverent words which they us'd towards the Gods, though with a rustick and uncompos'd mo∣tion of their Bodies. Which occasioned the calling of Ludius out of Hetruria, whose comely swiftness after the manner of the Curetes and Lydians, from whom the Hetrurians had their Original, was a plea∣sing Novelty to the eyes of the Romans: and because Ludius was among them called Histrio, therefore all Players were afterwards called Histriones. At length the Discipline of praying advanced it self to the mea∣sures of the Sa••yrs: whence first of all the Poet Livie took the affections of the people with Historical Argu∣ments. He being often bawl'd at by the people, to

please um having injur'd his Voice, at length by the assistance of a Boy and a Musician perform'd his Acti∣on in quiet: for he alwaies acted his own Works him∣self. The Attellans were call'd in by the Osci; which sort of recreation being temper'd by the Italian Seve∣rity, continued without any blemish; for they were neither remov'd from their Tribe, nor debarr'd of Mi∣litary Stipends.

5. And because it appears by their names whence the other Plaies had their derivation, it may not seem absurd to relate the beginning of the Secular Games, the knowledg whereof is least certain. At what time the City and Country was afflicted with a most violent Pestilence, one Valesius a certain rich man, who led a countrey life, his two Sons and his Daughter being all desperately sick, as he was reaching some hot water for um from the fire, kneeling on his knees, pray'd his familiar Houshold-gods that they would turn the evil from his Children upon his own head. Presently he heard a voice, which told him his Children should recover, if he would carry them down the River Tiber to Tarentum, and there refresh them with hot water from the Altar of Dis and Proserpina. Being troubled at this Prediction, because it was a long and dangerous Voyage; yet hope overcoming his present fear, he car∣ried the Children to the Banks of Tiber, (for he lived in a house of his own, in a Village call'd Eretum, ad∣joining to the Countrey of the Sabines) and in a little Vessel sayling to Ostia, he put in about the middle of the Night at the Field of Mars. At which time the Children being thirsty, and there being no means to relieve um, for that there was no fire in the Vessel, the Pilot told him, that he had discovered a smoak not far off. Who thereupon being commanded to go ashore to Terentum, that was the name of the place, he ha∣stily took a Cup, which assoon as he had fill'd out of

the River in that place where the smoak arose, he return'd very chearful, believing that now he had ob∣tained the footsteps of a Remedy sent from Heaven, and in a field that rather seem'd to smoak than have any reliques of fire; getting such fuel as by chance he met with, and stedfastly pursuing the Omen, with continual blowing, he kindled a fire, and brought warm water to the Children. Which they had no sooner drank off, but falling into a quiet sleep, they sudden∣ly recover'd of their distemper. Waking, they re∣lated to their Father, that they had seen they knew not what gods, which wip'd their Skins with a Sponge, and commanded them that they should offer Sacrifices of black Beasts at the Altar of Dis and Proserpina, where the Potion of water was first brought them, making withal Nocturnal Plays and Tables covered. The Father, because he saw no Altar there, believing that it was expected that he should build one, went to the City to buy one, leaving upon the place certain Workmen to dig the foundation. They in prosecu∣tion of their Masters command having digg'd a mat∣••er of 20 foot deep, at length beheld an Altar inscri∣bed to Father Dis and Proserpina. Which being told to Valesius by his Servant, he left off his purpose of buying an Altar, and offer'd black Sacrifices at Teren∣tum, and provided Plays and cover'd Tables three whole Nights together, for that he had three Chil∣dren.

6. Whose example Publius Publicola, who was the first Consul, following, out of a desire to recover the health of his Citizens, making publick vows at the same Altar, offer'd certain black Oxen to Dis and Pro∣serpina, and caus'd Plays to be acted and Tables co∣ver'd for three Nights together, and then cover'd the Altar with earth as it was before.

7. As Wealth increas'd, Pomp and Magnificence

was added to the Religion of Plays. To which pur∣pose Q. Catulus imitating the Campanian Luxury, was the first that cover'd the Seats o•• the Spectators with Canvas. Cn. Pompey before any other temper'd the heat of Summer, by bringing little Streams to run a∣long the sides of the Ways. Cn. Pulcher was the first that adorn'd the Scenes with variety of Colours. Which afterward Antonie cover'd with Silver. Pe∣treius with Gold. Q. Catulus with Ebony. Luculius made them of turn'd work. Spinther adorn'd them with Silver. Afterwards Scaurus abolishing the use of Punick Cloaks, brought in fashion a more exquisite kind of Garment.

8. The Gift of Gladiators Shews was first presen∣ted in Rome in the Ox-Market, in the Consulship of App. Claudius and M. Fulvius. Another was given by Marcus and Decius the Sons of Brutus, to honour their Fathers Funerals. The Shews of the Wrestlers were presented at the charge of M. Scaurus.

CHAP. V. Of Frugality and Innocency.

• 1. The first Golden Statue in the City.
• 2. The Civil Law, with Holidays first proclaimed.
• 3. The first examination of Witchcraft.
• 4. The first Colledge of Mu∣sicians.
• 5. The Frugality of the Antients.
• 6. The Chappel of the Goddess Feaver.

1. NEver any man beheld a Golden Statue either in the City, or in any other part of Italy, till there was one erected by M. Acilius Glabrio to his Father, of

the Order of Knighthood, in the Temple of Piety: Which Temple he himself dedicated in the Consulship of Cor. Lentulus and M. Baebius Tamphilus; his father having obtain'd the end of his Vow, when he had o∣verthrown Antiochus at the Battle of Thermopylae.

2 The Civil Law was for many Ages concealed a∣mong the most sacred Arcana and Ceremonies of the immortal Gods, and only known to the High-Priests; but at last made common by Cn. Flavius a Scribe, whose Father was a Slave manumitted: He being also made the Charioter Aedil, though to the great offence and indignation of the Nobility that were Freemen born, first ordain'd the Publication of Holy-days. Coming to visit his Colleague that was sick, and none of the Nobles, of which the Room was full, rising to let him sit, he commanded his Seat of Office to be brought him; and so in vindication of his own Ho∣nour, and scorn of their Contempt, sate down.

3. The examination of Witchcraft, formerly un∣known to the Customs and Laws of the Romans, came to be in use upon the detection of several Crimes com∣mitted by certain ancient Matrons; who having se∣cretly poyson'd their Husbands, being at length disco∣vered by a Maid-servant, above an hundred and se∣venty suffer'd death.

4. The Colledge of Musicians drew the eyes of the common people upon them, being wont upon private and publick Spectacles to play in Consort, in vary-colour'd Habits and Masques. From thence they took farther liberty. Of old being forbid to diet in the Temple of Jupiter, which was the antient Custome, in great discontent they retired to Tibur. But the Senate not brooking the want of their service at the sacred Festivals, by their Ambassadors requested of the Tiburtines, that they would send um back to Rome. They refusing to go, the Tiburtines invited um to a

great Banquet, and while they were overcome with Sleep and Drink, put um in Carts, and sent um away. When they were return'd, they were restor'd to their former honour, and their priviledges of Play granted them. They us'd Masks, being asham'd of their be∣ing circumvented in drink.

5. The plain Diet of the Antients was a most cer∣tain sign of their Humanity and Continency. For then the greatest men took it for no discredit to Dine and Sup in open view. Nor had they any Banquets which they were asham'd to conceal from the eyes of the People. They were so addicted to Continence, that the use of Pulse was more frequent than Bread. And therefore that Cake, which was us'd in their Sacrifices, was made only of Barley and Salt. The Entrails were sprinkled with Barley; and they fed the Pullets whence they took their Omens, with Pulse. For of old, they thought the Offerings of their Diet, by how much the plainer it was, so much the more efficacious to appease the Gods.

6. Other Gods they ador'd, that they might do them good. But to the Disease Feaver they built a Temple, that she might do them the less hurt. Among which there was one in the Palatium, another in the Court of Marians Monuments, a third at the upper ••nd of the Long Village. And there were all Reme∣dies laid up, proper for the sick. These were found out by experience to asswage the heats of human rage, besides they preserv'd their Health by the most certain assistance of Industry: Frugality being as it were the ••other of their Sanity, an Enemy to luxurious Ban∣quets, and altogether averse from riotous drinking, and immoderate Venus.

CHAP. VI. Of Forreign Institutions.

• 1. Frugality of the Spar∣tans.
• 2. Their Military Custome.
• 3. The Athenian Custome against idle Persons.
• 4. Their Areopagus.
• 5. Their honour of Vertue.
• 6. Their punishment of In∣gratitude.
• 7. Various Institutions of the Massilienses.
• 8. The Ceii poysoning them∣selves.
• 9. The Law of the Massili∣enses concerning armed Strangers.
• 10. The Custome of the Gauls in lending.
• 11. The Custome of the Cim∣brians and Cel••••berians in their first Onsets.
• 12. The opinion of the Thra∣cians of the misfortunes of Life.
• 13 The mourning of the Ly∣cians.
• 14. The Fidelity of the Indi∣an Women to their Hus∣bands.
• 15. Prostitution of the Punic Women.
• 16. The Custome of the Persi∣ans in Education of Chil∣dren.
• 17. How the Numidian Kings preserved their Au∣thority.

1. THe City of Sparta follow'd the same Rules, be∣ing the nearest to the Gravity of our Ance∣stors: who continuing for some years most obedient to the severe Laws of Lycurgus, would by no means permit the eyes of their Citizens to behold the delica∣cies of Asia; lest being tempted with the Allurements of that Countrey, they should degenerate into a volu∣ptuous Life. For they had heard that all manner of Excess, all kind of unnecessary Pleasures did there a∣bound;

And that the Ionians were the first that used Anointing and giving Crowns and Garlands at Feasts, and brought up the custome of a Second Course, no small incitements to Luxury. And it is no wonder, that men delighting in Labour and Patience, would not that the most indissoluble Nerves of their Coun∣trey should be weakned and broken by the contagion of forreign Delicacies: finding it easier to decline from Vertue to Luxury, than to recede from Luxury to Vertue. Which that it was no vain fear of theirs, their Captain Pausanias made apparent, who after he had perform'd great Actions, was not asham'd to suffer his Fortitude to be softned with the effeminate Beha∣viour and Apparel of Asia.

2. The Armies of the same City were never wont to joyn Battle, till they had heated their Courage with the sound of their Flutes, whose Tunes went all in Anapaestic measures, whereby they were taught to assail: their Enemies with smart and thick Blows. They also were wont to use Scarlet Coats, to hide the Blood of their Wounds. Not that the sight thereof was any terror to them, but that their Enemies should gain no heart or Courage thereby.

3. Remarkable was the Valour of the Lacedaemo∣nians in War; yet no less memorable were the most prudent Customes of the Athenians in Peace: Among whom Sloath was ferreted out of her lurking holes, and brought to receive punishment as a Criminal, in their publick Courts of Justice.

4. There was also among them a most sacred Councel, call'd the Areopagus, where diligent enquiry was wont to be made; what course of life every one took, and what every one did to maintain themselves; that men might be induced to follow honesty, finding so severe accompt was taken of their Actions.

5. This Council first introduced the custome of

giving Crowns to vertuous Citizens, encircling first the famous Brows of Pericles, with two little wreaths of Olive. A noble Institution, whether we look at the thing, or the Person. For Honour is the most fruitful nourishm••nt of Vertue; and Pericles a most worthy person for Posterity to take the example of giving Honour to desert.

6. What shall we say of that most memorable In∣stitution among the A henians? When a Servant ma∣numitted by his Patron, and afterwards convicted by him of Ingratitude, the Servant was thereupon de∣prived of his Liberty. We dismiss thee, said the Coun∣cel, an impious contemner of so great a gift. Nor could they be induced to believe that he would prove a pro∣fitable Member of the City, who was so wicked in his own Family. Be gone therefore, and be a Servant, that knowest not the value of being free.

7. The Massilians likewise to this day retain a very great strictness in Discipline, through their observance of antient Customes, eminent for their love to the Ro∣mans. They perm t a man to make void the liberty which he has given to his Servant, if they finde the Servant to have deceived the Master three times. The fourth time they give no relief to the Master, whose own fault it was to let himself be injur'd so often. The same City is also a most strict observer of Severity; for they give no admission to Mimicks to come upon the Stage, the subject of whose Plays consisting generally in relations of Adulteries, lest the Custome of behold∣ing should beget a Custome of committing the crime. They shut their doors against all that beg under pre∣tence of Religion; esteeming Simulation and Super∣stition two things not to be endur'd. The Sword with which Criminals are put to death, hath been there ever since the City was built, so rusty, that it is scarce fit for the purpose, but still remains to shew the

great veneration which they give to antient Monu∣ments.

There are also two Cossins at their Gates, in the one of which they put the bodies of Free-men, in the other of Servants, and so put them in a Cart to be carried to the Grave: the Funeral is p••rformed with∣out lamentations or crying for the Dead, making only a domestick Sacrifice, and providing a Collation for the Kindred. For what avails it to indulge Human Passion, or to envy the Gods, because they would not share their Immortality with us? Poyson is also kept in the City, and is given to those who give sufficient reason to the Six Hundred (that is the name of their Senate) why they desire to die. Manly Courage be∣ing temper'd with Kindness, while the Senate takes care that they do not inconsiderately make away them∣selves, yet are willing to give as easie a Death as may be to those that upon good grounds desire it.

8. Which Custome I believe not to have had its orginal in Gaul, but to have been brought out of Greece, finding it to have been observ'd in the Island of Ceum, at what time going for Asia with Sextus Pompeius, I came to the City of Julida. It happened that there was in the City a Woman of very great Quality, but very aged, that had resolved, after ac∣compt given to the Senate why she desired to live no longer, to make her self away with Poyson, thinking her Death would be more famous through the pre∣sence of Pompey. Nor could he, a person full of all Vertue, and of a sweet disposition, refuse her Petition. And therefore after he had in a most eloquent Orati∣on, that dropt from his lips like Honey, us'd all the perswasions that might be to disswade her from her purpose, and saw he could not prevail, he permitted her to take her course. So having past▪ the Ninetieth year of her Age, with a great magnan••mity and

chearful Countenance, throwing her self upon a Bed, which was more gayly trimm'd than ordinary, and leaning upon her Elbow, beholding Pompey, The Gods, said she, whom I leave behind▪ not those to which I am going, give thee thanks; because thou neither dost exhort me to live, nor loath to see me die. As for my self, who have always been in Fortunes favour, lest out of a de∣sire of life I should finde her frowns, I am willing to change the remnant of my breath for a happy conclusion, leaving bebind me two Daughters, and seaven Grand children. After that exhorting them all to Unity, and dividing her Estate among them, giving her Cloaths and Do∣mestick Sacrata to her Eldest Daughter, with a won∣derful chearfulness she took the Cup wherein the Poy∣son was mixt, in her right hand: Then pouring out her Offerings to Mercury, and invoking his Deity to grant her a pleasant Journey to the best part of the Infernal Region, greedily she drank the Potion off. Then as the Poyson seized her particular parts, she told us; and when she found it approaching to her Bowels and Heart, she call'd her Daughters to do their last Duty of closing her Eyes. Our People admiring at so strange a sight, departed with tears however in their Eyes.

9. But to return to the City of the Massilians, from whence this Digression made us wander; There is no person to enter their City with a Dart: But going forth again, he that received it is ready to return it again; endeavouring thereby to make their Entertain∣ment as safe as courteous.

10. Going out of their Walls, we meet an antient Custome of the Gauls, who were wont to lend Money, to receive it again in the other World; being per∣swaded of the truth of the Immortality of the Soul. I should call them fools, but that they were of the same opinion as Pythagoras.

11. The Philosophy of the Gauls was covetous and usurious; that of the Cimbrians and Celtiberians cou∣ragious and resolute; who in Battle-array rejoyced that they should gloriously and happily die, but upon their Death-beds lamented that they should perish poorly in shame and misery. For the Celtiberians thought it a crime to survive in Battle, when any Friend was slain, for whose preservation he had de∣voted his life.

12. But the People of Thrace deservedly challenge to themselves the praise of Wisdome, who at the Birth of Children weep, at the Funerals of Men re∣joyce; taught by no other Precepts than the true condition of Human Nature. And therefore, let all Creatures but extinguish in themselves the love of Life, which compels them to act and suffer many ugly things, especially when it lies in their power to make a happy and blessed end of living.

13. Wherefore the Lycians, when they have any occasion of lamentation, put on Womens Apparel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that being moved with the deformity of the Habit, it might be a motive to them to make a quicker end of their sorrow.

14. But why should I insist longer upon the praise of Men, though most couragious in this kind of pru∣dence? Let us observe the Indian Women, where it was the Custome for one Man to have many Wives. Among whom so soon as the Husband died, there us'd to be great strife and contention, which was the best belov'd by the dead. She that gets the Victory, tri∣umphing for joy, is led by her Kindred to her Hus∣bands Funeral Pile; which being set on fire, with a chearful and smiling Countenance, the throws herself into the midst of the flames, and is burnt with her Husband, accounting herself most happy in her end. Bring forth the Cimbrian boldness, adde to that the

Celtiberian faith, to this joyn the generous wisdom of Thrace, not forgetting the cunning custome of the Lycians in Mourning; there is none of these that ex∣cels the Indian Funeral, into which the pious Wife, assured to die, enters, as into her Nuptial Bed.

15. To their glory I will adde the infamy of the Carthaginian Dames, that by comparison it may ap∣pear more odious. They had among um the Temple of Dry Venus, where the Matrons were wont to meet. There, by the injury of their Bodies, they were wont to raise themselves Portions; accounting it no disho∣nour, to tie the honest Marriage-Knot with such a dishonest Band.

16. But the Custome of the Persians was more lau∣dable, who were never wont to see their Children, till they were Seven Years old; that so they might the more easily brook their loss, if they died in their In∣fancy.

17. Nor was the Custome of the Numidian Kings to be blam'd, who were never accustom'd to give a Kiss to any Mortal. Esteeming it fitting, that Soveraign Authority should be void of all common and familiar Customes, that might lessen the Reverence due to Ma∣jes••y.

CHAP. VII. Of Military Discipline.

Observed by the Ro∣mans.

• 1. P. Scipio Emilianus Cos.
• 2. Q. Metellus Numidicus.
• 3. P. Rupilius Cos.
• 4. Caius Cotta.
• 5. Q. Fulvius Flaccus Cen∣sor.
• 6. A. Posthumius Tubertus Dictator, and T. Manlius Torquatus.
• 7. Quintus Cincinnatus Dictator.
• 8. Q. Papirius Cursor Dict.
• 9. L. Calpurnius Piso Cos.
• 10. Q. Metellus Proconsul.
• 11. Q. Fabius Maximus Proconsul.
• 12. P. African the Greater.
• 13. P. African the Less.
• 14. L. Emilius Paulus Proc.
• 15. The Roman Senate.

External.

• 1. The Carthaginian Se∣nate.
• 2. Clearchus Captain of the Spartans.

I Now come to the principal Glory, and chief esta∣blishment of the Roman Empire, remaining to this day in a healthy continuance of inviolable Liberty, knit together with most firm and lasting cords of her Military Discipline, in the safeguard of whose bosome Peace and Tranquillity securely repose.

1. Pub. Cornelius Scipio, who received his Sirname from the ruine of Carthage, being sent Consul into Spain, that he might curb the insolent spirit of the Citizens of Numantium, grown proud and lofty through the r••••nisness of the Captains his Predecessors, the same moment that he entred the Camp, made a Law, that

they should throw away all things whatsoever which they had about them, that was only for bravery and pleasure, and otherwife unnecessary. Whereupon there were above two thousand Whores, Sutlers and Huck∣sters turn'd out of the Camp. Upon which the Army, being clear'd of all that luggage and filth, that lately for fear of death had sham'd themselves with an ignomi∣mous Truce, now refresh'd, and recovering new vi∣gour and courage, in a short time laid the fierce and haughty Numantium level with the ground. Thus Mancinus miserably surrendring himself, was an ar∣gument of Discipline Neglected; Scipio gloriously triumphing, publish'd the reward of Discipline Re∣vived.

2. Metellus following his example, when in the War with Jugurth he took the command of the Army as Consul, corrupted through the Lenity of Albinus, labour'd with all his might to recover the antient Discipline. Nor did he aim at particular parts, but immediately reduced the whole into Order. First he remov'd the Sutlers out of the Camp, and forbid Meat ready drest to be fold. He permitted none of the Souldiers to have Servants or Horses to carry their Arms, or to fetch or provide um Victuals. Then he changed the place of the Camp, and fortified himself in the same manner, as if Jugurth had been at hand, with Ditch and Breast-work. Now what was the event of Continence restored, and Industry revived? It obtain'd frequent Victories, and innumerable Tro∣phies from that Enemy, whose back under an ambi∣tious Commander, it had not been the good fortune of the Roman Souldiers to see before.

3. Nor did they a little countenance Military Disci∣pline, who not regarding the affectionate ties of Kin∣dred, did not refuse to revenge the breach and neglect thereof to the infamy of their Families. For Publius

Rupilius the Consul, in that War which he wag'd in Sicily against the Fugitives, banished his Son-in-Law out of his Province, for loosing negligently the Castle of Taurominitanum.

4. Caius Cotta caus'd Pub. Aurelius Pecuniola, his near Relation, to be publickly whipt (or rather run the Gauntlet) & to serve as a common Souldier afterwards, for that through his fault, in the absence of the Consul, who going to Messana to consult the Auguries, had left him in command of the Army, the Fortification was burnt, and the Camp almost taken.

5. Quintus Fulvius Censor turn'd his Brother out of the Senate, for that he had presumed to s••nd home a Cohort of the Legion▪ wherein he was a Tribune, without the leave of the Consul. What more difficult for a man to do, than to send back with ignominy to his Country a person nearly related by Family and Marriage; or to use the severity of Stripes to a person allied in a long series of Blood and Kindred; or to bend his Censors frown upon the dear Relation of a Bro∣ther?

6. But our City, which hath fill'd the world with wonderful Examples of all sorts, with a double face beholds her Axes reeking with the Blood of her Com∣manders, lest the disturbance of Military Discipline should go unpunish'd, pompous abroad, but the cause of private grief enough; uncertain whether to per∣form the office of congratulating or comforting. And therefore with doubtful thoughts have I coupled you two together, most severe observers of Warlike Disci∣pline, Posthumus Tubertus, and Manlius Torquatus; For I apprehend a fear of sinking under that weight of Praise which ye have merited, and discovering the weakenss of my Wit, while I presume to represent your Vertue as it should be. For thou, O Posthumus Dictator, didst cause thy victorious Son Aulus Post∣humus

to be beheaded; thy Son whom thou didst be∣get to propagate the succession of thy renowned Race, and the secret instructions of thy most sacred traditi∣ons, the allurements of whose infancy thou hadst che∣rish'd in thy Bosome and with thy Kisses, whom a Child thou hadst instructed in Learning, a Man in Arms; good, couragious, and obedient both to thee and to his Countrey; only because without thy com∣mand, without thy leave, he had overthrown his ene∣mies, thy fatherly command was the Executioner. For I am certain, thine eyes, orewhelm'd with darkenss in the brightest light, could not behold the great work of thy mind. But thou Manlius Torquatus, Consul in the Latine War, didst command thy Son to be carried away by the Officer, and to be slain like a Sacrifice, though he obtain'd a noble Victory, for that he had presum'd to fight with Geminius Metius Captain of the Tuscans, when provoked to the Com∣bat by him. Esteeming it better, that a Father should want a couragious Son, than thy Countrey want Military Discipline.

7. Again, of what spirit think ye was Quintus Cincinnatus the Dictator, at that time when the Aequi being vanquished▪ he compelled Minutius to lay down the Consulship, because the Enemies had besieged his Camp? For he thought him unworthy the greatest command, whom ••ot his Virtue, but his Trenches and his Breastworks secur'd, and who was not ashamed to see the Roman Arms, trembling for fear, shut up in their Turn-pikes. Thus the most commanding twelve Fasces, with whom remain'd the chief honour of the Senate, of the Order of Knighthood, of all the Peo∣ple, with whose Nod all Latium, and all the strength of Italy was govern'd, now shatter'd and broken, sub∣mitted to the punishing authority of the Dictatorship. And lest the breach of Military Honour should go un∣punish'd,

the Consul, punisher of all Crimes, must himself be punished. By these Propitiatory Sacrifices, as I may so say, O Mars the Father of our Empire, when we degenerated from thy auspicious Discipline, thy Deity was appeas'd: By the infamy of Kindred, Rela∣tions and Brothers, by the murder of Sons, and the ignominious degrading of Consuls.

8. To the same purpose is that which follows. Pa∣pirius Cursor Dictator, when Q. Fabius Rullianus Ma∣ster of the Horse had contrary to his command brought forth the Army to Battle, though he return'd a Victor over the Samnites, yet neither mov'd with his Virtue, with his Success, nor with his Nobility, he caus'd the Rods to be made ready, and the Conquerour to be stript. A spectacle of wonder to behold Rul∣lianus, Master of the Horse, and a victorious General, his Cloaths pull'd off, his Body naked, to be lacerated with the stripes of an Executioner, to no other end than to sprinkle the glorious honour of his Victories, so lately obtain'd, with the fresh Blood of those Wounds, which he had received in the Field, drawn from his Body by the knotted stripes of the Lictor. At length the Army, mov'd by his Prayers, gave him the Oppor∣tunity of flying into the City, where in vain he im∣plored the aid of the Senate; for Papirius notwith∣standing persever'd in requiring his punishment, Wherefore his Father, after having been Dictator, and three times Consul, was compell'd to appeal to the People, and upon his Knees to beg the assistance of the Tribunes in the behalf of his Son. Neither by this means could the Severity of Papirius be restain'd; but being intreated by the whole City, and by the Tribunes themselves, made a protestation, that he forgave the Punishment mot to Fabius, but to the City of Rome, and the Authority of the Tribunes.

9. L. Calpurnius Piso also being Consul, being in

Sicily making war against the Fugitives, when C. Ti∣tius Commander of the Horse being environ'd and op∣press'd by the multitude of the Enemy, had with the rest of his Souldiers deliver'd their Arms to the Ene∣my, he punisht him with several marks of Ignominy: He commanded him to march barefoot, in the first Ranks, from Morning till Night, with a Jacket, the skirts whereof were cut off, and his Cloak slit from top to bottom: he forbad him also the converse of Men, and use of Baths; and the Troops which he commanded having taken away their Horses, he divided them among the Slingers. Thus to his great honour did Piso revenge the great dishonour of his Countrey, having brought it so to pass, that they who out of a desire of Life, and deserving to be han∣ged, had suffer'd their Arms to become the Trophies of Fugitives, and were not ashamed to permit the ignominious youk of Servitude to be laid upon their Liberty by the hands of Slaves, might experience the bitter enjoyment of Life, and covet that Death which they had so effeminately avoided.

10. Not less than that of Piso was the proceeding of Q. Metellus; who at the Battle of Contrebia having placed five Cohorts in a certain station, and seeing them retire through the multitude of their Enemies, he commanded them immed••••••••••y to endeavour to re∣cover their ground again; withal severely adding, that is any of them flying were found in the Camp, he should be used as an Enemy; not hoping by this means to regain what they had lost, but to punish them with the manifest hazards of the ensuing Com∣bat: Yet they having received this check, weary as they were, having no other encouragement but De∣spair, renewed the fight, and with the slaughter of their Enemies recover'd their station. So that there is nothing like Necessity to harden humane imbecillity.

11. In the same Province, Q. Fabius the Great being desirous to bring down the fierce pride of a most haughty P••ople, forc'd his gentle disposition for a time to lay aside all Clemency, and to use himself to utmost Rigour and Severity. For he cut ••ff t••e hands of all those that ran out of any G••rrison of the Ro∣mans and were taken: That the sight of their maimed Limbs might b••eed in o••hers a fear of r••volting. For those rebellions H••••ds cut ••rom ••heir Bod••es, and scatter'd upon the b••oody Earth, ••aught others to be∣ware how th••y commi••ted the ••••ke Tr••asons.

12. Nothing could be m••••e milde than the Elder Africanus; yet for the establishm nt ••f Military Disci∣pline, he thought it conv••ni••n•• to b••r••ow som••thing of Severity from his own natural Lenity. For having taken Carthage▪ and gotten ••••••o his power all tho•••• that had fled from the Romans to the Carthaginians, he more severely punisht the Roman than the Latin Fu∣gitives. For the first, as Deserters of their Countrey, he nail'd to the Cross; the other, as perfidious Allies he only b••head••d. I shall not urge this act any far∣ther, both because it was Scipio's, and for that it is not fitting that a s••rvile Punishment should insult over Roman blo••d, though deserv••d y••••h••d, esp••cially when we may, pass to othe•• relations not dipt in domestick Gore.

13. For the la••ter Asricanus, the Carthaginian Power being d••stroy'd, made the Fugitives of other Nations to fig••t with Beasts in the publick Shews which he mad•• for the people.

14. Lu. Emilius Paulus, after he had vanquished Perseus, c••us'd ••••l those that he had taken that were guil••y of the same Crime to be ••hrown to the Ele∣phants, that by th••m th••y might be trod to death. A most profitable Example, if we may be permitted mo∣destly to judge of the actions of the greatest men with∣out

out reproof. For Military Discipline requires a severe and quick way of punishment: For force consists of Arms, which when they grow disobedient will soon oppress others, unless they be brought low them∣selves.

15. But it is now time to make mention, not of what has been acted by particular men, but what order the whole Senate took to preserve and defend their Military Discipline. Lucius Marcius Tribune of the People having with wonderful courage got together the remains of the two Armies of P. and Cn. Scipio's, which the victorious Carthaginians had almost ruin'd, and being by them unanimously made General, writing to the Senate a relation of his transactions he thus be∣gin: L. Marcius Propretor. Which usurp'd Title the Senate would not permit him to take, knowing that it was the Custome for the People, not the Ar∣mies, to choose the General. Which being a time that the Common-wealth was in great danger, and had sustain'd great Loss••s, one would have thought they should have rather flat••er'd the Tribune, who they saw so fairly acting for the restauration of their former Honour. But no Overthrow, no Merit could sway the Senate more than their Military Discipline. And we may remember what a couragious Severity their Ancestors us'd in the Tarentine War: Wherein the Forces of the Common-wealth being very much weakned and broken, when they had receiv'd a great number of their Captive Fellow-Citizens, which Pyr∣rhus had sent them of his own accord; they decreed, that they who had serv'd on Horseback, should serve among the Foot; and they who had served as Foot, should be listed among the Slingers. Moreover, that none of um should come within the Camp, nor be permitted to for••ifie the place assign'd them without the Camp, nor that any of um should make use of a Tent

made of Skins. But they propound••d the Ancient Custome of Military Discipline to all those that took Double Spoils from the Enemy. These Punishments made them, that were late the deformed Gifts of Pyrrhus, to be his most eager and fierce Enemies. The same rigour did the Senate use toward them that de∣serted the Common-wealth at Cannae: For when by the strictness of their D••cree th••y had reduced them to a worse condition than th••y who are dead, and at the same time had receiv••d Let••ers from Marcellus that they would send um to him, to assist him in the storm of Syracuse; the Senate wrote ba••k, that th••y were not worthy to be admitted into his Camp. But th••y would send um to him, provided he would do with um as befitted the honour of the Common-wealth, That they should never receive any Military Reward, nor be permitted to return into Italy while there were any Enemies therein. Thus has Virtue alwaies despis'd pusillanimous minds. How hainously was the Senate offend••d that the Souldiers suff••r'd Q. Pe∣tellius the Consul, most couragiously fighting against the Ligurians, to be slain? For they would n••ither let the Stipend of the Legion go on, nor pay them any Arrears, for that they had not offer'd their Bodies to the Darts of their Enemies for the safety of their Emperour. And that Decree of so noble an Order remains a glorious and eternal Monument of Petellius fame, under which his Ashes rest renowned in the Fi••ld by his Death, in the Senate by their Revenge. With the same Courage, when Hannibal sent them the liberty to redeem Six Thousand Romans which he had taken, and which were Prisoners in his Camp, they scorn'd his Kindness; well knowing, that if Six Thousand Young-men had resolv'd to die bravely, they could not have been taken basely. So that it

was hard to say, which redounded most to their Igno∣miny, that their Countrey had so little esteem and ••a••e of th••m, or that their Enemies shewed so little fear of them. But if at any time the Senate shew'd themselves severe in the maintenance of Military Disci∣pline, certainly then they did it in a high measure, when they imprison'd the Souldiers that had rebe∣liously poss••ss'd th••mselves of Rhegium, and Jubellius their Captain being dead, had of their own heads chosen M Caesius his Secretary for their Lead••r; and notwithstanding that M. Fulvius Flaccus tribune of the People declar'd that they proceeded contrary to the Custome of their Ancestors, yet persisted in their resolution. However, that they might act with less envy, they order Five Hundred after they had been whipt for s••veral successive daies to be beheaded, or∣dering their Bodies to be buried, and forbidding any Lamentation or Mourning to be made for them.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. This, Conscript Fathers, was gentle and full of mildness, if we consider the violence of the Carthagi∣nian Senate in ord••ring then Warlike Affairs; whose Captains imprudently managing a War, though it proved success••ul, were neverth••l••ss nayl'd to the Cross: Imputing what th••y did well, to the assisting Favour of the Gods; what they did amiss, to their own Miscarriage.

2. Clearchus, Captain of the Lacedeamonians, pre∣serv'd his Military Discipline by a ••amous and notable Saying, continually pealing into the ears of his Soul∣diers, that they ought to fear their General far more than the Enemy. Openly declaring, that they must expect to suffer the same pains flying, which they were fearful to r••ceive in fight. Nor did they admire to be

thus threatned by their Captain, when they call'd to mind their Mothers language, who when they went to Battle were wont to admonish um, that they should either return alive with their Arms, or else be brought back dead with their Arms. Thus instructed within their own houses, the Spartans us'd to fight. But e∣nough of these Forreign Examples, having more plen∣tiful, and those more happy, to glory in of our own.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Right of Triumphing.

• 1. Two Laws concerning Triumphs.
• 2. The Contentions of C. Lutatius Consul, and Q. Valerius Praetor a∣bout Triumphing.
• 3. Cn. Fulvius Flaccus de∣spising his Triumph.
• 4. Why Triumph denied to Q. Fulvius and L. Opi∣mius.
• 5. Why also to Pub. Sci∣pio the Greater, and M. Marcellus.
• 6. The Banquets of those that Triumphed.
• 7. Of those that never Tri∣umph'd upon a Civil Victory.

MIlitary Discipline being vigorously maintain'd, was that which won all Italy to the Roman Empire, together with the command of many Cities, great Kings, and mighty Nations; open'd the Streights of the Pontick Sea, deliver'd up the Barricadoes and Fortr••sses of the Alps and the vast Mountain Taurus; and of a little Cottage of Romulus, made it the Pillar of the whole World. Out of whose bosome since so many Triumphs have flowed, it seems seasonable now to discourse of the Right of Triumphing.

1. Some Commanders have requir'd Triumphs to be decreed them for light Battels: and therefore there was a Law made▪ that no Captain should triumph unless he had sl••m Five Thousand of his Enemies in one Set Field. For our Ancestors beli••v'd, that the Glory of our City consisted not in the Number, but in the Glory and Magnificence of h••r Triumphs. And lest so brave a Law might c••me to be obliterated by too greedy a desire of the Lawrel, it was supported with another Law, which L. Marius and M. Cato Tribunes of the People brought in. For that made it criminal for any Emp••rour to multiply in their Let∣ters to the Senate, the number of Enemies slain or Citizens lost. And th••y were also commanded assoon as th••y enter'd into the City, to swear before the City-Questors to the truth of what th••y had written to the Senate.

2. Having mention'd these Laws, it will be seaso∣nable to relate what was adjudged thereupon, wherein the Right of Triumphing was discuss'd and debated among most worthy Personages. C. Lutatius the Consul and Q. Valerius the Praetor had overthrown and utterly ruin'd a very great Navy of the Carthagi∣nians near the Coast of Sicily, wh••reupon the Senate decreed a Triumph to Lutatius the Consul. But when Valerius requested that a Triumph might be granted to him, Lutatius withstood it, lest through the honour of Triumph, the lesser Authority should be made equal to the grea••er. The contention grow∣ing higher and higher, Valerius sues Lutatius, pre∣tending that the Carthaginian Navy was not over∣thrown by his Conduct. Lutatius puts in Sureties to auswer. The Judge betw••en them Atilius Calatinus mee••s, before whom Valerius pleads, that the Consul was lame and lay in his Latter, and that he p••rform'd all the Offices of the General. Then Calatinus before

Lutatius made his defence: Tell me (••••••d he) Valerius, if you two were of contrary opinions whether to fight or not, wheth••r wer•• the comm••n•• of the Consul or the Pr••tor to be ••b••••'d? Val••ri•••• ••••••w••r••d, that he could not deny 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Cons••l was ••h••••••ly to be ob••y'd. Ag••in, said Calatinus▪ ••f the C•••••••••••• and your Omens were di••••••rent, which were fi••st ••o b•• follow'd? The Consuls, r••p••••••d Valerius. Then said the Judge, See∣ing that up••n th••se ••wo Qu••st••o••s, about the Chi••f Comm••nd ••nd th•• P••io••••ty of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us, thou Valerius hast conf••st thy Adv••••sa••y to be s••p••r••o••r in both▪ I am not to m••k•• any furtg•••• do••••. And ••h••r∣fore, Lutatius, though you have as y••t made no De∣fence, I give judgment on your behalf. A Noble Judge, that in a business that was apparent, would not spend and trifle away his time. More probable and justifiable was the Cause of Lutatius, who d••f••n∣ded the Right of a most Soveraign Honour. Yet was it not ill done of Valerius to r••quire the Rew••rd of a prosperous and co••ragiously fought Battle; though it were not so lawfully d••mand••d by him as by the o∣ther.

3. What shall we say to Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, who when the S••nate had decreed him the Honour of Tri∣umph, so much coveted by oth••rs, y••t contemn'd and refus'd i••? H••ving enough to ••o with other things that besel him. For he no soones enter'd the City, but he was vext with publick ••ros••cutions, and at l••ng••h was s••nt into Ex••le, to exp••a•••• the offenc••s which he had committed for wan•• of R••ligion.

4. Wis••r th••r••fore were Q. Fulvius and L. Opimius, the ••••rst o•• which having ta•••••• Capua, and the lat••••r fo••c'd the Fregellans to a surrender, both r••qu••st••d of the S n••te lib••rty to Triumph. Both had done great things, yet both m••ss••d of their d••sire. Not out of any ••nvy that the Conscript Fathers had against um,

but out of their care of preserving the Right of the Law; whereby it was enacted, that Triumphs should be only decreed to those that had enlarged the Em∣pire, not to those who had only recovered what was in the poss••ssion of the Roman People before. For there is as much difference betwe••n adding what was not, and restoring what was, as there is betw••en the beginning of a good Turn and the end of an Injury.

5. This Law whereof I speak was so carefully ob∣served, that Triumphs were denied to P. Scipio and M. Marcellus, though the first had recover'd both Spains, and the latt••r had taken Syracuse; by reason that they were sent to the management of those af∣fairs, without being advan••'d to any publick Office of Magistracy. Spain ravish'd from the Empire of Car∣thage, and the Head of Sicily cut off, yet could not the Commanders joyn their Triumphal Chariots. But to whom? To Scipio and Marcellus, whose very Names res••mbl••d an eternal Triumph. But the Se∣nate, though they coveted nothing more than to see crowu'd those Authors of solid and true Vertue car∣rying upon their shoulders the safety of their Coun∣trey, thought better to reserve them for a more justly menrited Lawrel.

6. In this place I am to adde, that it was the Cu∣stome for the General that triumph'd to invite the Consuls to Supper, and for them so invited not to go; that no person on the Day of Triumph should appear of greater Authority, at the same Feast, than the Tri∣umpher.

7. But though any Commander had done great things and never so profitable to the Common-wealth in a Civil War, yet he was not to have the Title of Imperator, neither were any Supplications or Thanks∣givings decreed for him, nor was he to Triumph ei∣ther in Chariot or Ovant. For though such Victories

were necessary, yet they were full of Calamity and Sorrow, not obtain'd with Forraign Blood, but with the slaughter of their Countreymen. Mournful there∣fore were the Victories of Nasica over T. Gracchus, and of Opimius over C. Gracchus. And therefore Catulus having vanquish'd his Colleague Lepidus, with the ha∣vock of all his Followers, return'd to the City, shew∣ing only a moderate joy. Caius Antonius also, the Conquerour of Catiline, brought back his Army to their Camp with their Swords clean wash'd. Cinna and Marius greedily drank Civil Blood, but did not presently apply themselves to the Altars and Temples of the Gods. Sylla also, who made the greatest Civil Wars, and whose Success was most cruel and inhu∣mane, though he triumpht in the height of his power, yet as he carried many Cities of Greece and Asia, so shew••d not one Town of the Roman Citizen.

I am grieved and weary of ripping up the Wounds of the Common-wealth. The Senate never gave to any one, nor did any one disire it, while the Fathers of the City wept. But every one stretched out his hand for the Oaken Garland, which was the Reward of him that had saved the Life of a Citizen. After∣wards the eternal glory of the Imperial Family.

CHAP. IX. Of the Severity of the Censors.

• 1. Of Camillus and Post∣humius towards the Batchelours.
• 2. Of Valerius Maximus and C. Junius Brutus toward Antonius.
• 3. Of Cato toward Flami∣nius.
• 4. Of Fabricius toward Rufinus.

• 5. Of M. Ant. and L. Flac∣cus toward Domitius.
• 6. Of Nero and Salinator to themselves and to the People of Rome.
• 7. Of Messala and Sem∣pronius to the four hun∣dred Knights.
• 8. Of M. Regulus and P. Philius toward the re∣mains at Cannae.
• 9. Who after they were blemisht came to the Cen∣sorship.

THe most indissoluble Cord of Military Discipline, and the strict observation of the same, admonish me to pass from thence to the Censorship, the Mistriss and Guardian of Peace. For as the wealth of the People of Rome, by vertue of their Commanders, in∣creast to such a vastness; so their Modesty, Contigen∣cy and Conversations were examin'd by the Censors Severity. A work equalling the glory of Military Actions. For what avails it to be couragious abroad, and live ill at home? To take Cities, conquer Na∣tions, and lay violent hands on Kingdoms, unless there be Reverence, Justice and Honour in the Courts of Law and Council? For unless that be, Riches hea∣ped unto the SKy will have no stable Foundation. Necessary it is therefore to know these things, and to record the Acts of the Censors Authority.

1. Camillus and Posthumius, being Censors, com∣manded them that lived unmarried till they were old, to bring a sum of Money into the Treasury by way of Penalty: deeming them worthy of further punish∣ment, if they should complain of so just a Constitution. Justly taxing them for not observing the Law of Na∣ture in begetting, seeing they had receiv'd Natures be∣nefit in being born. Seeing also that their Parents, by bringing them up, had oblig'd them to a debt of con∣tinuing th••ir Off-spring. To this they added, that For∣tune had given um a long time to cxercise that Duty, and yet they to deprive themselves of the name both

of a Father and a Husband. Go therefore, said they, and pay that which may be useful to the numerous Po∣sterity of others.

2. This Severity M. Valerius Maximus and C. Ju∣nius Bubulcus Brutus imitating in a punishment of the same nature, put L. Antonius out of the Senat••, for that he had repudiated a Virgin, whom he had married without consulting any of his Friends. But whether this Crime were greater than the former, I know not well to determine: though this may be said, that by the former the sacred Rites of Matrimo∣ny were only contemn'd, by the latter injur'd. With great prudence therefore the Censors thought him un∣worthy to have admission into the Senate.

3. Thus Portius Cato removed L. Flaminius out of the number of the Senators, for that he had in his Province caus'd a condemn'd p••rson to loose his Head; choosing the time of ••xecution at the will and for the sight of a Woman with whom he was in love. He might have been forborn in respect of the Consulship which he had born, and the authority of his Brother T. Flaminius. But the Censor and Cato to shew a double example of Severity, thought him rather to be degraded, because he had with so notorious and foul a crime defil'd the Majesty of so great and high an Authority; and that he had thought it a slight mat∣ter, to give same respect to the eyes of an Harlot delighted with humane Blood, and the suppliant hands of King Philip.

4. Why should I m••ntion the Censorship of Fa∣bricius Luscinus? All ag••s have told us, and will still declare to us, that Cornelius Ru••••aus was by him turn'd out of the Senate, because he had bought some Silver Houshold-stuff, to the value of ten Pounds, as afford∣ing a bad example of Luxury.

5. M. Antonius and L. Flaccus remov'd Duronius

from the Senate, because he had abrogated a Law, whereby the costs of Banquets was limited, with very good reason for so doing. For how impudently did Duronius in the Pulpits for Orations utter these words! There are bridles put into your mouths, most worthy Se∣nators, by no means to be endured. Ye are bound and hamper'd in the bitter shackles of Servitude. For there it a Law made, that ye ought to be frugal. Let us ab∣rogate therefore that command, so deformed with the rust of nasty Antiquity. For what need of Liberty, if they that will kill themselves with Luxury, may not?

6. Let us now produce a pair, linked together with the same Chain of Vertue, and society in goodness, yet dissenting when they came to be struck with the hook of Emulation. Claudius Nero, and Livius Sali∣nator, in the second Punick-war, strong supports of the Commonwealth; yet how divided was their Censor∣ship! For when they numbered the Centuries of the Horse, of which number, by reason of the strength of their years, th••y themselves were, when they came to the Polian Tribe, the Cryer seeing the name of Sali∣nator, began to doubt with himself whether he should call him or no; which when Nero understood, he caused his Colleague not onely to be cited, but to sell his horse, because he was condemned by the judgement of the people. Salinator also prosecuted Nero with the same severity, giving this for a reason: Because he had not sincerely returned into Friendship with him. To whom if any of the Celestial Deities had signified that they in a long series of posterity should lay the foundation of our Guardian Princes Family, they would soon have entered into a strict League of indis∣soluble kindness, being such as were to leave their pre∣served Country to thirty divided Off-spring. But Sa∣linator adventured to cast thirty four Tribes among the Aerarii, because that having condemned him, they af∣terwards

made him Consul and Censor, pretending they must either be guilty of very great rashness or perjury. The Maetian Tribe onely he left void of dis∣grace, who by their Suffrages judged him neither to merit Condemning, or worthy of Honour. How constant and resolute a Genius had that man? who neither by the sad event of Condemnation, nor by the multiplication of H••nour, could be brought to carry himself otherwise than severely in the Administration of the Commonwealth!

7. Four hundred Young-men also of the Order of Knighthood, being a great part thereof, patiently un∣derwent the Censors Mark of disgrace; all which M. Valerius, and P. Sempronius, taking their horses from 'um, reduced into the Order of Aerarii, for that being Commanded to work at the Entrenchments, they ne∣glected to go.

8. Shameful Cowardise was likewise by the Cen∣sors severely punished: For Attilius Regulus, and Fu∣rius Philus, caused the Questor Metellus, and several Ro∣man Knights, to be degraded among the Aerarii, ta∣king their horses from 'um, because that after the over∣throw at Cannae, they had made a resolution to leave Italy; setting a great mark of Infamy upon them for a∣nother thing. For being taken by Hannibal, and af∣terwards by him sent as Embassadors for exchange of Prisoners, because they could not obtain their request, they would not return; but it was convenient for all of Roman blood to keep their Faith, wherefore Regulus the Censor noted them for Perjury; whose Father ra∣ther chose to suffer utmost torment, than break his word with the Carthaginians. This Censorship tran∣slated it self out of the City into the Camp, which would that the Enemy should neither be feared nor deceived.

9. Two Examples, being alike, we have thought fit

to adde. C. Geta being remov'd by L. Metellus and Cn. Domitius Censors from the Senate, was afterwards made Censor himself.

Also M. Valerius Messala having been disgraced by the Censor, was afterwards advanced to the Censors place. For such Disgrace sharpens Virtue: Shame stirring them up to use all their endeavors to become worthy Citizens, to whom the Censorship ought to be rather offer'd, than taken from them.

CHAP. X. Of Majesty. Of the ROMANS.

• 1. Q. Metellus Numidi∣cus before the Judges.
• 2. Of the Elder Africanus before Antiochus, and o∣thers.
• 3. Of Aemilius Paulus a∣mong the Macedonians.
• 4. Of the Greater Africa∣nus to the King Massi∣nissa and Carthagini∣ans.
• 5. Of Rutilius the Exile a∣mong the Cities of Asia.
• 6. Of Marius proscrib'd a∣mong the Minturnians.
• 7. Of Cato Uticensis in the Senate.
• 8. The same towards the People of Rome.

Of FORRAINERS.

• 1. Harmodius and Ari∣stogiton to Xerxes.
• 2. Xenocrates among the Athenians.

THere is also that Majesty among Illustrious Men, as it were a private Censorship, without the Honour of Tribunals, without the attendance of Offi∣cers, powerful in the obtaining of Greatness.

1. For what greater Honour could be given to any one, than what was given to Metellus, though he stood

accus'd of a Crime. For when he pleaded for himself upon a charge of Bribery, and his Accompts were de∣manded by his Accusers, and were brought forth to be inspected, the whole Council refused to look upon them, lest they should seem to doubt of the truth of any thing that was therein contained. For the Judges lookt upon the Life of so great a man, as an argu∣ment that he had prudently administred the Com∣mon-wealth. And though it an unworthy thing, to balance a little Wax and a few Writings with the In∣tegrity of so famous a Person.

2. But what wonder, that due honour was given to Metellus by his Fellow-citizens, which an enemy did not refrain to render to the Elder Africanus? For An∣tiochus, in the War which he made against the Romans, having taken his Son Prisoner, not onely honourably entertained him, but also sent him to his Father, laden with Royal Gifts, though he were then almost driven out of his Kingdom by him. But the enraged King rather chose to reverence the Majesty of so great a man, than revenge his own misfortune. To the same Africanus being retired to his Country-house in the Village of Liternium, several Captains of Pirates being in the same place, came to see him: He believing they came to do him some mischief, placed a Guard of his Domestick Servants upon the top of his house, being well prepared with force and courage to beat them off. Which when the said Captains perceived, immediately sending back their Souldiers, and throwing their Arms away, they approach to the Lord, declaring themselves to be his friends, requesting the sight and company of so great a man, as it had been a favour from Heaven, and desiring him to vouchsafe them the secure specta∣cle of his greatness. Which words when the Servants related to Scipio, he commanded the doors to be un∣lock'd, and the Captains to be let in; who reveren∣cing

the Threshold as it had been some sacred Altar, or Religious Temple, with great eagerness approach∣ed to kiss his hands. And after they had spent a long time in admiration of him, leaving great Gifts in the Porch, such as they us'd to offer to the Immortal Gods, they departed to their Ships. What could be more noble than this effect and fruit of Majesty? What more pleasing to behold or enjoy? His enemy appeas'd their wrath with admiration. His Presence stupified the joyful eyes of the Pyrats. Should the Stars falling from Heaven offer themselves to men, they could not be capable of greater adoration.

3. This hapned to Scipio being alive; this other to Aemilius Paulus being dead. For when his Funerals were celebrated, and that by chance certain Princes of Macedon were then abiding at Rome as Embassadors to the Senate, they willingly offer'd themselves to car∣ry the Funeral Bed. Which will seem so much the greater Honour, considering that the forepart of the Bier was adorn'd with the Trophies of his Macedonian Conquests. For how great must be the honour which they give to Paulus, whom they would not refuse to carry, with the Ensignes of their own calamity in the face of all the people! Which Spectacle added to his Funeral a resemblance of another Triumph. For thus did Macedon render thee, O Paulus, illustrious twice in our City: by their Spoils, safe and victorious; venerable in his Death, by their Shoulders.

4. Nor was it a small honour done to thy Son Scipio Aemilianus, whom thou giving in Adoption, wouldst have to be the Ornament of two Families. For being but a Young-man, and sent by Lucullus the Consul out of Spain into Africa, the Carthaginians and Massinissa made him Arbitrator of the conditions of Peace, as if he had been Consul and Emperour. Carthage ignorant of her Destiny: For that very glory

of aspiring Youth, by the indulgence of Gods and Men, was preferv'd for the ruine of that City. Inso∣much that being taken, it gave him the Sirname of Africanus; being destroyed, it occasion'd the rise of the Cornelian Family.

5. What more miserable than Condemnation and Exile? Yet the Conspiracy of the Publicans could not avail to diminish the Authority of Publius Rutilius. Who going into Asia, all the Cities of that Province, heating where he was retir'd, sent their Amb••ssadors to attend him. Who could now judge him an Exile, but rather a Triumphet in such a place?

6. Marius also, being cast down into the depth of utmost Misery, escapt out of the jaws of danger, by the benefit of his Majesty. For a publick Slave, a Cim∣brian by his Country, being sent to kill him, as he lay shut up in a private House in Minturnam, durst not attempt him, with his Sword drawn, though an old Man, unarm'd, and almost famisht; but struck blind with the brightness of his Countenance, he stung a∣way his Sword, and astonish'd and trembling ran away. For the Slaughter of the Cimbrians presented it self before his eyes; and the Calamity of his van∣quish'd Nation quell'd his Courage. The Immortal Gods deeming it an unworthy thing, that Marius should be slain by one single person of a Nation, who had subdued the whole. The Minturnians also taken with the Majesty of his Person, thoug•• now under the burthen on Misery, and unavoidable Destiny, yet preserv'd him safe: Nor could the most▪ severe Victory daunt them, for fear lest Sylla should revenge their preservation of Marius; though Marius himself might have been sufficient to deter them from preserving Marius.

7. The admiration also of the stout and vertuous Life of Percius Cato, render'd him so wonderful to the

Senate, who having prefix'd a day for the Publicans to answer, contrary to Caesar's will, and being there∣fore by his command carried by the Lictor to Prison, the whole Senate was not ashamed to follow him, which thing did not a little soften the perseverance of his divine Soul.

8. At another time, the same person beholding the Floral Plays which Messius the Aedil set forth, the people were ashamed to require that the Mimicks should appear naked; which when he understood from Favonius, his great friend, that sate close by him, he de∣parted out of the Theatre, left his presence should in∣terrupt the custome of the Show. Whose departure the people loudly applauding, renewed the ancient custome of Jesting in the Scenes; confessing that they attributed more to the Majesty of one man, than they claimed for the sake of the Generality. To what Riches, to what Power, to what Triumphs, was this priviledge granted before? A small Patrimony, Manners restrained within the bounds of Continence: a small train of Followers, a house shut against Ambition: One Image of his Pa∣ternal Genealogy; not the most comely Aspect, but a Vertue hightned with all perfections. Hence it was, that whoever would Characterize a just and famous Citizen, described him by the name of a Cato.

EXTERNAL.

1. We must give some place also to Forraign Ex∣amples, that being mix'd with those of our own Na∣tion, the variety may be the more delightful. Xerxes having taking the City of Athens, carried away the brazen Statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, who en∣deavoured to free that City from Tyranny; which a long time after Seleucus taking care to return to their proper places, when they came into the Haven of

Rhodes, the Rhodians inviting them that brought them into their City, laid the Statues upon the sacred Cu∣shions of the Gods. Nothing more happy than such a Memory, that gave so large a Veneration to a little Brass.

2. How great Honour was also given by the Athe∣nians to Xenocrates, famous for his equal Piety and Wisdome! who when he approached the Altar, being necessitated to give his testimony in confirmation that all which he had spoken was truth; all the Judges rose and forbid him openly to take his Oath, believing it proper to grant that to his Sincerity, which they were not to remit to themseves in the place of giving Sentence.

LIB. III.

CHAP. I. Of Towardliness.

Examples whereof a∣mong the Romans in

• 1. Emilius Lepidus, a boy.
• 2. Cato of U••ica.
• 3. Cassius Longinus.

EXTERNAL in

• 1. Alcibiades the Atheni∣an.

I Will now touch upon some certain Infancies and E∣lements of Vertue, and of a Soul that in process of time is to advance to the top of Glory: Relating the tastes thereof given from the certain Experiments of Towardliness.

1. Emilius Lepidus, yet a boy, going into the field, kill'd an Enemy, and sav'd a Citizen; in memory of which action there is in the Capitol a Statue garnish'd and girt with a Senator's virile Robe, by order of the Senate placed there; esteeming it unjust that he should not be of age for Honour, that was so ripe in Vertue. Lepidus prevented what was to Age ordained, by his Celerity in doing bravely; carrying away a double Ho∣nour out of the Battel, of which his years scarce ad∣mitted him to be a spectator: For the Arms of men preparing for Combat, drawn Swords, the flight of Darts, the noise of Horse-men charging, the furious violence of Armies joyning, strikes terrour into young

men. Among all which the childhood of the Emilian Family was able to deserve a Crown, by carrying a∣way the spoils of his Enemy.

2. This Courage was not wanting in the Childhood of M. Cato: For he being bred up in the house of M. Drusus his Uncle, the Latins came to him then Tribune of the people, requesting a City. At which time the boy being requested by Poppedius Prince of the Latins, lying at Drusus house, to speak on their behalf to his Uncle, with an unmov'd countenance made answer, He would not: and being again and again impor∣tun'd, continu'd in his resolve. Then Poppedius taking him up into the highest part of the house, threatned to throw him down headlong, unless he would yield to his request; but nothing could make him alter his mind: Which made them cry out, Happy is it for us Latins, and Allies, that this is but a Youth, from whom were he a Senator, it were imp••ssible for us to obtain our Petition. For in his tender minde Cato retain'd the Gravity of the whole Court; and by his perseverance frustrated the Latins, who had a desire to learn the Laws and Cu∣stoms of our City.

The same person coming in his Virile Robe to kiss the hand of Sylla, and seeing the heads of the proscri∣bed persons brought into the Porch of his house, mo∣ved with the horridness of the Spectacle, asked his School-master Sarpe•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there was no body to be sound that would kill so great a Tyrant? Who ma∣king answer, That men wanted not will, but oppor∣tunity, his person being so strongly guarded; The Lad d••sired he might have a Sword given him, affirming, He could easily kill him, as being wont to fit upon his bed-side. His master perceived his courage, but would not allow of his intention; and aferwards always brought him to Sylla to be ••xamined. Nothing than this more admirable. A Lad taken in the Work-house

of Cruelty, fear'd not a Victor, who at that time murder'd Consuls, whole Towns, Legions, and the greatest part of the Order of Knighthood. Had Ma∣rius been in his place himself, he would have sooner consulted his own safety, than the Death of Sylla.

3. Whose Son Faustus had a good Cuff on the Ear given him by C. Cassius, his School fellow, for saying in vindication of his Father's Proscriptions, that had he been a Man, he would have done the same. A worthy hand, that would not embrue it self in the blood of his Countrey.

EXTERNAL.

1. And to repeat something of the Grecians, that Alcibiades, whose Vertues or whose Vices were most pernicious to his Countrey, we cannot say; for with the one he deceiv'd his Citizens, with the other he oppress'd um: He being a Youth, and coming to his Uncle Pericles, and beholding him sitting melancholy in a private place, ask••d him, why he shewed so much trouble in his Countenance. Who replying, that he had by command of the City built the Out-gates of the Castle of Minerva, and was not able to give any ac∣compt of the vast Treasure spent in the service, and that therefore he was troubled: Rather should you endeavour, said the Boy, to finde out a way, how you should give no accompt. Thus a most great and wise man, not able to counsel himself, follows the ad∣vice of a Child, and so order'd it, that the Athenians engaged in a sharp War with their Neighbours, had no time to look after Accompts. But let the Athe∣nians consider, whether they had most reason to la∣ment or be glad for the Birth of Alcibiades; whose Stories fluctuate in a doubtful opinion between admi∣miration and detestation of the person.

CHAP. II. Of Fortitude. ROMAN Examples whereof are

• 1. M. Horatius Cocles.
• 2. Clelia the Virgin.
• 3. Romulus.
• 4. A. Cornelius Cossus.
• 5. M. Marcellus.
• 6. The Duellers, T. Man∣lius Torquatus, M. Va∣lerius Corvus, and P. Scipio Aemilianus.
• 7. C. Atilius.
• 8. The Roman Knights at the Battle of Verrugo.
• 9. The same in the Fight against the Samnites.
• 10. The Roman Souldiers in holding in the Punic Fleet.
• 11. A Roman Souldier at the Battle at Cannae.
• 12. Q. Licinius Crassus Procons.
• 13. Q. Metellus Scipio Procons.
• 14. M. Cato of U••ica.
• 15. Porcia.
• 16. M. Cato Son of the great Cato.
• 17. Scipio Nasica.
• 18. Emilius Scaurus.
• 19. Julius Caesar Procons.
• 20. Three Soldiers, Vib••us Acceus, Valeriu•• Flac∣cus, T. P••denius.
• 21. Q. Cotius Achilles.
• 22. C. Attilius.
• 23. Coesius Scaeva.
• 24. L. Sicinius Dentatus.

FORRAIN.

• 1. Jub••llius of Campania.
• 2. Gobrias the Persian.
• 3. Leonidas the Spartan.
• 4. Othryadas the Spartan.
• 5. Epaminondas a The∣ban.
• 6. Theramenes of Athens.
• 7. Theogenes of Numan∣tium,
• 8. The Wife of Asdrubal,
• 9. Harmonia the Daugh∣ter of King Gelo.

HAving done with the beginnings and growth of Vertue, we will now prosecute the act it self, whose most ponderous force and efficacious nerves consist in Fortitude. Nor am I ignorant, Great Founder of our City, Romulus, that the first honour of this nature ought to be assign'd to thee: but first suffer me, I beseech thee, to prevent thee with an Example, to which thou thy self dost owe something of admi∣ration; seeing that without the benefit thereof Rome it self, thy own work, had not become so famous.

1. The Hetrurians making an irruption into the City over the Sublician Bridge, Horatius Cocles kept the farther end thereof, and with an indefatigable Fight sustain'd the whole body and force of the Enemy, till the Bridge was broken behind him; and when he saw his Countrey freed from imminent danger, flung himself armed into Tibur; whose Fortitude the Immor∣tal Gods admiring, rewarded him with a safe coming off. Being neither hurt with the height of the Fall, nor the weight of his Armour, nor touch'd with the Darts that flew upon every side of him. And there∣by he drew the eyes of alt his Fellow-citizens, of all his Enemies upon his own single person; the one a∣mazed with admiration, the other in a trance between joy and fear. And separated two great Armies close∣ly engaged; repelling one, and defending the other. And lastly, by his single Strength was as great a guard to our City with his Shield, as Tibur with her Chan∣nel. And therefore the Hetrurians departing might well say, They had vanquish'd the Romans, but were beaten by one Horatius.

2. Clelia makes me almost forgetful of my purpose: Daring a most noble Enterprize at the fame time, a∣gainst the same Enemy, and in the fame Tibur. For being given in Hostage among other Virgins to For∣senna,

she escap'd the Watch in the Night-time, and getting a horse, me presently got to the River, which she swam over; freeing her Country not onely from a Siege, but from fear of danger, holding out a Light of Vertue to men.

3. I now return to Romulus, who being provoked to Combat by Acro King of the Cenicenses, though he be∣lieved himself Superiour both in the number and cou∣rage of his Souldiers, and that it was safer for him to fight with his whole Army than in single Combat, with his own right hand he snatch'd away the Omen of Vi∣ctory: nor did fortune fall his undertaking; for ha∣ving slain Acro, and vanquish••d his Enemies, he brought away rich spoils and trophies, which he offer'd to Jupiter Feretrius. For which let this suffice: for Vertue cousecrated by publick Religion, needs no pri∣vate praise.

4. Next to Romulus is Cornelius Cossus, who conse∣crated his spoils to the same De••••y, when being Master of the Horse, when he had slain the Captain of the Fidenates in battel. Great was Romulus in the begin∣ning of this commenced Glory: and much was gai∣ned by Cossus, for that he would imitate Romulus.

5. Nor ought we to separate the memory of M. Marcellus from these Examples, in whom there was so great a courage, that he set upon the King of the Gauls environ'd with a great Army neer the River Po, onely with a few Horsemen, whose head he presently cut off, and spoil'd him of his arms, which he dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius.

6. The same Vertue, and the same manner of Com∣bat T. Manlius Torquatus, Valerius Corvus, and Emilia∣nus Scipio, made use of: for they voluntarily challeng'd the Captains of the Enemy, and slew them; but because they did those actions under the command of others, they did not dedicate their spoils to Jupiter Feretrius.

The same Scipio Emilianus, bring in Spain under the command of Lucullus, at the same time that Intercaria a strong Town was besieged, was the first that got up∣on the Walls. Neither was there any person in the whole Army, considering his Nobility, his hopeful Youth, and future Acts, whose safety ought to have been more regarded and consulted. But then the most noble Young men, to enlarge and defend their Coun∣try, sustain'd the greatest pains and perils; deeming it below themselves to excel in Dignity and not in Ver∣tue. Therefore Emilianus chose a Warlike life, which others tor the hazard thereof avoid.

7. Among these, Antiquity offers a most famous Example of Fortitude. The Romans being over∣thrown by the Army of the Gauls, and forced to retire into the Capitol; and well knowing the Walls of their Fortresses not able to receive their whole number, took a necessary resolution to leave their old people in the open City, that the young men might be the better enabled to defend what was left. Yet at that most miserable and calamitous season, was not our City for∣getful of their pristine Vertue: for though deprived of their Honour, they sate with their doors open, in their Running-chairs, with the Habits of their Magi∣stracy and Priesthood, that in their night of sorrow they might retain the Splendor and Ornaments of their past life, and might encourage the people more coura∣giously to undergo the burthen of their Calamity. Their Aspect was Venerable in the sight of their Ene∣mies, who were not a little moved at the Novelty of what they saw, considering the magnificence of their Ornaments, and their strange kinde of boldness. But who could imagine, but that the Gauls, now Victors, would soon have turn'd their admiration into Laugh∣ter, and into all manner of Contumely? Therefore Caius Attilius would not stay to expect that injury;

for he fiercely laid his Stick cross the pate of a Gaul that too familiarly stroaked his Beard, offering his bo∣dy freely to the Souldier that out of madness came ru∣shing to kill him. Thus Vertue knows not how to be taken, and Patience knows no disgrace. To yield to Fortune it accompts sadder than any death; and it in∣vents new and generous kinds of perishing, if he may be said to perish that comes to such an end.

8. We are now to give due honour and glory to the Roman Youth, who when C. Sempronius Attarinus, Consul, had sought with ill success at the battel of Ver∣rugo, against the Volsci, lest our Battel just upon the point of flying, should receive a Rout, di••mounting from their Horses, immediately rallied into Foot-com∣panies, and broke the Enemies Ranks; who being thus forced to retire, the Roman Youth possess••d themselves of the next Hills, and so ordered it, that the Volsci turning all their Force upon them, were the cause that our Legions got in the mean time a very great refresh∣ment to confirm their Courage. And thus while they thought of obtaining the Trophies, the night separa∣ted born Armies, uncertain whether they parted Vi∣ctors or vanquish'd.

9. A noble Flower of the Order of Knighthood was he also, by whose wonderful Fortitude Fabius Maximus Rullianus, Master of the Horse, was acquit∣ted of a Crime which he was like to have fallen into, of loosing a Battel to the Samnites: For Papyrius Cursor being gone to the City to renew the inspection of En∣trails, he was left chief Commander in his absence: And although he were doubtful of leading the Army out to battel, yet at length joyning battel with the E∣nemy, he sought not so unsucc••ssfully as rashly: For without question he had the worst. At which the Young Nobility pulling the bridles off their horses, spurr'd them with all their might against the very fa∣ces

of the Enemy, by an obstinate Gallantry restoring a Victory wrung out of the hands of the Enemy, and the hope of Rullianus, which his Country now con∣ceived of his being the greatest of our Citizens.

10. But of what a prodigious strength were those Souldiers, who wading the slippery Sea as they had been on firm Land, hal'd back the Punick Fleet by main strength to the shore, though endeavouring to fly with the labour of all their Oars?

11. About the same time, and of the same repute was that Souldier, who at the Battel of Cannae, where Han∣nibal rather brake the power than the courage of the Romans, when his wounded hands were unable to ho••d his Arms, graspimg a Numidian about the neck that come to srrip him, he bit off his Ears and his Nose, expiring in the midst of that revenge. An odde kinde of Event in fight, where the party killed is stronger than he that kills him: For the Carthaginian liable to revenge, rejoyc'd the dying person, and the Roman was his Revenger at the very conclusion of his life.

12. Publius Crassus making War in Asia with Ari∣stonicus, b••ing set upon by the Thracians, of which he had a great number for his assistance, between Smyrnae and Elea; for fear he should come into their power, he avoided the shame by resolving to die: For he thurst his Riding-rod into the eye of one of the Barbarians, who enraged with the pain thereof, thrust Crassus into the side with his Cutlace; and while he revenges him∣self, freed the Roman Emperour from the shame of ha∣ving lost his Honour. Crassus shewed Fortune that she intended to have punished a person altogether un∣worthy of so great an Indignity, as being one that not onely prudently but couragiously broke the snares which she had laid to entrap his Liberty, and restored his own Dignity to himself, although now given to A∣ristonicus.

13. The same resolution Scipio made use of, who having unsuccessfully endeavour'd to defend the cause of Pompey his Son-in-Law in Africa, endeavour'd to fly into Spain; but understanding that the Ship where∣in he was, was taken by the Enemy, he ran himself through, and so falling down upon the Poop, when Caesar's Souldiers asked for their Commander, he made answer, The Commander is well: having power on∣ly to speak so much as to testifie, to his eternal praise, the Greatness of his Minde.

14. Not less the Moniment of Ʋtica were thy last breachings, mighty Cato; out of whose Wounds flowed more Glory than Blood. For with a fierce Constancy lying upon the Sword, thou wert a most noble Example of Instruction, That to all good Men Dignity and Honour without Life, is far better than Li••e without Honour.

15. Whose Daughter had no Womanish Spirit: who knowing the resolution that her Husband Brutus had taken to kill Caesar, the night before the day wherein that most horrid act was committed, assoon as Brutus was gone out of the Chamber, she call'd for a Razor, pretending to pare her Nails; and as if she had let it tall by chance, gave her self a Wound there∣with. Upon the cry of the Maids Brutus coming in, began to chide her that she had took the Barber's trade out of his hands. To whom she privately whisper'd, This is no rash action of mine; but as things now stand, a most certain proof of my Love towards thee. For I was resolv'd to try, if thy purpose, should not succeed according to thy desire, how bravely and pa∣tiently I could kill my self.

16 More happy in his Offspring was the Elder Cato, out of whose Loins sprang the Family of Porcius. Who being in battle forely press'd upon by his Enemy, his Sword fell out of the Scabbard; which though he

saw encompass'd with such numbers of his Enemies, yet such was his obstinacy to recover it, that he would not give over, till he had done it: so that at length he seem'd not to have wrung it out of the hands of dang••r, but to take it up in security. Which sight so terrified his Enemies, that the next day they came to him to b••g ••••r Peace.

17. The Fortitude of the Gown may be mixt with Warlike Actions, deserving the same honour in Courts of Justice as in the Camp. When T. Gracchus, having got the favour of the People by his profuseness, en∣deavour'd to oppress the Common-wealth, and open∣ly declar'd, that the Senate being put to death, all things ought to be transacted by the People; The Se∣nate being summon'd into the Temple of Faith by Mucius Scaevola Consul, began to consult what at such a time to do: and all being of opinion, that the Con∣sul ought to govern the Common-wealth by force of Arms, Scaevola denied that he would do any thing by force. Then replyed Scipio Nasica, Because (saith he) the Consul, while he follows the course of Law, doth that which will bring both the Law and all the Roman Empire in jeopardy; I as a private person offer my self to be commanded, and to command according to your will. Then lapping his left hand in his upper Coat, and listing up his right, he openly proclaim'd, They who desire the safety of the Common-wealth, let um follow me: at which words being followed without de∣lay by the honest part of the Citizens, he brought Grac∣chus to the Punishment which he deserved.

18. Also when Saturninus Tribune of the people, the Pretor Glaucia, and Equitius designed Tribune of the people, had raised most terrible Seditions in our City, and no body durst oppose themselves against the fury of the people; Emilius Scaurus was the first that advised C. Marius the sixth time Consul, that he should

defend the Laws and Liberty by the Sword; and pre∣sently commanded Arms to be brought, and being come, put them upon his aged body, now almost quite wasted with Age; and then leaning upon his Dart, stood before the door of the Council-house; with the small remnants of his life, keeping the Common-wealth from expiring: For the constancy of his minde encourag'd the Senate and the whole Order of Knight∣hood to revenge.

19. But as we have hitherto related the Fortitude of Arms and Arts, let us remember the sacred Julius, the chief Glory of all the Stars, the truest Pattern of Vertue. When he saw his men almost fainting through the innumerable multitude and fury of the Nervae, taking a Shield out of a Souldiers hand, that he beheld fighting but weakly, he began under the covert thereof to behave himself with great Vigour; by which act he infused Courage into the whole Army, and restored the tottering fortune of the Battel. The same person seeing the Eagle bearer of the Martian Legion with his back turn'd in a posture of flight, catching him by the Jaws he brought him back to his place again; and then stretching his right hand toward the Enemy, he cry'd out, Why dost thou go this way? yonder is the Enemy which thou art to fight with. Thus with his hands one Souldier, with his severe reprehension, corrected the timorousness of all the Legions, and taught them who were ready to be overcome, how to vanquish.

20. But that we may proceed to one act of Manly Vertue: When Hannibal besieged the Roman Army in Capua, Vibius Acceus, Colonel of the Pelignian Cohort, threw an Ensigne over the Carthaginian Rampire, cur∣sing himself and his fellow-Souldiers if ever they let the Enemy enjoy it; and so to recover it again, he was the first that made the Assault, the whole Cohort fol∣lowing him: Which when Valerius Flaccus, Tribune

of the third Legion, turning to his own, said, I see we are come here to be Spectators of other mens Vertue; but far be it from us to suffer the Glory of the Romans to give place to the Valour of the Latins. For my own part, I desire either an honourable death, or a happy Issue of my venturousness; therefore am resolved to fall on though I am alone. These words being heard, Pedanius the Centurion catching up the Ensigne, and holding it in his right hand, This, said he, shall be with me within the Enemies Rampire: Let them follow that are unwilling it should be taken. With that he slew into the Cartha∣ginian Camp, drawing the whole Legion after him. Thus the couragious Temerity of three men, made Han∣nibal who thought himself Master of Capua, hardly to be safe in his own Camp.

21. Neither was Q. Curius any thing behinde them in Fortitude; who for his stoutness was sirnamed Achil∣les; For not to reckon up all his famous Actions, we shall make appear by two Atchievements onely, how great a Warriour he was. In the time that Metellus was Consul, he was sent a Legate into Spain, carrying on the Celtiberian War as Lieutenant under the Con∣sul: hearing that he was challenged out to fight by a certain Young man of that Nation, though he were then just going to Dinner, he caused his Arms and his Horse to be privately conveyed out of the Camp, lest the Consul should forbid him, or otherways hinder him; and following the Celtiberian, that was vaun∣tingly curvetting to and fro about the field, slew him, and taking the spoils of his dead Enemy, return'd Triumphing to the Camp. He also compelled Piresius, one of the most noble and stoutest among the Celtiberians, who also gave him a particular Challenge, to yield to him: Nor was the noble Youth asham'd to give him his own Sword and Souldiers Coat in the view of both Armies. And also requested, that so soon

as there was Peace between the Celtiberians and the Romans, that there might be a str••ct League of Friend∣ship between them.

22. Nor must we pass by C. Attilius; who being a Souldier of the tenth Legion, and fighting on Caesar's behalf in a Sea-engagement, when they had cut off his r ght hand with which he held a Ship of the Mas∣silians, took hold of the Vessel with his left: nor did leave fighting till the Ship was taken and sunk. The Valour also of Cynaegyrus the Athenian, whose perti∣n••cy in pursuit of the Enemy was not unlike this, Greece, so fluent in extolling the Praises of her own Hero's, has sufficiently inculcated into the memory of Posterity.

23. The Naval-glory of Attilius, requires that we should rehearse the praise of Caesius Scaeva a Centurion, under the command of the same Empires: For he maintaining a Castle which was committed to his charge, and which a Captain of Pompey's was sent to take with a great number of man, he slew all that adventured to come neer; and ••ighting afoot without the least giving back, at length fell upon a vast heap of people that he had slain. His head, shoulders, and thighs were cut and ma••gled, his eyes po••ked out, his Target p••••re••d through in a hundred and twenty places. Such Souldiers did the Dis••••pline of Divine Julius breed; of which the one with the less of his right hand, the other with the loss of his eyes, terri••ied their Enemies: The one after his loss a Victor, the other a looser, yet not vanquished.

But thy invinci••le Courage, O Scaeva, in every part of the nature of things, I know not how to extol with adm r••tion enough, because by thy excellent Vertue thou 〈…〉〈…〉 it doubtful, whether thou didst make a more noble Fight at Sea, or speak a more illustrious Sp••••on by Land. For in the War wherein Caesar not

content to limit his fame within the bounds of the Ocean, laid his celestial hands upon the Isle of Bri∣tain, being carried with Four of his Souldiers, and set ashoar upon a Rock near the Land, which the Enemy had possest with a very strong Army, after the Ebb, by the falling of the water, had made the pas∣sage easie from the Island to the Rock, which was di∣vided before; being assaulted with a very great num∣ber of the Barbarians, Scaeva only keeping his station immoveable, the Darts flying about his ears, and the Enemy every way endeavouring to assail him, fix'd in the Bodies of his Adversaries as many Piles with his single right hind, as would have serv'd five Souldiers for a Battle of a whole days continuance: at length, drawing his Sword and beating back his Enemies, sometimes with the Point, and sometimes with the Hilt, he became such a spectacle of Wonder, not on∣ly to the Romans, but to the Britains also, which none but those that beheld it, could have imagin'd. At length, Anger and Shame forc'd them that were tir'd to do their utmost, when he, run through the Thigh, his Face batter'd with Stones, his Head-piece bruised in several places, commits himself to the Sea, and laden with two Coats of Mail, escap'd through the Waves, which he had dyed with the Blood of his Enemies. Coming to his General, not having lost his Arms, but well bestow'd um, when he deserv'd his praise, he begg'd his pardon. Great in fight, but greater in the remembrance of Military Discipline: Therefore by the best Esteemer and Discerner of Virtue, both thy deeds and words were rewarded with the honour of a Centurions command.

24. But let the Memory of Luc. Sicinius Dentatus conclude all the Roman Examples of the Fortitude of the Roman Warriours; whose Deeds, and the Rewards of his Actions, may be thought to exceed the limits of

belief; but for the credit of the Authors, among whom we finde M. Varro, who attest the same in their Memorials, whom they affirm to have been in an Hundred and Twenty pitch'd Battels; being endued with that Courage of Mind and Strength of Body, that he se••m'd to carry away the greatest share of the Victory: And of these Battles there were Eight wherein he sought upon Challenges, while both Ar∣mies lookt on. He is said to have saved fourteen Citi∣zens, to have received forty five Wounds upon his Breast, not having one Scar upon his Back. He fol∣lowed nine several Triumphal Chariots of several Generals, drawing the eyes of the whole City that be∣held the multitude and pompous glory of his Rewards. For he had eight Golden Crowns, fourteen City-Crowns, and three Mural-Crowns, together with one Obsi••••onal Garland, Chains one hundred eighty three, Bracelets one hundred and sixty, Spears eighteen, Trappings twenty five. Ornaments sufficient for a Legion, rather than for the use of a private Souldier.

FORREIGN.

1. That Blood was also confounded out of many Bodies into one, with great admiration, in the Town of the Calibes, where Fulvius Flaccus having con∣demn'd the chief of the City to loose their Heads for their Perfidiousness in Campania, and that he was by Letters from the Senate order'd to see execution done; Jubellius Taurea a Campanian freely offer'd himself to him, crying ou•• as loud as he could, Because, said he, O Ful••••us thou art so desirous of shedding blood, why dost thou delay to sheath thy Sword in my Bowels, that thou maist have an occasion to boast, that thou didst once ki•••• a stouter man than thy self? Who replying that he would gladly do it, but that he was otherwise order'd

by the Senate; Behold me, then replyed the other, upon whom the Conscript Fathers have laid no commands, outwardly quiet enough, but meditating a great▪ work in my mind: and immediately killing his Wife and Chil∣dren, fell upon his own Sword. What kind of person must we believe him to be, who was so willing with the slaughter of himself and his Relations to testifie, that he would rather delude the Cruelty of Fulvius, than make use of the Mercy of the Senate?

2. Again, how great was the Courage of Gobrias, who, when he freed the Persians from the sordid and cruel Tyranny of the Magi, having thrown one of the Magi down in a dark place, and lying with all his weight upon him, and perceiving that one of his Companions in his noble enterprize was afraid to kill the Tyrant, for fear of hurting him, cryed out, Ʋse not thy Sword ere a whit the less timorously for fear of me; rather thrust it through us both, that this fellow may die the more speedily.

3. In this place we meet with Leonidas, a Noble Spartan, than whose Designe, Enterprize and Issue there was nothing more courageous. For being pla∣ced in the Streights of Thermopylae against the whole force of Asia, only with Three Hundred of his Citizens, through the obstinacy of his Virtue, he drave Xerxes to despair, who a little before was a burthen both to Sea and Land; not only terrible to Men, but one that threatned to chain the Sea, and setter the Hea∣vens: but being through the▪ perfidiousness of the In∣habitants of that Country deprived of the advantage of the place, he resolv'd to fall, rather than leave the station where his Country had set him. And therefore he exhorted his people with so much chearfulness to that Battle where they were sure to perish, crying out, Fellow-souldiers, let us Dine like such as art to Sup in the other world. Death was all their hopes▪ yet fear∣less

they obeyed their Leader, as sure of Victory.

4. The glorious Battle and Death of Othryades, is only seen in the praise, rather than in the larger space of Thyarete. Who spoiling the enemy of Victory, by Letters written with his own Blood; after his own fate, would not carry into the bosome of his Country the bloody superscription of his Trophies.

5. But a most sad effort follows the most excellent effects of the Spartan Vertue. Epaminondas, the chief Felicity of Thebes, and the first scourge of the Lacede∣monian Valour, when he had broken the antient glory, and till that time invincible publick glory of that City, in the two Battles of Mantinea and Leuctra, being run through with a Spear, and saluting for want of Blood and Breath, ask••d those who endeavour'd to recover him. First, whether his Shield were safe; and ••ext, whether the Enemy was quite vanquish'd: Which when he found according to his desire, Fellow-Souldi∣ers, said he, this is not the end, but a fortunate and au∣spicious beginning of my life: For your Epaminondas is now born, because be thus dyes. I see Thebes by my Conduct and Command the head of all Greece. The strong and courageous City of Sparta submits, vanquish'd by our Arms, and Greece freed from her bitter Tyranny. Not having Children, yet I die not without Children, I leave Leuctra and Mantinea behind me. Then commanding the Spear to be pull'd out of his Body, he expir'd. Whom if the Immortal Gods had suffer'd to enjoy his Victories, a more glorious Redeemer had never enter'd the Walls of any City.

6. Nor was the Constancy of Theramenes the Athe∣nian inconsiderable, being compell'd to die in Prison, where without any signe of fear he drank the Potion prepar'd for him by the thirty Tyrants; and smiling upon the publick Officer that brought it; Tell Critias, quoth he, I drink to him, and therefore take care that

thou carry him the Cup, assoon as thou canst. Now this Critias was the cruellest or all the Tyrants. Certainly it is as easie to free a mans self from punishment, as to endure punishment: and thus Theramenes, as if he had died in his Bed, departed this life; by his ene∣mies thought to have been punish'd, in his own opi∣nion yielding only to common fate.

7. But Theramenes receiv'd his Constancy from Learning and Education: But the natural Ferity of the people taught Theogenes the Numantine to take the same course. For the affairs of Numantium being in a low and lost condition, himself excelling a•• others in Wealth, Honour and Nobility, getting a great quantity of combustible matter together, he set his own Street, which was the fairest in the whole City, on fire, and laying a naked Sword in the midst of it, he commanded two persons to fight together, that the Head of him that was kill'd might be cast upon the flames: and having by this strong engagement consum'd everybody else, at length he threw himself into the fire.

8. And that I may rehearse the destruction of a Ci∣ty at equal enmity with ours; when Carthage was ta∣ken, the wife of Asdrubal upbraiding him with Impi∣ety for b••gging onely his own life at Scipio's hands, taking her Children which she had by him in her right and left hand, willing to die, the flung her self into the flaming Ruines of her Country.

9. To this Example of Female-fortitude, I will adde one stout Casualty of two Virgins. Wh••n through the most pestiferous Sedition of the Syracusans, the whole Family of King Gelo, afflicted with ene∣less Calamities, was reduced to one Virgin-daughter, named Harmonia, and that the Enemy made several offers of violence upon her; Her Nurse took a Childe somewhat like her, and having dress'd it in royal Ap∣parel,

exposed her to the fury of her Enemies; who when she was about to be slain, would not declare her condition. Harmonica admiring her condition, and not willing to outlive so much Faith, called back the Murtherers, and confessing who she was, was the cause of her own death. Thus a covert Lye was the bane of the one, the open truth the destruction of the o∣ther.

CHAP. III. Of Patience.

ROMAN Examples, whereof are two.

• 1. C. Mutius Cordus, first called Scaevola.
• 2. Pompey Embassadour to King Gentius.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. A Macedonian Youth.
• 2. Zeno Eleatean,
• 3. The other Zeno.
• 4. Anaxarchus Abderite.
• 5. Theodorus of Syra∣cuse.
• 6. The Indians.
• 7. The African slave con∣temning Death and Tor∣ments.

FOrtitude hath been apparent to the eyes of men by the famous Deeds both of men and women: and by her incitement, Patience appears grounded upon as firm foundations, not being endued with a less generous Soul, but so like the one co the other, that she seems to have received her birth either with her or from her.

1. For what has a greater resemblance to what I have formerly related, than the Act of Mutius, who grieving to see our City vexed with a long and grievous

War, by Porsenna King of the Heturians, privately got armed into the Camp, endeavour'd to have slain him as he was sacrificing before the Altar; But failing in the Enterprize, and being laid hold on, he neither con∣cealed the cause of his coming; and besides that, with a wonderful patience shew'd how little he fear'd any torment they could put him to: For as it were out of an enmity to his right hand, because he could not use it in the slaughter of the King, he held it in the fire, enduring it to be burnt off. Certainly the Im∣mortal Gods never beheld with more heedful eyes any Offering made them. And it forced Porsenna himself, forgetful of the danger, to turn his Revenge into Ad∣miration. Return, quoth he, to thy own Friends, and tell them how I have given thee thy life for seeking mine. Whose Clemency Mutius no way flattering, more sor∣ry to see him live, than glad of his own life, return'd to the City with a sirname of eternal glory, being cal∣led Scaevola.

2. Most approved also is the Vertue of Pompey; who being sent upon an Embassie, and taken by the way by King Gentius, and commanded to reveral the Counsels of the Senate, thrust his finger into a burning Candle: which patience of his made the King not onely despair of getting any thing out of him by force, but also very desirous of the friendship of the Romans. But lest, while I strive to enumerate more Domestick Examples of this sort, I should be forced to embroyl my self in the relations and stories of our civil Dis∣cords, which as they contain the Relation of most fa∣mous men, so they renew the publick Grief, I shall pass to those of Forraign Nations.

EXTERNAL.

According to the ancient Custome of Greece, the

most eminent Noblemens Sons did always attend upon King Alexander when he sacrificed: Among which there was one who while he stood before the King, holding the Censer, a live cole fell upon his arm, which though it burnt his flesh so vehemently that the stink thereof offended the nostrils of all the standers by, yet the Lad would by no means discover his pain, fearing to disturb the Sacrifice by letting fall the Cen∣ser, or to offend the Kings ears by complaining. The King pleased with the patience of the Youth, and wil∣ling to make a mere certain tryal thereof, prolong'd the Sacrifice beyond his wonted time; yet nothing would alter the constancy of the Lad. Had Darius cast his eyes upon this wonder, he would have known that Souldiers of such a race were not to be overcome, while in their tender age he beheld them endu'd with such a strength.

There is that vehement and constant Discipline of the Minde, I mean Philosophy excelling in Learning, ruler of the venerable Mysteries of Doctrne, which being receiv'd into the breast of men, they presently lay aside all dishonest and unworthy affections, and being armed with the true weapons of Vertue, ad∣vance themselves above all fear and thought of pain.

2. I will begin from Zeno of Eleas; who being a most wise observer of the nature of things, and most sedulous to kindle Courage and Vigour in the minds of Youth, purchased Credit to his Precepts by Exam∣ples of his own Vertue: For departing his Country, where he might have lived secure in Lib••rty, he went to Agrigentum, then groaning under a most miserable servitude, confiding in his Conversation and Manners, that he was in good hopes to work the Tyrant, though a Phalaris, out of the ferity of his rude nature. After some time observing that the Custome of Dominion was more prevalent than wholsome Counsels, he stirr'd

up and inflam'd the minds of the most noble Youth with a desire of recovering their Liberty. Which be∣ing reveal'd to the Tyrant, he call'd the People into the Market-place, and in their presence began to pu∣nish Zeno with most exquisite torments; oftentimes asking him who were his Confederates in the Con∣spiracy. Zeno would name none of them, but only those that were the Tyrants chiefest Friends and Rela∣tions; and then upbraiding the Agrigentines with their sloath and fear, rais'd such a suddain commotion in their minds, that they fell upon the Tyrant and stoned him to death. It was not the suppliant Voice, the miserable Cries of an Old-man upon the Rack, but his strong and serious exhortation, that chang••d the Courage and Fortune of the whole City.

3. A Philosopher of the same Name, being put up∣on the Rack by Nearchus the Tyrant, whose Death he had conspit'd, did not only appear a Conquerour of his pain and punishment in concealing his Confede∣rates, but shewed himself more covetous of revenge; and therefore telling the Tyrant that he had something to declare, which it was fit that no body else should hear, he was thereupon loosen'd from the Rack, and pretending to whisper in the Tyrants ear, when he saw his time, caught his Ear in his Teeth, nor would let go, till with the loss of his Life, the other had lost a member of his body.

4. Anaxarchus imitating the same Patience, and being put upon the Rack by Nicocreon, Tyrant of Cy∣prus, when he could by no means be restrain'd from casting the most bitter taunts and reproaches imagi∣nable against the Tyrant, who at length threatned to cut out his Tongue; This part of my body neither, quoth he, effeminate Youngman, shall be in thy power: and presently biting it off with his teeth, when he had

sufficiently chew'd it, he spit it into the Tyrants mouth gaping for anger. That tongue wonderfully astonish'd the ears of many, especially of Alexander the King, having before so wisely and eloquently de∣scribed the condition of the Earth, the scituation of the Sea, the Motion of the Stars, and lastly the Na∣ture of the whole World, Yet he fell more gloriously than he liv'd, seeing such a couragious conclusion approv'd the illustriousness of his profession, and beau∣tified with such a noble end. And Anaxarchus did not only not forsake living, but render'd his Death more famous.

5. In vain did Hieronymus the Tyrant weary the hands of the Executioners with the Tortures of Theo∣dorus a most eminent person. For the Tyrant was forced to break his Whips, loosen the Strings, take him from the Rack, and quench the burning Plates, ere he could make him confess his Confederates. At length, by accusing one of the Tyrants Guard, upon whose shoulders as upon hinges the whole weight of the Government hung, he sav'd one of his most faith∣ful Friends. And by the benefit of his Patience not only conceal'd the Secrets of the Conspiracy, but oc∣casioned his own revenge. For Hieronymus, while he covetously tears his Enemies flesh, rashly lost his Friend.

6. Among the Indians the Exercise of Patience is re∣ported to be so obstinately observ'd, that there be some that go naked all their days, hardening their Bodies in the extreme cold of Caucasus, sometimes walking tho∣row fire without any complaint. And by this con∣tempt of pain, they gain no small honour, receiving from thence the title of Wisdom.

7. Such things as these arise from minds high and fraught with knowledg: but this is no less to be ad∣mired in a Slave.

A Barbarian Slave grieving for the loss of his Ma∣ster, presently setting upon Asdrubal, slew him. And when being apprehended he was tormented all manner of ways, yet he constantly retain'd in his mouth the joy which he had in his revenge. Vertue therefore not excited by the trouble of attaining, suffers her self to be always possess'd by vigorous Ingenuities; nor affords a taste of her self large or thrifty according to the difference of the persons, but being expos'd equally to all, esteems more what it brings of desire than worth: And therefore leaves thee to examine the weight thereof, by the consideration of the benefits receiv'd by her, that thou mayst carry away with thee as much, as thy Courage is able to bear.

CHAP. IV. Of those who being meanly born, have advan∣ced to great Honours.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. Tullus Hostilius.
• 2. Tarquinius Priscus.
• 3. Servius Tullius.
• 4. Terentius Varro.
• 5. M. Perperna.
• 6. M. Porcius Cato.

FORREIGN.

• 1. Socrates the Athenian.
• 2. Euripides and Demo∣sthenes.

HEnce it many times falls out, that Men born of mean Parentage arrive to the highest pitches of Honour and Preferment; and on the contrary, that Men of most Noble Extraction, falling into some dis∣grace, change that light which they received from their Ancestors into darkness. Which will appear more

apparent by their Examples. I shall begin with those whose change from low to high degree, affords a kind of pleasing Majesty.

1. A poor Country Cottage entertain'd the Infan∣cy of Tillus Hostillur. His Youth was employ'd in keeping sheep▪ his riper years govern'd the Roman Em∣pire, and doubly augmented it; his old age embelli∣shed with most excellent Ornaments, shin'd in the highest Pinacle of Majesty.

2. But Tullus though he were great, and admirable in his growing great, yet was he but a private Exam∣ple. But Tarquinius Priscus was by Fortune brought to our City to possess the Roman Scepter: A Forrainer, because born at Coriuth; to be scorn'd, as being begot by Demaratus a Merchant; and one to be ashamed of, because his Father was an Exile: But by the prospe∣rous event of his Condition he became industrious, in∣stead of ignominious, glorious instead of being envi'd. For he extended the bounds of the Empire, and re∣form'd the Worship of the Gods with now Sacrifices: He increased the number of Senators, and amplified the Order of Knighthood. And what was the per∣fection of his praises, his most eminent Vertues were such, that the City hid no cause to repent that she had rather borrowed a King from her Neighbours, than chosen one of her own.

3. But in Servius Tullius Fortune shewed her greatest power, by givin•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a King born a stranger to this Ci∣ty; who happened to sway the Scepter many years, to appoint a Lustrum four times, and to triumph thrice. Briefly, whence he came, and how far he proceeded, the Inscription of his Statue sufficienty witnesses, being intrig••'d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 servile Sirnime, and a Royal Title.

4. By a si••••••ge ri••e Varro ascended to the Consul∣ship, from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••athers Butchers stall: Yet Fortune thought it no•• ••••••••gh to bestow the twelve Fasces up∣on

one brought up by the gains of the most sordid Ware, unless she had given him Emilius Paulus to be his Colleague: And she so insinuated her self into his ••avour, that when by his rashness he had ruined the Power of Rome, at the Battel of Cannae, yet she suf∣fered Emilius to be slain, but brought Varro safe to Rome: Nay, she brought forth the Senate to meet him without the Gates, and giving him thanks that he would be pleased to return; and so advanced him, that the Dictatorship was allotted to the Author of their greatest Calamity.

5. Nor was Marcus Perperna a small disgrace to the Consulship, as being made Consul before he was a Citizen; but in War more profitable to the Common-wealth than Varro the General: For he took King Aristonicus, and revenged the slaughter of Crassus and his Army. Yet was his death, whose life had triumph'd, condemned by the Papian Law: for they compelled his Father, not being able to claim the priviledges of a Roman Citizen, and prosecuted therefore by Sabellius, to return to his Original Station. Thus was the name of Perperna clouded, his counterfeit Consulship a kind of Government like a Mist, a fading Triumph, and his Off-spring a Sojourner in a strange City.

6. But the beginnings of Porcius Cato were search∣ed for out by publick Vote: Who render'd his name most famous at Rome, which was scarcely known in Tusculum. The lasting Monuments of the Latin Tongue were by him adorn'd, Military Discipline re∣form'd, the Majesty of the Senate increased, his Fami∣ly establish'd, to which the last Cato was no small ho∣nour.

FORRAIGN.

1. But to joyn Forraign Examples to the Romans; Socrates

not onely by common consent of all persons, but by the Oracle of Apollo, judg'd to be the wisest a∣mong men, was born of Phanarete a Midwife, and Sophroniscus a Stone-cutter; yet he came to be one of the most resplendent Lights of Glory, and not unde∣servedly. For when the Wits of most learned men were busied in blinde Disputations, and endeavoured to set down and prove the measures of the Sun, Moon, and the rest of the Stars, rather by multiplicity of words, than certain Arguments, (for they under∣took to tell the compass of the whole World) he di∣verted men from these unlearned and unnecessary que∣stions, and taught them to dive into the nature of Man, and the secret Affections that lay hidden in his breast: So that if Vertue be esteem'd for its self, much more such a Master as teacheth the best Rules of life.

2. What Mother Euripides had, or what Father Domesthenes had, was unknown to the Age they lived in: Yet the most certain opinion of the Learned is, That the Mother of the one sold Pot-herbs, and the Fa∣ther of the other dealt in Knives. However, what can be more famous than the Tragedies of the one, and the Orations of the other?

CHAP. V. Of those who have degenerated, being born of Noble Ancestors.

• 1. The Son of Scipio Afri∣canus.
• 2. Q. Fabius, the Son of him, sirnamed Allobro∣gicus.
• 3. The Son of Clodius and Fulvia.
• 4. Marcus Hortensius Cor∣bio.

HEre follows the second part of a double promise, to be made good by relating the blemishes in the Coats of Illustrious men: Because we are now to re∣late the stories of those that have degenerated from the glory of their Ancestors.

1. For what could be more like a Monster than the Son of the Elder Scipio Africanus? who receiving his beginning from so Illustrious a Family, could endure to suffer himself to be taken by a small party of King Antiochus; when it had been better for him to have died a voluntary death, than between two the most fa∣mous Sirnames, the one obtained by the destruction of Africk, and the other got by the Conquest of Asia, to suffer his hands to be bound by the Enemy, and to be beholding co his mercy tor a pitiful life, over whom Scipio was to obtain, in a small time, a Triumph, most glorious in the sight of Gods and men. Coming to claim the Pretorship, he appeared in the field with such a spotted and bedaub'd white Gown, that had it not been for the courtesie of Cicereus, who was his Father's Secretary, he would not have obtain'd the honour.

Though it had been no great matter whether he had a Repulse or a Pretorship so obtain'd; for when the stan∣ders by saw what a soul Garment he had on, they were the occasion that he neither durst place his Chair, nor hear Causes. Moreover, they took a Ring off his sin∣ger, upon which the head of Alexander was engrav'd: Good Gods! from what Thunder did ye suffer so much Darkness to proceed?

2. Again, Q. Fabius Maximus the Son of Q. Fabius Maximus, sirnamed Allobrogicus, what a luxurious and dissolute life did he lead? whose other Vices to oblite∣rate, yet might his Manners be seen by one act of dis∣grace, that Q. Pompey, the City-Pretor, would not let him meddle with his Father's goods. Neither was there any person in so great a City, that would speak against the Decree: For men grived to see that that money which was to maintain the splendour of the Fabian Family, should be spent in Riot and Excess. Thus he whom his Father's indulgence left his H••ir, the publick severity dis-inherited.

3. Clodius the fair was in great favour with the peo∣ple; yet his Wife Fulvia wearing a Dagger, shew'd that he suffered his warlike Spirit to be subject to the commands of a Woman. Their Son called also by the name of Clodius the Fair, beside that he had led a slothful and effeminate life in his Youth, was also in∣famous for his egregious dotage upon the most com∣mon Whores, and died a most shameful death: For his belly being eaten up, he surrender'd his life to the greedy appetite of his own foul intemperance.

4. Hortensius Corbio also the Nephew of Quintus Hortensius, who in the greatest plenty of ingenious and illustrious Citizens, attain'd the highest degree of Elo∣quence and Authority, led a life more obscure and sor∣did, than all the Strumpets put together. At length his Tongue was as common at the pleasure and lust of

every one in the Bawdy-houses, as his Fathers Ora∣tory was diligently employ'd for the good of his Fel∣low-Citizens.

CHAP. VI. Of Illustrious men, that delighted more than ordinary in rich Apparel, and sumptuous adorning themselves.

• 1. Scipio the Greater.
• 2. Asiatic Scipio.
• 3. Cornelius Sylla.
• 4. C. Duilius.
• 5. C. Papirius Maso.
• 6. C. Marius.
• 7. M. Cato of U••ica.

I Am not ignorant what a dangerous Journey I have undertaken: Therefore I will recall my self, lest while I continue to pursue the remaining Shipwracks and Miscarriages of the same nature, I should intrigue my self in useless Relations: I will therefore retreat, and suffer those deformed shadows to lie hid in the deep Abyss of their own shame; thinking it more to the purpose to declare what illustrious Personages have given themselves an unusual liberty in their Habits and Dresses, the Authors of new Customs.

1. P. Scipio being in Sicily, there intent upon the reinforcing and transporting his Army into Africa, as he that minded nothing more than the ruine of Car∣thage, was at the same time accustomed to the Gymna∣sium, and wore a Pallium, or long Mantle, and those finer sort of shoes called Crepidae. Yet did he handle the Carthaginians never a whit the more softly for that: For his Divertisement made him more eager,

seeing that strong and active Wits, the more they use Retirement, the more vehement they are in Command. Thereby p••rhaps he also thought to win the favour of the young Gentry, while he followed their Customes of Habit and Diet. For to those Exercises he applied himself, when he had much and long tired himself, and had constrained his other Limbs to prove their Strength by Military Labours, wearied with the one, recreated with the other.

2. We likewise behold the Statue of Lucius Scipio with a Chla••ys or a short Cloak about his Shoulders, and embroidered Slippers. In which Habit, as he was wont to wear it alive, they cloathed his Effi∣gies.

3. Lucius Cornelius Sylla also, when he was Empe∣rour, thought it no disgrace to walk the streets of Na∣ples mantled in a Short Cloak, and Embroidered Shoes upon his Feet.

4. C. Duilius also, that first triumphed by Sea over the Carthaginians, when he had been feasting, was wont to return home with Wax-Torches and Min∣strels going before him, causing his noble Success in War to be spread abroad by his Nocturnal Revel∣ling.

5. Papirius Maso also, not being able to obtain a Triumph, though he had signally deserved of the Common-wealth, began a new way of Triumphing in the Alban Mountain, and set a president for others afterwards to follow. For when he was present at any Shew, he used a Myrtle instead of a Lawrel Crown,

6. Unusual also was the act of Caius Marius, who having Triumphed over Jugurth, the Cimbrians, and Teutons, was alwaies used to drink out of a Cantharus, or Kan. Because that Bacchus returning in triumph out of Asia, was said to use that sort of Cup; that while

he drank, he might seem to compare his Victories with those of the God.

7. Marcus Cato also, being Praetor, pleaded the Con∣demnations of Scaurus, and the rest of the Criminals, without his Tunic, only in his Purple Gown.

CHAP. VII. Of Self-Confidence.

Among the Romans, in

• 1. Scipio the Greater.
• 2. Scipio Aemilianus Coss.
• 3 Scipio Nasica Coss.
• 4. Livius Salinator Coss.
• 5. P. Furius Philus Coss.
• 6. Licinius Crassus Procos.
• 7. Cato the Greater.
• 8. Aemilius Sc••urus.
• 9. M Antonius the Orator.
• 10. The Roman Senate.
• 11. Accius the Poet.

FORREIGN.

• 1. Euripides the Poet.
• 2. Antigenidas the Musi∣cian.
• 3. Zeuxes the Painter.
• 4. Phidias the Graver.
• 5. Epaminondas of Thebes
• 6. Hannibal the Carthagi∣nian.
• 7. Cotys King of Thrace.
• 8. Androclidas, Leonidas, Agis, Spartans.

THese, and other Examples like these, are marks of a Vertue assuming something to it self, by a new custome of Liberty. But by those that follow, it shall appear how confident Vertue is of her self.

1. P. and Cn•• Scipio being with the greatest part of the Army very much distrest by the Carthaginians, all the people of that Province taking part with the Ene∣my, no other of our Captains daring to adventure thi∣ther; Publius Scipio, being then but in the Twenty

Fourth year of his Age, proffer'd himself. Which confidence of his afforded both safety and victory to the Romans. And the same confidence he had at home, he us'd in Spain. For when he was besieging the City of Badia, he caus'd all those that came to his Tribunal, in matters of Law, to put in Sureties to appear at a certain House which was within the Walls of the Town the next day; and immediately taking the City, at the same time and place that he had ap∣pointed, he caus'd his Chair to be plac'd, and there sate in Judgment. Nothing more Heroic than such a Confidence, nothing more true than such a Prediction, nothing more efficacious than such a Celerity, nothing more worthy than such an Authority. Not less cou∣rageous, nor less prosperous was his Passage into Afri∣ca: into which he transported his Army, contrary to the command of the Senate. In which thing, had he not trusted more to his own opinion, than the counsel of the Conscript Fathers, there would have been no end of the Second Punic War. Equal to this was that Confidence of his, that when after he was landed in Africa, he had taken several of the Scouts of Hanni∣bal's Army, he neither put them to death, nor in pri∣son, nor enquir'd any thing into the state and condition of the Enemy; but caus'd them to be led through all the Companies of his Army: And then, after he had a••k'd them whether they had taken a sufficient view of what they were commanded to take notice of, cau∣sing provision to be given to them and their horses, he freely dismiss'd us in safety. With which Confidence of mind he dampt the Courage of the Enemy, before he had vanquish'd their Arms. But to come to the private acts of his sublime confidence; when he was call'd to an accompt for Fourty Thousand Sesterces of the Money of Antiochia, he took the Book wherein his Expences were wrote down, and by which he

might have clear'd himself from the Accusation of his enemies, and tore it publickly; disdaining that any doubt should be made of what he had acted, as being the chief Commander: Pleading for himself in this wise; I am not to give an accompt to your Treasury, most Noble Senators, having commanded a forreign King∣dom, which by my Government and Conduct, I have made more plentiful than twice an Hundred Thousand Sesterces. Neither do I think ye are come to that height of malice, as to doubt of my Innocency. For when I had subdued Africa wholly under your Jurisdiction, I brought nothing thence that I could call mine own, but a Sirname. They have not therefore rendered me covetous of the Punic, nor my Brother of the Asiatic Treasure, seeing we are both more wealthy in Envy, than in Money. Which stout defence of Scipio the whole Senate approved.

Like this was another act of his. When finding that the urgent occasions of the Common-wealth re∣quired Money to be taken out of the Publique Trea∣sury, and that the Questors were shie of opening it, because it seem'd to be something against the Law; being a private person he demanded the Keys, and compel••'d the Law to yield to Necessity. Which confidence gr••w from the assurance which he had, that all the Laws were by that means secur'd. I will not be tired with the relation of his Actions of this na∣ture, seeing that he himself was never wearied in the exercise thereof. P. Naevius Tribune of the People, or as some relate, the two Pete••ii, had pr••fix'd him a day to appear before the P••ople; who appearing in great multitudes in the Forum, he ascended the Pulpit for Orations, and putting a Triumphal Crown upon his H••ad; This day, said he, most Noble Romans, did I compel Carthage, hoping gr••at things, to submit to your Laws: And therefore I hold it just that you go with me to the Capitol, to give thanks to the Gods. Which

most splendid Speech of his had as noble a success. For immediately the whole Senate, the whole Order of Knight, and all the People follow'd him to the Tem∣ple of Jupiter. The Tribune remained alone to plead to the people without the people, being deserted in the Forum with great contempt of his Calumny. At length, to avoid the shame, he went also to the Ca∣pitol himself; and of an Accuser, became a great ad∣mirer of Scipio.

2. Scipio Aemilianus, the famous Heir of his Fa∣thers Courage and Magnanimity, being at the Siege of a strong City, and perswaded by some that he should place round about the Walls thereof sharp Iron Spikes, and stop all the open Passages with Planks covered with Lead, and stuck with Spikes, to hinder the Sallies of the Enemy; made answer, that it was not for him to fear those that he sought to take.

3. To what ever side of Memorable Examples I turn me, I am forced, nolens volens, to remain in the Family of the Scipio's. For how can we in this place pass over Scipio Nasica, illustrious for his magnani∣mous Mind and Saying? There being a likelihood of great Scarcity, Curatius Tribune of the People compelled the Consuls, in a publick Assembly, to pro∣pose in Court the buying of Corn, and sending Em∣bassadours to that end and purpose. For the hinder∣ing of which design, being of little profit, Nasica be∣gan to make opposition; upon which a great clamour arising among the People: Romans, said he, be quiet, for I understand much better than you do, what the ne∣cessities of the Commonwealth require. Which words of his they no sooner heard, but with a silence full of veneration, they made it appear, how much a greater respect they had to his Authority, than to their own want of Nourishment.

4. The stout mind also of Livius Salinator is to

be delivered to Eternal Memory; who, when he had defeated Asdrubal, and the Army of the Carthaginians in Ʋmbria, and that it was told him that the Gauls and Ligurians were without order, and without their Officers, scattered from their Colours, easie to be overthrown with a small party; he made answer, That those were to be spared, lest the Enemy should want Messengers of their great defeat at home.

5. This was a warlike presence of minde, that which we relate, though in a person of the Gown, not less praiseworthy; which Furius Philus shewed in the Senate: For he compelled Quintus Metellus, and Quintus Pompeius, men of Consular degree, being his professed Enemies, and upbraiding him because he did not go into Spain, which province he had chosen, that he should send Lieutenants thither, upon his departure from Rome to march along with him; a confidence not onely couragious, but almost rash, that durst admit so neer him two of his most Capital Ad∣versaries; and trust the management of Affairs in the breast of Enemies, which was hardly to be intrusted with his friends.

6. The act of this person, if it be not displeasing, certainly the purpose of L. Crassus, who was the most Eloquent among his Ancestors, cannot admit of re∣proof: who having obtained the Province of Gallia in his Consulship, in which Province Carbo had con∣demn'd his Father, when he came to have an inspecti∣on into Carbo's actions, he not onely not remov'd him from his Dignity, but assign'd him a place in the Tri∣bunal, and ordered nothing without his presence in Council: So that sharp and vehement Carbo got no∣thing by his Gallick Expedition, but onely that he thereby understood that a guilty Father had been ba∣nished by a just and honest man.

7. The Elder Cato being often called to plead for

himself, yet never convicted of any Crime, at length reposed so much confidence in his Innocency, that be∣ing publickly questioned, he made Gracchus his Judge, to whom he bare a singular hatred, by which excel∣lency of his Courage he abated the envy of his Prose∣cutors.

8. The same was the fortune of M. Scaurus, the same length of years, the same courage of minde: Who being accused before the Pulpits for Orations, that he had taken money of Mithridates to betray the Commonwealth, pleaded his Cause in this manner: It is unjust, O Romans, said he, that I who have lived among one sort of people, should come to give an account of my actions among another; yet I will dare to ask ye all, the greatest part of whom could not possibly be present at the Deeds which I have done, and the Honours which I have attain'd. Varius Suetonensis says that M. Scau∣rus brib'd by the King, has betray'd the Commonwealth: Whom of the two do you believe? The people mov'd with admiration of his Saying, with their loud Cries forced Varius to desist from his violent and mad prose∣cution.

9. Contrariwise did M. Antonius, that Eloquent man: For he, not by refusing, but by embracing his own defence, testified how innocent he was. Going Questor into Asia, he was on his Journey as far as Brun∣dusium; where being informed by Letters that he was accused of Incest before the Pretor Cassius, whose Tri∣bunal, because of his severity, was called the Rock of the Guilty, though he might have shun'd it by the benefit of the Memmian Law, which forbids the Names of them to be taken who are absent upon the Affairs of the Publick, yet he return'd to the City; by which advice of a good Confidence, he not onely obtained a quick absolution, but a honester departure.

10. These that follow, are also splended Examples

of noble Confidence. For in that War which was undertaken against Pyrrhus, when the Carthaginians had sent a Navy of an Hundred and Thirty Ships to Ostia, to the assistance of the Romans, the Senate were pleased to send Messengers with Instructions to tell their Captain, that they did not use to enter into Wars which they were not able to carry on without the help of Strangers; and that therefore he might re∣turn with his Navy to Carthage. The same Senate some few years after, when the Roman power was almost broken by the Overthrow at Cannae, sent a Re∣cruit of Forces to the Army in Spain; whereby they shew'd, that although Hannibal was with his Army at the Capene Gate, how little they valued his ap∣proach. Thus to carry themselves in Adversity, what was it else, but to compel Fortune, overcome with shame, to return to their side?

11. It is a great leap to descend from the Senate to the Poet Accius. But that we may pass from him more decently to forreign Examples, let us produce him. He, when Julius Caesar a great and powerful man came into the Colledge of Poets, would not so much as rise: not that he was forgetful of his Gran∣deur, but that he believed himself superiour in com∣parison of their Studies. And therefore not guilty of the Crime of Insolence, seeing the contest was about Volumes, not Statues.

FORRAIGN.

1. Nor was Euripides to be accompted insolent at Athens, who, when the People requir'd him to strike out such a Sentence out of a certain Tragedy, appear∣ing upon the Stage, told um, That he composed Fables to teach them, not by them to be taught. That Confi∣dence is certainly to be praised, which weighing the

esteem of a mans self, arrogates so much to its self, as to keep contempt and insolency at a distance.

And therefore his answer to Alcestides the Tragick Poet; who complaining to him, that he could not make above three Verses the last three days, and that with a great deal of labour too, when the other boa∣sted that he could write an Hundred; The reason is, said Euripides, because thine are only to last three days, and mine are to last to eternity. For the fluent wri∣ting of the one, perish'd within the first bounds of Memory; but the elaborate and constant Stile of the other will be carried through all Ages upon the wings of time.

2. I will adde an Example upon the same Stage. Antigenidas the Musician, cried out to a Scholar of his rare in his Art, but not approved by the People, Sing to me and the Muses. For perfect Art, though it want the flattery of Fortune, doth not therefore want a just confidence in its self.

3. But Zeuxis having painted Helen, thought it not fit to expect what men would say of his Work, but presently added these Verses out of Homer, Iliad. 3.

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I cannot blame the man that for her strives, Like an Immortal God she is —

So that the Painter did not arrogate so much to his Art, to think he had drawn so much Beauty, as Leda might assume through her Celestial Birth, or Homer express by his divine Wit.

4. Phidias also alluded to the Verses of Homer in a

notable Saying. For having finish'd the Statue of Jupiter Olympic, than which never humane hand did make a more famous Piece, being ask'd by his Friend, whither he directed his mind when he form'd the Face of Jupiter of Ivory, as if he had seem'd to fetch it from Heaven; reply'd, that he made use of these following Verses; Iliad. 1.

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— With his black brows he to her nodded, Wherewith displayed were his Locks Divine, Olymyus shook at stirring of his Godhead.

5. But now the most renowned Captains suffer me no longer to insist upon mean Examples. For Epa∣minondas, when his Citizens in anger commanded him in contempt to take care of paving the Streets in the Town (which was one of the lowest Offices among them) without any hesitation took it upon him, pro∣mising in a short time to make the City most beautiful. By his wonderful Industry making the most vile Office to be coveted for a great honour.

6. But Hannibal remaining in Exile with King Pru∣sias, and being the occasion of his giving Battle, though the other told him that the Entrails portended no good Success, made this reply; Hadst thou rather, said he, believe a little Calves flesh, than an old General? A brief and concise Answer, considering the number of the Words; considering the sence, a copious reply, and of great authority. For he that had wrung out of the hands of the Romans both Spains, and having reduc'd the force of Gallia and Liguria under his subjection, had open'd a new Passage through the Alps, laying at the Kings feet the dire memory of the Thrasymene

Lake, the famous monument of the Punic Victory at Cannae, Capua taken, and all Italy rent and torn, could not endure that his glory, witnessed by long experi∣ment, should be put in competition with the Liver of one Sacrifice. And certainly, as to what concern'd the exploring of Military Sacrifices, and making con∣jectures of Warlike Conducts, the breast of Hannibal was far above all the little fires, all the Altars of Bi∣thynia, in the judgment of Mars himself.

7. That saying also of King Cotys, was the mark of a most generous Spirit, who so soon as he understood that the Athenians had given him a City, made answer, that he would give them the Law of his Nation. Thereby equalling Thrace to Athens, lest by account∣ing himself unable to requite such a benefit, he should have been esteem'd to have thought too meanly of his Original.

8. Nobly was it said also of both the Spartans, one of whom being reproved that he went to battle being lame, reply'd, That it was his intention to fight, and not to run. The other being told that the Sun us'd to be obscur'd with the Darts of the Persians; A very good story, quoth he, for we shall fight the better in the shade. Another Person, of the same City and Courage, made answer to his Host, shewing him the high and broad Walls of his City; If ye made um for your Wo∣men, said he, ye did well; if for your Men, 'twas igno∣miniously done.

CHAP. VIII. Of Constancy.

ROMANS.

• 1. Q. Fulvius Flaccus.
• 2. Q. Fabius Maximus.
• 3. Q. Calpurnius Piso.
• 4. Metellus Numidia.
• 5. Scaevola the Elder.
• 6. Sempronia Sister of the Gracchi.
• 7. Pontius the Centurion.
• 8. Mevius the Centurian.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Blassius the Salapian.
• 2. Phocion the Athenian.
• 3. Socrates the Athenian.
• 4. Ephialtes the Athenian.
• 5. Dion of Syracuse.
• 6. Alexander the Great.

THere remains the labour of Constancy, as it were due to him that has demonstrated an open and couragious breast endued with good Confidence: For Nature has provided that whoever believes himself to have comprehended any thing orderly and rightly in his minde, should stifly defend it, and put it into act against opposition; or if not done, should bring it to effect without delay maugre all resistance.

1. But while I seek for an Example of what I pro∣pound, looking about me at a distance, before all the rest, the Constancy of Fulvius Flaccus offers it self. He at that time held Capua, which through the falla∣cious promises of Hannibal, had resolv'd by their vile Revolt to put the Kingdom of Italy into the Conque∣rours hands. Having therefore made a true value of the Enemies Crime, he purposed with himself wholly to extirpate the Senate of Capua, who were the Au∣thors of that wicked Decree. To this intent he sent them all to Theana, and Calena, laden with Chains,

into two several Prisons, resolving to execute his pur∣pose, when he had done some other things which re∣quired a more necessary speed. In the mean time a Rumour being spread of more favourable Proceedings being intended toward them, lest they should escape their deserved punishment, he took horse in the night-time, posts to Theana, where he put to death all that were in custody there; thence hasting to Calena, he finish'd the work of his severe Resolution: For though while yet the Campanians were bound to the stake, he had received Letters in favour of them, he notwith∣standing kept the Letters as he received them in his left hand, commanding the Lictor to do his duty; nor would he open them, till he knew it was too late to obey them. By which Constancy of his he sur∣mounted the glory of a Victory: For if we make his Estimate by dividing the praise between himself, we shall finde him greater in Capua punish'd, than in Ca∣pua taken.

2. This was a Constancy in Severity; that which follows, a most admirable Constancy in piety, which Fabius Maximus render'd indefatigable for the good of his Country. He told out the Money to Hannibal for the Captives; being publickly defrauded of it, he said nothing. The Senate had made Minutius Master of the Horse, equal to him in Authory, he held his tongue, And although provoked with many other injuries, he persisted in the same habit of minde; nor would ever give his p••ssion liberty to be angry with the Com∣monwealth, so stedfast was the love he bare to his Ci∣tizens. In his managing the War, was not his Con∣stancy the same? The Roman Empire broken at the overthrow at Cannae, seem'd scarce able to provide a∣nother Army; and therefore believing it to be better to delay and weary the force of the Carthaginians, than to come to Handy-blows with all his power,

though provoked with the frequent taunts of Hanni∣bal, though he had many times a fair opportunity of well succeeding offer'd, yet he would never recede from his own wholesome deliberations, not so much as to the hazard of a Skirmish; and which is most dif∣ficult, he every where appear'd to be Superiour both to Anger and Hope. And therefore as Scipio by figh∣ting, so he by not fighting reliev'd his Country: For the one ruin'd Carthage by his Celerity, the other by his delay took care that Rome should not be destroy∣ed.

3. By the following Narration it will also appear, that Caius Piso being Consul at a time of much turbu∣lency and combustion in the Commonwealth, did be∣have himself with a wonderful Constancy. The fury of the people being highly moved by the delusions of M. Palicanus, a seditious person, endeavour'd to com∣mit a most foul act at the great Assembly for choosing Consuls, intending to have given into his hands a most large Power, whose vile actions requir'd rather the utmost severity of punishment, than any the least mark of Honour. Nor was the furious flame of the Tribunes Authority wanting to incense the amazed Multitude. In this miserable and shameful condition of the City, Piso being plac'd before the Pulpit for Orations, though not by the hands of the Tribunes, and all flocking about him, and demanding of him whether he would declare Palicanus Consul, now chosen by the Suffrages of the People, answered; First, that he did not believe the Commonwealth had been overwhelm'd with so much darkness, as to act a thing so unworthy. And when the People still press'd him to declare the Election, crying out, If it were unwor∣thily done, let it be so, he replied, I will make no de∣claration. With which short Answer he bare away the Consulship from Palicanus, before he had obtain'd

it. Thus Piso contemn'd many terrible hazards, dis∣dainining to renounce the well-grounded rigour of his mind.

4. Metellus sirnam'd Numidian, for a perseverance of the same nature, endured a storm much unworthy his Majesty and generous Manners. For when he perceived what Saturninus in his designes of mischief aim'd at, and what ruin they would bring to the Commonwealth, if not timely prevented, he rather chose Banishment, than to submit to his Laws. Could there be any person thought more constant than this man? Who rather than he would act contrary to his judgment, suffer'd the want of his own Countrey, where he had attain'd to the highest degrees of Digni∣ty.

5. However, though I prefer no one before him, yet may I not undeservedly compare with him Scaevola the Soothsayer. Sylla having now quite defeated his Op∣posers, and got the upper hand of his Enemies, and got possession of the City, arm••d as he was, compell'd the Senate to accomplish his most eager desire, that Marius might be by them declar'd an open Enemy. Whose Will when no one durst withstand, Scaevola alone being requir'd, refus'd to give his opinion in the Case. And when Sylla began with a frowning look to threaten him; Though, said he, thou shouldst shew me the bands of Shouldiers with which thou hast surrounded the Senate, though thou threaten death never so often, thou shalt never make me yield, in hopes to keep warm my little and aged blood, to declare Marius an Enemy, by whom this City and all Italy has been preserv'd.

6. What has a Woman to do with publick Ora∣tions? If the Custome of our Countrey be observed, Nothing. But where Domestick Peace and Quiet is toss'd upon the waves of Sedition, the Authority of Antient Custome gives way. And that which Vio∣lence

compels, more avails, than that which Modesty perswades and directs. And therefore, O Sempronia, Sister of Titus and Caius Gracchus, Wife of Scipio Ae∣milianus, I will not comprehend thee in a Narrative envious of thy worth, as absurdly inserting thee a∣mong the most weighty Examples of Vertue: but be∣cause that being brought to answer before the People, by a Tribune of the Vulgar, thou hast not degenerated from the greatness of thy Ancestors in so vast a con∣fusion, I will eternize thy Memory. Thou wert for∣ced to stand in that place, where the greatest Perso∣nages of the City were wont to be affronted. The highest in Authority powr'd out their Threats against thee with a severe and cruel Brow, backt with the Cries of the rude Multitude. The whole Forum eagerly endeavour'd that thou shouldst acknowledge with a Kiss Equitius, whom they unjustly labour to impose upon the Sempronian Stock, as the Son of Ti∣berius thy Brother: yet didst thou thrust him from thee, a Monster brought out of I know not what pro∣fundity of darkness, approaching with an execrable boldness, to usurp a relation of Consanguinity, where he had nothing of Alliance.

7. The great Luminaries of our City will not take it amiss, if in the number of their flaming Lights the virtue of the Centurions also make bold to shew it self. For as humble Degree ought to reverence Great∣ness, so antient Nobility ought rather to cherish than despise those who are but newly advanc'd, by acts of Vertue. Wherefore then ought Pontius to be driven out of the Company of these Examples, who being upon an Out-guard in Caesar's Army, and surprized by a Party of Scipio's, when there was but one way left for him to save himself, if he would serve under Pom∣pey his Son in-law, fearless made this answer: Scipio,

I thank thee for thy kindness, but I have no occasion for my Life upon any such condition.

8. C. Mevius a Centurion of divine Augustus, a person of mean Extraction, yet of a heroic Minde, and observing the same Constancy of Resolution, having signaliz'd himself by many Personal acts of Valour in the War with Mark Antonie; being at length taken by an Ambuscado of the Enemy, and brought before Antonie to Alexandria, and being demanded what pu∣nishment he deserv'd: Command me, said he, to be killed, for neither the benefit of Pardon, nor present Death shall compel me to cease to be a Souldier of Caesars, nor now to begin to take thy part. But the more constantly he contemn'd his Life, the more easily he obtain'd it. For Antonie immediately set him at Liberty for his Vertue.

FORRAIGN.

1. Many other Roman Examples remain of this nature; but I must avoid tediousness, and therefore suffer my Pen to slip to Forraign presidents. In the first front whereof let Blassius appear, than whose Constancy there was nothing more stedfast. He de∣signing to restore Salapia, where he was born, to the Roman Empire, being then garrison'd by the Cartha∣ginians; to this purpose, with more desire to com∣pass his Plot, than hope of obtaining his end, he bold∣ly adventures to draw in Dasius, one that most fiercely disagreed with him in the administration of Affairs, being wholly devoted to Hannibal, but one without whose assistance he could not bring his designe about. This man presently reports to Hannibal all that had pass'd between him and Blassius, adding of his own what he thought would increase his own commenda∣tion, and render his enemy more odious. Hannibal

calls them both before him; the one to justifie, the other to defend what he stood accused of. Now it falling out so that the matter was brought before the Tribunal, while other matters of more moment were in dispatch, Blassius with a fair face and low voice earnestly admonish'd Dasius, to favour and assist the Romans: whereupon D••sius crying out, that he was impudently sollicited in the very presence of the Cap∣tain by the Prisoner; which because it seem'd incre∣dible, and was heard only by one, and spoken by an enemy, the truth was not believ'd. But not long after the wonderful Constancy of Blassius drew Dasius to his par y, by which means he delivered up Salapia to Marcellus, with Five Hundred Numidians that were there in Garrison.

2. Phocion the Athenian, when the Athenians had had prosperous success in the management of an affair contrary to his advice, yet so obstinately defended his own opinion, that he told them in his Speech, that though he rejoyced in their Success, yet his Councel was much the better, if they had followed it. For he did not condemn what he saw well done, seeing it had succeeded, what they undertook by ill advice; ac∣compting the one fortunate, the oth••r wisely advis'd. Fortune makes rathness to be approv'd when it pro∣spers by bad counsel, which as it causes more vehe∣ment mischief, so the good it brings is the more un∣expected. The mann••rs of Phoci••n, pleasing, liberal and endued with all swe••tness, were the cause that he was by the consent of all men adorn'd w••••h the Sirname of Good. And therefore Constancy, w••ich by nature seems more rigid, flow'd more gently out of his m••••d Breast.

3. But the mind of Socrates, clad with the str••ngth of Viri••ity, produced a more rugged ••••••mple of firm Resolution. The whole City of Athens, being car∣ried

away with a most wicked and barbarous errour, had pronounced a most sad sentence against the ten Praetors, that had overthrown the Navy of the Lace∣daemonians at Aeginusae. It hapned that Socrates was then in so great Authority, as at whose discretion the People made their publick Edicts; who thinking it an unworthy thing, that so many and so well deserving persons should unworthily be taken off by the violence of Envy, oppos'd his own Constancy to the Rashness of the Multitude: Nor could he be compell'd by the Clamours and violent Threats of the People, to give his consent to their publick madness. Which being thus by his opposition hindred from raging in a lawful manner, resolved unjustly to embrue their hands in the innocent blood of the Praetors. Yet was not So∣crates afraid of the Eleventh Fury of his enraged Country, like enough then to have taken his Life also.

4. The next Example, though not of the same splendour, yet is it to be accompted as a certain expe∣riment of Constancy, as well in regard of the Efficacy as the Fidelity of the person. Ephialtes at Athens was commanded to accuse several persons, and among the rest to set down the name of Demonstratus, whose Son was Democrates, a Youth of excelling Beauty, and by him ardently belov'd. The Accuser therefore, cruel by reason of his Office, but considering his pri∣vate affection miserable and guilty, when the Boy came to entreat for mitigation of his Fathers punish∣ment, prostrating himself at his Lovers feet, Ephialtes could not endure to behold him; but with his head cover'd, weeping and lamenting, suffer'd him to pour forth his Prayers in vain. Yet nevertheless he con∣demn'd Demostratus, whom he had with a sincere fide∣lity accused; having got the Victory, I cannot say whether with greater praise or torment, because that before he inflicted punishment upon the Guilty, he vanquish'd himself.

5. Him Dion of Syracuse exceeds, though by an example of a various nature. Who being advis'd by certain persons to be more wary of Heraclides and Calippus, in whom he had plac'd a great confidence, as now plotting designes against him, made answer, that he had rather loose his Life, than out of fear of a violent Death, make no distinction between his Friends and his Enemies.

6. That which follows is not only admirable for the thing it self, but also illustrious, when we consider the Author. Alexander King of the Macedonians, having in a very great Battle broken the Forces of Da∣rius, being almost scalded with the heat of the Weather and his Travail, threw himself into Cydnus, a River running by Tarsus, eminent for the excellency of the water. Upon a suddain, with drinking over-much, his Nerves being stupified with cold, and his Arteries benumm'd, he was carried in that condition to a Town adjoining to the Camp, to the great conster∣nation of the whole Army. While he lay ill at Tarsus, in the extremity of his Sickness, the hopes of present Victory boyl'd in his Breast. And therefore calling his Physicians, he sought for all Remedies to restore his health; who all pitching upon one Potion, which was to be made and given him by the hands of Philip his Friend and Companion, he received Letters at the same time from Parmenio, advising him to beware of the treachery of Philip, whom Darius had certainly corrupted. Nevertheless, after he had read the Let∣ters he drank off the Potion, and then gave the Letters to Philip to ••ead. For which constant opinion of the Reality of his Friend, he received a most worthy Re∣ward from the Immortal Gods, who would not per∣mit the Remedy of his Health to be disappointed by any surmised Suspition of Treachery in the delivery of it.

LIB. IV.

CHAP. 1. Of Moderation.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. P. Valerius Poblicola Coss.
• 2. Furius Camillas Exile.
• 3. Marcius Rutilius.
• 4. L. Quinctius Cincin∣natus Cos.
• 5. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus.
• 6. The Elder Africanus.
• 7. Claudius Marcellus.
• 8. Sempronius Gracchus Cos.
• 9. Claudius Nero Consul.
• 10. P. Scipio Aemilianus Cos.
• 11. Q. Mucius S••••vola.
• 12. Metellus Macedonian.
• 13. Metellus Numidian.
• 14. Cato of Utica.
• 15. Calpurnius Bibulus Proc.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Architas Tarentine.
• 2. Plato Athenian.
• 3. Dion of Syracuse.
• 4. Thrasybulus the Athe∣nian.
• 5. Stasippus of Tagea.
• 6. Pittacus Mitylene.
• 7. Seven wise men.
• 8. Theopompus King of Lacedaemon.
• 9. Antiochus King of Syria.

I Shall pass to the most wholesome part of Instructi∣on, Moderation of Mind, which will not suffer our Minds to be diverted from the right way by the as∣saults of Rashness. Whence it falls out to be not only without reprehension, but most wealthy in the trea∣sures

of praise; and therefore let us shew the effects thereof in men of Fame.

1. And that I may begin from the Cradle of Ho∣nour, P. Valerius, who for the honour he bore the Ma∣jesty of the people, was called Poblicola; who after Kingship was driven out of Rome, seeing the whole stress of their power, the Ensignes of their Authority translated to himself under the Title of Consul, he reduced the envious height of Magistracy to a Habit easily to be endured. He made the Fasces give way to the Axes, in all publick Assemblies laying them down at the feet of the people: he brought the number of the Fasces to be less by one half, and of his own accord took Lucretius to be his Colleague in Authority; before whom, because he was the Elder, he caused the Fasces to be carried first. He also enacted a Law in the As∣semblies of the Hundreds, That no Magistrate should strike or kill a Roman Citizen; so that the freer the Condition of the City was, the more he by little and little extenuated his own Authority. He also pulled down his own house, because that being seated in a higher part of the City, it seemed to have the resem∣blance of a Castle. Thus lower in his house, did he not appear higher in his glory?

2. I can no sooner forsake Poblicola, but I am pleas'd in coming to Furius Camillus: Whose Translation and change from great Ignominies to highest Command, was so moderate, that when his Fellow-Citizens, after that Rome was taken by the Gauls, required his assi∣stance, being then an Exile in Ardea, he had no soo∣ner began his Journey to Veii, there to take charge of the Army, but that he understood all things were con∣firmed in most solemn manner in relation to his being made Dictator. Magnificent was the Veientine Tri∣umph of Camillus, famous was his Victory over the Gauls, but much more admirable that his Pause: for it

was a harder labour for him to overcome himself than the Enemy; neither avoiding adversity with too much haste, nor meeting adversity with too much joy.

3. Equal to Furius in Moderation, was Marcius Ru∣tilius Censorinus: For being a second time created Cen∣sor, he called the people together to an Assembly, and in a Speech most sharply reprehended them, that they had twice conferred that Office upon him; seeing that their Ancestors thought rather fit to abridge and con∣fine the time of holding the same, as being too great for one man. Both did well, both Censorinus and the people: for the one instructed them to bestow their high Honour with Moderation, the other intrusted themselves in the hands of a moderate person.

4. Go to! L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, what a Consul was he? whose honour when the Conscript Fathers would have continued not onely for his egregious acts, but because the people intended to continue the same Tribunes again the next year, neither of which could be legally done; he hindered the endeavours of both, not onely restraining the endeavours of the Senate, but constraining the Tribunes to follow the Example of his own Modesty.

5. But Fabius Maximus having observ'd that him∣self had been Consul five times, and oftner by his Fa∣ther, Grandfather, and Great-Grandfather, at the As∣sembly of the People, where his Son was created Con∣sul, pleaded very hard with the people, That they would permit a vacation of Honour to the Family of the Fabii: Not that he did mistrust the Vertues of his Son, for he was a person of great Honour, but that the su∣pream Honour of the Commonwealth should not re∣main in one Family. What more powerful than this Moderation, that could so overcome his Fatherly af∣fections, which are generally so strong in Parents?

6. There was no Gratitude wanting among our Ancestors to give the rewards due to the Elder African; seeing that they have endeavoured to adorn his greatest Enterprizes with equal Honours. Willing they were to place his Statue in the great Halls of Justice, and Publick Assemblies, over the Rostra in the Court; and in the Temple of Jupiter himself, they were willing to adorn his Statue with Triumphal Habits, and lay it upon the Cushions or Beds of the Gods in the Capitol. They would have given him the Consulship as long as he lived, or a perpetual Dictatorship. But he not en∣during any Act of the People, nor Edict of the Senate to pass in his behalf, carried himself with more Ho∣nour in refusing those Honours, than he had got in obtaining them.

With the same strength of mind he defended the Cause of Hannibal in the Senate, when his own Citi∣zens by their Ambassadors accused him of raising Sedi∣tion among um. Adding, that it did not become the Conscript Fathers to meddle in the affairs of the Car∣thaginians; with a most high moderation consulting the safety of the one, and the dignity of the other; which amounted to a Victory, while both seemed to act the parts of an Enemy.

7. But Marcus Marcellus, who was the first that taught that the Carthaginians could be vanquished, and Syracuse taken, when in the time of his Consul∣ship the Syracusans came into the City to complain against him, he would not permit the Senate to hear the Cause, because his Colleague was by chance absent, lest the Sicilians should grow fearful or remiss in their Accusation: But assoon as his Partner retur∣ned, he himself was the first that put the Senate in mind of calling in the Syracusans; and patiently heard them while they made their Complaints. And though they were commanded by Levinus to depart, yet he

caused them to stay, that they might be present at his defence. Afterwards when both parties had been heard, he followed them going out of the Court, that the Senate might be the more ••ree in passing their Sen∣tence. And when their Accusations were rejected, he courteously embraced them, suppliantly entreating him to receive them into his protection. Moreover, having drawn Sicily by Lot, he yielded that Province to his Colleague. And indeed so often may the Prai∣ses of Marcellus be varied, as he made use of various degrees of Moderation toward his Assocates.

8. How admirable did Tiberius Gracchus render himself! For being Tribune of the People, though he bare a profess'd hatred to the Scipio's both African and Asiatic; yet when the Asiatic Scipio not being able to pay the Money wherein he was condemn'd, was therefore by the Consul commanded to be carried to Prison, upon his appeal to the Colledge of Tribunes, when no man would intercede for him, he dissenting and departing from the Colledge, made a Decree: And when every one thought that in the writing there∣of he would have us'd the words and expressions of an angry enemy; In the first place he swore that he was not friends with Scipio, and then recited this Decree of his own framing: That whereas Cornelius Scipio had cast into Prison the Captains of the Enemy, led before his Chariot on the day of his Triumph; it was unworthy and unbecoming the Majesty of the Roman Peo∣ple, that be should be led thither himself. And there∣fore he would not suffer it to be done. Then willingly the Roman People saw how Gracchus had deceived them in their opinion, and extoll'd his Moderation with deserved Praise.

9. Claudius Nero is also to be number••d among the choice Examples of principal Moderation. He was partner in glory with Livius Salinator in the defeat

of Asdrubal. Yet he chose rather to follow him tri∣umphing on Horseback, than to accept of that honour of Triumph, which the Senate had equally decreed to him; because the action was perform'd in Salinator's Province. Wherefore he triumph'd without a Cha∣riot, so much the more renownedly, because only the Victory of the one, but the Moderation of the other was thereby commended.

10. Nor does the Younger Africanus suffer us to pass him by in silence: Who being Censor, when he mu∣ster'd the Army, and in the Sacrifice then wont to be made, the Scribe was also singing a solemn Hymn of Praise set down in the Books, the Gods were suppli∣cated to prosper and advance the affairs of the Roman People: They are, said he, in a condition good and great enough, and therefore I desire the Gods to preserve them safe as they are. And therefore ordered the Song to be mended accordingly in the publick Records. Which Modesty the Censors when they muster'd ever after us'd in their Prayers. Prudently believing, that then the increase of the Roman Empire was to be sought, when they sought for Triumphs but Seven Miles from the City. But when they now possessed the greatest part of the World, that it was a piece of over-Covetousness to desire more. Being happy if they lost nothing of what they had already won.

Nor did his Moderation appear less in his Censor∣ship before the Tribunal. For when he was mustering the Centuries of the Horsemen, when he saw Licinius the Priest appear according to his Summons; I know, said he, that he hath perjur'd himself in a set form of fram'd words for the nonce. And therefore if any one would accuse him, he would be a witness: But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no man appear'd, Deliver thy Horse, said he, Priest, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 buy the Censor's mark lest I be forced to act the part of an Accuser, Witness and Judge against thee.

11. Which temper of minde is also taken notice of in Q. Scaevola, a most excellent Personage: For being produced as a witness against a Criminal, when he had answered that which seemed to make much against the party, he added at his going away, that they ought not to give him onely Credit, unless many others did aver the same thing; for that to believe the testimo∣ny of one, seem'd to be of a very evil Example: Whereby he procured that Faith which was due to his Sincerity, and at the same time gave wholsome advice for the Common good.

12. I am sensible what Citizens, what Deeds and Sayings of theirs I am forced to comprehend in a nar∣row compass of Oration; but when many and great things are to be spoken concerning the renown of great men, there is no relation comprehending infinite persons and transactions that can perform both. And therefore our purpose is not to praise, but to record them all; and therefore the two Metelli, the Macedo∣nian and Numidian, two the greatest Ornaments of their Country, desire leave to be briefly remember'd. The Macedonian Metellus had most eagerly contended with the African Scipio▪ and this Contention arising out of an Emulation of each others Vertue, grew to most grievous and terrible hatred of each other: but when he heard it reported that Scipio was slain, he ran into the publick street with a sad Countenance and confused Out-cry, crying out, Arm, arm, Citizens arm, the Walls of our City are defaced and ruined: For Sci∣pio was, violently slain at home in his own house. Oh unhappy Commonwealth in the death of Africanus, but happy in the generous and kinde Lamentation of Macedonicus! For at the same time he made known how brave a Prince she had lost, and how brave a one she enjoy'd. He ordered his Sons also to be the Sup∣porters of his Bier, adding this voice of Honour to his

Funeral, That it would never be their fortune to perform that Office to a greater man. Where were now those many Quarrels in the Court? those many dissentions before the Pulpits for Orations? where the Gown-con∣tests of so great Leaders and Commonwealths-men? All these this most Venerable Moderation utterly can∣cell'd.

13. But the Numidian Metellus driven from his Country by Popular Faction, retir'd into Asia; where when he received Letters as he was at Tralles beholding certain sports, reporting that with the universal con∣sent of Senate and People, his return to his own Coun∣try was freely granted him, he would not stir out of the Theatre till the Play was ended: Not shewing a∣ny change of gladness to those that sate next him of any side, but confin'd his great joy within himself, car∣rying the Countenance in his Exilement, as at his Re∣storation. So indifferently did he behave himself be∣tween Adversity and Prosperity, by the advantage of his Moderation.

14. So many Families being numbered up famous for one kind of Vertue, is it fit that we leave out the Portian Name, as wanting their share in this part of Glory? The younger Cato will not so permit it, not a little trusting to no small Exemplar of his own Mo∣deration. He had brought the Cyprian Money with great diligence and sincerity into the City; for which Office the Senate ordained, that at the next Praetorian Assemblies Extraordinary consideration should be ta∣ken: but he would not suffer it to be done, affirming it to be unjust, that what was never decreed to any o∣ther, should be decreed to him. And lest any new Custome should arise from his person, he rather chose the hazards of the field, than to accept the kindness of the Senate.

15. While I am endeavouring from hence to pass to

Forraign Examples, Marcus Bibulus, a person of great Dignity, and sacred for his high Honours, lays hands upon me; who when he lay in Syria, receiving News that two of his Sons, of admirable hopes, were both slain by the Souldiers of Gabinius, the Murtherers of whom were afterwards sent him bound by Cleopatra, to take the revenge of so great a Calamity at his own pleasure. He, notwithstanding so great an advantage was offered him, that a person so provoked could not desire a greater, yet caused his Grief to give way to his Moderation, sending immediately back to Cleopatra the Butchers of his own flesh and blood; telling her withal, That the power of Revenge did not belong to him, but to the Senate.

FORRAIGN.

1. Architas the Tarentine, while he almost drowns himself at Metapontus in the Precepts of Pythagoras, after long labour and study, having freighted himself with the whole Body of Learning, returned into his own Country; where when he came to look after his Estate, he found, through the negligence of his Bayliff, his Farms very much decay'd and spoil'd: Whereupon beholding his ill-deserving Servant, I had most certain∣ly, said he, punish'd thee according to thy desert, but that I am angry with thee. And therefore he had rather let him go unpunish'd, than in his anger punish him more than was just.

2. The Moderation of Architas was over-liberal, that of Plato more temperate. For being over-vehemently provok'd by a Servant that had committed a great Crime, fearing he should himself exceed the measure of his chastisement, committed the correction to his Friend Speusippus; deeming it an unhandsome thing if he had done amiss, that the fault of his Servant, and

the correction of Plato should deserve the same repre∣hension: which makes me no less wonder that he was so constantly moderate toward Zenocrates his Scholar. Plato was informed that he had spoken ill of him ma∣ny times. He without hesitation slighted the accusa∣tion. The Informer very seriously asked him, Why he did not believe him? who replied, That it was not credible that he whom he loved so well should not love him as well again. At length when the envie of the Make-bate confirm'd his story with Oaths, he affirm'd, That he did not believe him perjur'd; however, if Ze∣nocrates did say such things of him, he would not have said them, but that he thought it convenient to speak so. One would have thought his Soul had not kept her Station in a Mortal Body, but in a Celestial Tower, and as it were armed, that could so invincibly keep off the Incursions of Humane Vices, keeping the whole number of Vertues in the close Fortress of the breast.

3. Dion of Syracuse could not deserve equal Com∣mendation with Plato for Learning, but of his Mode∣ration he gave a larger Experiment. He being expel∣led his Country by Dionysius the Tyrant, went to Me∣gara; where coming to give the King of that City a Visit, but not finding admittance after a long and te∣dious waiting, said he to his friend, This is patiently to be endured, for perhaps when we were in Authority we our selves did something like this▪ By wtveh tranquilli∣ty of Minde he made his own Exile more pleasing to himself.

4 Thrasibulus is next to be recorded: who when the people of Athens were forced to leave their Coun∣try through the Cruelty of the Thirty Tyrants, and to live miserably dispersed, and wandering without any home, brought them back to their own Country. However, he made the victorious Restoration of their Liberty more renowned by his most applauded Mode∣ration:

For he made a Law, That no mention should be made of things past. This Act of Oblivion which the Athenians call Amnestia, restored the shaken and decaying State of the City to its former condition of Honour.

5. Not less admirable is this that follows. Stasip∣pus of Tegea, when his friends advised him by any means to kill or remove a person that was his Rival in the Administration of the Commonwealth, though o∣therwise a very just and upright person, denied to do any such act, scaring that the place in Government, which a good man now enjoyed, should be possessed by one of a perverse and evil disposition, coming in his room.

6. The breast of Pittacus was well endued with Moderation; who being become an absolute Tyrant over his Country, when Alcaeus the Poet not onely pro∣secuted him with an inveterate hatred, but with the strength of his sharp Wit, onely gave him to under∣stand what was in his power to do.

7. The mention which I have made of this man, brings to our consideration the Moderation of the se∣ven Wise men. A certain person had bought a Draught of certain Fish••rmen in the Country ot Mi••esium; who bringing up a golden Table of Delphos, of a very ex∣ceeding great weight, a very great Dispute arose; these affirming the sale onely of Fish, the person affirming he bought the Draught in general. By reason of the novelty of the Accident, and the value of the Trea∣sure, the business was referred to the judgment of all the City: they thought it convenient to consult the Oracle to whom the Table belonged: the God an∣swered, that it was to be given to him that excelled in Wisdom, in these words:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Who first in Wisdom all excells, to him the Tripos give.

Thereupon the Milesians by consent gave the Table to Thales: he yielded it to Byas, Byas to Pittacus, and so from one to another, at length it came to Solon, who gave the attribute of chiefest Wisdom, as also the re∣ward, to Apollo himselt.

8. And to witness the Moderation of Theopompus, King of the Lacedaemonians; who being the first Au∣thor of the creation of the Ephori, which were to be a Curb to the Kingly power in La••edaemon, as the Tri∣bunes were a Curb to the Consular Authority in Rome; and for that cause repreh••nded by his wife, that be had done that which would lessen the grandeur of his Children: I shall leave it less, said he, but more lasting, Rightly said; for that power is most lasting that g••ves limits to it self. Therefore Theopompus by binding a Kingdom in legal Fetters, the more he withdrew it from Licentious power, the more he fixed it in the good will of his Subjects.

9. But Antiochus being driven by L. Scipio to the utmost limits of the Kingdom, beyond the Mountain Taurus, having lost Asia and all the adjacent Kingdoms, thought himself bound, without d••ssimulation, to re∣turn thanks to the Romans, that being freed from great Cares, they had confirm'd him to govern a moderate Territory. And indeed there is nothing so Illustrious or Magnificent, which may not be tempeted by Mode∣ration.

CHAP. II. Of Reconciliation.

• 1. M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. F••lvius Flaccus Censors.
• 2. M. Livius Salinator and C. Claudius Nero Coss.
• 3. The Elder Africanus and T. Sempronius Gracchus.
• 4. M. Tullius Cicero and A. Gabinius.
• 5. P. Clodius Pulcher, and T. Cornelius Lentulus.
• 6. L. Caninius Gallus and C. Antonius.
• 7. M. Caelius Rufus and Q. Pompey.

WHich being demonstrated by many and most renowned presidents, let us pass to a most rare Affection of the Mind, or the course of Hatred to Friendship, and let us pursue it in a pleasant Style. For it the boisterous Sea prove calm, and the stormy Sky appear with a serene aspect, and War making a change for Peace, be no small cause of comfort; the asswagement of the bitterness of Hatred is to be ce∣lebrated with a candid Narration.

1. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, twice Consul, and high Priest, equal in the Splendour of his Honours to the Gravity of his Life, bare an inveterate and continued Hatred to Fulvius Flaceus, a person of the same digni∣ty; which assoon as they were both declared Censors together, he laid aside in the Field. Believing it un∣reasonable for those to be at private difference, who were coupled together in Supreme publick Authority.

That judgment of his mind the present Age hath ap∣proved, and the old Writers of Annals have recorded to us as a thing most worthy of applause.

2. Nor would they let the illustrious advice of Li∣vius Salinator for the ending of Quarrels be unknown to Posterity. For though he went into Exile with a burning hatred against Claudius Nero, anger'd at the testimony which he gave against him; yet when the People had recall'd him, and made him Partner with Nero in the Consulship, he commanded himself to for∣get his own disposition, which was most fiery, and the heavy injury which he had received. Lest by de∣nying to take the Consorship of Government, through the inward disaffection of his mind, he should have acted the part of an evil Consul, by shewing his hatred to his Enemy. Which inclination of his mind to a better disposition, in an unsafe and difficult conjuncture of affairs, wrought no small advantage to the City and all Italy; while they supported with an equal strength of vertue, were the first that broke the force and turn'd the fortune of the Carthaginians.

3. A fair Example also we finde in the Elder Afri∣can and T. Gracchus of Enmity laid aside. For at the sacred Rites of that Table, to which they came with a boyling Hatred each to other, from the same Table they departed entire Friends. For Scipio, at the me∣diation of the Senate, not contented to enter into Friendship with Gracchus in the Capitol, at the Feast of Jupiter; he there also espoused his Daughter Cor∣nelia to him.

4. This gentile humour appear'd chiefly in M. Ci∣cero: For he most vehemently defended A. Gabinius accus'd of Bribery, who had expell'd him out of the City in his Consuship. And the same person pre∣serv'd P. Vatinius from two publick Judgements, though he were alwaies an enemy to his Dignity: As

without any imputation of Levity, so with some Praise. For with better pretence Injuries are over∣come by Benefits, than retaliated with obstinate Ani∣mosity.

5. Which act of Cicero's seem'd so laudable, that P. Pulcher, his utter Enemy, did not disdain to follow it. Who being accus'd of Incest by the three Lentuli, re∣ceived one of them into his protection, at the same time accused for corrupting the People, to obtain an Office: and gave his mind wholly (beholding the Judge, the Praetor, and the Temple of Vesta) to act all Friendship for the same Lentulus, though the other at the same time endeavoured to ruine his reputation with a soul crime.

6. Caninius Gallus also shew'd himself wonderful in Courtesie both toward the Criminal, and to his Accu∣ser: For to Antonius, whom he had condemn'd, he gave his Daughter; and Colonius, by whom he was accused, he made Overseer of his Estate.

7. As for Caelius Rufus, though his Life were in∣famous, yet the Pity that he shewed to Q. Pompeius was to be applauded; who being cast at a publick Trial by himself, when his Mother Cornelia would not restore the Farms, which he had conveyed to her in trust, at the request of Lentulus in a Letter, he with great fervency made a Journey to her: He shewed the Letter, which testified the Necessity of Pompey; where∣by he overcame the impious Covetousness of Cornelia. A deed, for its most compassionate Humanity, to be applauded even in Caelius himself; and to be imitated, though Rufus were the Author.

CHAP. III. Of Abstinence and Continence.

ROMAN Examples.

• 1. Scipio African the Elder.
• 2. Cato of Utica.
• 3. Nero Claudius Drusus and Antonia.
• 4. Cn. Marrius Coriolarus.
• 5. Curius Dentatus Cos.
• 6. C. Fabricius Lusenus ••os.
• 7. Q. Aelius Tubero Cos.
• 8. L. Aemili••s Paulus ••ro∣cos.
• 9. The Roman Ambass••∣dours Fabius Gunges, Cn. Fabii Pictores, and Q. Ogulnius.
• 10. L. Calpurnius Piso.
• 11. Cato the Elder.
• 12 Cato of Utica.
• 13. P. Scipio Em••lianus.
• 14. The People of Rome.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Pericles the Athenian.
• 2. S••phocles the Athenian.
• 3. Xenocrates the Acade∣mic.
• 4. D••••g••n••s the Cynic.

WIth great care and most deliberate study are we now to relate, how those impetuous desires of Lust and Avarice have by Reason and Councel been remov'd from the breasts of great Persons. For that City, that Family, that Kingdom easily remains in a lasting and firm degree of Establishment, where Lust and Avarice challenge the least prerogative. For where those Plagues of Humane kinde have gotten sooting, there Injury prevails, and Infamy rages. But forgetting those, let us call to minde Customes contrary to those most pestilent Vices.

1. Scipio in the twenty fourth year of his Age, having taken New Carthage in Spain, and conceiving

in his mind prosperous hopes of taking the greater Carthage, had regained into his power many Hostages, which the Carthaginians kept close in that Town, and among the rest a Virgin of most surpassing Beauty ma∣ture in years, though he were young, unmarried and a Conquerour, yet understanding that she was of a Noble Family among the Celtiberians, and affianced to Indibilis, one of the Princes of that Countrey, he sent for her Parents and her Spouse, and delivered un∣touch'd to her own Friends, adding to her Dowry the Gold that was brought for her Ransome. Which Continency and Bounty of his so moved Indibilis, that he wrought with the Celtiberians to take part with the Romans, thereby approving himself truly grateful for so great a favour.

2. As Spain was a witness of this mans Abstinence, so did Epirus, Achaia, the Cyclade Islands, the Sea-Coast of Asia, and Cyprus, give testimony to the Con∣tinence of Cato: From whence when he had the charge of sending great sums of Money, he carried himself as free from Wantonness, as from desire of Gain, though he had opportunity enough to have been in∣temperate in both: For the Royal Treasure was all at his charge, and he was forced every where to take up his Lodgings in Cities the most fruitful of all pleasures. And this is testified in writing by Minatius Rufus, his faithful Companion in the Cyprian Expedition. Though I rely not altogether upon his testimony; the subject it self is a sufficient proof, seeing that Cato and Con∣tinence were both born from the same Womb of Na∣ture.

3. Most certain it is that Drusus Germanicus, the glory of the Claudian Family, a rare Ornament of his Countrey, and which is above all the rest, for the greatness of his Actions, considering his Age, near ap∣proaching to the Grandeur of his Imperial Father-in-Law

and Brother, was eminently known to have con∣fin'd his love of Women within the particular and sin∣gle affection to his own Wife. Antonia also, a wo∣man surpassing in Praise the Masculine Renown of her Family, recompensed the love of her Husband with a Fidelity answerable: And after his decease, in the Flower of his Age and Beauty, espoused her self to the House of her Mother-in-law; so that in the same bed the Vigorous Youth of the one extinguished, the ex∣perienced Widowhood of the other grew aged. And so let this Chamber put an end to these Examples.

4. Let us now spend some time upon Examples of those who never car'd for money. Caius Marcius a young Gentleman of the Porcian Family, descended from the Renowned Progeny of King Ancus; who had their sirname from Coriolum a Town of the Volsci by them taken: when for his noble acts of Fortitude, he was praised at the head of the Army by Posthumius Cominius the Consul, and reward given him of Mili∣tary gifts, besides a hundred Acres of Land, his choice of ten Captives, as many Horses with their Trappings, a Herd of a hundred Oxen, and a great weight of Silver; yet he refused all, accepting of nothing but the liberty of one Captive that was his Host, and one Horse for service: Through which circumspect Mo∣deration of minde, it is hard to judge whether he me∣rited most in deserving of refusing those Rewards.

5. But M. Curius, a most exact Rule of Roman Frugality, as well as a perfect President of Fortitude, was not asham'd to shew himself sitting upon a Coun∣try-form before the fire at Supper in a Wooden platter. (You may guess at his Dainties.) He contemn'd the Riches ot the Samnites, the Samnites admir'd his Po∣verty: For when they brought him a great weight of Gold, sent him by their Country-men for a Present, and kindly desired him to accept of it, he fell into a

laughter, and presently, quoth he, You that are come hi∣ther upon a needless, if I may not all it idle Embassie, go tell the Samnites, That Curius had rather command rich men than be rick himself; and carry back that pretious gift invented to the evil of mankind; and remember that I can neither be overcome in Battle, nor be corrupted with Money. The same person when he had driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, nevertheless would nor touch the least part of all those Royal spoils that did so inrich the City. Moreover, he would not exceed the usual measure of Popular assignement, though the Senate gave to himself Fifty Acres of Land, to the people but Seven Acres; esteeming him no good Citizen, that could not be contented with what was given to o∣thers.

6. Of the same opinion was Fabricius Luscinus, greater than any person of his time in Honour and Authority; in Estate not above the meanest: Who when the Samnites, who were under his protection, sent him a Present of Ten pound of coyned Silver, Five pound weight of Gold, and as many Servants, he sent them back to Samnium; by the advantage or his Continency rich without Money, and attended with∣out a Family; so much did he abound in Honour pur∣chased by the contempt of those things. Nor was the expectation of Fabricius unanswered in the refusal of those Presents: For the Embassadour returning so Pyr∣rhus, and hearing Cyrnas the Thessalian telling the King of a certain Athenian famous for his Wisdom, who was of opinion that men should do nothing but for pleasure's sake, look'd upon it as a monstrous say∣ing, and immediately decri'd that kind of Wisdom, both before Pyrrhus and the Samnites. For though the Athenians did glory in their Learning, yet there was no prudent person but would rather chuse to fol∣low the self-den•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fabricius, than the Precepts of

Epicurus: which the event prov'd true: For that City which indulged so much pleasure, lost a very large Dominion; but an industrious and laborious Country holds its own: And this City could bestow that Li∣berty, which the other valu'd not.

7 One might easily conjecture Elius Tubero, sirna∣med Carus, to have been the Disciple of Curius and Fabricius, to whom, being then Consul, when the Eto∣lians sent a vast present of Silver Plate, not onely of a very great weight, but also most exquisitely wrought; by reason that their Embassadours whom they had formerly sent to congratulate him, upon their return had related how they saw him feeding onely in Ear∣then Dishes: He immediately bid them be gone with their Baggage, admonishing them withal, that they should not think that Continency and Poverty wanted the same supply. How well did he prefer his own Do∣mestick meanness before the Etolian Splendour, if the succeeding Ages would have followed his Example! But now to what a height are we grown, that Servants refuse to make use of that Houshold-stuff, which would serve a Consul before?

8. But after the overthrow of Perseus, Paulus had so glutted the old Hereditary poverty of our City with Wealth, that at that time the Roman people first began to think of laying Taxes; yet no way enriched his own Family, accompting it enough that he by his Vi∣ctories got Honour, while others got the money.

9. To this sound judgment of his, Q. Fabius Gur∣ges, Cn. Fabius Pictores, and Ogulnius, subscri∣bed, who being sent Embassadours to King Ptolomy, sent those Gifts which they had privately receiv'd from the King, into the publick Treasury, before they would give an account of their Embassie to the Senate; judg∣ing that there was nothing due for faithful service to the publick, but the reward of Praise. But now the

Senate shew'd their gratitude, and the exact discipline of our Ancestors. For what they had laid up in the Treasury was restor'd to the Embassadours not only by the Decree of the Senate, but by the consent of the People, which was by the Questors with the same willingness paid. Thus the Liberality of Ptolomy, the Abstinence of the Embassadours, the Equity of the Senate and People, had in all an equal share of ap∣plause.

10. That Calpurnius Piso was an Imitator of the Fabii and Ogulnii, the Story makes manifest. The Consul having freed Sicily from the bloody War of the Fugitives, like a Commander rewarded those with Gifts, whose assistance he had made most use of; a∣mong the rest he gave to his Son, who had behaved himself valiantly, a Crown of Three Pound weight of Gold, saying withal, That the chief Magistrate should not take out of the publick Treasure to expend upon his own Family; and that therefore he would leave so much Gold over and above to the Young man in his Will, to pay for it; that though he received his Honour publickly, he should receive the price privately from his Father.

11. Let us see if we can finde any great person in this age that makes use of Goatskins for his Coverlid, and while he rules all Spain, has but three Servants to attend him; that spent no more than Five Hundred Farthings and somewhat over in his preparation for his Journey; that drank the same Drink, and eat the same Meat which the Mariners fed upon; would not that be wonderful indeed? Yet all this did the Elder Cato patiently endure, confining himself with an ex∣traordinary, delight to a pleasing custome of Fruga∣lity.

12. The Younger Cato was born at a great distance from the Continence of the antient times, coming into the world at such a time, when the City abounded in

Riches and all manner of Voluptuousness. Yet he having a command in the Civil Wars, and having his Son along with him, nevertheless had but twelve Servants with him; in number more than the former Cato used, but the alteration of the times being con∣sider'd, fewer.

13. I am not a little delighted in repeating the Acts of Illustrious Heroes. Scipio Aemilianus, after he had born two Consulships, and been eminent for two Tri∣umphs of his own Conquests, yet went upon a great Embassie accompanied with no more than Seven At∣tendants. And yet 'tis believed he might have pur∣chas'd more with the Spoils of Carthage and Numan∣tium, but that the praise of his great deeds should ac∣crew to himself, the Spoils to his Countrey. And therefore when he travell'd through the Countries of his Associates and Allies, and other forraign Nations, they were not accompted his Slaves, but his Victories. Nor did men consider how much Gold and Silver, but how much weight of worth he bare about him.

14. This Continence appear'd in the very breasts of the generality of the People, but it shall suffice to relate two Examples of ages far distant one from another. Pyrrhus when he saw the violence of his fury at a stand, & that the hearts of his Epirotes began to fail, designing to purchase the good will of the Roman People, whose Vertue he could not overecome, had transported almost all the wealth of his Treasures into our City. But when his Embassadours went from House to House with great Gifts fit for the use of Men and Women, they could not finde a door open to them. Thus the more stout than prosperous defender of the Tarentine petu∣lancie, was repulsed and defeated as well by the Cu∣stomes as Arms of the City; nor can I determine which was the greatest Victory. In that storm also with which Marius and Cinna infested the Common-wealth,

wonderful was the abstinence of the People. For when they lest the people at liberty to ransack the houses of them that were by themselves proscribed, there was no man to be found that would lay hands upon the Prey of civil Discord. For every one ab∣stained from using violence toward them, as from things consecrated to the Gods: Which compassio∣nate abstinence of the common people, was a tacit re∣proach to the Cruelty of the Victors.

FORRAIGN.

1. And lest we should be thought to envy the same applause to strangers, Pericles Prince of the Athenians, having for his Companion in the Pretorship Sophocles the Tragoedian, whom he observ'd at the same time to utter certain Expressions over-lavish in the praise of a beautiful Boy that pass'd by, reprehended him in these words: That a Magistrate ought to keep his eyes front lustful desires, as well as his hands from unlawful gain.

2. Socrates himself being now stricken in years, and being demanded by one whether he yet minded his Youthful dalliances, The Gods have taught me better, said he, for I fled from it of my own accord, as from a furius Contagion.

3. Of equal Continency was Xenocrates in his old Age; of whose opinion the following Relation is no small testimony. Phryne, a noble Curtesan of Athens, while he was in drink, laid herself upon the bed by him, having receiv'd a sum of money to try if she could tempt him. But though he neither refused to hear her flattering allurements, nor to let her stroak and handle him, but let her lie dallying in his bosome, yet he at length put her off without prevailing in her designe. An abstemious act of a mind endu'd with wisdom. But the saying of the Curtesan was very facetious: For the

young men deriding her that she being so handsome and witty, could not win the affection of an old man; and refusing to give het what they had engaged, she made answer, The Bargain was to deal with a Man, and not a Statue. Could this Continence of Xenocrates be more truly demonstrated, more truly or properly by any one than by the expression of the Curtesan her self? For Phryne with all her Beauty could not weaken nor move the most constant Abstinence of the Philo∣sopher.

4. What think ye of King Alexander? could he tempt him with his Riches? You would have thought him a Statue, though equally assail'd as well by the King as by the Curtesan. The King sent Embassadours to him with a Present of some Talents, whom being brought into the Academy, was entertain'd according to his custom, after his mean and poor fashion. The next day the Embassadours asking him if he would have his Money told out, I had thought, said he, by your ye∣sterdays entertainment, that you had understood that my condition does not require Money. Thus while the King was desirous to buy the friendship of the Philosopher, the Philosopher denies to sell it him.

5. The same Alexander having obtained the name of Invincible, could not conquer the Continence of Diogenes the Cynie; to whom, as he was fitting in the Sun, when he came and bid him tell him wherein he might do him a kindness, as he lay in the shade, of a sordid conversation, but of a flout minde, quoth he, As to the rest of thy pressers, by and by; but in the mean time, do not stand between me and the Sun. Which words carried a deep sense with them: so Alex∣ander might sooner overcome Darius with his Arms, than remove Diogenes from his low estate to love wealth. The same person being told by Aristippus at Syracuse, seeing him washing Pot-herbs, that if he

could but flatter Dionysius he need not eat such trash, made this retort, quoth he, If thou couldst eat this mean fare, thou needst not flatter Dionysius.

CHAP. IV. Poverty praised.

• 1. P. Valerius Poplicola.
• 2. Agrippa Menenius.
• 3. C. Fabricius Luscinus and Q. Aemilius Papus.
• 4. Of Captains called from the Plough to command Armies.
• 5. C. Attilius Regulus Cos.
• 6. M. Attilius Regulus:
• 7. L. Quinctius Cincin∣natus, Dictat.
• 8. The Elian Family.
• 9. Elius Tubero, and L. Paulus Emilius.
• 10. Cn. Cornelius Scipio.
• 11. M. Emilius Scaurus.

THat Children are the greatest Ornaments to Wo∣men, we finde written by Pomponius Rufus in his Book of Collections, in these words. When a Campanian Lady lying at the House or Cornelia, Mo∣ther of the Gracchi, shewed her her Jewels and other Ornaments, which were the fairest of any in that time, Cornelia held her in discourse till her Children return'd from School. And these, quoth she, when they appeared, are my Ornaments. For he hath all things that covets nothing, and much more certainly than he that possesses all things. For great Estates many times fail, but a good Habit of Minde is above the violence of Fortune. And therefore what matters it, whether we put Riches in the highest part of Feli∣city, or Poverty in the lowest degree of Misery? Especially when the chearful countenance of Wealth is full of many conceal'd Bitternesses; and the more

rugged and deformed aspect of Poverty many times abounds with many sure and solid Contents.

1. The pride of Tarquin having put an end to King∣ly Government, Valerius Publicola with Junius Brutus his Colleague auspiciously began the Office of Consul∣ship. The same person having afterwards born three Consulships to the great content of the People, and by many and most renowned Actions having en∣larged the Grandeur of his Nobility: And yet this great Pillar of History died, not leaving a Patrimony sufficient for the expences of his Funeral, which were therefore defray'd at the Publick charge. It imports not to make any farther search into the Poverty of so great a Person, for it is apparent what he possessed when he lived, though being dead he wanted both a Bier and Funeral-Pile.

2. We may well guess how high in Dignity Agrip∣pa Menenius was, whom the Senate and People chose Arbitrator of their differences, and to make peace be∣tween um. For how great ought he to be, who was Umpire of the publick Safety? This man, unless the People had gathered among themselves the sixth part of a Penny to make up the Sum, could not have de∣frayed his meer Funeral-Expences, dying so poor that he wanted for the decency of Burial; and therefore the City divided by pernicious Sedition, were content to be reconcile by the Ghosts of Agrippa, who though they were poor, yet they had observed them to be reli∣giously sincere. Who as he had nothing while he lived that could be publikly taxed, yet being deceas'd had the Concord and Unity of the City for his Patri∣mony.

3. I cannot deny but that there was Silver in the Houses of Caius Fabricius and Q. Emilius Papus, the most principal men of their times. But Fabricius seem'd the more prodigal, because he had a Horn-foot

to his Drinking-cup. But Papus seem'd more head-strong, who having received his Goods as hereditary, would not alienate them for religions sake.

4. They were also certainly very rich who were call'd from the Plough to be made Consuls s for plea∣sures sake they plough'd the sandy and barren Soil of Pupinia, and ignorant of delicacy scatter'd those vast clods with c ntinued sweat and labour; so that those whom the dangers of the Common wealth call'd to be Emperours and Generals, their want at home (for why should truth conceal a Sirname?) compell'd to follow the call of Cowherds.

5. They who were sent by the Senate to call Atilius to undertake the Government of the Roman People, found him sowing in his Garden; but those hands, hardned with Countrey-labour, establih'd the safety of the Common-wealth, and defeated mighty Armies of the Enemies; and those hands that lately held the Plough, now hold the reins of the Triumphant Cha∣riot: Nor was he asham'd, when he had laid down his Ebony Staff, to return again to the Plough Tail. Well may Atilius comfort the Poor, but much more instruct the Rich, how little the troublesome care of gathering Riches, advantages the true desire of pur∣chasing solid Honour.

6. Of the same name and blood, Atilius Regulas, the greatest glory and the greatest calamity of the Punic War, when he had ruin'd the wealth of the most in∣solent Carthaginian by the success of many Victories, and understood that his authority was continued for the next year, upon consideration of his worthy deeds; he wrote to the Consuls, that his Bayly of his little Farm that he had in the Countrey of Popinia was dead, and that one that he had hired was gone away with his Utensils of Agriculture, and therefore de∣sired that a Successour might be sent him, lest his land

lying untill'd, his Wife and Children should want Bread. Which when the Consuls had related to the Senate, they caus'd his ground to be let, and setled a Livelihood upon his Wife and Children, and ordered those things that he had lost to be redeem'd. Such was the Example of Atilius's vertue to our Treasury, that every Age will boast of among the Romans.

7. Equally large were the Farms of L. Quinctius Cincinnatus: For he possessed only seven Acres of Land; and of these he had lost three, forfeited for a Fine, being bound to the Treasury; and with the rest of this little Land he paid another Forfeiture for his Son Caeso, for not appearing when he was call'd to answer the Law. And yet when he was ploughing only four Acres of this Land, he not only upheld the dignity of his Family, but had the Dictatorship con∣fetr'd upon him. He accompts himself to live splen∣didly now, whose House stands upon as much ground as all Cincinnatus Farm contain'd.

8. What shall I say of the Aelian Family? How rich were they? There were Sixteen of that name, whose little Cottage stood where now the Marian Monu∣ments stand, and a small Farm in the Countrey of the Veii, that needed fewer men to till it than it had Owners; and in the Parishes call'd Maximus and Fla∣minia they had the ground where the Theater stood bestowed upon them for their vertue by the Publick.

9. That Family had not one scruple of Silver, be∣fore that Paulus, after he had utterly defeated Perses, gave to Aelius Tubero, his Son-in-Law, five Pound weight of Gold, out of the Spoils that were taken. I omit, that the chief person of the City gave his Daugh∣ter in marriage to one whose Family and Estate was so exceeding low. And he himself died so very poor, that unless he had sold one Farm which he had left, there had not been sufficient for the Dowry of his

Wife. The minds of Men and Women were then most noble in the City, and the worth of every Man was then in all things weighed against his Goods and Estate. For every one made it his business to serve his Country, not himself: And they rather chose po∣verty in a rich Empire, than riches in a poor Empire. And to this noble resolution that reward was given, that it was not lawful to buy any of those things which were due to Vertue; and the wants of Illustrious Men were supply'd out of the publick Stock.

10. And therefore, when Cneus Scipio had written out of Spain to the Senate, desiring that a successor might be sent him, for that he had a daughter now fit for marriage, and that no portion could be provided for her, without he were present: The Senate, lest the Commonwealth should loose a good Captain, perform∣ed the office of a Father, and having with the advice of his Wife and Relations agreed upon the Portion, caused it to be paid out of the publick Treasury. The Portion was two thousand pieces of brass mony: whereby not only appears the kindness of the Conscript Fathers, but the usual measure of the ancient Estates may be guessed at. For they were so small, that Tatia the daughter of Cato was said to have brought her Husband an exceeding Portion, when she brought him ten thousand pieces of brass mony. And Megullia, that entred her husbands house with fifty thousand pie∣ces of brass mony, was called for that reason, the Maid with the Portion. And therefore the Senate vindica∣ted the daughters of Fabricius Luscinus, and Scipio, from being portionless, by their own Liberality, seeing their Parents had nothing to give them but their wealthy honours.

11. What inheritance M. Scaurus received from his Father, he himself relates in the first Book that he hath wrote concerning his Life. For, saith he, he had but

ten Slaves, and the whole value ef his Estate, was but thirty five thousand pieces of mony.

These Examples therefore we ought to regard, and quiet our minds with the Consolation thereof, who are always complaining of the scantiness of our own Fortunes. We find no Silver, or a very small quan∣tity, few Servants, seven Acres of barren Land, do∣mestick Indigency, Funeral expences publickly defray'd, Daughters without Portions: But we behold famous Consulships, wonderful Dictatorships, and innumera∣ble Triumphs. Why do we therefore with continual reproaches torment a mean Fortune, as the chief evil of human kind? Who though with not superfluously flowing, yet with faithful breasts, nourished the Pop∣licolae, the Emilii, the Fabricii, the Curii, the Scipio's, the Scauri, and all those other supports of Vertue e∣qual to these. Let us rather pull up our spirits, and comfort our minds, debilitated with the sight of mony, with the memory of former times.

CHAP. I. Of Bashfulness, or Modesty.

• 1. Of the people of Rome.
• 2. C. Terentius Varro Cos.
• 3. C. Cicereius Candidate.
• 4. L. Licinius Crassus Candidate.
• 5. Pompey the Great.
• 6. C. Julius Caesar Dict.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Spurina the Hetrurian.
• 2. The Spartan Embassa∣dors.

FRom whence it seems seasasonable to pass away to Bashfulness: for this instructed the most just

men to neglect their own private Estates, and to have regard only to the publick. A vertue worthy, that to her should be Temples rear'd and consecrated, as to a Celestial Numen; as being the Parent of all good Counsel, the Guardianess of the most solemn Offices, the Mistress of Innocency; dear to her own, accepta∣ble to Strangers, and in all places, and at all times, carrying a favourable Aspect.

1. But that we may return from the praises to the actions thereof, from the first building of the City, to the time that Africanus and T. Longus were Consuls, the Senate and People sate at the beholding all Specta∣cles and shews promiscuously together: yet not one of the people would venture to take place before any of the Senate. So circumspect was the modesty of our Citizens; a most certain experiment whereof ap∣pear'd on that day, when T. Flaminius being by the Censor removed from the Senate, was contented to stand in the hindermost part of the Theater, though he had been Consul, and was the brother of Flaminius the Vanquisher of Philip King of Macedon. Which the people no sooner beheld, but they compelled him to take that place which his Dignity required.

2. Terentius Varro gave a great wound to the Commonwealth, by his rash giving battle at Cannae. Yet by his refusing to take upon him the Dictatorship, which after that was decreed him by the full consent of the Senate and People; by his bashful modesty, made satisfaction for the fault of a most fatal overthrow: and through his modest behaviour, made men impute the publick Calamity, not to him, but to the anger of the Gods.

3. Let us behold a more famous piece of Mode∣sty, Fortune, not without great envy, had brought Cn. Scipio, the son of the elder Africanus, together with Cicereius the Scribe, into the Common Hall for

Election of Pretors; and very much reprehended he was, that he had abused the Nobility and authority of so great a person, by appearing at such an Assem∣bly. But Cicereius turned his crime to his praise. For when he saw himself preferr'd by all the Centuries be∣fore Scipio, he went out of the Temple, and throw∣ing off his Candidates Garment, came in again and gave his voice for Scipio. Being more willing to yield the Pretorship to the memory of Africanus, than to Challenge it for himself. Nor was the reward of his Modesty small; for though Scipio obtained the Pretor∣ship, yet Cicereius was more applauded.

4. And that we may not presently leave the Com∣mon-Hall, when L. Crassus stood for the Consulship, and was by all perswaded after the manner of the Can∣didates, to go round the Forum, and beg the voices of the people, he could by no perswasions be induced to do it, though Q. Scaevola his Father in law, a most wise and grave person, were present with him; whom he therefore desired to depart, as ••••ne who proffered his service in vain: more regardful of the modesty of his dignity, than mindful of the respect of his white Robe.

5. Pompey the Great, being overthrown at the Bat∣tle of Pharsalia, when all the people came forth to meet him, as he was entring into the City of Larissa, Go, said He, and perform this office to the Victor. A person not deserving to be overcome, had he not been vanquished by Caesar: most gentle in Calamity; who because he could not use his authority, made use of his modesty.

6. Which as it often appear'd most eminent in Cai∣us Caesar, so most remarkably at his death: For being assail'd with the points of many parracidical weapons, when his divine Soul was separated from his mortal Body, could not be frighted, after he had received a∣bove twenty three wounds, from his obedience to Mo∣desty.

For he let down the lower part of his Gown with both hands, that he might fall with the lower part of his Body covered. In this manner not men, but the Immortal Gods, recover their own habitati∣ons.

FORRAIGNERS.

That which follows, I will ascribe to Forraigners, as happening before any City was given to Hetruria. There was in that Country one Spurina, a young man of surpassing beauty; whose lovely aspect, alluring the eyes of the most Illustrious Ladies, and who there∣fore believing himself to be suspected of unchastity by the Husbands and Parents of those women; with ma∣ny wounds gash'd and spoyl'd the beauty of his Coun∣tenance; choosing rather deformity for the Guardian of his fidelity, than that his beauty should be the In∣citement of others Lust.

2. At Athens, a very aged person coming into the Theater, when there were none that would rise to give him place, he came at length where sate the Embassa∣dors of the Lacedemonians. Who being moved with the age of the person, not only by rising up shew'd their reverence to his aged years, but also gave him leave to sit in the most honourable place among them. Which when the people beheld, with great applause they approved the modesty of a Forraign City: And it is reported that one of the Embassadors should say, That the Athenians knew what was well done, but ne∣glected to do it themselves.

CHAP. VI. Of Conjugal Love.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. T. Gracchus the Elder.
• 2. C. Plautius Numidian.
• 3. M. Plautius.
• 4. Julia the Daughter of Caesar.
• 5. Porcia the Daughter of M. Cato.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Artemisia wife of Mau∣solus.
• 2. Hipsicratea, Daughter of Mithridates.
• 3. Lacaena. Of the Family of the Minye.

FRom a gentle and mild Affection, I will proceed to another as equally honest, yet somewhat more fervent, and of a more vehement Nature; and offer not without greatest Veneration, as it were certain Images of lawful love, to the Contemplation of the Reader, effectually relating the actions of established and firm fidelity between married people, difficult to imitate, but profitable to be known: seeing that when a man knows the most excellent Examples, it will be a shame to him to follow the meanest.

1. Titus Gracchus having caught two snakes in his own house, a Male and Female; and being told by the Soothsayer, that if he let go the Male, it por∣tended the death of his Wife; if he let go the Female, his own suddain decease; following that part of the prediction that portended his own, rather than the death of his Wife, he caused the Female Snake to be let go; and was so hardy as to behold his own de∣struction in the death of the Snake kill'd before his

face. And therefore I cannot determine whether Cornelia were more happy that she had such a Husband, or more miserable in his loss. O Admetus, cruel king of Thessalia, and by a great Judg condemned of an unpardonable crime! who wert so content to change thy own life for the death of thy Wife, and couldst en∣joy the comfort of this light, after she had voluntarily submitted to dye, only to prolong thy days: having a heart inferior to a womans, before thou hadst tryed the indulgence of thy parents.

2. A meaner Victime to Misfortune than T. Gracchus, though of the Senatorian order, was C. Plancius the Numidian, yet as to affection of the same nature, equal to him in affection. For hearing news of the death of his Wife, impatient of grief, he stab'd him∣self with his Sword; but by the timely coming in of his Servants being hindred from executing his purpose, and the wound being dressed and bound up, he no sooner found his oportunity, but cutting his Swathes, and tearing open the wound again, he would not endure his soul opprest with grief to remain in his Bowels: Testifying by the violence of his death, what a Conjugal flame he had shut up in his brest.

3. As of the same name, so endued with the same love, was M. Plautius. Who being commanded to return with the Confederate Navy into Asia, and put∣ting into Brundusium, whither his Wife Orestella coming to visit him, fell sick and dyed: after she was laid upon the Funeral pile, betwixt the last duties of anointing and kissing her, he fell upon his naked Sword: whom his friends, as he was in his Military Coat, and Booted, laid by his Wife. Whole Monu∣ment is yet to be seen at Tarentum, with this Inscrip∣tion, THE LOVERS TOMB. And it is not to be question'd, but that if there were any sence left in departed Souls, that they enter'd Elysium joyful of each others company.

4. The same Affection is noted in Julia, the daugh∣ter of C. Caesar. Who when she saw the Garment of her Husband Pompey the Great brought home sprin∣kled with Blood from the Common-Hall where the Aedils were chosen, swounded away, and with the suddainness of the fright miscarried; and presently expired, to the great detriment of the whole world: Whose tranquillity had not been disturb'd with so se∣vere a fury of so many Civil Wars, if the Amity of Caesar and Pompey had remained link'd with the Bonds of common Affinity.

5. All Ages will also with due admiration reve∣rence thy most chast fires, O Porcia, Daughter of Mar∣cus Cato, who understanding that her Husband Brutus was overthrown and slain at the Battle of Philippi not having a weapon ready, didst swallow burning Coals, thy feminine Soul imitating the masculine Death of thy Countries welfare.

FORRAIGN.

1. There are some Forraign Amours just and ho∣nest, not shadow'd nor obscur'd with the vail of Igno∣rance, of which it will be sufficient to touch upon a few. How much Artemisia Queen of Caria bewailed the Death of her Husband Mausolus, might seem a light thing, to the most exquisite honours of all sorts which she did him, and the Magnificence of that Mo∣nument, which became one of the Seven Wonders of the World. For why shouldst thou labour to recount all those Honours, or insist upon the Glory of that Monument, when she her self would not be satisfied without being the living and breathing Sepulchre of Mausolus, by the testimony of those who report that she drank up his Ashes mixt in a certain drink?

2 Hipsicratea also the Queen so entirely loved Mi∣thridates

her Husband, that she let go all the reins of Affection. For whose love she apparell'd her beauty in Mans Apparel; and accustom'd her self to man∣like Exercises, cutting her Hair, and betaking her self to her Horse and Arms, that she might the more easily partake of his labours and dangers; and not only so, but after he was overcome by Pompey, follow∣ing him with an indefatigable Body and Minde in his flight through many rough and barbarous Nations. Whose faithful society was a great comfort and as∣swagement of the Misfortunes and Calamities of distressed Mithridates: For with his Court and Family he seem'd to wander, but with his Wife only to live in Exile.

3. But why should I rummage Asia, why the immense Solitudes of Barbarous Countries, why the lurking Holes of the Pontic Sea? When Lacedemon, the most splendid glory of Greece, lays before our eyes a prin∣cipal Exemplar of Conjugal Fidelity, to be compared for the wonder of the action with the most and grea∣test Miracles of that City.

4. The Minyans setled in the Island of Lemnos, and drawing their Original from the antient Companions of Jason, through success of time expell'd by the Pe∣lasgi, wanting the wealth of others, seated themselves in the high Taygetan Mountains: whom at length the Spartans entertained, as descended from the Tyndaridae, which noble pair of Brothers had displayed their splen∣dour in that renowned Ship translated to the Stars; and thus mingled among them, they enjoyed the same Laws and Priviledges. But this good turn they tur∣ned to the injury of the well deserving City, affecting the Kingdome, and therefore committed to the pu∣blick Prison, they were reserv'd for publick punish∣ment. Which when they were to suffer, according to the Custome of the Lacedaemonians in the Night∣time,

their Wives, of noble Race, desiring leave of the Keepers to take leave of their dying Husbands, entred the Prison, and changing their Habits, gave their Husbands liberty, having covered their Faces under pretenc of sorrow, to depart. Now what shall I adde more in this place, but that they were Wives worthy for the Minyans to marry?

CHAP. VII. Of the Bond of Friendship.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. T. Sempronius Grac∣chus with C. Blosius.
• 2. Sempronius Gracchus with Pomponius and Lucretius.
• 3. Lucius Rheginus with Servilius Caepio.
• 4. T. Volumnius with M. Lucullus.
• 5. Lucius Petronius with P. Caelius.
• 6. Servius Terentius with D. Brutus.
• 7. C. Laelius with Scipio, and M. Agrippa with Augustus.

FORRAINERS.

• 1. Damon and Pythias.
• 2. Alexander the Great with Ephestion.

LEt us now consider the Bond of Friendship, potent and mighty, and no way inferiour to the strength and force of the Blood. In this more certain and de∣monstrable, that this the chance of birth a fortuitous work produces; the other the uncompell'd Will con∣tracts, upon grounds and reasons of solid judgment. And therefore it is an easier thing, and less subject to reprehension, to slight a Kinsman than a Friend. For the one betokens a wicked ingratefull disposition, the

other only a levity of minde. For when the life of man lies as it were in a solitude, without the guard of Friend∣ship, so necessary an assistance ought not unadvisedly to be chosen, but being once approved, ought not in any measure to be despised. But the most sincere Friendship always appears in Adversity; where whatever good offices are performed, proceed from a constant kind∣ness and affection. The adoration of Felicity, being to be attributed more to Flattery than Love, is full o•• Suspicion, and still desires more than it expends. For men of unshaken fortunes more desire friends, either for a guard, or for their society. For affairs that go well and prosperously, as being favour'd with heaven∣ly Success, have the less need of other assistance. And therefore their Memories have lasted longer in the Book of Memoires, who have deserted their Friends in Adversity, than theirs who have only been the Com∣panions of Prosperity. No man talks of the familiars of Sardanapalus. Orestes is better known by his friend Pylades, than by Agamemnon his Father. For the Friendship of the one consum'd away in the partici∣pation of Luxury and Delight; but the mutual Soci∣ety of the other, in a sad and hard condition, grew famous by the trial of their Miseries. But why do I mention Forreigners, having first to do with our own Countrymen?

1. T. Gracchus was esteem'd to have been an Enemy to his Countrey, and not undeservedly; because he preferr'd his own Authority before the Welfare there∣of. Yet in this evil designe of his, how faithful a Friend he had of C. Blosius of Cumae, will be worth our while to relate. An adjudged Enemy, suffering the highest Punishment, not permitted the honour of Bu∣rial, wanted not however his kindness. For when the Senate commanded Rupilius and Laenax the Consuls to proceed again•••• all those that had been partakers

with Gracchus, and that Blosius presented himself be∣fore Laelius, to beg pardon for himself, urging his familiarity with Gracchus for an excuse; when Laelius demanded of him, whether if Gracchus had comman∣ded him to set fire on the Temple of Jupiter, would be have done it? That, said he, Gracchus had never commanded: He had done enough and more, for he ventur'd to defend those Customes which the Senate condemn'd. But that which follows was much more confident and more dangerous; for being still prest by Laelius to make an answer to his question, he resolute∣ly persisted, affirming, that if Gracchus had com∣manded him to burn the Temple, he would have done it. Who could have thought he had been so wicked, had he held his peace? Who would not have accounted him wise, had he been less free in his speech, consi∣dering the necessity of the time? But Blosius neither with an honest Silence, nor with a prudent Answer cared to preserve himself, lest he should be thought to have silenced the memory of his unhappy Friend∣ship.

2. In the same Family equally prevalent Examples of Friendship arise. For when all the Designes and Counsels of Gracchus were utterly defeated, and all his Conspiracy brought to light; being deserted of all assistance, only his two friends Pomponius and Laetorius, by interposing their own bodies, covered him from the Darts that fell round about him. And of these two, Pomponius, that he might more easily escape, with∣stood a whole body of Souldiers that eagerly pursued him at the thrice-double Gate; nor could he be moved while he lived, till at length having received many Wounds, he fell, and (though I am apt to believe un∣willingly) was forced to permit them passage over his dead Carcass. Laetorius made a stand upon the Sub••i∣cian Bridge, and till Gracchus was pass'd over ma••••∣tain'd

it with the heat of his Courage, till at length overpowr'd with the multitude, turning his sword upon himself, he made a nimble jump into Tiber, and so perisht, shewing that kindness to the friendship of one person by his voluntary death, which Horatius Co∣cles, in the same place, had shewn to his whole Coun∣try. What renowned Souldiers might the Gracchi have had, would they have followed the courses which their Fathers or Mothers Father had done? With what a couragious fury might Blosius, Pomponius and Laetorius have assisted them in the gaining Trophies and Triumphs, the stout Associates of such furious enter∣prizes! and taking part with an inauspicious friendship: but by how much the more miserable, by so much are they the more certain examples of a generous fidelity.

3. But L. Rheginus, if you examine him as to his sincerity due to the publick, was much to be blam'd by Posterity; If you look upon the faithful pledg of his fidelity, we are to leave him in the safe harbour of an applauded Conscience. Who when Caepio Tribune of the people was thrown into Prison, by reason that through his fault our Army was defeated by the Cim∣brians and Teutons, remembring the ancient friendship between them, set him at liberty; and not content to have shewn himself so much a friend, accompanied him also in his flight. O great and most invincible Numen friendship; when the Common-wealth had seiz'd with one hand, to pull him out of the other with thy own arm! and when she requires thee to be real, thou con∣fin'st thy self to banishment. So gentle is thy Domi∣nion, to make men prefer punishment before ho∣nour.

4. Wonderful was this thy work, but more praise-worthy that which follows. For call to mind, how thou hast celebrated the constant love of T. Volumnius to his friend without any dammage to the Common∣wealth;

who being by descent of the order of Knight∣hood, and having an entire kindness for M. Lucul••us, whom M. Antony slew for taking part with Brutus and Cassius, having full Liberty to fly, he stuck close to his dead friend; giving himself so much over to tears and Lamentations, that by his extream D••votion to his friend, he was the cause of his own death. For by reason of his continued and constant sorrow, he was carried before Antony: and standing before him, Com∣mand me, said he, O Emperour, to be carried back to the body of Lucullus, and there slain. For he being dead, I ought not to stay behind, being my self the Author of his unhappy going to war. What more faithful than so much love? He sought to ease his sorrow for his fri••nds death, by the hatred of his Enemy; to render him more miserable, making himself more envy'd. Nor were Antonies Ears shut: for being led where he desi∣red, having kiss'd the dead body of Lucullus, and ••m∣brac'd his sever'd head, being lifted up to his breast, he laid down his own neck to receive the Victors blow. Let Greece now boast of Theseus yielding to the un∣lawful love of Pirithous, and for his sake entring into the Dominions of Father Dis. They are vain that relate it, fools that believe it. To see the mingled blood of friends, wounds sticking upon wounds, and death sticking upon death, these are the true signs of Roman friendship; those, the stories of a people accust••med to fain ridiculous wonders.

5. L. Petronius also claims to be a par••aker in this praise. He by the favour of Caelius, being of a very mean Extraction, came to be advanc'd into the order of Knights, and had very considerable military im∣ployments beside. For which, because he could not pay his thanks when Caelius was in prosperity, he shew'd himself nobly grateful to him in his adversity. Caelius was made Governour of Placentia, by Octavius t••e

Consul: Who after the Town was taken by Cinna's Army, being old and sickly, and fearing to fall into the hands of the Enemy, resolved to dye by Petronius's hand; who finding that he could by no perswasions change his resolution, according to his desire kill'd him first, and th••n joyned his own death to his; that he might not sup••rvive him, by whom he had attained to all his Honour. So that Magnanimity occasioned the Death of the one, Piety the ••all of the other.

6. We are to joyn Ser. Terentius with Petronius, though it fell out that he did not dye for his friend, as was his desire. For a noble In••••ntion is not to be valued by the issuel••ss Event. For he was slain as much as in him lay, and Brutus escaped the danger; who flying from Mutina, and receiving intelligence of certain Souldiers sent by Antonius to ••ill him, endeavoured in a certain place, by the benefit of the Night, to steal that Life of his which deserv d just Punishment. There Terentius assayling to break through with a faithful Lye, favoured by Darkness it self, feigned himself to be Brutus, o••f••ring his Body to the fury of the Souldi∣ers. But being known by Furius, whose charge it was to execute the office of revenge, he could not hinder the punishment of his friend by his own death. So that against his will he was comp••ll'd by fortune to live.

7. From this dreadful and horrid face of Friend∣ship, let us d••gress to the more s••rene and placid countenance of Affection. And having brought it forth where all things are full of Tears, Lamentation and Slaughter, let us place it in the Palace of Prospe∣rity, shining with Beauty, Honour, and abounding Wealth. Come forth therefore from those Seats that are believed to be consecrated to the Shades of the Blessed, here Decimus Lelius, there M. Agrippa, having wisely and prosperously chosen the one the greatest

Friend of the Gods, the other of Men; and bring a∣long with thee the whole Society, which under your Conduct, laden with Praises and Rewards, receive the venerable Stipends of sincere Fidelity: For suc∣ceeding Ages beholding your constant Minds, your stout Enterprises, your inexpugnable Taciturnity, your diligent and watchful care for the dignity and safety of your Friends, the publick testimonies of your mutual Love; and lastly, the most plentiful fruits thereof, the more willingly, the more religiously shall be bu∣sied in exercising and admiring the Laws of Friend∣ship.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. My desire is to continue still in the Examples of my Native Countrey, but the candor of the Roman City admonishes me to relate the Gallantry of other Nations. Damon and Pythias, instructed in the sacred Secrets of Pythagorean Prudence, had contracted such a faithful Friendship between themselves, that when Dionysius of Syracuse would have put one of them to Death, and that he that was to suffer had got leave to go home to his house, to settle his affairs, the other was not afraid to be Surety to the Tyrant for his re∣turn. So that now he was free from the peril of Death, that had his Neck but now under the Axe; and he is now in danger, that was free before. And therefore all people waited the event of an accident so new and rare. The day prefix'd being come, and the party not returning; and therefore every one con∣demning him of folly, that had so rashly undertaken for the other; though he remain'd certain of the Fi∣delity of his Friend: At the very Hour and Moment which Dionysius prefixed, the other appeared. The Tyrant admiring the Courage of both, gave a full

pardon to so much Fidelity; farther desiring them to receive him into the Society of their Friendship, pro∣mising a most strict observance thereof. Such is the power of Friendship, to beget contempt of Death, take away the sweet desire of Life, tame Cruelty, turn Ha∣tred into Love, and to reward Punishment with Kind∣ness: to which there is almost as much worship due, as to the Ceremonies of the Gods. For they are the Links of publick, this of private Safety. And as the Temples of the Gods are sacred Houses, so the faithful Breasts of men are Temples fill'd with a certain holy Spirit.

2. Which King Alexander certainly believed to be a truth. Who being possess'd of the Camp of Darius, where all his Relations and Kindred were, he came with Ephestion most of all belov'd by him covering his side, to speak to them. At whose approach the Mo∣ther of Darius taking heart, lifting up her Head as she lay prostrate upon the ground, saluted Ephestion, flattering after the manner of the Persians, mistaking him for Alexander, because he was more amiable for his Stature and Beauty. But being made sensible of her errour, in great fear she sought for words to ex∣cuse it. There is no reason, replyed Alexander, to be troubled for this, for this is another Alexander also. Whom shall we congratulate? him that said it, or him that heard it? While the King endued with a great Soul, having already grasp'd the whole World, either by his Victories, or in his thoughts, in so few words made so equal a division of it to his Compani∣on. O the Gift of a Royal Tongue, as fair to the Receiver as to the Giver! Which I reverence as a pri∣vate man, having had the experience of the Bounty of a most wise and renowned person toward my self. And I do not doubt but it may become me to think my Pompey to be like Alexander; while he will have

his Ephestion to be another Alexander. And therefore I should be lyable to a very great errour, to pass over the Example of constant and kind Friendship, without any mention of him: in whose minde, as in the breast of most loving Parents, my prosperous condition of Life hath flourish'd, my Misfortunes have remain'd contented. From whom I have received all increase of profit freely offer'd; by whom I have stood more firmly against mishap; who by his own prosperous Conduct and good Omens, hath render'd our Studies more pleasant and delightful. And therefore I fed the envy of some with the loss of my best friend, dividing my kindness, such as it was, to some that knew not how to make use of it. But there is no Prosperity so modest, that can escape the teeth of Envy. But in what retirement are some to be avoided, with what allure∣ments of kindness canst thou restrain their inveteracy? There is no remedy but they will rejoyce and be tickled at the misfortunes of others, as well as at their own good. They are rich in the Losses, wealthy in the Calamities, immortal in the Death of other men. But while they insult over the miseries of others, un∣experienced in their own, let them have a care of the best revenger of their Insolency, the Variety of Hu∣man Condition,

CHAP. VIII. Of Liberality.

• 1. Q. Fabius Maximus.
• 2. Paula Busa of Canusi∣um.
• 3. Q. Considius a Roman Knight.
• 4. The People of Rome to King Attalus.
• 5. The People of Rome to the Greek.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Hiero King of Sicily to the Romans.
• 2. Gillias of Agrigentum to his fellow-Citizens.

LEt us recal our work, that had straid in a pious Digression, in exposing our own discontents, to its former course, and now take Liberality into conside∣ration; which hath two probable Fountains, true Judgment, and honest Benevolence. For when it springs from thes•• then only is it duely founded: A Gift being acceptable for its greatness, but somewhat more efficacious, when it is reasonable.

1. Beyond the price of the thing, we find a most inestimable moment of an opportunity, which with the expence of a small sum of Money rendr'd Fabius Maximus highly applauded so many Ages since. He had received the Captives from Hannibal, upon a Contract for so much Money. Which when the Se∣nate would not stand to, sending his Son to the City, he sold the only Farm which he had in the world, and presently sent Hannibal the Money. If we consider the Sum, but small, as being the price but of seven Acres of Land, and those lying in Pupinia; but con∣sidering the Soul of the Giver, a most large sum, and

far exceeding the Money. For he would rather want his Patrimony, than that his Countrey should be poor in Credit. So much the more to be commended, as it is a more certain signe of a real meaning, to stretch beyond ability, rather than to do the same act out of superfluity. For the one can do what he performs, the other more than he is able.

2. Therefore a Woman of the same time, Busa by name, the richest in the Countrey of Apulia, won her self an ample testimony of Liberality; though per∣haps not so great, if we compare her flowing Riches to the Poverty of the Fabians. For though she re∣lieved about Ten Thousand of our Citizens, the re∣mains of the Battle of Cannae, within the Walls of Ca∣nusium, yet she shewed her self munificent to the Ro∣mans, without prejudice to her Estate. But Fabius for the good of his Countrey exchang'd Poverty for Want.

3. We finde also in Quinctus Considius a most whole∣some Example of Liberality, not without some profit to himself. Who when the Fury 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Catiline had put all the Commonwealth into such a tumult, that the Rich themselves, the Rents of Possessions falling, were not able to pay their Creditors; he having the Sum of one Hundred and Fifty Thousand Sesterces at use, would not suffer any of his Debtors to be call'd upon, either for Principal or Interest: and as much as in him lay, sweetned the bitterness of publick Confusion by his own private Quiet: opportunely testifying, that he made profit only of his Money, not of Civil Blood. Now they who act with rigour in business of this na∣ture, when they carry bloody Money home, may hence learn to know, with what an accursed and im∣pious joy they rejoyce, if they do not loath to read the Decree of the Senate, which gave Considius publick thanks.

4. Methinks the People of Rome seem to complain of me, that while I am reporting the Munificence of particular persons, I am silent of theirs: For it re∣dounds to their great praise, that it should be reported, what noble minds they have born to Kings, Cities and Countries: For the glory of all renowned acts flourishes and revives by often rehearsal. After they had conquer'd Asia, they gave it as a Gi••t to King At∣••alus to possess; believing the future Empire of our City would be more high and splendid, if they should lay up the rich••st part of the World, rather in the Treasury of their Gratitude than Profit. A Gift more happy than the Victory it self. For to have possess'd much, might procure Envy; to have given away so much, could never want a glorious est••em.

5. It is impossible to praise sufficiently in writing the divine spirit of the Roman People. For a••ter Phi∣lip King of Macedon was vanquish'd, when all Greece flock'd to behold the Isthmian Games, T. Quincius Flaminius, having caus'd silence to be made by sound of Trumpet, commanded a Crier to proclaim these words: The Senate and People of Rome, and Q. Flamimus their General, command all the Cities of Greece, that were under the Iuris∣diction of King Philip, to be free. Which be∣ing heard, the People were at first struck with a sud∣den unexpected joy, and, not believing what they had heard, were for a while silent. But upon the second Proclamation of the Crier, they fill'd the Skie with such a chearful din, that it is certainly repor••ed, that the Bi••ds, which at that instant were flying that way, ••ell down amaz'd and ••err•••••• d with the noise. They had great Souls, to take off the yoke of Servitude from the necks of so many Captives, and to give Liberty to so many noble and opulent Cities. To whose Majesty it belongs, t••a•• not onely what they freely give, but

also their giving of it, be memorably eterniz'd. There being the celebration of gain'd applause, here of applause repeated.

FORRAIGN.

1. Hiero, King of Syracuse, hearing of the over∣throw which the Romans receiv'd at the Lake of Thra∣symene, sent to Rome three hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat, two hundred thousand Bushels of Barley, and two hundred and fourty Pound weight of Gold: And not being ignorant of the Modesty of the Romans in receiving such Gifts, he made as if he had presented them a Congratulation of Victory, that he might com∣pel them, moved by Religion, to accept of his Muni∣ficence. Lib••ral first in his ready will to send, and prudent in taking care that it should not be sent back.

2. I will adde to him Gillias of Agrigentum, who may be thought to have had the very bowels of Libe∣rality. He was potent in Wealth, but more wealthy in the Generosity of his Mind than in his Riches; and always more busily employed in spending and finding waies to bestow, than in getting Money. So that his House seem'd to be a kind of Shop of Magnificence. For there all Monuments ••it for Publick Use were erected, there all Plays were set out for the delight of the People, there were all preparations for Feasting, and thence the scarcity of Corn was supplied. This to the g••nerality; privately the Sick were reliev'd, Portions given to poor Maids, and comfortable Sup∣plies to them that were broken by Misfortune; Guests and Strangers courteously received both in City and Countrey, and liberally presented at their departure. One time, among the rest, he fed and clad Five Hun∣dred Gel••••••si••n Horsemen, who were by Tempest for∣ced

upon his Territories. What more? You would have said he had no Mortal Bosome, but the very Breasts of propitious Fortune herself. For what Gillias possess'd, seemed to be the common Patrimony of all Men. For whose Prosperity and increase of Wealth, not only the City of Agrigentum, but all the neigh∣bouring Regions continually praid. Place on the other side the Chests of some shut up with Locks, inexorable to all Pity; do you not think this expense far more laudable, than that wary Parsimony?

LIB. V.

CHAP. I. Of Humanity and Clemency.

ROMANS.

• 1. The Roman Senate.
• 2. L. Cornelius Scipio, Cos.
• 3. T. Quinctius C••ispinus.
• 4. M. Claudius Marcel∣lus, Procos.
• 5. Q. Metellus Macedo∣nicus, Proconsul.
• 6. P. Scipio Aemilianus.
• 7. The Elder Africanus, Procos.
• 8. L. Aemilius Paulus Cos. 2.
• 9. Cn. Pompey the Great, Procos.
• 10. Julius Caesar, Cos. 2.
• 11. Mark Antony, Trium∣vir.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Alexander the Great.
• 2. Pisistratus the Athenian
• 3. Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
• 4. Antigonus King of Ma∣cedon.
• 5. The Campanians.
• 6. Hannibal the Cartha∣ginian.

WHat better Companions could I have found out for Liberality, than Humanity and Clemen∣cy! The first of which shews it self in want, the second in business, the third in doubtful Fortune. Now when we know not which to esteem best, yet the com∣mendation of that seems to crave precedency, which takes its denomination from the Godhead it self.

1. I will begin with the most humane and merciful Acts of the Senate. Who when the Embassadors of the Carthaginians came to the City about the Redem∣ption

of Captives, immediately without receiving their Money, restor'd them above two thousand seven hundred and fourty young men. I may well think that the Ambassadours themselves were amazed to see such an Army of Enemies set at Liberty, so much Money despised, and so many Carthaginian Injuries forgiven, and that they thus said to themselves, O Munificence equal to the favour of the Gods of the Romans! and happy our Embassie beyond our wishes, For we have received a kindness which we never de∣served. Nor was this a smaller testimony of the Senate, who when Syphax, formerly a most opulent King of Numid••••. their Captive, was dead in the Prison of Tibur▪ order'd him to be inter'd at the Pu∣blick Expence; that to whom they had given Life, they m••ght also adde the honour of Burial. The same Clemency they us'd toward Perseus, who dying at Alba where he was kept in safe custody, sent down a Questor to bury him at the Publick Charge, not per∣mitting his Royal Reliques to lye dishonour'd. These things they perform'd to Enemies and Captives after their Death. The n••xt were their Favours shewn to their Friends in prosperity and living. After the end of the Macedonian War, Musicrates, Massinissa's Son, be∣ing sen•• back to Paulus, with those Horsemen which which he ••ad brought to the assistance of the Romans to his Fath••••, his Fleet being scatter'd by Tempest, and hims••lf putting in sick at Brundusium: The Se∣nate no soon•••• had news thereof, but they sent a Questor thither, not only to defray the Expences of him and his Retinue, but also to take care for the pro∣viding all things necessary for the restoration of his Health; ••nd that they might not want Ships to carry them s••••e and well into Africa, they ordered to be given to each Horseman a Pound weight of Silver, and to every Footman f••ve Hundred Sesterces. Which so

ready and compleat Humanity of the Conscript Fa∣thers, might perhaps have so far prevail'd upon Massi∣nissa, that had his Son died in the Expedition, he had the less grieved for it. The same Senate, when they heard that Prusias King of Bithynia was come to con∣gratulate their Victory over Perseus, sent Cornelius Scipio, then Questor, to meet him as far as Capua: and ordered that the best House in Rome should be hired for him; and that he and his Retinue should be entertain'd at the Publick Charge. And indeed in the reception of that great King, the whole City seem'd to have the countenance but of one entire Friend. So that he, who came an entire friend to our City, re∣turn'd with a double affection for us. Neither was Egypt ignorant of the Roman Clemency: For King Ptolomy being thrown out of his Kingdom by his younger Brother, and coming to Rome with a small Attendance, and in a mean Habit, to crave aid of the Senate, took a Lodging in the house of an Alexandrian Painter. Which when the Senate understood, sending for the Young man, they made a very great excuse, for not having sent the Questor to meet him after the antient Custome, and for not providing entertain∣ment for him; as not happening through their ne∣gligence, but through his suddain and private Entry. After which they accompanied him to a publick House, desiring him to lay by his mean Habit, and fix them a day to wait on him. They also took care to send him Gifts by the Questor every day; and by these degrees of kindness advanced him from Expulsion to the Royal Throne. So that he had more hope in the assistance of the Roman People, than fear of his own Misfortune.

2. To come now from the Conscript Fathers in ge∣neral to particular Senators; Lucius Cornelius the Con∣sul in the first Punic War, when he had taken the City

Olbia, for the relief of which Anno Captain of the Carthaginians valiantly fighting was slain, buried his Body out of his own Tent, bestowing a noble Funeral upon it. Nor was he asham'd to appear at the Exe∣quies of an Enemy, believing that his Victory would be the less envied both by Gods and Men, when there was so much of Humanity mix'd with it.

3. What shall I say of Quinctius Crispinus, whose Gentleness and mild Disposition, the potent Affections of Anger and Glory could not disturb? He had en∣tertain'd with great civility Badius of Campania at his house, and with great care recovered him from a dan∣gerous Sickness: Who after the revolt of the Campa∣nians, provoking Crispinus to fight with him at the head of the Army; Crispinus, who knew himself to be above him both in Strength and Courage, chose ra∣ther to give him good councel than to overcome him. What dost thou go about to do, Madman, said he? Or whither do thy foolish desires carry thee? Must thou needs rage with a publick Impiety, that art fallen from private Charity? Couldst thou finde none among all the Ro∣mans, upon whom to exercise thy villanous arms, but only Quinctius, to whose Houshold-gods thou owest both a return of honour and safety? The League of Friend∣ship and our Hospitable Gods, with us sacred Pledges, though with you of no accompt, will not suffer me to combat with thee. Nay, if in the shock of both Armies, I should have known thee overturned by the force of my Buckler, I would have recalled my Sword from thy Neck. And there∣fore it is thy crime, that thou didst intend to kill a Guest; but the Death of a Guest shall not be mine. And therefore seek out some body else for the courage of thy right hand, for mine has learnt to save. But Heaven gave to both a deserved Issue; for Badius was slain in the fight, Quinctius valiantly fighting came safe off with ho∣nour.

4. And now the Clemency of M. Marcellus, how fa∣mous and how memorable an Example ought we to accompt it? Who after he had taken Syracuse, from the Castle took a view of the City below, once flourish∣ing, now almost ruin'd in Misery: he beholding the miserable state thereof, could not refrain from Tears. So that if some person that knew him not had beheld him, he might have been thought the Looser, not the Victor. This consolation hadst thou in thy calamity, fair City, that though it was not lawful for thee to stand safe, yet thy fall was gentle under such a Con∣querour.

5. Quintus Metellus warring in Spain against the Celtiberians, lying at the Siege of Centobricum, when the Engine was fix'd, and he was just ready to beat down that part of the Wall which was fittest to be batter'd, preferr'd Clemency before an approaching Victory. For when the Centobricenses had opposed the Sons of Rhetogenes, who had fled to him, against all the shot of the Engine, lest the Children should be cruelly kill'd in the sight of their Father (though Rhe∣togenes himself bid him not fear to go on with his Bat∣tery for all that) he rais'd his Siege. By which act of Clemency, though he took not one City, yet he took the hearts of all the Celtiberians, and thereby so far prevailed, as not to want many Hostages to keep them faithful to the Roman people.

6. Splendidly also did the Humanity of the Elder African appear, who having taken the City of Car∣thage, sent to all the Cities of Sicily, to fetch the Ornaments of their Temples, which the Carthaginians had taken from them, and to take care to restore them to their proper places. A Kindness acceptable both to Gods and Men.

7. Equal to this was the Humanity of his Grand∣father. His Questor selling the Captives at the Spear,

sent him a Boy of a very excelling Beauty, and very well h••bited; whom when he understood to be left an Orphan by his Father, and educated under the tuition of his Uncle Massanisa, and that without his leave he had immaturely tak••n Arms against the Romans; he not only thought it convenient to pardon the errour of the Youth, but to give that respect which was due to the Friendship of a Prince so deserving of the Roman People. And therefore having bestowed a Ring, a Gold Button, and a broad emboss'd Tunick, a Spanish Jacket, and a Horse with all Furniture upon him, he sent him to Massanisa with a Convoy to attend him. The Romans believing these to be the greatest fruits of Victory, to restore the Temples their Orna∣ments, and Kings their Kindred.

8. Nor is the Memory of L. Paulus to be forgot, who when he heard that Perseus, a Captive now, be∣fore a King, was brought before him, went to meet him in all the Ornaments of a Roman General, and with his right hand rais'd up the King, endeavouring to cast himself at his feet, and in the Greek tongue bid him be of good chear; and bringing him into his Tent, caus'd him to sit next him in Council, not thinking him below the honour of his Table. Range the Army in view, which conquer'd Perseus, and the Story which I have related, it may be doubted which sight would be most delectable. For though it be a renowned thing to overcome an Enemy, yet is it no less praise-worthy to take compassion of him in mi∣sery.

9. This Humanity of L. Paulus teaches me not to forget the Clemency of Cn. Pompey: Who having overthrown Tigranes King of Armenia, who not only made cruel Wars with the Romans himself, but also protected Mithridates, a most inveterate Enemy to our City, would not suffer him to lye prostrate at his

feet; But giving him words of comfort, caus'd him to put the Diadem, which he had cast away, upon his Head again. And having laid certain commands up∣on him, restor'd him to his former Dignity.

10. How noble an Example of Clemency afforded was Cn. Pompey, how miserable an Example of Pity desired! For he that had impa••'d ••he Brows of Tigranes with Regal Ornaments, his Head dispoy••'d of Three Triumphal Crowns, could not finde a Burial-place in that, which was but now, his own world: But cut from his Body, wanting a Funeral Pile, was p••esented as a Gift of Egyptian Perfidie, lamentable in the very eyes of the Victor: For assoon as Caesar beheld it, forgetful of his Enemy, he put on the Countenance of a Father-in-law••; and then, as became himself, he caus'd the Head of Pompey to be burnt with most pre∣tious Odours, and paid his Tears to the memory of him and his Daughter. For if the mind of that divine Prince had not been so tender, He that a little before was accompted the Pillar of the Roman Empire (so Fortune turns the scales of Humane Affairs) had lain uninterr'd. Caesar also hearing of the Death of Caro, was heard to say, That he envied Cato••s glory, as Cato had envied his; giving his Estate safe and whole to his Children. And certainly it would have been no small part of Caesar's divine endeavours, to have been the safety of Cato.

11. And certainly the Soul of Mark Antonie did not want the knowledg of equal Humanity. For he gave the Body of Mar. Brutus to his Freeman to bury. And that he might be the more honourably burnt, caused him to be covered with his own Imperial Robe; be∣lieving him as he lay, not an Enemy, but a Citizen, all hatred now forgotten. And when he understood the Freeman had taken away the Imperial Garment, in great anger he commanded him to be punished, using

first this Speech; Didst thou not know, said he, the Fu∣neral of how great a man I committed to thy charge? His stout and pious Victory at Philippi the Gods wil∣lingly beheld, nor could they stop their eats at these words of generous Indignation.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. From commemorating Roman Examples, being carried into Macedon, I am compell'd to set forth the Manners of Alexander. Whose Fortitude in War, as it deserved infinite renown, so his Clemency merited high respect and love. He, while he visits all Nations with an indefatigable swiftness, being overtaken at a certain place with a storm of Snow, observ'd a Mace∣donian Souldier, decrepit with age, almost nummed with Cold, himself sitting in a high Chair near the fire. Who therefore considering not the quality, but the age of both, descends from his seat, and with those hands with which he had subdued the wealth of Da∣rius, takes the benumm'd Souldier and leads him to his own seat, saying, That that would be wholesome to him, which was Capital among the Persians, to sit in the Kings Chair. What wonder then if they thought it a pleasure to serve such a Captain so many years, to whom the safety of a Common Souldier was more dear than the grandeur of his own Person? The same Personage also yielding not to any Mortal, but to Na∣ture and Fortune, though faint with the violence of his distemper, yet leaning upon his Elbow, he reacht out his right Hand to all that would take their leaves of him. Who would not run to embrace that hand, which now opprest by Fate, sufficed to embrace an Army, with an Humanity as vivacious as his Cou∣rage?

2. Humanity is of no robust nature, yet we may

declare the Clemency of Pisistratus, Tyrant of Athens. Who when a Youngman inflamed with the Love of his Daughter, meeting her in the Street, kist her; and being therefore desired by his Wife to punish him, made answer, If we punish those that love us, what must we do to those that hate us? A worthy Saying; to which we must adde, that it came out of the mouth of a Tyrant.

Thus he took the affront offered his Daughter; thus the injury done to himself more commendably. For being incessantly taunted and reviled by his friend Thrasippus at Table, he so restrained his anger and his tongue, as if he had been one of the Guard reviled by the Tyrant: and as he went away, thinking he had retired sooner than ordinary for fear, he kindly in∣vited him to stay. Thrasippus being in the heat of his drink, spit all in his face, and yet he could not move him to revenge. He pull'd away his Sons also, de∣siring to intercede for the abuses of him that was their Father. The next morning when Thrasippus intended to punish himself with a violent death, the Tyrant came to him, and giving him his faith that he should still remain in the same degree of favour with him, kept him from the execution of his purpose. Had he done nothing else worthy of honour or memory, yet by these very acts of his he had sufficiently recommen∣ded himself to Posterity.

3. Patient and gentle also was the mind of King Pyrrhus, Who hearing that some of the Tarentines at a great Feast had spoken largely in his disgrace, he call'd for those that were present, and demanded of them, if they had spoken those things which he had been t••ld. Whereupon one or them made answer, If our Wine had not fail'd us, those things which we spoke of thee, would have been but baubles and trifles, to what we should have said. This so pleasant excuse of

their Drunkenness, and simple confession of the truth, turn'd the Kings Anger into laughter; by which Cle∣mency of his he so far prevailed, that the sober Taren∣tines gave him thanks, and those that had been drunk wish'd him well. The same height of Humanity caused him to send Mico with a Convoy for the greater safety of the Roman Ambassadours, whom he heard were coming toward him for the redemption of Cap∣tives. And for their more honourable reception, he himself with a Body of Horse richly attired went out of the Camp to meet them. Not so much corrupted with the success of Prosperity, as so hinder all prospect of respect from them with whom he was at greatest Enmity.

4. Of which mild temper he received the due re∣ward at the last hour of his death. For when he had invaded the City of Argos with most dismal Omens, and that Alcyoneus the Son of King Anti∣gonus had brought his head cut off, with great joy, as a most happy act of Victory to his Father, labouring in the defence of the City; Antigonus rebuking his Son for insulting over the ruine of so great a man, forget∣ful of humane Calamity, took up his Head from the ground, and cover'd it with the Hood wherewith his own head was cover'd, after the manner of the Mace∣donians, and caused it, being return'd to the body, to be honourably burnt. And when his Son Helenus was brought a prisoner to him, he commanded him to bear a Royal Minde, and to continue his Regal Habit, and moreover gave him the bones of Pyrrhus, inclosed in a Golden Chest, to carry into his Countrey of Epi∣rus to his Brother Alexander.

5. The Campanians also, when our Army was com∣pell'd by the Samnites to pass under Gallowses at Caudium, entring their City not only unarmed but naked, received them as kindly as if they had enter'd

in Triumph, bearing the Spoils of their enemies be∣fore them. Immediately presenting the Consul with all the Ensignes of his Honour, and bestowing upon the Souldiers Cloaths, Arms, Horses and Provision, taking away the want and deformity of the Roman overthrow. Had they been as constant against Han∣nibal for the Roman Empire, they had not given an occasion for the rage of the cruel Axes.

6. Having made mention of a most bitter Enemy, with those actions or kindness which he performed to the Romans, I shall make an end of the subject in hand. For Hannibal having sought the body of Ae∣milius Paulus slain at Cannae, with all diligence, as much as in him lay, would not permit it to lye un∣buried. He also caused the body of T. Gracchus, who fell unhappily into the ambushment of the Lucans, to be honourably buried, and deliver'd his bones, to be carried into his own Countrey, to our Souldiers. When Marcellus was slain in the Countrey of the Brutii, while with more eagerness than consideration he en∣deavoured to spy the actions of the Carthaginians, he sought him out, and laid him upon the Funeral Pile, clad in a Carthaginian Jacket, and adorn'd with a Crown of Gold. And therefore the sweetness of Hu∣manity penetrates into the very breasts of rude Barba∣rians, mollifies the cruel and severe eyes of Enemies, and bends the most insolent pride of Victory. Nor is it a difficult thing for Clemency to finde an easie pas∣sage through hostile Weapons, and Swords drawn hand to hand. It overcomes Anger, throws down Rage, and mingles hostile Blood with hostile Tears. Which produced that admirable Speech of Hannibal, delivering his judgment at the Funerals of the Roman Captains. Wherefore Paulus, Marcellus and Gracchus brought him more honour by their Funerals, than by their Deaths. For he deceived them with his Punic

subtilty, but honoured them with his Roman Cle∣mency. And you, brave and pious Souls, have en∣joyed Obsequies not to be repented of; for as you fell more desirably in your Countrey, more nobly for your Countrey; so ye recover'd the honour of that last office due to ye, which by misfortune ye had lost.

CHAP. II. Of Gratitude.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. The Roman Senate.
• 2. The Roman Youth.
• 3. The Roman People.
• 4. M. Minutius Rufus Master of the Horse.
• 5. Q. Terentius Culeo.
• 6. Citizens redeem'd in Greece.
• 7. Q. Metellus Pius Cos.
• 8. Caius Marius Cos. IV.
• 9. L. Sylla Dictator.
• 10. The Libitines.

Of Forreign Kings.

• 1. Darius of Persia.
• 2. Mithridates of Pontus.
• 3. Attalus of Asia.
• 4. Massanisa of Numi∣dia.

NExt let us take a view of the grateful and ingrate∣ful effects and actions of the Minde, that Vertue and Vice may receive their due reward, from a due estimate of the value of either. However, because they are distinguished by contrary ends and designes, we also intend to separate them in writing: And therefore let us begin with those things, that rather deserve praise than reprehension.

1. And that we may take our rise from publick Acts, let us take into our consideration Marcius Corio∣lanus, who invading his own Country, and having

brought a very great Army of the Volsci to the very Gates of the City, threatning the utter destruction of the Roman Empire; yet at the intercession of his Mo∣ther Vituria, and his Wife Volumnia, he was per∣swaded to give over his violent Enterprise. In me∣mory whereof the Senate gave very great Priviledges to the Order of Matrons. For they order'd that men should give the upper hand to Women in the street, as acknowledging the Womens Garm••nt to have been a greater safety to their City than their Arms: They added also a new distinction of Coifs to the adornments of their Ears; they also permitted them to wear Purple and Gold Laces; and more then all this, they erected a Temple and an Altar to Womens Fortune, just in the same place where Coriolanus's wrath was appeased, to testifie their grateful acknowledgment of so great a benefit, by their religious respect and reverence that they had of it.

For which the Senate was no less famous at the time of the Second Punic War: For when Capua was be∣sieged by Fulvius, there were two Women in the Town that would by no means be perswaded from shewing eminent signes of good Will toward the Ro∣mans; the one named Vestia Opidia the Mistriss of a good Family, the other Cluvia Facula an Harlot; one which dayly sacrificed for the success of the Roman Army, the other still supplied the necessities of the Roman Captives. The Town being taken, the Se∣nate restor'd them both their Liberty and their Goods; and if they had any other Boon to crave, bid them freely demand it, for that they were as free to give it. It was more wonderful that the Senate had leisure, in a time of so much Exultation, to return thanks to two mean Women, than that they took upon them to do it.

2. What more commendable than that of the Ro∣man

Youth, who in the Consulship of C. Nantius and Minutius listed themselves voluntarily to give assistance to the Tusculanes, who were enter'd into the Terri∣tories of the Aequi, who had a little before most stoutly defended the Roman Empire. A new thing, to hear the whole Army listing themselves, lest their Coun∣trey should seem to want a grateful mind.

3. A great Example of Gratitude was that of the People toward Q. Fabius Maximus: Who dying after he had born Five Consulships, with great su••••ess and advantage to the Commonwealth, strove ••ho should bring in most Money to advance the s••••endour and magnificence of his Funeral. Let us prize the Re∣ward of vertue, when we finde brave ••en to be more happy in their Burials, than the sl••••thful in their Lives.

4. With no small glory was another piece of Grati∣tude shewn to the other Fabius, yet living. For when Minutius, Master of the Horse, was made equal in Commission with him being Dictator, by an Act of the Senate, which was never done before, and dividing the Army had fought apart with Hannibal in Samni∣um; yet he seeing the great Overthrow he had like to have had by his own Rashness, had not Fabius come in timely to his relief, he presently acknowledged him for his Father, and commanded him to be saluted Patron and Preserver by his own Legions; and laying down his Commission of Equality, submitted the Mastership of the Horse to the Dictatorship, as of right it ought to have been; correcting the impudent errour of the Vulgar, by the grateful signification of his Minde.

5. A Story to be related upon as good grounds, is, that Terentius Culeo, a Pretorian by Birth, and of the Senatorian Order, should follow as he did the Tri∣umphant Chariot of the Elder Scipio, with his Cap in

his hand bare-headed, for that being a Captive to the Carthaginians, he had been retaken by him. And therefore he deservedly return'd, in view of the whole people, the acknowledgment of a Benefit received from him, as from his Patron, who was the Author of his Liberty.

6. But when Flaminius triumph'd over Philip, there was not only one, but two thousand Roman Ci∣tizens that followed his Chariot bare-headed; who having been taken in the Punic Wars, and being sold into Greece, had been by his care collected together and restor'd to their former Freedome. The Honour of the General seem'd redoubled that day, who at the same time let the People see their Enemies by him o∣vercome, their Fellow Citizens by him preserved: Also their preservation was doubly acceptable to all, seeing that so many, and those so grateful persons, had recovered their deserved Liberty.

7. Metellus, as famous for his Tears as others for their Victories, obtain'd the name of Pious, for his passionate and constant Love of his Father in Exile∣ment: This man being Consul, was not ashamed to entreat the People on the behalf of Q. Calidius, Can∣didate for the Pretorship, because that he being Tri∣bune, was author of the Law by which his Father was recall'd. He always after call'd him also the Patron of his House and Family. Nor did he thereby any way derogate from his greatness which he had ob∣tain'd; seeing that it was not the Lowness of his Spirit, but the Gratefulness of his Minde, which made him submit the grandeur of his Dignity to the greatest desert of an inferiour person.

8. And therefore the Gratitude of C. Marius was not only eminent, but seem'd to be the effect of a vio∣lent Passion: For observing two Cohorts of the Ca∣mertians to have bravely withstood the Fury of the

Cimbrians, contrary to the Condition of the League, he immediately made them free of the City. Which act of his he both truely and nobly excused, saying, That in the noise and hurry of Battle, he could not hear the words of the Civil Law. And indeed it was a time then, wherein there was more need to defend, than hear the Law.

9. Sylla in the Combat of Praise every where fol∣lows the footsteps of Marius. For being Dictator, he not only uncovered his Head to Pompey being a pri∣vate person; but rising in his Chariot, did alight from his Horse. And this in the Publick Assembly he de∣clared himself to have done willingly, remembring that the other when he was but two and twenty years of Age had taken his part, with his Fathers Army. There were many remarkable things in Pompey, but I know not whether any thing hapned to him more re∣markable than this, that the surplusage of his kindness caused Sylla at length to forget him.

10. And while we talk of Men in high Splendour, let there be some place for meaner Gratitude. For Cornutus the Pretor being commanded to bargain for the Funerals of Hirtius and Pansa; they who provided all Necessaries for Funerals, belonging to the Temple of Libitina, promised the use of their things and their attendance gratis; b••cause they were slain fighting for their Countrey. And by their constant and earnest desire procured, that the ordering of the Funeral might be at the rate of Sesterce Money, though at their own charges. Whose praise, setting the Law aside, their condition rather augments than extenuates; seeing them the only contemners of gain, that lived by no other thing than gain.

FORRAIGN Examples.

Let not their Ashes take it ill, if Kings of Forraign Nations come next in order to be mentioned after this sordid tribe, which either was not to be mentioned at all, or else to be placed in the last part of Domestick Examples. But since honest acts done by the meanest ought not to slip our Memory, while they obtain a distinct and proper place, they neither seem to be added to the one, nor preferr'd before the other.

1. Darius being yet a private person, was mightily taken with a short Vestment of Syloson the Samian; and by his more curious viewing of it, caus'd Syloson to give it him freely, who so much desir'd it in his mind. But how great a value he put upon that small Gift, he soon made known when he enjoyed the Empire, giving to Syloson the whole City and Island of the Sa∣mians for his possession. Not that he honour'd the price, but the opportunity and season of the Gift; and rather consider'd from whom the Gift came, than to whom it was given.

2. Magnificently grateful also was King Mithrida∣tes, who made an exchange of all his Prisoners taken from the Enemy, for one Leonicus a most stout pre∣server of his own person from eminent danger, who was taken in a Sea-fight by the Rhodians: accompting it more noble to give his most bitter Enemies an ad∣vantage, than to be unmindful of one that had so well deserved of him.

3. More liberal yet were the People of Rome, for they gave all Asia for a Gift to King Attalus. Though Attalus was not behinde-hand in the Justice of his last Will and Testament, by which he return'd it to them all back again. So that the Munificence of the one, and the Gratitude of the other, cannot be set down

in so many words of praise, as the vast Cities given in friendship and religiously restor'd.

4. Nor can I tell whether the breast of Massanisa were not in as high a measure replete with the pledges of Gratitude. For he by the benefit of Scipio's and the Roman friendship being put into the poss••ssion of a very large Kingdome, by a most constant and loyal Amity continued the memory of that noble Gift to the very end of his life, which he enjoyed to a very great age. Insomuch that not only all Africa, but all other Nations knew him to be more faithful to the Family of the Cornelii, and the City of Rome, than to himself. He, though he were very hard put to it by the Cartha∣ginians; and was hardly able to defend his own King∣dome, deliver'd to Scipio Aemilianus, Nephew to the other Scipio, the greatest part of the Numidian Army, when he was sent for into Spain to the assistance of Lucullus, preferring former benefits before the present danger. He now near his end, leaving great Riches and Fifty Sons behind him, besought M. V. Manlius, then Proconsul in Africa, to send Scipio Aemilianus who then was under his command to him; believing he should die more happy, could he but commit his last words and breath to his Embraces. But his death preventing the coming of Scipio, he gave in charge to his Wife and Children to acknowledge but one people in the world, the Romans; and but one Family among the Romans, that of the Scipio's. That he left all entire to Aemilianus, giving him the sole power of making a division, and that whatever he ordained, they should observe as inviolable, as if he had left it by Will. Thus died Massanisa, having prolong'd his life through many and divers varieties of changes to the hundredth year. By these and such other Exam∣ples, is well-doing increased and continued among men. These are the Motives, these the Incentives,

for which we burn with a desire of well-deserving. And certainly these are the greatest and the most splen∣did sort of Riches, to be accompted opulent in be∣stowing Riches. The religious regard whereof since we have so far prosecuted, let us now shew how it has been contemn'd, that we may the better know the difference, which is most acceptable and laudable a∣mong men.

CHAP. III. Of Ingratitude.

• 1. The Senate of Rome to Romulus.
• 2. The People of Rome to∣ward Camillus and o∣thers.
• 3. Of Sextilius toward C. Caesar the Oratour.
• 4. Of Popilius toward M. Cicero.
• 5. Of Cn. Pompey the Great toward Cn. Carbo.

FORRAIGN Exam∣ples.

• 1. Of the Carthaginians toward Hannibal.
• 2. Of the Spartans toward Lycurgus.
• 3. The Athenians to The∣seus.

1. THe Senate placed by the Parent of our City in the highest degree of Honour, yet miserably tore him in pieces in the Senate-House; and thought it no crime to take away his Life, who had given life to the Roman Empire. That rude and fierce Age con∣taminated with the Blood of their Founder, the known Piety of posterity cannot dissemble.

2. This ingrateful errour of a debauch'd minde shortly after caus'd the sad repentance of our City.

Camillus, the most triumphant Enlarger, and the most certain Defender of the Roman Power, yet could not preserve himself in his own City, whose safeguard he had establish'd, encreas'd and enlarg'd. For being accused by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People, for ha∣ving embezled the Spoils of the Veientines, he was by a hard, and as I may say Iron Sentence, condemn'd and sent into Exilement. And at such a time, when having lost a most hopeful Son, he was rather to have been relieved with Comfort, than to have been laden with Calamities. But his Countrey unmindful of the extraordinary Merits of so great a Person, heap'd the affliction of Exilement upon the loss of his Son. Poorly done, for Fifteen thousand Pence (a pitiful Sum) to de∣prive themselves of so great a Prince. The Elder African, when Rome was almost quite broken by the Arms of the Carthaginians, when she lay bleeding to death, and bleeding out the very last drop, restored her again, and made her Mistress of all Africa; in re∣compence whereof, his Countrey-men confined him to a poor Village near a stinking Lake; of which he seem'd to be sensible to his death, causing this In∣scription to be put upon his Tomb: INGRATEFƲL COƲNTREY, THOƲ HAST NOT SO MƲCH AS MY BONES. What more unworthy the necessity which they put him to, what more just than his com∣plaint, or more moderate than his revenge? He de∣nied his ashes to a City, which he had preserved from being reduced to ashes. Therefore was this revenge a greater unkindness to ungrateful Rome, than the vio∣lence which Coriolanus offer'd to it. For he onely affrighted Rome, this man made Rome ashamed: not being willing, such was his piety, to complain of their Severity, till after his Death. For, no question, it was a kind of comfort to him, that his Brother had suffered the same before; who after he had over∣thrown

Antiochus, and reduced Asia under the sub∣jection of the People of Rome, was by the People ac∣cused of converting the publick Money to his own private use, and thrown into prison.

No less inferiour in Vertue was the Younger Afri∣canus, nor yet more fortunate in his end. For after he had quite reduced to nothing two Cities, Numantia and Carthage, both threatning destruction to the Ro∣man Empire, met with his murtherer at home, but not with one to revenge his death in all the Forum. Who can be ignorant that Scipio Nasica was as famous for Counsel, as the other two Scipio's were for War? Who kept T. Gracchus from strangling the Common∣wealth with his pestiferous hands; yet he, because of the low esteem which his Citizens had of his Virtue, under the specious pretence of an Embassie, went into a voluntary Exilement, as far as Pergamus, and there spent the remainder of his days, never sought after by his ungrateful Countrey.

I still keep in the same name, not having yet done with the complaints of the Cornelian Family. For P. Lentulus, a most famous Citizen and eminent Lover of his Countrey, after he had overthrown C. Gracchus in a pitched field in the Countrey of Aventinum, as a re∣ward of that Victory, whereby he preserved the Laws, Peace and Liberty of his Countrey, was not permitted to live in the City, and therefore wea••i••d with envy and slaunder, he begg'd a Lieut••nancy of the Senate; and having made a set Speech, wherein he prayed to the Immortal Gods that his ingratetul Countrey might never have occasion to use him again, he went into Sicily, and there spent the remainder of his days.

3. But what Satyr can be sharp enough, what words severe enough to express the Ingratitude of P. Sexti∣lius? who being defended and fairly brought off from an Accusation highly Criminal by C. Caesar, yet be∣trayed

and delivered him up to the cruelty of his ene∣my, coming to his house tor shelter in the time of Cinna's proscription. Had his accuser implored the same kindness upon his knees, it had bin inhumane to have denied him. For those that injuries do cause us to hate, misery makes us to compassionate. But Sex∣tilius betrayed not his Accuser, but his Protector, to the cut-throat hand of his most inveterate adversary: if for fear of death, unworthy of life; if for hope of reward, most worthy of death.

4. To repeat another Example of the same na∣ture. M. Cicero had defended C. Popilius Lenas of the Countrey of Picena, with no less Care than Eloquence, when his Cause was very doubtful. This Popilius after∣wards, being neither in word or deed injur'd by Ci∣cero, of his own accord begg'd of M. Antonius, that he might be the person to be sent by him to cut his Throat in his Banishment; and having obtain'd that detestable Commission, away he flew over-joy'd to Cajeta; and that very person, I need not say who was the author of his dignity and safety, but also one who ought to have been respected by him to the ut∣most, that very person did he command patiently to lie down, and have his head struck off. And thus laden with the head of the Roman Eloquence, and the most famous right hand of Peace, he return'd with joy to the City, as if he had brought along with him the Spoils of some Enemy. Letters are too imperfect to set forth this Monster, seeing there is not another Cicero living to bewail his unhappy fate.

5. What shall I say of thee, Great Pompey, I know not: While I consider the vastness of thy great For∣tune and Renown, that once orespread the Sea as well as the Land. But though we should be silent, the Death of Cn. Carbo, by whom thou wert protected in thy youth, when contesting in the Forum for thy

estate, slain by thy command, will never be forgot∣ten: by which ingrateful fact, thou didst seem to stand more in awe of Sylla's Power, than to consult thine own Honour.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. But lest other Cities should insult, after we have confess'd our own Infirmities; we finde that the Car∣thaginians had an intention to have kill'd or banish'd Hannibal, after that for their honour and for the en∣largement of their Empire, he had slain so many of our Generals, and cut to pieces so many of our Armies; that had he but slain so many common Souldiers of his Enemies, it had won him renown sufficient.

2. Lacedaemon never bred a greater or more profi∣table Citizen than Lycurgus; being a person that the Pythian Apollo did not disdain to speak to, when he consulted the Oracle, and told him, He knew not whether he were to be accompted a Man or a God. Yet neither the Integrity of his Life, nor the constant Love which he bare his Countrey, nor all the whole∣some Laws which he had made, could preserve him from the hatred of his Citizens. For sometimes they threw stones at him in the Streets; they put out one of his Eyes, and at last utterly banish'd him out of his Countrey. What may we think of other Cities, when a City so famous as this for Constancy, Moderation and Gravity, proved so ungrateful against a Citizen so well deserving?

3. Take Theseus from Athens, and either there would have been no such thing as Athens, or else not half so famous. For he reduced his scatter'd Coun∣treymen into one City: and gave the shape and form of a City to a wild and clownish People before. When he was but a Youth, he quel••'d the usurping Tyran∣ny

of Minos: He tam'd the boundless insolency of the Thebans: He assisted the Sons of Hercules; and where∣ever Enormity was grown headstrong and monstrous, he overcame it by his Vertue and his Power. Yet was he banished by the Athenians, and the Island Scyros, less than the Exile, became only famous for his Tomb. Solon also that made such wholesome Laws, and so famous withal, that had the Athenians used them still, they had been still the Lords of great Territories: Who took Salamine a strong Fortress that threatned their ruine, and was but a little distance from them: Who foresaw the Tyranny of Pisistratus, and was the first that durst advise the People to resist him by force of Arms; in his old age lived an Exile in Cyprus. Nor was it his hap to be buried in his own Countrey, of which he had so well deserved. The Athenians had dealt well by Miltiades, had they, after the Battle of Marathon, wherein he overcame the Persians, with their loss of three hundred thousand Men, sent him presently into Exile, and not kept him in prison till he died: Nay more than that, they would not suffer his Body to be buried, till Cimon his Son had surrender'd him∣self into the same place. A sad Inheritance for the Son of so great a Captain, who was himself after∣wards one of the greatest Captains of that Age. Ari∣stides also, who was the Rule of Justice all over Greece, and the greatest example of Continence that ever was, was commanded to depart his Countrey. Happy A∣thens, could they have found out any one that had been either a Good Man, or a Lover of his Countrey, after this man was gone, with whom Sanctity itself seem'd to go along! Themistocles was a notable example of all that had experience of the Ingratitude of their Coun∣trey: For when he had setled Athens in Peace, and raised it to be the most famous, the most wealthy, the Mistriss of all Greece, he found his Countrey-men so incens'd a∣gainst

him, that he was forc'd to flie to the mercy of Xerxes, whom he had ruin'd before. Phocion, who was endow'd with two qualities which are the best to ap∣pease Wrath and Fury, I mean Eloquence and Integrity, was forced by the Athenians to fly his Countrey: and when he was dead, he was not permitted so much as one turf of Athenian land to cover his bones. Certainly then it must be lookt upon as a publick piece of Mad∣ness, by common consent, to punish the greatest Vertues as the greatest Crimes: which not being to be any where endured, ought to have been more especially exploded and abominated in Athens, where there is a Law a∣gainst Ingratitude. And not without reason, because he looses and abolishes the commerce of doing and re∣ceiving Benefits, which is the support of human Life, that neglects to return Kindness for Kindness. How severely therefore are they to be reprehended, who having most just Laws, but being very wickedly encli∣ned, rather choose to obey their deprav'd manners, than their Laws? So that if it could happen, that those great Persons, whose misfortunes I have related, could ap∣peal to any other Cities, d'ye think they would not quickly have silenced those talkative People, as inge∣nious as they were? Marathon glitters with the Per∣sian Trophies; Salamis and Artemisium beheld the Ruine of Xerxes Navy: Those Walls that were pull'd down, rise more glorious from their ruines. But what are become of all those great Men that did these great things? Answer Athens for thy self. Thou hast suffer'd Theseus to be buried in a little Rock; Miltia∣des to die in Prison, and Cimon his Son to wear his Fathers chains; Themistocles a Victor to prostrate him∣self at the Knees of that very person whom he had vanquished; Phocion also, Solon and Aristides, to for∣sake their Houshold-gods, when at the same time ye give divine Honour to the Bones of O••dipus, infamous

for the Death of his Father, and for marrying his Mother. Read therefore thy own Law, which thou art bound by oath to observe; and since thou wouldst not give due Reward ••o Vertue, make just atone∣ments to their injured Ghosts. They are silent; but whoever reads the ungratetul acts of the Athenians, will be severe and free to eternity to reproach so great a Crime.

CHAP. IV. Of Piety toward Parents.

ROMAN Examples.

• 1. Cn. Marcius Coriola∣nus.
• 2. Scipio Africanus the Great.
• 3. T. Manlius Torquatus.
• 4. M. Aurelius Cotta.
• 5. C. Flaminius Tribune.
• 6. Claudia, a Vestal.
• 7. A Daughter that gave her Mother suck in Pri∣son.

External Examples.

• 1. Pero, a Daughter, gave her father suck in Pri∣son.
• 2. Cimon the Athenian.
• 3. Two Brothers Spaniards.
• 4. Cleobis and Bython, Amphinomus and Ana∣pus.
• 5. Scythians.
• 6. Croesus's dumb Son.
• 7. Pulto.

BUt leave these Ingrates, and talk of those that have been accompted pious; for honest subjects are more pleasing than Stories of the wicked. Let us come then to those, who have been so fortunate in their Offspring, as never to repent the promotion of Generation.

1. Coriolanus, a person of a vast Courage and deep

in Counsel, and well deserving of his Countrey, yet almost ruin'd under the oppression of an unjust Sen∣tence, fl d to the Volsci, who were Enemies to the Ro∣mans. For Vertue gets esteem wherever it goes. So that where he only sought for refuge, in a short time he obtain'd the chief command of all things. And it hapned that he, who was by the Romans refused for their Leader, had like to have proved their most fatal Enemy. For the Volsci having often overcome our Armies, by his Conduct and Valour, came up and be∣girt the very walls of Rome. For this reason the Peo∣ple that were so haughty, as not to value their own happiness, were forced to supplicate an Exile, whose offence they would not pardon before. Embassadors were sent to appease him, but they could do no good: the Priests went in their religious Habits, but returned without obtaining any favour: The Senators were at their Wits end, the People trembled both Men and Women bewail'd their approaching Calamity. But then Veturia Coriolanus's Mother, taking along with her Volumnia his Wife, and Children also, went to the Camp of the Volsci: Whom assoon as h r Son espied, O my Countrey, thou hast overcome my anger, said he, by vertue of this Womans tears, and for the Wombs sake that bare me, I forgive thee, though my enemy; and immediately he withdrew his Army from the Roman Territories. And his Piety encountred and overcame all Obstacles, as well his reveng•• of the Injury re∣ceived, the hopes of Victory, as the fear of Death up∣on his return. And thus the sight of one Parent chan∣ged a most severe War into a timely Peace.

2. The same Piety inflam'd the Elder Africanus, hardly past the age of Childhood, to the succour of his Father, and arm'd him with manly strength in the midst of the Battle. For he saved the Consul, being desp••rately wounded in the Battle which he lost to

Hannibal upon the River Ticinus: nothing terrified either by the weakness of his Age, the rawness of skill in War, or the event of an unfortunate Fight, which would have dau••t••d an old Soldier; he thereby merited a Crown conspicuous for its double Honour; he having recover'd from the jaws of death, a Father and a General.

3. Those famous Examples the City only received by hearsay; these they beheld with their eyes. Pom∣ponius the Tribune had accused T. Manlius Imperiossus to the People, for that he had exceeded his Commissi∣on, out of hopes of making an end of the War, and for sending away his Son, which was a person of very great hopes, from publick employment, to follow his own coun••••ey-affairs. Which when Manlius under∣stood, he came to the City, and went by break of day to Pomponius's House; who believing that he came to aggravate his Fathers Crimes, by whom he had been 〈◊〉〈◊〉 used, commanded all the people out of the Cham∣ber, that he might the more freely take his Examina∣tion. The Son having thereby got an opportunity so sit for his turn, drew his Sword which he had brought privately under his Coat, compell'd the threatned and terrified Consul to swear, that he would forbear any farther prosecution of his Father: So that Imperiossus never came to his Trial. Piety toward mild Parents is commendable: But Manlius, the more severe to him ••is Father was, the greater praise he merited, by the assistance which he gave him; being invited by no allurement of Indulgence, but only natural Affection to love him.

4. This sort of Piety did M. Cotta imitate, the very same day that he put on the Coat of Manhood; when assoon as he descended out of the Capitol, he accused Carbo who had condemn'd his Father, and being condemn'd prosecuted him to punishment; en∣nobling

his early Youth, and first attempt in publick business, with a famous action.

5. Paternal Authority was equally reverenced by C. Flaminius. For when he being a popular Tribune had publish'd a Law for dividing the Gallick Land to every particular man, in opposition to the Senate, and quite against their wills, contemning both their threats and entreaties, and not at all terrified with the threats of an Army, which they menaced to raise against him, if he persisted in his obstinacy; was got into the Pulpit for Orations, reading his Law to the People; yet when his Father pull'd him away, he came down obedient to Paternal Command: no man murmuring in the least to see him break off in the midst of his Speech.

6. These were great effects of Manly Piety; but I cannot tell whether the act of Claudia the Vestal Vir∣gin, were not as forcible and as couragious. Who, when she saw her Father pull'd out of his Triumphal Chariot, by the rude hand of a Tribune, with a won∣derful celerity interposing her self between them, ap∣peased the highest Authority in the City, inflamed with Anger and Malice. So that the Father rode in Triumph to the Capitol, the Daughter to the Temple of Vesta. Nor could it be righty decided to which most praise was due, whether to him whom Victory, or her whom Piety attended.

7. Pardon me most antient Hearths, pardon me eternal Fires, if the context of our work lead us from your most sacred Temple, to the more necessary ra∣ther than magnificent part of the City. For no Mis∣fortune, no Poverty cheapens the price of Piety. Ra∣ther the trial of it is the more certain, by how much the more miserable. The Pretor had delivered to the Triumvir a noble Woman to be put to death in Prison▪ being condemned for some hainous Crime. But the

Keeper, compassionating her case, did not strangle her presently. All the while he gave her Daughter liberty to come to her, after he had diligently search'd that she carried her no food, believing that in a little time she might be starv'd to death. But seeing her live many days without any alteration, he began to con∣sider with himself by what means she kept herself alive; thereupon more diligently watching her Daugh∣ter, he observ'd her giving her Breast to her Mother, and pacifying the rage of her hunger with her Nipples. The novelty of which wonderful sight, being by him related to the Triumvir, by the Triumvir to the Pre∣tor, by the Pretor to the Council of the Judges, they granted the Woman her pardon. What will nor Pi∣ety invent, that for the preservation of a Parent in prison, found out so strange a means as this? For what more unusual, what more unheard-of, than that a Mo∣ther should be nourished by the Breasts of a Child? One would think this were against the course of Na∣ture, but that Nature commands us in the first place to love our Parents.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. The same is to be said of Pero's Piety, who pre∣served her Father Cimon, fallen into the same misfor∣tune, and in Prison, nourishing him like an Infant, in his decrepit Age, with the Milk of her Breasts. Mens eyes are fix'd, and in an amaze, when they be∣hold this piece of Piety represented in painting.

2. Nor can I forget thee Cimon, that didst not fear to purchase the Burial of thy Father, with a voluntary surrendring thy own person to imprisonment. For though afterwards it hapned, that thou wert both a famous Citizen and a renowned Captain, yet didst thou get more honour in the prison than in the Council-Chamber.

For other Vertues deserve admiration, but Piety merits Love.

3. Nor must I forget the two Brothers, whose Courage was more no••••e than their Birth. Who be∣ing born of ••ow P••••entage in Spain, grew famous by their D••••ths, laying down their Lives for the support of their Family. For they having agreed with the Pa∣ciaeci for twelve thousand Pieces of Money, to be paid to their Parents after their Death, upon condition that they should kill Epastus, Tyrant of that Coun∣trey; not only performed the exploit, but bravely fell in performing it. With the same hands revenging their Countrymen, punishing Epastus, providing a maintenance for their antient Par••••••s, and purchasing renown to themselves. Therefore now they live in their Tombs, because they chose rather to support their Fathers in their old Age, than to preserve their own.

4. A more known pair of Brothers were Biton and Cleobis, Amphinomus and Anapus: The first, because they drew their Mothers Chariot to the Temple of Juno, to perform the Ceremonies there: The other, because they carried their Father and their Mother up∣on their Shoulders, through the midst of Aetna's flames: but neither of them lost their Lives.

5. Nor do I go about to detract from the honour of the Argives, or to cloud the glory of the Sicilians. But I hold the light of knowledg to the ignorance of a more obscure Piety: which makes me renew the memory of a piece of Scythian Piety. For Darius in∣vading their Territories with a mighty Army, they retreated before him to the very utmost Solitudes of all Asia. Thereupon being by his Embassadours questio∣ned, when they would make an end of flying or when they would begin to fight; they made answer. That they had neither till'd Lands, nor any Cities which were worth fighting for; but when they came to the Monuments of their

Ancestors, then he should know how the Scythians were wont to fight. By which pious answer, that fierce and barbarous Nation redeem'd themselves from the scan∣dal of Savageness. Therefore is Nature the first and best Mistress of Piety, which neither wanting the help of Speech, nor the use of Letters, through her own silent and proper Power infuses Charity into the breasts of Children. What is then the profit of Learning? That their Wits should be more polite, but not more honest. For true Vertue is rather born than acqui∣red.

6. For who taught such People as wander up and down in Carts, that shelter their naked Bodies in the Woods, and live by destroying Cattle like Dogs, to give Darius such an Answer? She that taught Croesus's Son, that was born dumb, to speak for the preser∣vation of his Father. For the City of Sardis being taken by Cyrus, when one of the Persians not knowing who the person was, furiously was going about to have kill'd his Father, call'd back the Sword that was just at his Throat, by crying out aloud to the Souldier, that he should not kill King Croesus. So that he, who till that time was mute, recovered his Speech for the safety of his Father.

The same Charity arm'd a Youngman of Pinna (sirnamed Pulto) in the Italian War, with the same strength of Body and Mind: Who being Governour of the City when it was besieged, when the Roman General caused his Father to be brought forth, and threatned to put him to death before his face, unless he would deliver up the Town, made a Sally, and re∣covered his Father out of the Enemies hands. Doubly famous, ••or that he preserved his Father, and yet did not betray his Countrey.

CHAP. V. Of Fraternal Benevolence.

• 1. P. Africanus the Great.
• 2. M. Fabius Vibulanus Cs.
• 3. T. Caesar Augustus.
• 4. A certain Souldier.

NExt to this kind of Piety follows Fraternal Bene∣volence. For as it may be accompted the first Bond of Friendship, to have received many and great Benefits; the next tye is, that we have received them together. For how abundantly pleasant is the re∣membrance of those things! Before I was born I liv'd in the same House, My Infancy lay in the same Cradle, The same Persons were Parents to both, The same Vows were made for both, and we enjoy the same honour by our extraction. A Wife is dear to a Hus∣band, Children dear to a Parent, Friends are accepta∣ble, and Acquaintance are delightful; but when you have read what follows, there is no Benevolence that exceeds Brotherly Loving Kindness.

1. And this I speak by the testimony of Scipio Afri∣canus, who though he had contracted a most strict Friendship with Laelius, yet he besought the Senate that they would not transfer to him his Brothers Pro∣vincial Lot which they had taken from him, and pro∣mised to go himself Lieutenant to his Brother: So that the Elder became inferiour to the Younger Bro∣ther, the stout and couragious to the faint-hearted, the renowed to a person of no fame; and, which is more, he that was already Africanus, to him that was not yet Asiaticus. So that he assumed one of the most noble Sirnames, and gave the other. He received the Impe∣rial

Coat of one Triumph, and gave the other; greater by assistance, than his Brother by Superiority of Com∣mand.

2. But Marcus Fabius the Consul having over∣thrown the Veientes and Hetrusci, in a most remarka∣ble Fight, would not accept of a Triumph, which was offer'd him with the full consent of the Senate, and eager desire of the People; because his Brother, a person of Consular Dignity, was kill'd bravely fight∣ing in that Battle. How great was the zeal of Frater∣nal Charity that was lodg'd in that breast, that could not be extinguish'd by the splendour of so high an honour?

3. For this Example Antiquity is famous; that which follows has been no small Ornament to our Age, who have had the honour to see the Fraternal Yoak of the Claudian and now also the Glory of the Julian Family. For so great a Love had our Prince and Parent for his Brother Drusus, that when he un∣derstood at Ticinum, whither he came a Conquerour to embrace his Parents, that his Brother Drusus lay dangerous sick in Germany, in a frightful amaze he flew out of Town. And the Journey which he made appears from hence to have been so swift, as if he had rode it at one breath; for passing the Alpes and the Rhine, he posted day and night, changing his Horses, above two hundred Miles, through several barbarous Nations but newly conquer'd, in the company of An∣tabagius only, who was his guide. But in all that hazard and danger, when he had forsaken the com∣pany of Men, the most sacred name of Piety, and the Gods that are the favourers of all laudable Vertues, even Jupiter himself, the faithful Preserver of the Roman Empire, accompanied him. Drusus also faint and weak, at that very moment when there is little or no distin∣ction to be made between Life and Death, ordered the

Legions with their Ensignes to go and meet his Bro∣ther. He also order'd a Praetorium to be erected for him upon the right hand, and would make him take the Consular and Imperial Dignity: and at the same time he submitted to the Majesty of his Brother, and the s••roak of Death. Nor can any president of Fra∣ternal Love be compar'd to these, unless it be the Examplar of Castor and Pollux.

4. However it cannot be a dishonour to the Me∣mory of the most famous Emperours, to mention here the strange Love of a certain Souldier toward his Brother. For he being in pay under Pompey, and ha∣ving slain a Soldier under Sertorius, that press'd him very hard; when he came to strip him, and found him to be his own Brother, cursing the Gods for giving him the Victory, he carried him near the Camp, and putting a rich Garment upon him, laid him upon a Funeral Pile. Which ass••on as he had kindled, with the same Sword wherewith he had slain his Brother, he thrust himself to the heart, and falling upon his Brother, was burnt in the same flames. He might have liv'd Innocent, had he pleaded Ignorance; but he rather chose to make use of his own Piety, than the pardon of others; and for that reason to accompany his Brother in Death.

CHAP. VI. Of Piety toward their Countrey.

• 1. L. Junius Brutus first Consul.
• 2. M. Curtius the Roman Knight.
• 3. M. Genutius Cipus Pretor.
• 4. Q. Aelius Paetus Pretor.
• 5. P. Decius Consul.
• 6. P. Decius Brother of Publius Consul.
• 7. Africanus the Great.
• 8. The Roman Citizens.

FORRAIGN.

• 1. Codrus King of the A∣thenians.
• 2. Thrasybulus the Athe∣nian.
• 3. Themistocles the Athe∣nian.
• 4. The Philaeni, Brothers.
• 5. Aristotle the Stagirite.

WE have seen Piety to private Relations, we are now to shew it toward our Native Countrey; to whose Majesty paternal Authority, almost equal to that of the Gods, has ever submitted, and to which Brotherly Affection willingly yields, and with a great deal of reason too. For a Family may be ruin'd, and yet the Commonwealth be safe; but the ruine of the Commonwealth necessarily draws with it the de∣struction of every Family. But how can we express in words, what so many have testified at the expence of their own Lives?

1. Brutus the first Consul meeting Aruns the Son of Tarquin the Proud, whom he had expell'd from his Kingdom, in the field ran at him with that fury, that running each other in the body with their Spears, they fell both dead at the same time. I may very well

adde, that the Roman People paid dear for their Li∣berty.

2. But when the Earth suddenly sunk in the midst of the Forum, leaving a wide hole; and that the O∣racle had return'd for answer, that nothing could fill up that concavity, but that which the Roman People most valued; Gurtius a young Gentleman, noble in Birth and Minde, understanding that our City did excel in Vertue and Warlike Prowess, putting on all his War∣like Ornaments, and getting up a Horseback, he put spurs to his Horse, and rid full speed into the dismal Precipice, upon whom the Citizens in his honour cast Fruit and Grain, and then the Earth miraculously clo∣sed again. Many wonderful things did afterwards adorn the Forum. Yet never did any one come near the Piety of Gurtius to his Countrey: For which, as de∣serving the chief place of Honour, I will adde another somewhat like it.

3. Genucius Cipus being Pretor, and just coming out of the City in his Habit of General, there befel him a most unheard-of Prodigy. For of a suddain some∣what started out of his Forehead like Horns: and a Vice answer'd, that he should be a King, if he re∣turn'd into the City again. Which lest it should hap∣pen, he condemn'd himself to perpetual Banishment. A noble act of Piety, which considering the honour it deserves, is to be preferr'd before seven Kings. In testimony whereof, a brazen Image of his Head was set up upon the Gate out of which he went.

4. Genucius bequeath'd the inheritance of his praise, than which a greater could not be given, to Aelius the Pretor. For when a Crow came and sate upon his Head, as he was sitting in Judgment, the Soothsayers affirm'd, that if he preserv'd the Crow, his Family should flourish, but the condition of the Common∣wealth be most miserable; but the Crow being slain, the

quite contrary would happen to both: took the Crow and wrung off his neck in the view of all the Senate. He lost seventeen Souldiers of his Fam••ly, all stout men, at the Battle of Can••ae. But the Common∣wealth soon after recover'd it•• glory. But these Ex∣amples Sylla, Marius and Cinna laugh'd at as ridicu∣lous.

5. Decius, who first brought the Consulship into his own Family, seeing the Romans ready to fly and almost overthrown in the Latin War, vowed his own Life for the safety of the Army, and presently, putting Spurs to his Horse, he flew into the midst of his Ene∣mies, seeking his own Death and the Safety of the Commonwealth: and having made a great slaughter, at length orewhelm'd with the multitude of Piles and Darts, the Victime fell. And from his Blood and Wounds sprang an unlookt for Victory.

6. There might have been but one example of such a General, had he not begot a Son answerable to him in courage. For he in his fourth Consulship, with the same devotion and stoutness in fight; with the same event of fortune, sustain'd the weak and sinking force of our City. And therefore it was a difficult thing to understand, whether it were more profitable for the Roman City to have the Decii Commanders, or to loose them: For living, they kept her from being van∣quished, but by their death it overcame.

7. The Elder Scipio did not loose his Life for the Commonwealth, but he carefully provided against the destruction of the Commonwealth. For when our City, after the Battle of Cannae, expected nothing else but to be the Victor Hannibal's prey; and that there∣fore by advice of L. Metellus, the reliques of the broken Army were consulting to forsake Italy: He being a young Tribune, and drawing his Sword, threatned death to every man that would not take an Oath never

to forsake his Countrey: And not only shew'd an ex∣ample of Piety himself, but recall'd it back, when it was just forsaking the breasts of others.

8. To come from particulars to generals; How was the City equally divided in their flames, and equally inflamed with the Love of their Countrey! For the Treasury being emptied in the Second Punic War, that there was not enough for the performance of their divine Ceremonies; the Publicans going to the Cen∣sors, promised to let out their Money, in the same abundance, as if Money had abounded in the City, and not require a Farthing profit till the War was ended. The Masters also of the Slaves whom Sem∣pronius Gracchus had made free, for fighting so stoutly at Beneventum, forbore to ask any Money for their Service. In the Camp it self there was not a Knight, not a Centurion that desir'd any Pay. The Men and Wo∣men also brought what Gold and Silver they had, nay the Children also brought their Purple Coats and Golden Hearts, that hung about their Necks, which were the ensignes of their Ingenuities. Nor would any one take advantage of the benefit of the Senates Decree, whereby such and such were freed from Taxes. For they were not ignorant, when Veia was taken, when the Gold which Camillus had vowed as the Tenth of their Spoil should have been sent to the Oracle of Apollo, but could not be purchased, that the Matrons brought in all their Golden Ornaments into the Capitol. They had also heard, that the Thousand Pound of Gold, which was to be paid to the Gauls, when they besieged the Capitol, was made up by their Liberality. And therefore out of their own Goodness, and admonished by the Example of Antiquity, they thought they were not to be out∣done.

FORREIGN Examples.

1. But I will touch upon some few Forreign Ex∣amples to the same purpose. The King of the Athe∣nians, Codrus, when he saw his Territories wasted and invaded by vast numbers of his Enemies, despairing of humane assistance, sent to the Oracle of Apollo, and by his Embassadors desired to know, which way he might avoid that terrible War. The God returned for answer, that it would be ended when he fell by his Enemies hand. Which was not only spread about among his own People, but in the Camp of the Ene∣my: who thereupon commanded that not a man should touch the body of Codrus. Which when the King understood, he threw off his Royal Robes, and in a servile Habit threw himself into the midst of a Squadron of the Enemy, that were out a forraging, and wounding one of them with a scythe, provoked the souldier to kill him; by whose Death Athens escaped ruine.

2. From the same Fountain of Piety flowed the soul of Thrasybulus. For he being desirous to free his Countrey from the oppression of the Thirty Tyrants, and was going about the enterprize with a small number of Men, one of his Company said to him; How much will Athens be indebted to thee, if they regain their Liberty by thy means? The Gods grant, answered he, that I may have then paid them what I owe them. With which Wish he heap'd a greater ho∣nour upon his renowned work of destroying the Ty∣ranny.

3. But Themistocles, whose Vertue made him Con∣querour, his Countries injury the General of the Per∣sians, that he might not be forced to invade it, ha∣ving instituted a sacrifice, he drank up a full Beaker

of Bulls Blood, and fell before the Altar a renowned Victime of Piety.

4. There follows an Example of the same nature. When Carthage and Cyrene contended most obstinately for a spot of ground; at length it was agreed to send certain Young-men from such a distance, and where ever they met, that place to be the bound of both their Territories. But in this Agreement two Car∣thaginian Brothers, call'd Philaeni, were too hard for the other, setting out sooner and making more haste: which when the Young-men of Cyrene understood, they for a long time complain'd of their fallacy; but at length they resolv'd to recompence the injury by proposing a severe condition. For they proposed to the Carthaginians, that that place should be the bounds agreed upon, provided the Philaeni would suffer them∣selves to be buried there. But the event disappointed their expectation; for they without any delay deli∣vered their bodies to be buried. Who, because they rather desired large bounds to their Countrey, than large limits of Life, lye entombed in honour, the Punic Empire being extended by the resignation of their bones. Where are now the proud Walls of Car∣thage? Where is the Maritime Glory of that Port? Where is their Navy, so terrible upon every shore? Where are all their Armies? Where their numerous Squadrons of Horse? Where those Souls that were not satisfied with the vast tract of Africa? All these things Fortune divided between two Scipio's. But the destruction of their Countrey did not abolish the me∣mory of that noble Act perform'd by the Philaeni. So that mortal courage or strength can purchase nothing immortal, but Vertue alone.

5. This Piety was inflamed with youthful Z••al. But Aristotle, hardly able to maintain the reliques of old Age in his wrinkled Members, so strongly labou∣red

for the safety of his Countrey, that he snatch'd it out of the hands of the Macedonians, almost levell'd with the ground and in their possession, as he lay in his little Bed in Athens. So that Stagira was no less famous for being subverted by Alexander, as for being restor'd by Aristotle. Hence it is apparent, how kinde, nay how profuse in their piety in their Countrey, all ages, all degrees of men have been: And how the truth of wonderful Examples, evident to the world, hath subscribed to the Laws of Nature.

CHAP. VII. Of the Love and Indulgence of Fathers to their Children.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus.
• 2. Caesetius Flavus.
• 3. Octavius Balbus.

FORREIGN Kings.

• 1. Seleucus of Syria.
• 2. Ariobarzanes of Cap∣padocia.

LEt the Indulgence of pious and dear Affection of Parents toward their Children set sail; and car∣ried with a fair gale, return home laden with a grate∣ful portion of sweetness.

1. Fabius Rullianus after he had been Five times Consul, and every time honourably discharged his Office, admir'd for al the Vertues and Merits of his Life, did not disdain to go Lieutenant to his Son Fa∣bius Gurges, then marching to put an end to a difficult and dangerous War, going into the Field as it were with a Soul without a Body: His old age being more

proper for the ease of a Bed, than the labour of Com∣bats. He also followed the Triumphers Chariot, whom he had formerly carried in his own: and ap∣peared not the Companion, but the Author of the Triumph.

2. Caesetius the Roman Knights sate was not alto∣gether so glorious, yet his Indulgence to his Son was no less; who being commanded by Caesar, now Victor over all his forreign and domestick Enemies, to disin∣herit and abjure his Son, because that he being Tri∣bune of the People had accused Caesar to the People of affecting the Empire, ventur'd to give him this An∣swer, Thou shalt rather take from me, O Caesar, all my Sons, thou compel me to disinherit this one, by my own act. But he had two sons besides, that were hopeful Yong-men, to whom Caesar had largely promised great Preferment. However he preserv'd the other safe, through the Clemency of the divine Prince; Yet who would not think, but that he did more than hu∣mane Wit durst do, that would not stoop to him, who had subdued all the World under his command?

3. But I cannot tell whether Octavius Balbus were not more kind and ardently affectionate toward his Son. For he being proscribed by the Triumvirs, and being got out of a Back-door of his House, hearing a false report that his son was kill'd at home, he re∣turn'd to the slaughter which he had avoided, and delivered himself up to be murthered by the souldiers. The moment wherein he saw his son safe, being of more value to him than his own security. Oh un∣fortune eyes of that Young-man, with which he could not avoid beholding a most loving Father ex∣piring for his sake!

FORREIGN Examples.

1. But let us come to things more pleasant to the ear. Antiochus the son of King Seleucus, distracted∣ly in love with his Mother-in-law Stratonice, consi∣dering with what unlawful flames he burnt, cover'd the impious wound of his breast with a pious dissimu∣lation. Thereupon different Affections being inclu∣ded in the same Marrow and Bowels, unlimited Desires and excessive Modesty had consumed his Body to no∣thing. He kept his bed, like one ready to expire. His Relations mourn'd; the Father was overwhelm'd with sadness, lamenting the loss of his only son, and the want of succession, and the face of the whole Court was rather Funest, than Royal. But this cloud of sadness was soon dispell'd by the foresight of Lepti∣nes the Mathematician, or as others say, of Erasistratus the Physician; who sitting upon Antiochus's Bed-side, observing him to blush when Stratonice entered the Chamber, and that his Pulses beat with more life; but that he waxed pale, and fetch'd deep sighs, when she departed again: At length found out the truth, and declared it to Seleucus. Who without any more ado parted with his dearest Wife to his son: attri∣buting his Love to Chance, but the concealing it to death to his Modesty. Let us now consider Seleucus as a King, an Old Man, and a Lover, and then it will appear how many and how difficult obstacles did Pa∣ternal Indulgence overcome.

2. Seleucus parted only with his Wife, but Ario∣barzanes parted with the Kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in Pompey's presence: whose Tribunal when he ascended, and by him invited sate down also in the Running-C••air, he beheld his son sitting by the Se∣cretary in a seat below his Dignity. Thereupon he

presently descended from the Running-Chair, and taking his Diadem from his own, put it upon his sons head, and began to urge him to ascend to the place from whence he came. The Young-man wept, his Body trembled, the Diadem fell out of his hand, nor could he go any further: And, which was almost in∣credible, he that parted with a Kingdom was glad; he that was to accept it, sad and sorrowful. Nor had that famous contest had an end, had not Pompey inter∣posed his Authority; For he called the Prince King, commanded him to take the Diadem, and constrained him to sit down by him in the Running-Chair.

CHAP. VIII. Persons severe towards their Children.

• 1. L. Junius Brutus first Consul.
• 2. Cassius Viscellinus.
• 3. Titus Manlius Tor∣quatus the Lawyer.
• 4. M. Aemilius Scaurus.
• 5. A. Fulvius.

1. THe Lenity of the foregoing Parents was Co∣mical, the Severity of these that follow Tra∣gical. Lucius Brutus that equall'd Romulus in honour; for he founded Rome, and this the Roman Liberty. He coming to the Supreme Power, and understanding that his Sons endeavour'd to restore Tarquin, caus'd them to be apprehended, and to be whipt with Rods before the Tribuna; ••nd after that, caus'd them to be tied to a stake, and then ordered the Serj••ant to cut off their Heads. He put off the relation of a Father,

that he might act like a Consul: and rather chose to live Childless, that to be remiss in publick revenge.

2. Cassius following his Example, though his Son were a Tribune of the People, and were the first that had promulgated the Agrarian Law, and by many other Popular Acts had won the hearts of the people, when he had laid down his command, by advice of his Kindred and Friends, condemn'd him in his own house for affecting the Kingdom: and after he was whipt, commanded him to be put to death; and con∣secrated his estate to Ceres.

3. Titus Manlius Terquatus, famous for his many great Dignities, and a person of rare experience in the Civil Law and the Pontifical Ceremonies, did not think it necessary to consult his Friend in an act of the same nature. For when the Macedonians had by their Embassadours complain'd to the Senate of D. Silanus his Son, who was Governour of that Province, he besought the Senate, that they would determine nothing in that affair, till he had heard the ••••fference betwixt his Son and the Macedonians. Then with the general consent of the Conscript Fa∣thers, and of them that came to complain, he sate and heard the cause in his own House, wherein he spent two whole days alone, and the third day, after he had diligently examin'd the testimonies on both sides, he pronounced this Sentence: Whereas it hath been proved, that Silanus, my Son, has taken Money of our Allies, I think him unworthy to live either in the Commonwealth, or in my House, and I command him forthwith to get out of my sight. Silanus struck with the sharp and cruel Sentence of his Father, would not endure to live any longer, but the next night hang'd himself. Now had Torquatus done the part of a se∣vere Judge; he had made satisfaction to the Common∣••••••th; the Macedonians had their revenge; and one

would have thought, that the Fathers rigour might have bin mollified by the unfortunate end of his Son: But he would neither be present at his Funeral, nor listen to them that came to consult him about his Bu∣rial.

4. But M. Scaurus, the Light and Ornament of his Countrey, when the Roman Cava••ty was worsted by the Cimbrians, and deserting the Proconsul Catulus, took their flight toward the City, sent one to tell his Son, who was one of those that fled, that he had ra∣ther meet with his carcass slain in the field, than see him guilty of such a shameful flight. And therefore if there were any shame remaining in his breast, de∣generate as he was, he should shun the sight of his enraged Father: For by the remembrance of his youth, he was admonish'd what kind of Son was to be owned or contemned by such a Father as Scaurus Which message being deliver'd him, the young man was forced to make a more fatal use of his Sword against himself, than against his enemies.

5. No less imperiously did A. Fulvius, one of the Senatorian Order, keep back his Son from going in∣to the field, than Scaurus chid his for running away. For he caus'd his Son, eminent among his equals, for his Wit, Learning and Beauty to be put to death; be∣cause he took part with Catiline, being seduced by ill counsel: having brought him back by force, as he was going to Catiline's Army, and uttering these words before his death, That he did not beget him to join with Catiline against his Countrey, but to serve his Countrey against Catiline. He might have kept him in till the heat of the War had been over; but that would have bin only the act of a cautious, this was the deed of a severe Father.

CHAP. IX. Of those that us'd Moderation toward their suspected Children.

• 1. L. Gellius Publicola.
• 2. Q. Hortensius the Ora∣tor.
• 3. One Fulvius.
• 4. A certain Parent.

BUt to temper this incensed and sharp Severity with a mixture of Clemency, let us joyn acts of Par∣don to exactness of Punishment.

1. L. Gellius, a person that had gone through all the Offices of Honour, even tot he Censorship, when he had almost discovered his Son to be guilty of most hainous Crimes, as lying with his Mother-in-law, and plotting with her to take away his Fathers Life, did not presently run to revenge himself, but after he had consulted almost the whole Senate, after he had char∣ged him, gave him the liberty to speak for himself, and after a strict Examination and Trial, he acquit∣ted him. Had he hasted to cruelty out of the mo∣tions of Anger, he had committed a greater crime, than that which he sought to punish.

2. Quintus Hortensius, who in his time was the Ornament of the Roman Eloquence, shew'd a singu∣lar example of Patience to his Son. For when he knew him to be so debauch'd, that he could not endure his impiety, and for that reason being about to make Messala his Sist••rs Son his Heir, he told the Senate, while he was defending him from an accusation of bribing the Peoples voices, that if they condemn'd him, he should have nothing left but the Kiss of his

Nephews. Intimating by those words which he in∣ferted in his Oration, that he reserv'd his Son, rather in the torment of his minde, than among his pleasures: Yet that he might not invert the order of Nature, he left his Estate to his Son, and not to his Nephews. Moderately using his Affections: For that in his life he gave an impartial testimony of his manners, and being dead he did him the honour which was due to his blood.

3. The same thing did Fulvius, a man of great Fame and Dignity. For when he had besought the Senate, that his Son, being suspected of Parricide, might be sought for by the Triumvir, and apprehen∣ded by the Senates Warrant; he not only surceas'd to prosecute him, but also left him all his Estate after his decease. Constituting the person whom he had be∣got, not the person whose wickedness he had expe∣rienc'd, for his Heir.

4. To these merciful Acts of great men, I will adde one new and unusual Example of an unknown Parent: Who finding that his Son lay in wait for his life, and not believing that any ••rue-born and truely-begotten Child could ever harbour such lewd and wicked thoughts, took h•••• Wife one day aside, and asked her very seriously, whether: he Child were supposititious, or whether she had conceived him by another? But being assured by her Oaths and Asseverations, that he had not any reason to be in that manner jealous; he at length took his Son with him into a private place, de∣liver'd him a Sword which he had secretly brought a∣long with him, and bid him cut his throat; telling him withal, that he needed make use neither of Poyson nor Thieves to compleat his Parricide. The imme∣diate thought of which act, not by degrees, but so suddainly possess'd the breast of the young man, that flinging away his Sword, Live Father, said he, live;

and if you are so dutiful, as to permit such a Son to pray, may you excel me in length of days. But I beseech you withal, let not this my Love seem the more ignoble, be∣cause it proceeds from penitence. O Solitude more sa∣cred than Bloodshed! O Woods more free from cru∣elty than home it self! O Sword more kinde than nourishment! O more happy benefit of Death offer'd, than of Life bestow'd!

CHAP. X. Of those who have couragiously born the Death of their Children.

ROMANS.

• 1. M. Horatius Pulvillus, Cos. 2.
• 2. L. Aemilius Paulus.
• 3. Q. Marcius Rex.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Pericles the Arheni∣an.
• 2. Xenophon.
• 3. Anaxagoras.

HAving made a relation of such Parents as patient∣ly brooked the Injuries of their Children, let us speak of such as have born their Death couragiously.

1. Horatius Pulvillus being to dedicate a Temple in the Capitol of Jupiter, as he was holding the post, and ready to pronounce certain solemn words, news was brought him that his Son was dead: But he neither took his hand off the post, nor made the least interruption in the Dedication of the Temple, nor al∣tered his countenance from the publick Ceremony to his private Grief; lest he might seem rather to have acted the part of a Father, than a High-priest. Bury the carcass then, said he.

2. A great Example, and no less renowned than the former, is that which follows. Aemilius Paulus, the pattern of a most happy, yet a most unfortunate Father, of four Sons which he had, all hopeful and beautiful youths, had translated two into the Corne∣lian Family by right of Adoption, and only reserved two to himself. One of which died four daies before his Fathers Triumph. The other alive in the Trium∣phal Chariot expir'd the third day after. Thus he that was so liberal in bestowing Children upon others, was himself left childless in a short time. Which Misfortune, that you may know how magnanimously he brook'd it, he made plainly apparent in an Ora∣tion which he made to the People, concerning the Actions which he had done for them, by adding this little clause: When in the highest success of my felicity, I was afraid, most noble Romans, that Fortune would do me some mischief or other; I prayed to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, that if any thing of Calamity threatned the Roman Government, they would exhaust it all upon my Family. And therefore 'tis very well; for according to my wishes, they have so ordered it, that you should rather compassionate my private, than I bewail your pu∣blick losses.

3. I will only adde one Domestic Example more, and then permit my Story to wander. Q. Marcius Rex the Elder, Colleague with Cato in the Consulship, lost a Son of eminent hopes and piety, and which added to his calamity, his onely Child. Yet when he saw his Family ruin'd and ended by his death, he so suppress'd his grief by the depth of his prudence, that immediately he went from his Sons grave to the Senate-house; and as it was his duty that day, imme∣diately summon'd all the Senators together. So that had he not generously sustain'd his sorrow, he could not have equally divided the light of one day between

a sad and mournful Father, and a stout Consul; not having omitted the good offices of either.

FORREIGNERS.

1. Pericles Prince of the Athenians, in four days having lost two most incomparable Youths; the very same time, without any alteration in his Countenance, or discomposure in his Speech, made a publick Ora∣tion to the People. Nay, according to Custome, he went with his Coronet upon his Head, that he might not omit any thing of the antient Ceremony for the wound of his Family. Therefore was it not without cause, that a person of his magnanimous spirit, ob∣tain'd the Sirname of Olympian.

2. Xenophon, the next to Plato in the happy degree of Eloquence, when he was performing a solemn Sa∣crifice, receiv••d news that the eldest of his Sons, na∣med Gryllus, was slain in the Battle of Mantinea: However, he would not forbear the appointed worship of the Gods, but only was contented to lay aside his Garland; which yet he put on again upon his head, when he understood, that he sell couragiously fighting; calling the Gods to which he sacrificed to witness, that he more rejoyced at the noble manner of his Death, than sorrow'd for his loss. Another person would have remov'd the Sacrifice, would have thrown away the Ornaments of the Altars, and cast away the In∣cense all bedabl'd with tears. But Xenophon's body stood immoveable to Religion, and, his minde re∣main'd fix'd in the advice of prudence. For he thought it a thing far more sad to submit to grief, than to think of the loss which he had suistain'd.

3. Neither was Anaxagoras to be suppress'd. For hearing the news of his bons death: Thou tellest me, said he, nothing new or unexpected: For I knew, that

as be was begot by me, be was mortal. These ex∣pressions were the voice of Vertue, season'd with most wholesome Precepts, which whosoever rightly under∣stands, will consider, that Children are so to be be∣got, as that we may remember, that the Law of Na∣ture has prescrib'd them a Law of receiving and yiel∣ding up their breath, both at the same moment: And that as no man ever died that did not live, so no man ever lived that must not dye.

LIB. VI.

CHAP. I. Of Chastity.

ROMANS.

• 1. Lucretia.
• 2. L. Virginius.
• 3. Pontius Aufidianus Roman Knight.
• 4. P. Maenius.
• 5. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus.
• 6. P. Attilius Philiscus.
• 7. Claudius Marcellus.
• 8. Q. Metellus Celer.
• 9. T. Veturius
• 10. C. Pescentius.
• 11. Cominius.
• 12. C. Marius.
• 13. Certain private persons that vindicated private Adulteries.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Hippo a Grecian.
• 2. Chiomara, wife of Or∣giaguns.
• 3. The Teutons wives.

WHence shall I summon thee forth, fair Cha∣stity, the chief support of Men and Women! For thou inhabitest the Hearths consecrated to Vesta, by the antient Religion. Thou broodest upon the Cushi∣ons of Jupiter Capitoline. Thou the pillar of the Palatium, renderest famous the most illustrious Hous∣hold-Gods, and the most sacred Genial Bed of Julia, by thy fixed habitation there. Thy Guardianship de∣fends the honour of young Youth. And out of re∣spect to thy Deity, riper age continues incontaminate. Under thy protection the Matrons Stole, or long

Garment is reverenc'd. Come hither then, and know what thou thy self wouldst have others do.

1. Lucretia the first Example of Roman Chastity, whose manlike Soul was, by the mistake of Fortune, enclosed in a female Body, being constrain'd to suffer herself to be ravish'd by Sextus Tarquinius, the son of him firnamed the Proud; when she had before an assembly of her Kindred and Friends lamented in most passionate expressions the Injury which she had re∣ceived, stabb'd herself with a Dagger, which she had conceal'd under her Garment. Whose magnanimous Death gave the people an occasion to alter the Kingly Government into Consular.

2. Neither would Virginius brook an injury of this nature, though a person of a very Vulgar ex∣traction, but of a Patrician spirit; for lest his Family should be dishonour'd, he spared not his own flesh and blood. For when Appius Claudius, the Decem∣vir, confiding in his power, violently prosecuted the defiling of his Daughter, he brought her forth publick∣ly into the Market-place and slew her: choosing ra∣ther to be the Murtherer of a chast, than the Father of a contaminated Daughter.

3. Nor was Pontius Aufidianus endued with less Courage of Minde, being a Roman Knight, who finding the Virginity of his Daughter prostituted by a Pedagogue to Fannius Saturninus; not content to have put the wicked Servant to death, he kill'd his Daughter. And that she might not celebrate disho∣nourable Nuptials, he married her to a bitter Fune∣ral.

4. What shall I say of Pub. Maenius? What a strict Guardian of Chastity was he! For he punished a Free∣man of his, for whom he had a great kindness, only because he had kiss'd his Daughter, being of womans estate; though it might seem not to have bin done so

much out of Lust, as by a mistake of breeding, or long acquaintance. But he thought fit to imprint the Discipline of Chastity into the apprehension of the tender Maid, by the severity of his servants punish∣ment; and taught her by so severe an Example, that she was not only to preserve her Virginity, but her Lips uncontaminated for her Husband.

5. But Quintus Fabius Maximus Servilianus, after he had born many great Offices with renown, coming to the Censorship, question'd his only Son for the doubtful loss of his Chastity: and he underwent the punishment, by banishing himself out of the reach of his Father.

6. I should have said the Censor had been too rigid, but that P. Attilius Philiscus, who suffered his body to be made use of by his Master for gain, prov'd so severe a Father afterwards: For he slew his Daughter, because she play'd the whore. How sacred then ought we to think Chastity was, in our City, where the Procurers of Lust, did so cruelly chastise it?

7. The Example of a most excellent person and a memorable act follows. M. Claudius Marcellus, one of the Aedils that rode in the moving Chair of State, accus'd Scantinius a Tribune, and summon'd him to answer before the People; because he had given out, that his Son had been abus'd in his Body. But he averring that he could not be compell'd to appear, be∣cause he was priviledg'd, and calling the Tribunal power to his assistance; the whole Colledge of Tri∣bunes denied to intercede in a cause where Chastity was call'd in question. Scantinius therefore being cited, was condemn'd by that very witness, who was accus'd by himself. For it is said, that the Young∣man being produc'd before the Judgment-seat, with his eyes fixed upon the ground, observ'd a most re∣solute silence by which modest silence he most of all prevail'd in his revenge.

8. Metellus Celer also was a most severe chastiser of Libidinous Intent; summoning Cn. Sergius Silus to answer before the People, for only proffering a sum of Money to the Mistriss of the Family, and condemn∣ing him for that single Crime. For then not the deed alone, but the very intention was brought into que∣stion; and it was more harm, to have willed an er∣rour, than it was profitable not to offend.

9. Thus far the Juridical Gravity: here follows the extrajudicial. T. Veturius, son of that Veturius, who was delivered bound to the Samnites for making a dishonourable Truce with them, when by reason of the ruine of his Estate, and the great Debts of his family, he was forc'd to yield himself in his youth bound to Plotius, and was by him severely whipp'd, because he would not permit him to make use of his Body, complain'd thereof to the Consuls: Who ac∣quainting the Senate with the matter, sent Plotius to prison. For they endeavour'd to preserve the Chastity of the Roman blood safe, in what state or condition soever.

10. And what wonder if all the Conscript-Fathers made this decree? C. Pescennius, in Capital matters Triumvir, loaded with the publick chains Cornelius a most noted souldier, and one that had been four times advanc'd to be a Centurion of the Triarii, or old Souldiers; because he had had private familiarity with a Youth born of free Parents. From whence appeal∣ing to the Tribunes, when he spoke nothing of the Fact, but only said, That he was ready to put in ball, and to make it out, that the Boy bad made a publick prostitution of his body for Money; they absolutely re∣fused to take any cognizance of the matter. Inso∣much that Cornelius died in prison. For the Tribunes thought it too mean a thing for our Commonwealth to make bargains with men, how stout soever, and

to sell Domestick pleasure at the price of Forraign danger.

11. After the punishment of a lustful Centurion, the severe usage of Mar. Laetorius Mergus, a Military Tribune, and his ignominious Death, is next to be re∣lated: who was cited before the People by Cominius, one of their Tribunes, being accus'd by his Muster-master for a force upon his body. Nor would Laeto∣rius abide the Tryal; but first of all privately fled be∣fore Judgement, and then slew himself. Yet though he had satisfied Natures debt by his Death, yet was he by the People condemn'd for the crime of Unchastity; the severe Discipline of the Camp, which was the most certain Guardian of the consecrated Eagle, and of the Roman Empire, prosecuting him even to his Tomb. Because he had committed a force upon the body of him, whose Master and Commander he was.

12. This mov'd Caius Marius, then when he pro∣nounced C. Luscius his Sisters son, and a Tribune of the People, to be legally slain by C. Plotius a com∣mon Souldier; because he durst impeach him before the people, upon an accusation of abusing his Body.

13. But to give a slight account of those, who have made use of their own instead of the publick Law, in the vindication of their Chastity: Sempronius Musca caus'd C. Gallius to be whipp'd, for being taken in the act. C. Memmius also caus'd L. Octavius to be handled after the same manner for the same fact: Carbo Accienus was gelt by Vibienus, Pontius by P. Cer∣nius, being both taken in the Act. A certain person also took Cn. Furius Brochus in the fact, and deliver'd him over to be abus'd by the whole Family: who counted it no detriment to indulge their own An∣ger.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. And that I may adde Forraign to Domestick Examples, a Grecian woman named Hippo, bring ta∣ken by the Enemies Fleet, flung herself into the Sea, that she might preserve her Chastity: whose body wasting to the Erechtean shore, was buried by the Sea∣side, and lies cover'd with a little hillock to this day. But Greece having committed to eternal memory the honour of her Sanctity, makes her every day more fa∣mous.

2. A more vehement this, that which follows a more considerate Example of Chastity. The Army of the Gallo-Graeci being all defeated and taken by Cn. Manlius, upon the Mountain Olympus, the wife of Orgiagon, a woman of extraordinary Beauty, was taken likewise and forc'd by the Centurion, to whose custody she was committed. When she came to that place, where by the Consuls command the Centurion had sent to the friends of the Woman to bring her Ransome, while the Centurion was weighing the Gold, with his eyes fix'd upon the quantity, the Gallo-Grecian in her own language commanded those of her own Nation to kill him; and then with the Head cut off in her hand, she went to her Husband, and casting it at her feet, she related the injury done her, and her own revenge. What part of this Wo∣man can any one say was in the power of the Enemy, but her Body? for neither could her Minde be van∣quished, nor her Chastity taken.

3. But the Wives of the Teutons besought Marius their Conquerour, that they might be sent by him as a Present to the Vestal Virgins, affirming that they would abstain from the company of men as sacredly as they should. But that request not being granted

them, the next night they all hang'd themselves. 'Twas well the Gods did not infuse the same Courage into their Husbands in the field. For had they imi∣tated the Vertue of their Wives, they had question'd the Triumphs of the Teutonic Victory.

CHAP. II. What things were freely said or done.

Among the Romans.

• 1. The Embassadors of the Privernates.
• 2. Lucius Marcius Philip∣pus Cos.
• 3. Scipio Aemilianus.
• 4. Cn. Calpurnius Piso.
• 5. M. Cato of Utica.
• 6. Cn. Lentulus Marcel∣linus.
• 7. M. Favonius.
• 8. Helvius Mancia Fermi∣anus.
• 9. Delphilus the Tragedian.
• 10. Marcus Castricius the Placentine.
• 11. Servius Sulpitius Gal∣ba.
• 12. A. Casellius the Law∣yer.

Forraigners.

• 1. Machaera a Macedoni∣an woman.
• 2. A Syracusan Woman.
• 3. Theodorus the Cyre∣nean.

AS I did not invite Liberty, attested as well by the Words as by the Sayings of vehement Spirits; so I will not exclude it coming in my way. Which be∣ing scituated between Vertue and Vice, if it keep it self within the bounds of Moderation, may deserve Praise; if it launch out further than the limits of due respect, is to be reprehended: becoming thereby more grateful to the ears of the Vulgar, than approv'd by

Wisemen; and is more secure in the pardon of others, than in the providence of the person. But since we have resolv'd to prosecute all the parts of Humane Action; let us relate the Story upon our own credit, and let others judge as they think fit.

1. Privernum being taken, and those persons put to death, who had caus'd the Town to rebel; the Senate mov'd with indignation, consider'd what they should do with the rest of the Inhabitants. Thus their safety was in a fluctuating condition, at the same time subject to the Victors, and those that were in∣cens'd against them. But when they saw there was no way but to submit and petition, they could not forget that they had some Italian blood in their Veins. For the chief in Court being examin'd among them, what punishment they deserv'd; made answer, What pu∣nishment they deserv'd, who thought themselves worthy of Liberty. He had taken Arms in words, and had inflam'd the incens'd minds of the Senators. When Plautius the Consul favouring the cause of the Privernates, put a stop to his stout answer, and ask'd him again, What kind of Peace the Romans should make with them, granting them their pardon? But he with a resolute Countenance return'd again, If ye grant us good Conditions, let the Peace be perpetual; if bad, as short as you please. By which stern Repartie he brought it to pass, that the vanquish'd were not only pardon'd, but enjoy'd the Priviledges of our City.

2. Thus the Captain of the Privernates spoke in the Senate. But L. Philippus the Cousul did not forbear to make use of the same liberty against the same Or∣der. For upbraiding their sloath before the Rostra, he told them, The Commonwealth stood in need of another Senate; and was so far from repenting for what he had said, that he commanded L. Crassus, a man of

great Dignity and Eloquence, to be laid hold on for murmuring against it. But he, thrusting back the Lictor, Thou art no Consul of mine, said he, because I am no Senator of thine.

3. What! Were the people safe from the assaults of Liberty? No, it both assail'd them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo a Tribune of the People, and a most turbulent assertor of the Gracchian Sedition, and a most absolure firebrand of the growing Civil Wars, having hal'd P. Africanus from the very Gate of the City to the Rostra, as he return'd with Triumph from the ruines of Numantium, there ask'd him his opi∣nion of the death of Gracchus, whose Sister he had married: that by the authority of a person so much in credit, he might adde fuel to the fire already begun: Not doubting, but that in regard of their near rela∣tion, he would have spoken somewhat affectionately in behalf of his Brother that was put to death; but he answer'd, That he was legally slain. Upon which saying, when the whole Assembly incens'd with the Tribunitian fury, began to make a great Clamour, Hold your peace, said he, you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother. And when they began to set up another Cry, You shall never make me fear, said he, those free, whom I brought hither bound. Thus were the whole People reproved by one man with contempt. What an honour they gave to Vertue! They present∣ly were mute. The Numantine Victory fresh in Memory, his Fathers Macedonian Conquest, his Grand-fathers Carthaginian Trophies, and the Necks of two Kings, Perseus and Syphax, chain'd to their Triumphal Chariots, stopt the mouths of the enraged Multitude. Nor did silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian Families, many fears of the City and Italy were put to an end; the People of Rome were not free, in respect of Scipio's Liberty.

4. And therefore we need the less wonder that the vast Authority of Pompey contested so often with Li∣berty. Nor was it without great applause that he took things patiently, because it was his fortune to be a laughing-stock to the license of all sorts of men. Cn. Piso when he had indited Manilius Crispus, and saw him, though apparently guilty, to be protected by Pompey; being carried on with a youthful heat and desire of accusation, he tax'd the potent defendour with many great and hainous Crimes: Being then examin'd by him, why he did not accuse him himself ? Do but thou, said he, give Sureties to the Common∣wealth, if thou art accused, that thou wilt not raise a Civil War, and I will cause the Judges to sit upon thy head, before they sit upon the head of Munilius. Thus by the same Judgment he maintain'd two persons guilty; Manilius by his Accusation, Pompey by his Liberty: and the one he fulfill'd by Law, the other by the profession of his good will, not being able to go any farther.

5. What therefore is Liberty without Cato? No more than Cato without Liberty. For when he sate Judge upon a Senator, that was very guilty and in∣famous, and that there were Certificates produced un∣der Pompey's hand, in favour of the party accus'd, he presently caus'd them to be laid aside, reciting the Law, wherein it was enacted that no Senator should make use of any such assistance. The fact is not much to be wonder'd at, considering the person; for what might seem sauciness in another, was in Cato known to be Fidelity to his Countrey.

6. Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus the Consul, when he was complaining in a set Speech of Pompey's prodigious power, and that all the people began to cry him up; Shout, said he, shout while you may, brave Romans, shortly it will not be lawful for you to do it, and go un∣punish'd.

Thus was the power of a potent Citizen nipp'd, on the one side by an envious complaint, on the other side by a sad lamentation.

7. To which eminent Citizen, having his thigh bound about with a white Shash, It matters not, said Favonius, upon what part of the body the Diadem be worn. Upbraiding his Kingly Power, by cavilling at a tittle piece of cloth. But he turning his head neither one way nor other, was mighty careful how he ac∣knowledged his power by any chearfulness in his looks, or how he shewed his Anger by any Severity: and by that patience laid himself open to the meanest and lowest fort of people.

8. Helvius Mancia Formianus, the Son of Liber∣tinus, when he was very old accus'd Libo to the Cen∣sors: In which contest when Pompey the Great up∣braided him with his low condition, and his old age, and told him withal, that he was sent from the Grave to be an Accuser; Thou tellest no untruth, Pompey, said he, I come from the infernal shades to accuse Libo. But when I was there, I saw Cn. Domitius Ahenobar∣bus all bloody and weeping; for that being of a noble Extraction, of an upright Life and Conversation, and a great Lover of his Countrey, he was put to death in the flower of his youth at thy command. I saw there also Brutus, famous in the same degree, hack'd and hew'd, complaining that the same calamity befel him, first through thy perfidy, and then by thy cruelty. I saw Cn. Carbo a zealous defender of thy youth and of thy paternal estate, in his third Consulship, laden with those chains which thou didst cause to be put upon him; and upbraiding thee, that contrary to all equity and justice, he was slain by thee a private Roman Knight, when he was the greatest Officer in the Commonwealth. I saw in the same habit and condition, a person of the Pretorian Order, Perpenna, cursing thy Cruelty; and all with one

consent bewailing their hard fate, that they should fall uncondemn'd, under such a young hangman as thou. It was lawful for a Member of a Municipal Town, that still had a twang of his Fathers servitude, with an un∣bridled rashness and an unsufferable malice to recal to minde the wide wounds which he had receiv'd in the Civil War, now grown dry with age. And therefore at that time he was in the strongest condition to re∣proach Pompey, as well as in the safest.

9. Diphilus the Tragedian, when in the Apollinary Plays he came to that Verse, wherein there is this Sentence, Our misery is, Magnus; he pronounced the words pointing full upon Pompey: And being rebuk'd by the People, immediately fell to act him, as a per∣son that carried himself too great and busie in Autho∣rity. With the same petulancy he repeated those other words, The time shall come when thou shalt bewail that vertue.

10. The mind of Marcus Castricius was also in∣flam'd with Liberty, who being the chief Magistr••••e at Placentia, at what time Cn. Corbo the Consul ca•••••• a Decree to be made, that the Placentines should g•••••• Hostages, neither obey'd his Authority, nor sub••••••∣ted to Greater Men. And to one that told him, H•• had many Swords, he answer'd, And I years. The Legions were amaz'd to behold such stout Reliques of Old Age. And Carbo's anger surceas'd of it self, having so little matter to rage upon, knowing how small a part of his life he should deprive him of.

11. But the Accusation of Ser. Galba was strangely presumptuous. Who forbore not to tax the sacred Julius himself after all his Victories, as he sate in the Seat of Judicature. Caius Julius Caesar, said he, I took up money upon my bail for Pompey the Great, thy Son-in-Law, in his third Consulship:What shall I do? Must I suffer? He deserv'd to have been turn'd out of

the Court, for upbraiding him so openly with the sale of Pompey's Goods. But he more mild than Clemen∣cy it self, caus'd Pompey's Debt to be paid him out of his own Treasury.

12. A. Caesellius a famous Civilian, yet how sawcie and impertinent! For no Favour, no Authority could compel him to make a Bill of sale of those Goods which the Triumviri had given away. By that Judg∣ment of his excluding the purchases of Victory out of all course and form of Law. The same person, when he had spoken many things against Caesar's Faction, and that his Friends admonish'd him to be silent: There were two things, he answered, most bitter to most men, that gave him the boldness which he took; that was to say, old Age, and want of Children.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. A Woman of another Countrey intrudes among so many Men; who being undeservedly condemned by King Philip in his drink; I would appeal to Philip, said she, but it must be when he is sober. The smart sentence rows'd him; and by her present courage she compell'd the King to examine the business more strictly, and to give a juster Sentence. So that she extorted that Justice which she could not get by fair means: borrowing her assistance rather from her frankness of Speech, than from her Innocence.

2. The next now is not only a stout, but a lepid and witty liberty of speech. A very antient Woman, when all the Syracusans pray'd for the Death of Diony∣sius the Tyrant by reason of his Cruelty and Oppressi∣on, on, pray'd every day to the Gods for his life and safety. Which when the Tyrant understood, admi∣ring her undeserved kindness, he sent for her, and en∣quired of her what merit of his made her so careful of

him? Then Truely Sir, said she, the reason of my de∣signe is very well grounded: For when I was a Girl, and that a very severe Tyrant ruled over us, I desired his death; he being slain, one more cruel came in his place: then I prayed that he might be taken out of the way; after whom, we began to feel thee worse than all the rest: And therefore fearing lest if thou shouldst die, a worse than thee should succeed, I pray to the Gods for thy safety. Which facetious boldness, Dionysius himself had not the face to punish.

3. Between these and Theodorus the Cyrenean there might be a kind of match made for stoutness of mind; as vertuous, though not so fortunate. For when Lysimachus threatned to put him to death; True∣ly, said he, You think you have a great purchase, because you understand the vertue of Cantharides. But when the King, being incens'd at his Answer, com∣manded him to be nail'd to the Cross; Fright your Courtiers, said he, with that Sentence; for 'tis all one to me, whether I stink under ground or above.

CHAP. III. Of Severity.

ROMANS.

• 1, The Roman People.
• 2. P. Mutius Scaevola, Tribune of the People.
• 3. The Senate of Rome.
• 4. M. Curius Dentatus, Cos.
• 5. L. Domitius Aheno∣barbus.
• 6. M. Horat. Tergeminus.
• 7. The Senate of Rome a∣gainst Incest.
• 8. The Kinsmen against Witches.
• 9. Egnatius Metellus.
• 10. C. Sulpitius Gallus.
• 11. Q. Antistius the Old.
• 12. P. Sempronius Sophus.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Lacedaemonians.
• 2. Athenians.
• 3. Cambyses King of Per∣sia.

IT is necessary we should arm our selves with Cruel∣ty, while we treat of the terrible and horrid acts of Severity; that having laid our more humane thoughts aside, we may be at leasure to give ear to Rigour. For such inexorable Revenge, such several sorts of Chastisement will come to be known, as, though they may be accounted the fortresses of the Law, yet should hardly be inserted into the number of peaceful Pages.

1. M. Manlius was thrown headlong from the place from whence he had repulsed the Gauls; Because he endeavour'd wickedly to have opprest that Liberty, which he had so couragiously defended. Of which sharp Sentence, this was the Preface; I lookt upon thee as Manlius, when thou dravest the Senones headlong down the Rock; when thou he camest a Changeling, I lookt upon thee as one of the Senones themselves. There is a Character of eternal Memory fix'd upon his pu∣nishment. For, for his sake it was enacted, that no Patrician should inhabit in the Capitol or in the Castle, because he had a House, where now stands the Chap∣pel dedicated to Juno Moneta. The same Indignation of the City brake forth against Sp. Cassius: to whom the suspicion of desiring Soveraignty did more harm, than three magnificent Consulships and two pompous Triumphs did him good. For the Senate and People of Rome not contented with putting him to Death, pull'd his House down over him when he was dead, that he might be punish'd also with the destruction of his Houshold-Gods. Upon the Ground they built a Temple to Tellus. Thus the Habitation of a powerful

man, is now the Monument of Religious Severity. The same end had Sp. Maelius by the Sentence of his Countrey, for the same crime.

So that we finde how great an antipathy the An∣tients had against the Enemies of their Liberty, by the very Ruines and Walls of their Houses. And there∣fore the Houses of M. Flaccus and L. Saturnius, most seditious Citizens, were pull'd to the ground after they were slain. At length Flaccus's ground, after it had long remain'd unbuilt, was adorn'd by Q. Catulus with the Cimbrian spoils.

Titus and Caius Gracchus were eminent in our City for their Nobility, and the hope which was con∣ceived of them: But because they endeavour'd the subversion of the Commonwealth, their Bodies lay unburied, and the last Offices due to Mortality were wanting to the Sons of Gracchus, and the N••phews of Africanus. Their familiar acquaintance also, lest there should be any Friends of the Commonwealths Enemies left, were shut up in a hollow Oak, and tumbled headlong to the bottom of that place in the Prison, which was therefore call'd Robur.

2. The same thing did P. Mucius a Tribune of the People think lawful for him to do, as the People and the Senate had done before; who burnt all his Col∣leagues alive; because, being set on by Sp. Cassius, they strove to hinder the Election of Magistrates, to the publick hazard of the common Liberty. Never was any thing more confidently acted than this Seve∣rity. For he, a single Tribune, durst inflict that pu∣nishment upon nine of his Colleagues, which nine Tribunes durst not exact from one Tribune.

3. Severity hitherto, a most rigid Guardian and Assertor of Liberty, was equally as truculent also in the preservation of Discipline and Dignity. For the Senate sent M. Clodius to the Corsi, because he had

concluded an ignominious Peace with them: And be∣cause they would not receive him, caus'd him to be put to Death in Prison. When once the Majesty of the Empire was broken, how many ways did obsti∣nate Anger vindicate it! They nullified the Accord, they deprived him of his Liberty and Life, and dis∣honour'd his Carcass with the ignominious contumely of the Prison, and the Gemonian Precipice. And in∣deed he had deserv'd this extraordinary chastisement of the Senate. But Cn. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Hispallus, had the experience of it, before he deser∣ved it. For the Province of Spain falling to him by lot, they made a Decree, that he should not go thi∣ther, with a reason added, Because he could not be∣have himself as he ought to do. And therefore the Questor Cornelius had very like to have suffer'd upon the Law of Bribery, for living in dishonour without any Provincial imployment. Neither was the Seve∣rity of the Senate less to C. Vettienus, who cut off the Fingers of his left hand, because he would not be for∣ced to the Italian War. For they confiscated his estate, and imprisoned him as long as he lived; causing him to spend his days and waste that life ignomini∣ously in a Jail, which he refused nobly to venture in the Field.

4. This Example Curius the Consul imitating, who being forced to proclaim a suddain listing of Souldiers, when none of the Youngmen appeared, having caused Lots to be made for all the Tribes, he commanded the first Name that was drawn to be cited: And because he did not answer to his Name, he made a publick Sale of the Youngmans goods. Which assoon as the Young∣man had notice of, he ran to the Consul's Tribunal, and appeal'd to the Colledge of Tribunes: But there Curius making a Speech, and declaring that the Common∣wealth had no need of a Citizen that knew not how

to obey; and so sold both his Goods and the Young∣man too.

5. In the same manner did L. Domitius stand to his panpudding. For when he was Propraetor in Sicily, there being a Boar of an extraordinary size presented to him, he commanded the Shepherd that had killed him to be brought before him: and enquiring of him with what Weapon he had killed the beast; when he found he had kill'd him with a Pike-staff, he caused him to be crucified: having publish'd a Proclamation before, for suppressing the Robberies that were com∣mitted in the Island, that no person should carry a Dart. Some would take this to be the height of all Severity; for it may be disputed on both sides. But the reason and necessities of publick Government will not suffer the Pretor to be counted over-rigorous.

6. Thus Severity exercis'd it self in the punish∣ment of Men: Not was it less sedulous in the chastise∣ment of Women. Horatius, one of those that fought the three Curiatii, by the conditions of the Combat Victor over all the rest of the Albans, when returning home from that renowned field, he found his Sister, a Virgin, bewailing the death of one of the Curiatii, to whom she was betroth'd, more tenderly than became her age, ran her through with the Sword with which he had so well merited of his Countrey: not thinking them chast Tears, which were shed for a fond and im∣mature Affection. For which fact being endited be∣fore the People, his Father defended him. Thus the inclination of the Virgin toward the memory of her promis'd Husband, was chastiz'd by a fierce Brother, while the Father asserted and defended the Chastise∣ment.

7. The Senate afterwards following the same Exam∣ple of Severity, commanded Sp. Posthumius Albinus and Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consuls, to enquire

after those Women who practis'd Incest at the Feast of Bacchanals: By whom when many were con∣demn'd, their Kindred punish'd them all at home; and the ignominy of publick shame, was corrected by the severity of the chastisement: Whereby the more the Women had sham'd our City by their lewd car∣riage, so much the more fame they brought to it by the Severity of their Punishment.

8. But Publicia who poyson'd Posthumius Albinus the Consul, and Licinia who poyson'd Claudius Asel∣lus, their Husbands, were strangled by order of their next Relations. For those severe men did not think it necessary, where the crime was so evident and noto∣rious, to spend time in a publick Tryal. And there∣fore as they would have defended the Innocent, they were the early punishers of the Guilty.

9. The Crime of these was great, that excited Seve∣rity to so sharp a Revenge: but Egnatius Metellus exer∣cised his Severity for a far more inconsiderable matter, who beat his Wife to death for drinking Wine. For which fact he was so far from being accus'd, that he was not so much as reprehended: every one believing, that for good examples sake, she had undergone the punishment of violated Sobriety very justly. For in∣deed, whatever woman covets the immoderate use of Wine, shuts the door to all Virtues, and opens it to all Vices.

10. Terrible also was the Matrimonial frown of C. Sulpitius Gallus, who divorc'd his Wife, because he understood that she went abroad with her head un∣vail'd. A rigid Sentence; and yet there was some reason for it. For the Law, said he, confines thee to have no other Judges of thy Beauty but my eyes; for these adorn thy self, be thou only fair to these, and do thou believe their judgment: The farther sight of thee, where it was needless, must of necessity be suspi∣cious and criminal.

11. Nor did Qu. Antistius Vetus think otherwise, who divorc'd his Wife, because he saw her talking in the street with a certain ordinary freed Woman: for being incens'd at the fault, he prevented the crime; and avoided the injury, that he might not revenge it.

12. To these we must adde P. Sempronius Sophus, who divorc'd his Wife, because she went to see a Play without making him acquainted therewith. While this care was taken of old to prevent the Crimes of Women, they were free from offending.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. But though the Roman Examples might suffice to instruct the whole world, yet will it not be irk∣some to know what Forraigners have done. The Lacedaemonians caus'd the Books of Archilochus to be thrown out of their City, because they thought them not modest and chast enough to be read. For they would not have the minds of their Children season'd with those things, which would be a greater mischief to their Manners than a profit to their Ingenuities. And therefore they punish'd the greatest Poet, or the next to the greatest in the world, by exiling his Verses, because he made smutty Satyrs against Lycam∣bis, who had injur'd him.

2. But the Athenians put Timagoras to death, be∣cause that in the Salutation which he gave Darius, he flatter'd him after the manner of his own Countrey: taking it in indignation, that the honour of their whole City should be, as it were, submitted to the Persian Slavery by the flatteries of one single Citizen.

3. But the Severity of Cambyses was more than ex∣traordinary, who caus'd the Skin of a certain corrupt Judge to be flea'd from his body, and nail'd upon the Seat, where he commanded his Son to succ••ed him.

CHAP. IV. Of things gravely said or done.

ROMANS.

• 1. T. Manlius Torquatus.
• 2. P. Scipio Aemilianus.
• 3. C. Popilius Laenas.
• 4. P. Rutilius Rufus.
• 5. M. Junius Brutus Pro∣consul.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. The Cinninienses.
• 2. Socrates the Athenian.
• 3. Alexander the Great.
• 4. The Lacedaemonians.
• 5. Paedaretus the Spar∣tan.

TEnacious Memory keeps in strict remembrance the great and most excellent part of applause which those things deserve among renowned men, which were gravely said or done by them. Among the plentiful Examples whereof, let us select, neither with too sparing or too liberal a hand, those which may rather satisfie than satiate expectation.

1. When our City was in a strange confusion upon the Overthrow of Cannae, when the Safety of the Commonwealth hung with a slender thread upon the fidelity of our Allies; That they might continue the more stedfast in the defence of the Roman Empire, the greatest part of the Senate moved, that the Princes of the Latins might be admitted among them. As Annius formerly and the Campanians averi'd, that one of the Consuls ought to belong to Capua, and the other to Rome: so sick was then the condition of the Roman Empire. Then Manlius Torquatus, of the race of him who had overthrown the Latins, near the River

Veseris in a memorable Battle, with a loud voice de∣clared, That if any of the Associates durst come to give his vote among the Conscript Fathers, he would kill him with his own hand. The threats of this one single person, both restor'd the pristine heat to the languishing spirits of the Romans, and hinder'd Italy from ad∣vancing themselves to equal Priviledges with our City. For as before they were broken by the Arms of the Roman People, so now they gave over, vanquish'd by this mans words.

Equal to this was the Gravity of Manlius: For when the Consulship was conferr'd upon him by the consent of all men, and that he refus'd it by reason of the In∣firmity of his Eyes, yet for all that was vehemently urged to accept it; Choose, said he, some other person upon whom to confer this Honour; for if ye compel me to take it upon me, neither shall I endure your Customes, neither will you endure the Severity of my Government. If the voice of a private person was so heavy, what would the Fasces of the Consul have bin?

2. No less mean was the Gravity of Scipio Aemilia∣nus, both in the Court, and in his Assembly-Speeches: Who, when Mummius was his companion in the Cen∣sorship, though noble, yet effeminate and weak, de∣clar'd in a publick Speech before the Rostra, that he would have acted for the Majesty of the Common∣wealth, whether his Citizens had given him a Com∣panion or not.

The same person, when Ser. Sulpicius Galba and Aurelius Cotta, Consuls, contended in the Senate whether of the two should be sent against Viriatus in∣to Spain, and that there hapned to be a great dissen∣tion among the Fathers, while they all expected him to declare his opinion; I think it not fit that either of them should be sent, said he, in regard the one has no∣thing, and the other never knows when he has enough.

Believing, that want and covetousness were Mistresses both alike un••i•• ••o ••each good government. By which saying he obtain'd that neither were sent into the Pro∣vince.

3. But C. Popilius being sent Embassadour to An∣tiochus, to command him to surc••ase the War which he wag'd against Ptolomy; when he came to him, and that the King with a chearful and friendly Counte∣nance held him out his right Hand, he would not give him his own again, but deliver'd him the Senates Letters: which when Antiochus had read, he told him, he would consult his Friends. But Popilius incens'd at his delay, Before thou goest out of this circle, said he, give me the answer which I shall return to the Senate. You would not have thought him an Embassadour that spoke, but the whole body of the Senate: For immediately the King affirm'd, that he would give no farther occasion for Ptolomie to complain. And then at length Popilius took him by the hand as an Asso∣ciate. Behold the force of a concise and efficacious Gravity of Mind and Speech! At the same time it terrified the Kingdom of Syria, and protected Egypt.

4. But I cannot tell whether I should first consider the Words or Deeds of P. Rutilius, for there lies an admirable stress in both. When he withstood the urgent request of a certain Friend, and the other very much offended upraided him in these words, What need have I then of thy friendship, if thou wilt not do for me what I desire? made this answer, What need I of thine, if for thy sake I should do any unhandsome action? To these words were agreeable those deeds, when rather through the dissention of the two Orders, than for any fault of his own, he was arraign'd, he neither put on sorry Cloaths, nor laid aside the Sena∣torian Ornaments, nor made any Supplication to the Judges, nor spoke any thing unworthy the splendour

of his past years: But so order'd it, that his Tryal was rather an Experiment, than any Impediment of his Gravity. And when Sylla's Victories gave him li∣berty to return into his own Countrey, he rather chose to tarry in Banishment, than to do any thing against the Laws. And therefore more justly might we have given the Title of Happy to the Manners of so grave a Man, than to the prosperous Arms of the other more potent Conquerour. Which Sylla usurp'd, but Ruti∣lius deserv'd.

5. M. Brutus, the Murtherer of his own Virtues, be∣fore he was the Parricide of the Parent of his Countrey (for by one foul deed he overthrew them all, and de∣fil'd his memory with an unexpiable detestation) as he was going in to his last Battle, to some that told him it was not convenient to fight: Boldly, said he, I go in∣to the Battle; for this day either all things will be well, or I shall have nothing to care for. For he presum'd he could not live without Victory, nor dye without Secu∣rity.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. The person beforementioned puts me in mind to relate what was said to Decius Brutus in Spain. For when all Lusitania had surrendred it self to him, and only the City of Cinninia obstinately held out, and that the Consul thought to have bought them out, they presently made answer to his Commissioners, That their Ancestors had only left them their Swords to defend their City, but no Money to purchase their Liberty from a covetous General. A Saying more noble for Romans to have spoken, than to have heard from others.

2. Nature led them into these paths of Severity. But Socrates, the most famous Pillar of the Grecian Learn∣ing, when he was to plead his own Cause at Athens,

and that Lycias had repeated to him an Oration com∣pos'd by himself, for him to make use of in the Court of Judicature; humble, suppliant, and accommodated to the danger that threatned him; Take it away, said he, for if I could be brought where I might repeat it, in the farthermost deserts of Scythia, there I should think I deserved death. He contemn'd Life, that he might not want Gravity; choosing rather to dye like Socrates, than to live like Lysias.

3. As great as he in Wisdome, Alexander, as great in War, shewed himself to be of the same mind. For Darius having tried his force in two Battles, and there∣fore offering him a part of his Kingdome, and his Daughter in Marriage with Ten Hundred thousand Talents; when Parmenio told him, that if he were Alexander he would accept the Condition: He made answer, And so would I, were I Parmenio. An ex∣pression worthy of the two Victories, and deserving the third which he obtain'd.

4. This was the effect of a magnanimous Minde in Prosperity; That more generous, whereby the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors testified to his Father the miserable condition of their fortune. For when he impos'd most intolerable Burthens upon their City, they made him answer, That if he should persist to command them things more grievous than Death, they would prefer Death before his Commands.

5. No less grave was the Saying of that Spartan, who excelling both in Nobility and Sanctity of Mind, being put by the Magistracy which he petition'd for; I rejoyce exceedingly, said he, that my Countrey pro∣duces men more worthy than my self. By which Speech he equall'd the honour he was put by.

CHAP. V. Of Justice.

ROMANS.

• 1. The People of Rome.
• 2. The four Tribunes of the People.
• 3. Ti. Gracchus Censor.
• 4. Colledge of Tribunes of the People.
• 5. Cn. Domitius Aheno∣barbus.
• 6. Licinius Crassus the O∣ratour.
• 7. Cor. Sylla Consul.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Pittacus of Mitylene.
• 2. Aristides the Athenian.
• 3. Zeleucus the Locrian.
• 4. Charundas the Thu∣rian.

'TIs now time to enter the sacred recesses of Justice, where alwaies the respect of just and honest Actions is conversant with Religious Observation. Where Modesty is studied, and Desire gives way to Reason; there nothing is reputed profitable that is not honest. Of which our City among all Nations is the most certain and principal Example.

1. When Camillus the Consul besieg'd the Falisci, a School-master brought over to the Roman Camp se∣veral Youths, and those the most noble in the City, under pretence of taking them to walk abroad. Not questioning but they being in the power of the Romans, that the Falisci would submit themselves to our Gene∣ral. Upon which affair, after consultation, the Senate decreed that the Youths should be sent home, lashing their Master all the way, while his hands were tyed behind him. Which Justice of theirs overcame the

Minds of those, whose Walls they were not able to expugn. For the Falisci overcome by their Kind∣nesses, not by their Arms, open'd their Gates to the Romans. The same City oftentimes rebelling, but alwaies broken by adverse Fortune, was at length con∣strained to yield to Q. Lutatius the Consul. Against which when the Roman People desir'd to have shewn the extremity of their Revenge, when they under∣stood from Papyrius, who by the Consuls command had writ the Articles of Surrender, that the Falisci had surrender'd themselves to the Faith, not to the Power of the Romans, they laid aside all their Anger, lest they should be wanting to their Justice; sup∣pressing the force of their Hatred, which is not easily overcome; and the pride of Victory, which easily be∣gets Licentiousness. Another time when P. Claudius having by his prosperous conduct taken the Camerini, had sold them under the Spear according to custome, though thereby they saw their Exchequer filled with Money, and their Empire enlarged: yet because it did not seem to be done according to the Rules of Honour and Justice, they sought them diligently out, and re∣deemed them again; assigning them a place of habi∣tation in Aventinum, and restoring them their Lands: They gave them Money also to build Chappels and purchase Sacrifices; and by their Justice gave the mi∣serable an occasion to rejoyce in their destruction, be∣ing so rais'd again.

What I have related was confin'd within our own Walls and the neighbouring parts; what I now relate has flown over all the world. Timochares the Am∣bracian promis'd Fabritius the Consul, that he would poyson Pyrrhus by the assistance of his Son, who was his Cupbearer. Notice whereof being given to the Senate, they sent Embassadors to give Pyrrhus intel∣ligence of it, admonishing him to be careful against

such kind of treachery. Remembring that their City was built by the Son of Mars, and that War was to be carried on by Arms, and not by Poyson.

2. Admirable was the Justice of the four Tribunes of the People at the same time. For when L. Horten∣sius their Colleague had cited C. Atratinus (under whose comand they had rallyed the Roman Army, and restor'd the Battle against the Volsci at the Lake Verrugo) to appear before the People; they swore, that it would be a shame to them, if their General should be guilty. For those noble Gentlemen would not endure to behold him as a Gown-man under the last extremity, whose Life, when in Arms, they had defended with their own Wounds and Blood. Which Justice of theirs so moved the Assembly, that they caus'd Hortensius to desist.

3. Nor did they shew themselves less noble in that which follows. When Titus Gracchus and C. Clau∣dius had exasperated the greatest part of the City, by carrying themselves so severely in the Censorship, Rutilius the Tribune accus'd them before the People of High-Treason; moved not only by the publick con∣sternation, but his own private interest, because they had order'd a part of his wall to be pulled down for the benefit of some Publick-place. In which Judica∣ture, while many Centuries of the first Classis openly condemn'd Claudius, but all consented to quit Grac∣chus; Gracchus cried out aloud, That if his Colleague suffered, he would undergo the same punishment as he did. Which Justice of his diverted the storm from both their heads and fortunes. For the People absolved Claudius, and Rutilius releas'd his Action against Gracchus.

4. The Colledge of Tribunes also got great ap∣plause: for when one of them, L. Cotta by name, un∣der the protection of his sacred Authority, denyed to

pay his Creditors, they decreed, that if he would nei∣ther pay his Debts nor give Security, they would assist the Creditors in their Appeal: thinking it unjust, that the publick Majesty should be a protection to private Knavery. Thus the Tribunitial Justice drew out Cotta lurking in the Sanctuary of his employment.

5. Of which to come to another Example, Cn. Do∣mitius Tribune of the People cited Marc. Scaurus before the People, being then Prince of the City, to ruine him, if fortune had favour'd him; or at least to eclipse his renown by a Criminal Accusation. While he was thus eagerly thirsting after the blood of Scau∣rus, a Servant of Scaurus came to him by night, and promis'd him to discover many great and hainous Crimes, to advance his Accusation. As a Master and an Enemy he consider'd and weigh'd in his mind the Impeachment with different thoughts, Justice over∣came his Hatred: For immediately shutting his own ears, and the Impeachers mouth, he caus'd him to be carried to Scaurus. An Accuser, I will not say, to be belov'd, but rather to be applauded by the person accus'd; whom the People, as well for his other Ver∣tues, as also for this reason, created Consul, Censor, and High-Priest.

6. Nor did L. Crassus behave himself otherwise as to the same Example of Justice. He had alwaies born a most perfect hatred against the Name of Carbo, as his profest Enemy; and yet when a Servant of Carbo's brought him a Cabinet of his Masters, conteining se∣veral Writings, which he might have made use of to his ruine, he sent the Cabinet, lockt as it was, and his Servant bound, to his Master. What Justice may we conjecture then flourished among Friends, when Enemies and Impeachers one of another so nobly behav'd themselves!

7. Sylla desired not so much his own safety, as the

ruine of Sulpitius Rufus, whose Tribunitial rage con∣tinually vex'd him. But when he was banish'd, and that he understood that he was betray'd by his own Servant, where he lay skulking; that the Fidelity and Justice of his Decree might be permanent, he caus'd the Freed-man for his perfidiousness to be thrown down the Tarpeian Rock, together with his freed-mans Cap, which he had purchased by his Treachery. A most insolent Victor at other times, now most just in his Authority.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. But that we may not seem to forget the Justice of Forreigners, Pittacus of Mitylene was one to whose merits his Citizens were either so much engaged, or else had so much confidence in his Vertues, that they offer'd him the Soveraign Authority of their City; which he so long kept as the War continued with the Athenians about the Sygaeum, or possession of a piece of ground so called. But after he had by a Victory setled Peace, he presently resign'd his Authority against the will of the Mitylenians, that he might not be the Lord of his City any longer than the necessity of affairs re∣quir'd. And when by the consent of all the People the half of the Land was offered him, he utterly refus'd the Gift; esteeming it below himself, to lessen the glory of his Vertue by the greatness of his Prey.

2. I must now relate the Prudence of another, that I may also relate the Justice of another. When The∣mistocles had given the Athenians wholesom advice to betake themselves to their Vessels, and after that Xer∣xes and his Army were driven out of Greece went a∣bout to restore the antient dignity of the City, and laid up Treasure secretly to raise his City to the Do∣minion over all Greece; he told the People in publick,

that he had found out something, which if fortune would suffer it to be brought to pass, there could no∣thing happen greater or more for the honour of the Athenian People; but that it was not a thing to be divulged: and therefore desired them to appoint some person, to whom he might privately reveal it. Ari∣stides was deputed. Who when he understood that Themistocles intended to have burnt all the Lacedaemo∣nian Navy that lay in the Road of Gytheum, that it being destroyed, the Dominion of the Sea might be∣long to them, return'd to his fellow Citizens, and told them, That Themistocles was hammering that which was very profitable, but very unjust. Presently the whole Assembly, when they heard it was unjust, bid him say no more of it, and commanded Themistocles to desist from his Enterprize.

3. Nothing more prevalent than the following Examples of Justice: Zaleucus the Locrian having strengthend his City with most profitable and whole∣some Laws; when his Son, condemn'd for Adultery, according to the Law made by himself, was to have lost both his Eyes, and all the City interceded for the Son, for some time he obstinately refus'd it, but at length, constrain'd by the intreaty of the People, first putting out one of his own Eyes and then one of his Sons, he left the use of sight to both. Thus he ren∣dered to the Law the punishment which it claimed, with a most admirable mixture of Justice; dividing himself into a merciful Father and a just Legislator.

4. But something more severe was the Justice of Charundas the Thurian. He had pacified the Harangues of his Citizens, that were seditious even to blood and violence, making a Law that if any person entred the Common-hall with his Sword on, he should be presently put to death. Some time after, having been in the Countrey and coming home, he presently call'd

a Hall, and forgetting himself enter'd the Hall with his Sword on. Whereupon being minded of the breach of his own Law, by one that stood next him; Well, said he, the same person shall establish it; and immediately drawing his Sword, fell upon it and died. When it was lawful for him to have defended or ex∣cused his errour, he rather chose to make the punish∣ment publick, than put a slur upon Justice.

CHAP. VI. Of Publick Faith.

Among the Romans.

• 1. The Roman Senate.
• 2. L. Manlius, M. At ili∣us Cos.
• 3. The Roman Senate.
• 4. The Elder Africanus.
• 5. The Roman Senate.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1 The Saguntines.
• 2. The Petellines.

WHen this Image is set before our eyes, the vene∣rable Divinity of Truth stretches out her right hand, the most certain pledg of human Safety. Which how it has flourished in our City, all Nations have been sensible of, and we shall make evident in a few Examples.

1. When Ptolomey the King had left the People of Rome to take the tuition of his Son upon them, the Senate appointed M. Aemilius Lepidus, the High-Priest, to be Guardian to the young Infant, and sent him to Alexandria for that purpose; making use of the sancti∣ty of a famous and most upright person, whose publick Abilities had been sufficienty known among them, lest

the credit and dignity of the City should have been any way injur'd. This became not only the preservation, but the ornament of the Royal Infancy; so that when he came of age, he knew not of which he had most to boast, whether in the Fortune of his Father, or the Majesty of his Tator.

2. Famous also was the succeeding piece of Roman Integrity. A great Navy of the Carthaginians being overthrown near the Coast of Sicilia, the Captains of the Enemies, quite out of heart, began to think of making some overtures of Peace. But when it was argued who should go, Amilcar refus'd, for fear lest the Romans should serve him as the Carthaginians had served Cor. Asina the Consul, whom they had detain••d a Prisoner in Chains. But Hanno, better understanding the Roman Faith, very confidently profer'd himself. To whom as he was in treaty, when a Tribune of the People spoke, and bid him take heed he had not the same usage as the Consul Cornelius had had; both the Consuls commanding the Tribune to be silent: Hanno, cryed they, from that fear the reputation of our City frees thee. It had made them famous, that they could be Masters of so great a Captain of their Enemies; but much more famous, that they would not.

3. The same reputation the Conscript Fathers ob∣serv'd in defending the Priviledges of Embassadors. For when M. Aemilius Lepidus and C. Flaminius were Consuls, Culeo the Praetor by an order of the Senate caus'd L. Minutius and L. Manlius to be deliver'd to the Carthaginian Embassadors by the Heralds themselves, because they had laid violent hands upon them. The Senate regarding more their own Honour, than the persons for whose sake they did the Justice.

4. These Examples the Elder Africanus following, when he had taken a Vessel wherein were several persons, and many of the chiefest among the Cartha∣ginian

Nobility, yet he dismiss'd them all untoucht, because they told him, they were sent as Embassadors to him; though he knew it to be an excuse of their own framing, to avoid the present danger; that the Faith of the Roman General might rather seem to be deceiv'd, than implor'd in vain.

5. Let us not forget that noble Act of the Senate, by no means to be omitted. Q. Fabius and Cn. Apro∣nius Aediles, by reason of a Tumult that happen'd, had sent away the Embassadours that came from Apol∣lonia to Rome. Which so soon as the Senate under∣stood, they caus'd them to be deliver'd up to the Em∣bassadours by the hands of the Heralds, and sent a Questor to convoy them to Brundusium, lest they should receive any injury in their passage. Could such a Court as that be said to be a Council of mortal Men, and not rather the Temple of Faith? Which was no less admir'd by our Allies, than it was reli∣giously observ'd in our City.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. For before the miserable slaughter of the two Scipio's in Spain, and the destruction of as many Ar∣mies of the Roman Nation, the Saguntines being re∣strain'd within their own Walls by the victorious Arms of Hannibal, when they could no longer resist the Carthaginian power, they brought forth all their most precious things into the Market-place, and kin∣dling the Pile, threw themselves into the common and publick fire, that they might not be accompted false to our Alliance. I cannot but believe, that Faith her self, surveying humane affairs, lookt with a sorrow∣ful countenance, beholding such a religious observance of her Laws condemn'd by such a fatal Event to the Arbitration of unjust Fortune.

2. By an act of the same nature, the Petellines ob∣tain'd the same applause. Who being besieg'd by Hannibal, because they would not forsake our Alliance, sent Ambassadours to the Senate, imploring relief. But the Romans, because of their losses at Cannae, not being able to succour them, gave them liberty to pro∣vide the best they could for their own safety. So that they were free to accept of Conditions from the Car∣thaginians. However, they, turning their Women, aged and infirm people out of the City, obstinately de∣fended their Walls to the last: So that their whole City expir'd, before they would lay aside their respect to the Roman Alliance. Nor did Hannibal take Pe∣tellia, but the sepulchre of the Petellian Faith.

CHAP. VII. Of the Truth of Wives to their Husbands.

• 1. Aemilia, the Wife of the Elder Scipio.
• 2. Thuria, the Wife of Q. Lucretius Vespillo.
• 3. Sulpitia, the Wife of Lentulus.

1. THat we may not omit the Truth of Women in Matrimony, Aemilia the Wife of the Elder Africanus, the Mother of Cornelia, Mother of the Gracchi, was so dutiful and patient, that though she knew her Husband had a kindness for one of her Maids, she took no notice of it; because she would not blemish the Conquerour of Africa with the guilt of Un∣chastity. And so far she was from revenge, that after her Husbands death, she set her Maid free, and gave her in marriage to a Freed man of his.

2. When Q. Lucretius was banished by the Triumvirs,

Thuria his Wife kept him out of harms way, between the head of the Bed and the ceiling of the Chamber, not without great danger to her self. And so true she was to him, that while others that were banished, as he was, wander'd in pinching extremity, in remote Countries among Enemies, he all the while lay safe in the bosome of his Wife.

3. Sulpitia being kept up very strictly by her Mo∣ther Julia, for ••ear she should follow h••r Husband Lentulus Crustellio, banish'd by the Triumvirs into Si∣cily; nevertheless made her escape in a disguise, and with only two Maid-servants and two Men-servants got safe to him. Banishing her self, that she might not fail in her duty toward her Husband.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Fidelity of Servants to their Masters.

• 1. The Servant of M. An∣tonius the Oratour.
• 2. The Servant of C. Ma∣rius.
• 3. Philocrates the Servant of C. Gracchus.
• 4. Pindarus the Servant of C. Cassius.
• 5. The Family of Plotius Plancus.
• 6. The Servant of Urbinius Anapio.
• 7. The Servant of Antius Restio.

IT remains that we relate the Fidelity of Servants to their Masters; so much the more praise-worthy, by how much it was least expected from them.

1. Marcus Antonius, a most celebrated Oratour in the days of our Ancestors, was accus'd of Incest; whose Accusers were obstinately importunate with the Judges that his Servant might be examin'd for a witness;

because they pretended that he carried the Lanthorn before him, when he went to commit the Fact. He was at that time a beardless Youth, and saw himself ready to be sent to the Rack, yet never budg'd for it. But when he came home, and saw Antonius very much troubled about the business, he earnestly begg'd of his Master, that he might be put to the Rack; affirming, that they should not force a tittle out of his mouth to do him a prejudice. And with a wonderful patience he performed his promise: For being lash'd with ma∣ny stripes, set upon the Wooden-horse, and sear'd with burning plates of Iron, he overthrew the whole force of his Masters accusation, by standing firm to his preservation. Fortune might be deservedly blam'd, for having imprison'd so pious and stout a Soul in the Body of a Slave.

2. But the Consul C. Marius, whose ill success was miserable at the Siege of Praeneste, seeing it in vain to escape through a little Myne under ground, and slightly wounded by Thelesinus, with whom he had designed to live, was run through and slain by his Servant, to free him from the cruelty of Sylla; though he had large promises made him, to deliver him up to the Victor. The seasonable assistance of whose right hand, no way seems inferiour to the Piety of those who have protected their Masters in safety. Because at that time not Life, but Death was most beneficial to Marius.

3. Equally illustrious was the following Example. Caius Gracchus, that he might not fall into the power of his Enemies, laid his neck to be cut off by his Servant Phil••crates. Which when he had cut off with a swift blow, he thrust the Sword still reaking with his Ma∣sters blood into his own Bowels. Others call this Servant Euporus: I dispute not about the name, only I admire the stoutness of a servile Fidelity; the noble∣ness of whose Soul had the generous Youth imitated,

he had avoided the threatning danger, by the benefit of his own and not his Servants hand. But now he gave way that the Carcass of Philocrates should lye in more splendour than that of Gracchu•• his Master.

4. Another sort of Fury, and another sort of Nobility, but the same Example of Fidelity. For Pindarus, the Freed-man of Cassius, having slain his Master by his command, after he had lost the Battle of Philippi, preserv'd him from the insultings of his Enemies; nor was the Servant ever seen after. Which of the Gods, Revenger of the most hainous Crimes of Mortals, so benumb'd that Valour, that ventur'd to the destruction of the Parent of the Em∣pire, that it should so abjectly trembling submit it self at the knees of Pindarus, to avoid the punishment of publick Parricide, which it deserv'd from the hands of a most pious Victor? Thou, thou it was, most divine Julius, that didst exact the revenge due to thy celestial wounds, compelling that proud Head; so per∣fidious to thee, to implore the sordid aid of a Slave, driven to that extremity of fury, that he neither de∣fir'd to live, nor durst to dye by his own hand.

5. Of these calamities C. Plotius Plancus, the Bro∣ther of Munatius Plancus both Consul and Censor, was a sad partaker; who lurking in the Territories of Sa∣lernum, after he had been banish'd by the Triumvirs, discover'd the Sanctuary of his Safety by his effeminate way of living, and the odours of his sweet Oynt∣ments. For thereby the industrious care of those that persecute the miserable, smelt out his secret haunts: By whom the Servants being apprehended, and long tortur'd, denied they knew where their Ma∣ster was. Then would not Plancus endure that Ser∣vants, so faithful and exemplary, should be any longer tormented; but discover'd himself, and of∣fer'd his Throat to the Souldiers weapons▪ Which

contest of mutual good Will, makes it difficult to be decided, whether the Master were more worthy, who had the trial of such a constant Fidelity in his Ser∣vants; or the Servants, who were freed from the severi∣ty of the Rack, by the just compassion of their Master.

6. What shall I say to the Servant of Ʋrbinius Pa∣nopio, how admirable was his Faith? Who under∣standing that certain Souldiers, having found where his Master was, by the treachery of his Servants, were come to the Town of Reate to kill him, changing his Ga••ments with him, and putting on his own Ring, he put his Master out at a Back-door, and retiring him∣self into his Masters Chamber and into his Masters Bed, suffered himself patiently to be kill'd in lieu of Pan••pio. The act is soon related, but the commen∣da••••on which it deserves is not so easily given. How∣ever, Panopio tes••i••i••d how much he was beholding to his Servant, by raising him an ample Monument, with a grateful Inscription.

7. I might be contented with these Examples; but the wonder of the Fact compells me to relate one more. Antius Restio being proscrib'd by the Trium∣viri, when he saw all his Servants busie upon rapine and ransack, in a tempestuous night withdrew him∣self from his House. Whose flight being observed by a Slave that he had kept severely in Chains, and one that he had burnt in the Forehead with contumelious Letters; the Slave never left till he had overtaken him, to the end he might attend him in his misery▪ By which most exquisite and dangerous officiousness, he completed the full measure of a most signal Piety. For when they, whose condition was better at home, minded nothing but the ransack of their Master, he thought the sa••ety of that person, who had been so cruel to him, to be the greatest profit he could enjoy. And when it had been enough to have laid aside his

Anger, he added Charity. Nor did his good Will end here, but be us'd a Stratagem to preserve his Ma∣ster. For when he perceiv'd the Souldiers were at hand, he hid his Master, and making a Funeral Pile, got a poor old man whom he slew and threw him into the flame. When the Souldiers ask••d him for Antius; pointing to the Pile, I have thrown him, said he, into that Pile, for his cruelty to me. The Souldiers, believing the probability of the Story, went their way; whereby Antius had time to provide for his safety.

CHAP. IX. Of the Change of Manners and Fortune.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. T. Manlius Torquatus.
• 2. P. Africanus the Elder.
• 3. C. Valerius Flaccus the Flamin.
• 4. Q. Fabius Maximus.
• 5. Q. Lutatius Catulus.
• 6. L. Cornelius Scylla the Happy.
• 7. T. Aufidius.
• 8. P. Rupilius.
• 9. P. Ventidius Bassus.
• 10. L. Cornelius Lentu∣lus Lupus.
• 11. Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina.
• 12. Licinius Crassus the Rich.
• 13. Q. Servilius Caepio.
• 14. C. Marius.
• 15. C. Julius Caesar.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Polemon the Atheman.
• 2. Themistocles the Athe∣nian.
• 3. Conon the Athenian.
• 4. Alcibiades.
• 5. Polycrates.
• 6. Dionysius of Syracuse.
• 7. Syphax King of the Nu∣midians.

A Considerate Change can either adde much to the Trust, or diminish the Care of worthy men;

whether we consider our own condition, or the na∣ture of others: For when we perceive some to have risen from low and contemptible beginnings, why should we not then have better thoughts of our selves? Knowing, that it is a foolish thing, to forejudge ones self of perpetual infelicity, and to change our hope, which sometimes rightly favours uncertain things, into certain desperation.

1. Manlius Torquatus, when he was a Youth, was look'd upon to be of so dull and heavy a disposition, that he was sent into the Countrey by his Father Lu∣cius Manlius, a person of great worth, to follow the Plow, as bring unfit either for publick or private busi∣ness. Afterwards he pleaded for his Father, being accus'd for some misdeameanour, and carried the Cause for him. He cut off his Sons head, though a Victor, because he had fought against his command with the Enemy: and with a most splendid Triumph, he reviv'd his Countrey groaning under the Latin War. Thus his adverse Fortune clouded him in his Youth, that he might shine more glorious in his Elder Years.

2. Scipio Africanus the Elder, whom the Immortal Gods decreed to be born, that there might be a per∣son in whom Vertue might shew it self in all its vari∣ety, is reported to have led a debauch'd life in his younger years; remote from the crime of Luxury, yet more soft and idle than his Punic Trophies, or his yoaking the conquer'd Carthaginians.

3. C. Valerius Flaccus also, in the time of the Second Punic War, began with a lewd course of life: But being chosen Flamen by P. Licinius the High-Priest, to the end he might reclaim him; applying himself to the care of the sacred things, and the ob∣servation of the religious Rites, and guided by Reli∣gion it self, the Captain of Frugality, he became as

great an Example of Sobriety and Piety, as he was before of Luxury.

4. No person led a more debauch'd Life than Q. Fabius Maximus, who afterwards by the signal Victory which he obtain'd against the Gauls, pur∣chas'd to himself and his posterity the Sirname of Al∣lobrogicus. Yet in his elder years, our City could boast of no such Ornament as he was, nor was any person so renowned as he.

5. Who is ignorant how highly the Authority of Q. Catulus was advanc'd, at that very rime when there was a crowd of famous men living? Whose younger years you will finde to have been guilty of much Luxury and Softness. Which however was no impediment to him, but that he became the Prince of his Countrey, had the honour to have his name shine in the Capitol, and by his own courage to bury a Civil War that was rising with a mighty force to seize the Commonwealth.

6. But L. Sylla, till he came to be Questor, led a life infamous for his Whoring, Gaming and Drinking. Whereupon it was reported, that Marius being en∣gag'd in a very smart War in Africa, complain'd that they had sent him such an effeminate Questor. But his Vertue, having as it were broken down the fences of wickedness, made a shift to chain the hands of Ju∣gurth, quell Mithridates, withstand the billows of the War of our Allies, break the power of Cinna, and compel him that had despis'd him, when his Questor in Africa, to fly a proscrib'd Exile into the same Pro∣vince for safety. Which so various and so contrary acts, he that shall with a serious minde consider, would believe there were two Sylla's in one man. I would have call'd him a vicious youth, but a brave man, had he not himself assum'd the title of Happy.

7. And as we have admonish'd Nobility to regard

itself by the benefit of repentance, let us adde a few Examples of those that dar'd aspire from meaner be∣ginnings. T. Aufidius, who once had the gathering but of a small pittance of the Asiatic Tribute, after∣wards rul'd all Asia, as Consul. Nor did our Allies disdain to obey his Fasces, whom they had seen flat∣tering the Tribunals of Forreign••rs. For he behavd himself faithfully and nobly: plainly demonstrating, that his former way of living, was only the effect of Fortune; but that the present advancement of his Dignity, was to be attributed to the greatness of his parts.

8. Publius Rupilius was no Toll-gatherer in Sicilia, but only a mean Officer under them; so miserable poor, that he had nothing to keep Life and Soul together, but a small Office that depended upon the leave of the vanquish'd. Yet from him, Consul afterwards, all Sicilia receiv'd their Laws, after he had freed them from the terrors of a smart War of the Pirats and Fu∣gitives. I believe that the very Ports themselves, if there be any sence in mute things, admir'd the wonderful change in the Condition of that man. For the same person that they had teen exacting the dayly Customs, the same person they saw giving Laws to Navies and Armies.

9. To this increase of Dignity I will adde a greater. When Asculum was taken, Cn. Pompeius, the Father of Pompey the Great, prostituted to the eyes of the People P. Ventidius, a beardless Youth, in the Tri∣umph that he had obtain'd. Yet this was that Ven∣tidius, who afterwards triumph'd at Rome over the Parthians, and reveng'd the death of Crassus, mise∣rably foyl'd in a strange Countrey. Thus he that a Captive dreaded imprisonment, now a Victor crowns the Capitol with his success. And this is farther re∣markable of the same person, that he was made

Pretor and Consul both in one and the same year.

10. Now let us consider the diversities of Chance. L. Lentulus was depos'd by the Caecilian Law, of his Consulship, being convicted of Bribery, and yet was created Censor with L. Censorinus. Thus Fortune shuffl••d him between Honour and Disgrace; condemn∣ing him in his Consulship, and honouring him with the Office of Censor when he was condemn'd; nei∣ther suffering him to enjoy a lasting happiness, nor long to abide in a miserable condition.

11. Thus Fortune shew'd her power also in Cn. Cor∣nelius Scipio Asina. Who when he was Consul, being taken by the Carthaginians at Liparae, and had lost all by the right of War, yet by the favour of Fortune recovered all, and was again created Consul. Who would have thought he should have been brought from the Fasces to the Fetters of the Carthaginians? Who would have thought again, that from the Punic chains he should have advanc'd himself to the highest degrees of Honour? But yet he was from a Consul made a Captive, and from a Captive became Consul.

12. What? Did not the vastness of Crassus Wealth give him the Sirname of Rich? Yet Poverty after∣wards laid upon him the shameful title of a Bankrupt; his Goods being sold by his Creditors, because he could not pay the principal; beside the bitter Sarcasme wherewith every one that met him, saluted him, cal∣ling him still, Rich Crassus.

13. Q. Caepio excels Crassus in severity of Fortunes inconstancy. For he having obtain'd the splendour of the Praeto••ship, the renown of a Triumph, the dig∣nity of a Consulship, the glory of the High-Priest∣hood, insomuch that he was call'd The Patron of the Senate; yet died in J••yl, and his Body tortur'd and dilacerated by the cruel hand of the Hangman, became a spectacle of horror to the Roman People in the publick place of Execution.

14. The Life of Marius was a strange contest with Fortune; for he withstood all her opposition with a stoutness of mind and body. Being thought unwor∣thy the low honours of an Arpinate (for whom it was not lawful to aspire high) he ventur'd to stand for the Questorship at Rome. And by his patience in bearing repulses, he rather broke by force, than was admitted into the Senate. He had the same repulses when he stood for the Tribuneship and Aedileship in the Field of Mars. Standing for the Praetorship, he carried the lowest degree, which notwithstanding he obtain'd with great difficulty; for being accus'd for bribing Voic••s, he was hardly acquitted by the judges. Yet from that Marius, so meanly born at Arpinum, so de∣spised at Rome, and so abhorr'd a Candidate, sprung that Marius who subdu'd Africa, drove King Jugurth before his Chariot in Triumph, who utterly subdued the Armies of the Teutons and Cimbrians, whose two Triumphs were beheld in the City, and whose seaven Consulships were register'd in the Annal-Books; who had the luck to be created Consul returning from Ba∣nishment, and to proscribe his Proscriber. What mere mutable or inconstant than his condition? Who among the miserable was most miserable, yet among the fortunate shall be found most fortunate.

15. But Julius Caesar, whose Vertues gave him ad∣mission into Heaven, at the beginning of his youth going into Asia, being taken by Sea-Rovers, was for∣ced to redeem himself for fifty Talents. For so small a sum as that, would Fortune have the brightest Constellation in the world sold in the Pyrats Market. Why then should we complain of her, when she spares not the associates of her Divinity? But the celestial Numen reveng'd his own injury : For pre∣sently after pursuing the slaves, and taking them, he crucified them every man.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. We have been intent in relating our own, let us be more succinct in the repetition of Forreign Ex∣amples. Polemo, a young Athenian Gentleman, but infinitely debauch'd, and one that gloried in his shame, rising from a Banquet, not after Sun-set, but after Sun-rising, as he went home saw Xenocrates the Philosopher's door standing wide open. Drunk as he was, richly perfum'd, gayly clad, and with his Gar∣land upon his Head, he enter'd the School, that was full of Grave and Learned Men; and nothing asham'd of the manner of his entry, he sate down to throw his drunken Jests upon the noble Disputes and whole∣som Precepts that were then utter'd. The company being offended, Xenocrates kept his temper, and began to dispute of Modesty and Temperance. The Gra∣vity of whose Speech causing Polemo to repent, he first threw his Garland to the ground, presently after he withdrew his arms (a token of Modesty among the A∣thenians) under his Cloak; shortly after he left his feasting Mirth; and lastly, laid aside all his Debauche∣ry; and being cur'd with the wholesome Medicine of one Oration, of an infamous Glutton became a fa∣mous Philosopher. For his minde was only a Pilgrim in wickedness, not an Inhabitant.

2. It troubles me to remember Themistocles in his Youth; whether I consider his Father that disinherited him, or his Mother that hang'd herself to see the wi∣cked course of life her Son led; when he himself after∣wards became the most famous person that ever Greece brought forth; and was the pledge either of hope or despair between Asia and Europe. For the one had him the Patron of her Safety, the other entertain'd him as the Surety of Victory.

3. Cimon in his youth was look'd upon as a fool; but the Athenians found the benefit of his foolish commands: Compelling them to condemn them∣selves of stupidity, who had accus'd him of Folly.

4. Two distinct Fortunes shar'd Alcibiades be∣tween them. The one, that assign'd him a splendid Nobility, vast Wealth, Beauty incomparable, strength of Body, a most piercing Wit, and the passionate love of his Countrey-men: The other, that inflicted upon him Condemnaton, Banishment, Sale of his Estate, Poverty, the hatred of his Countrey, and a violent Death. Neither the one nor the other altogether, but by intermission, like the ebbing and flowing of the Sea.

5. Polycrates, the Tyrant of Samos, lived in such a prodigality of Fortunes favours, that he was admir'd even to Envy, not without cause; his endeavors all prosper'd; his hopes reap'd the fruit of what they de∣sired; his wishes were no sooner nam'd than granted: To desire, and be able to perform, was the same thing. Once only Fortune chang'd her coutenance, when he threw a Ring, which he highly esteem'd, into the Sea, that he might not be said to have undergone no misfortune; which however he presently recover'd, the fish being taken that had swallowed it. But he could not always hold this prosperous course of feli∣city, that swell'd his full sails: For Orontes, one of Darius's Commanders, having taken him, caus'd him to be crucified upon the highest top of the Mycalensian Mountain. From whence the City of Samos, long oppressed by his severe Tyranny, with the joyful eyes of freemen beheld his stinking Arteries, his members besmear'd with Blood, and that left hand, to whom Neptune had restor'd the Ring by the hand of the Fisherman, the sad spectacle of Misfortune.

6. Dionysius also when he had enter'd upon the

Tyranny of Sicily, by his Fathers Will, the Lord of a vast Wealth, a Captain of Armies, an Admiral of a Navy, potent in Horse, yet was forced to teach School at Corinth, for his livelihood: And at the same time, of a Tyrant being now become a School-master, he warn'd his Elders by such a change, how little they were to trust to Fortune.

7. Next to him follows Syphax the King, who underwent the same severity of Fortune; to whom however at the same time, Rome by Scipio, Carthage by Asdrubal, made their addresses for his Friendship. But while he stood thus courted, that he seem'd to be an Arbiter of Victory between the greatest and most potent People in the world; In a short time after, he was brought chain'd by Laelius to Scipio, and now lyes prostrate at the feet of him, whom he thought it fa∣vour enough before, as he fate upon his Throne, to take by the hand. Thus meerly vain, and fragil, and like the baubles Children play with, are those great things which we call Human Power and Wealth: On a suddain they abound, and vanish as soon: In no place or person fix'd upon a stable foundation; but toss'd hither and thither by the uncertain state of For∣tune, miserably they precipitate them into the depth of Calamity, whom but now they had exalted as high as Heaven. And therefore they are neither to be esteemed nor accompted Felicity, which to the end they may redouble a desire of enjoying them, are wont to oppress with a heavier weight, those that they flatter'd before with their most indulgent savours.

LIB. VII.

CHAP. I. Of Happiness.

• 1. Q. Metellus the Mace∣donian.
• 2. Gyges the King of Ly∣dia.

WE have related several Examples of the In∣constancy of Fortune; for there are very few that render her propitious. Whereby it is evident that she is generous and free of her Adversity, but very sparing of her Prosperity.

1. Let us see then with how many degrees of favour she prosecuted Metellus from his Infancy to his Death, with an incessant indulgence. She gave him his birth in the Capital City of the World: She gave him most no∣ble Parents: She furnish'd him with admirable parts of Nature, and strength of Body: She married him to a Wife conspicuous for her Chastity & Fertility: She grac'd him with the Honour of Consulship, the Imperatorian Dignity, and the Splendour of a renowned Triumph: She so order'd it, that at the same time he had three Sons living, Consular men; one also a Censor and Triumpher; and the fourth a Pretor. She married him Three Daughters, whose Issue he received into his own bosom: And among all these Children born, so many Youths coming to age, so many Nuptial Torches, such an abundance of Honour, Empire and Congra∣tulation, not one Funeral, not one Tear, or the least

cause of Sadness. Consider the Heavens, and we shall hardly meet with so perdurable a condition there; while we finde the greatest Philosophers lodging grief and pain in the very breasts of the Gods. Nor was his end unlike the course of his Life. For after he had liv'd a fair age, an easie Death carried him off from the last farewels and embraces of his dearest Pledges; and he was carried to his Funeral-Pile upon the shoul∣ders of his Sons and Sons-in. Law through the City.

2. A noble Felicity this; yet the following was prefer'd by the Divinity it self. For when Gyges, pust up with the riches and power of his Kingdom of Ly∣dia, went to enquire of Pythrian Apollo, whether any Mortal was happier than he; The God made answer with a low voice, from the hollow retirement of his sacred Den, that Aglaus Sophidius was more happy than he. He was the poorest of the Arcadians, but the elder of the two: one that never had increas'd the bounds of his own land; contented with the Income of a poor Farm. But Apollo meant the true, not the obscure end of a happy Life: and there∣fore gave that answer to one that insolently gloried in the splendour of his fortune, That he rather approv'd a Cottage in a calm security of content, than the cares and anxieties of a Court; a few clods of earth void of fear, than all the fertile Acres of Lydia incumber'd with continual dread; and one or two yoak of Oxen easily maintain'd, than Armies of Horse and Foot, burthensome even to vast expences; and a small Barn subject to no mans Envy, than Exchequers ex∣posed to the covetous desires and rapacious violence of all men. Thus while Gyges labours to finde a God to favour his vain opinion, he learns wherein the true and solid Happiness consists.

CHAP. II. Of things wisely said or done.

By the ROMANS.

• 1. App. Claudius.
• 2. P. Scipio Africanus.
• 3. Q. Caecilius Metellus.
• 4. L. Fimbria.
• 5. Papyrius Cursor.
• 6. The Senate of Rome.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Socrates the Athenian.
• 2. Solon the Athenian.
• 3. Bion of Prienne.
• 4. Plato of Athens.
• 5. Antigonus the King.
• 6. Xenocrates the Philo∣sopher.
• 7. Aristophanes the Come∣dian.
• 8. Thales the Philosopher.
• 9. Anaxagoras of Clazo∣mene.
• 10. Demas the Athenian.
• 11. Anacharsis the Scy∣thian.
• 12. Agesilaus the Spartan.
• 13. Hanno the Carthagini∣an.
• 14. Herennius Pontius the Samnite.
• 15. The Cretans.

I Will now treat of that sort of Felicity, which is al∣together in the habit of the Minde, and is not to be obtain'd by wishes, but is bred in the breasts of men, and advances it self by things famously said or done.

1. It is reported that Appius Claudius was often wont to say, That the People of Rome were better to be trusted with Business than Idleness: Not but that they understo••d the pleasure of a calm condition, but be∣cause he found that potent Empires were excited to Vertue, by the vicissitude and agitation of Human Af∣fairs. And certainly Business, terrible to name, pre∣serv'd

the customs of our City in their best condition but Rest, that has a softer name, first fill'd it full of Vice.

2. Scipio Africanus was wont to say, That in affairs of War, it was a shameful thing to cry, I had not thought. Believing that the ••••••nsactions of the Sword ought to be carried on with a serious and well-exa∣min'd deliberation. For that Errour is never to be retriev'd, that is committed in the heat of War. The same person denied that an Enemy was to be fought with, but only when there was a kind opportunity, or a pressing necessity. Both prudently said. For to omit an opportunity of acting with success, is the greatest madness in the world: And he that is com∣pel••'d to a necessity of giving Battle, yet abstains from fighting, shews a p••ece of slo•••••• of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p••stiferous con∣sequence. And of those th•••• co••••m•• these ••••••••••••∣ties, one part knows not how to make use of the benefit of Fortune, the other k••ows not how to ••esist the injury of Fortune.

3. It was also both a grave and lofty Sentence, which Metellus spoke in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Who upon the ruine of Carthage plainly consess'd. That he kn••w not whether that Victory might bring more advan∣tage or more mischief to the Commonwealth. For as it was advantageous by the Peace which it occasion'd, so by removing Hannibal, it had done harm. For by his March into Italy, the sleeping Courage of the Ro∣mans was rows'd up: And it was to be ••ea••'d, that being freed from so formidable a ••••val, it would re∣lapse into its former drowziness. So that he r••ckon'd it to be as great a mischief for the Nerves of their antient strength to be weaken'd, as tor their Houses to be burnt, their Lands to be laid waste, and their Treasures to be emptied.

4. How prudent an act was that of Fimbria the

Consul! Who being made an Arbitrator by M. Luta∣tius Pythia, a Roman Knight, upon a Security that he had given to an Adversary or his, that he was an honest Man, would never deliver his judgment, lest he should injure the fame of a person unblemish'd by pronouncing against him, or affirm him to be a good man, considering how many qualities were requir'd to make a man such.

5. From the Civil, we will exhibit a Military Act of Prudence. Papirius Cursor, Consul, desirous to rise from the Siege of Aquilonia to give the Enemy battle, was ••o'd by the Augur that the Entrails of the Fowl pro••••s'd all things prosperously, when there was no such thing. Afterwards being inform'd of the fallacy, he took it however for a good Omen to him and his Ar∣my, and gave Battle: But he placed the Impostor in the Fore-front, that the Gods, if angry, might revenge themselves upon the right person. And it hapned so, whether by Chance or by divine Providence, that the first Dart which was thrown by the Enemy, hit the Impostors Breast, and struck him dead. Which when the Consul understood, with a renew'd confidence, he fell upon the Enemy, and took Aquilonia. So suddenly did he apprehend, which way the injury done to the General was to be reveng'd; how vio∣lated Religion was to be expiated; and how Victory was to be obtain'd. He acted the part of a severe Man, a religious Consul, and a stout General: with one kind of thought forcing at the same time the li∣mits of fear, the manner of punishment, and the means of hope.

6. Now I will pass to the Acts of the Senate. When the Senate sent Claudius Nero and Livius Sali∣nator Consuls against Hannibal, and sound that as they were equal in Virtue, so they were at as great an ••••mi••y one with another; they made it their business

to make them friends, that they might not n••glect the publick for their private dissentions. For unl••ss there be a true concord in such Commands, there is a greater desire to keep another from doing go••d th••n to act well themselves: But where there i•• an inv••∣t••rate Hatred, they are greater Enemies to one ano∣ther, than the Adversary they go to fight with. Those very men being accused by Cn. Baebius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tribune of the People, for their Severity in the C••nso••ship, were by the Decree of the Senat•• freed from coming to their Tryal: freeing from the fear of J••dgment that Honour, which was to take, not to give an ac∣compt. The same Wisdome of the Senate put Ti. Gracchus the Tribune to D••ath, for dari••g ••o pro∣mulgate the Agrarian Law: yet most pru••••ntly or∣der'd, that the Land should ••••d vid••d to ev••ry man by the Triumvirs, according to the Law. Thus, at the same time, they took away both the Autho•• and the Cause of a most turbulent S••dition.

How prudently did the Senat•• behave th••ms••lves to King Massinissa! For when they had ex••••ri••••c'd the faithful and ready service which he had done them a∣gainst the Carthaginians, they made a Law, whereby they gave Massinissa a freedom absolute from the power of the People of Rome. By which act, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on∣ly reclaim'd the kindness of a person, who had so well deserv'd of them, but secur'd themselves from the barbarity of the Numidians, Mauritanians and other Nations adjoyning, who before would never rest at peace.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. I should want time to relate Domestic Examples: For our Empire increases and protects it self, not only by strength of body, but by vigour of m••nde. There∣fore

let the Roman Pru••ence be silently for the most part laid up in admi••ation, and give way to forreign Examples of this nature. S••crates, a kind of terr••∣strial Oracle of humane Wis••ome, was wont to say, That there was nothing more to be ask'd of the Immortal Gods, but that would be pleased to give us what things were good for us. In reg••rd they kn••w what was p••••s••••able for every one; but for our par••s we beg those things oft-••im••s, which it were better we should be without. For, oh thou mind of Mortals, wript up in thick clo••ds of darkness, how dost thou d••ss••••e thy blind Prayers into wide Errour! Thou cov••••est R••••hes, so p••rnitious to thousands. Thou desi∣••••st Honors, sa••al to M••••titudes. Thou gr••ppl••st King∣doms, As oftentimes ••r••••••••••lm'd with c••••mity. Thou l••yst hands upon spl••••did Wedl••cks, which as they ennoble, as oftentimes ••••••rturn whole Families. Cease then foo••ishly to g••p••••••••er the future causes of many mischiefs as the only happinesses to be enjoy'd; but submit thy sel•• to the judgment of Heaven. For they that are able to give, are b••st able to make the choice.

He was also wont to say, That they took a very short and c••mpendious way to Honour, who so behaved them∣selves, a•• to be readly su••h, as they would seem to be. Wher••by the 〈…〉〈…〉 us, that men should rather follow V••rtue it s••lf, th•••• the ••••••dow of Virtue. The same person, when a Young man ask'd him Whether he should Marry, or altogether abstain from Wedlock, made him answer, That let him do which he would, he should be sure to repent. For on the one hand said he, there is solitude, want of Children, ex∣tinction of Family and a mans estate heir'd by a stranger: On the other hand, perpetual sollicitation, continual wrangling, twittings in the teeth about the Dower, the

frowns of Kindred, the twatling of the Mother-in-Law, the private, friend, and ambushments of Cuckoldry, with the uncertain hopes of Children. Thus he would not suffer the Young-man, in a contexture of b••d acci∣dents, to make his choice in a matter of pleasure and delight.

The same person, when the wicked fury of the A∣thenians had pronounced Sentence against his Life, and that he had received the venemous Potion given him by the hand of the common Executioner, with a stout and constant resolution, putting the Cup to his mouth, made this answer to his Wife Xantippe, crying out in the midst of tears and lamentations that he died inno∣cently What then? said he, hadst thou rather I should have died an offender ? Oh profound Prudence, that! that would not forget it self, at the very Exit of Life.

2. How wisely did Solon aver, That no man could be accompted happy, while he was yet alive! being sub∣jedt to the doubtful chances of fortune, even to the last gasp. Therefore doth the Funeral-Pile consummate the extent of Humane Felicity, which exposes it self to all the assaults of Misfortune. The same person, when he beheld one of his Friends in a deep affliction, brought him to a high Tower, and bid him survey every part of the lower Buildings: which when he had done, Consider now with thy self, said he, bow many occasions of lamentation formerly there were, and still are in those meaner roofs, and will happen hereafter, and cease to bewail the common inconveniencies of Mor∣tals, By which act of consolation he shewed, that Cities were but th•• miserable cages of human Mise∣ries. The same person was won•• to say, That if all people were bound to make a beap of their misfortunes in one place, it would so happen, that every man would

rather carry his own home again, than hear his share of the common heap. From whence he collected, that we ought not to accompt those things most intolerably bitter, which we suffer by chance.

3. Bias, when the Enemy had invaded his own native Co••ntrey Priene, and that all people whom the ravage of War suffered to get safe away were upon their flight, laden with the weight of what they esteem'd most precious, being asked why he carried away nothing of his own Goods? I, said he, carry all my Goods about me. For he carried them in his Breast, not upon his Shoulders; not to be seen by the Eye, but to be prized by the Minde: Which being preserv'd in the little Sanctuary of the Minde, are not to be in∣jur'd by the hands either of Gods or Mortals: and as they are always at hand with them that tarry, so they never desert them that flie.

4. Short in words, but abounding in sence was the Sentence of Plato, who said, The world would then be happy, when wise men reigned, or Kings began to be wise.

5 Of a piercing judgment also was that King, to whom, as they report, when the Diadem was brought, before he put it upon his Head, he held it in his hand, and having a long time paus'd upon it, Oh noble ra∣ther than fortunate Linnen, cryed he, which he that knew with what cares, dangers, and miseries it was attended, would not take it up from the ground.

6. How much to be applauded was the answer of Xe••••crates! who being present at the reviling speeches of another with a seal'd-up silence, and ask'd why he curb'd his tongue so, being alone, made answer, Be∣cause he had once repented him of speaking, but never of b••lding his tongue.

7. The Precept also of Aristophanes is more exalted∣ly

prudent, who in one of his Comedies brings in Pericles the Athenian sent back from Hell, and pro∣phecying that a Bear was not to be cherish'd in the City. Admonishing, that the active Wits of noble and stirring youth ought to be curb'd: but being red with over-much savour and profuse indulgence, let them not be hinder'd from gaining the Supreme Power. For it is a vain and unprofitable thing to resist that force which is foster'd by thy self.

8. Wonderfully Thales; who being asked whether the deeds of men escap'd the knowledg of the Gods; Not their premeditated acts, said he. Intimating, that we ought not only to preserve our hands clean, but our minds pure, if we believe our thoughts to be known to the Gods.

No less prudent is that which follows; The Father of an only Child consuited Themistocles, whether he should marry her to a poor learned Man, or a rich Man of no esteem? To whom, I had rather choose a man, said he, wanting Money, than Money wanting a Man. By which saying he admonish'd a fool to choose a Son-in-Law, before the Wealth of a Son-in-Law.

Much to be applaud••d was that Epistle of Philip, wherein he chides Alexander, endeavouring to in∣gratiate himself with large gifts into the hearts of some of the Macedonians: What reason, Son, per∣swaded thee to this vain hope, That thou shouldst think those persons will be faithful to thee, whose kindness thou art forced to purchase with Money? Love only breeds love. Yet was Philip rather a Purc••aser, than a Victor of Greece.

But Aristotle, when he sent his Disciple Callisthenes to Alexander, admonish'd him either to say nothing to the King, or else to talk pleasantly. But he for reproving him, because he prided himself to hear the

Macedons salute him after the manner of Persian flattery, and for that he sought to reclaim him against his will, to the an••ient ••us••omes of his Forefathers, being commanded to be put to death, too late re∣pented his neglect of the wholesome counsel that had bin given him.

Thus Aristotle taught, that it became not him to speak either way of himself: For to praise himself was a vanity; to speak ill of himself, a folly. A most wholesome Precept was it of his likewise. That we should consider Pleasures that were passing off. Which by so representing he diminish'd; for so he exposed them fainting and full of repentance, which render'd them the less desirable.

9. No less prudence was it in Anaxagoras, who be∣ing ask'd whom he thought the happi••st person: None of those, said he, whom thou imagin'st happy; but thou shalt finde him among the number of those whom thou accomptest unfortunate. Not the person that abounds in Ri••••es, but the manurer of a small Farm, or the faithful and persevering observer of unambitious M••ximes; more happy in retirement than in out∣ward shew.

10. Wise was the saying of Demas also. For the Athenians denying to attribute divine Honours to Alexander; Take heed, said he, lest while you are so careful to keep Heaven, you loose the Earth.

11. How subtily did Anacharsis compare the Laws to Spiders Webs? For as they detain'd the weaker Animals, and let go the stronger so the other bound the poor and needy, and let go the rich and potent.

12. Nothing more prudent than that act of Agesi∣laus: For having discovered a Conspiracy against the Lacedaemonians by night, he presently abrogated the

Laws of Lycurgus, that forbid the punishment of those that were not condemn'd. But having apprehended and put to death the Offenders, he presently restor'd th••m again: providing both ways, that wholesome punishment should not be thought u••just, nor be pre∣vented by Law. Therefore that th••y might be al∣ways, it was necessary, that for some time they should not he.

13. But I cannot tell whether the Counsel of Han∣no were not more eminently prudent. For when Mago related the event of the Battle of Cannae to the Senate of Carthage, and produced three Bushels of Gold Rings in testimony of the success, he demanded whether any of their Allies had revolted from the Ro∣mans after so great a defeat? When he heard that none were fallen off to Hannibal, he presently advis'd, that Embassad••urs should be sent to Rome to treat of Peace, wh•••• Counsel had it bin follow'd, neither had Carthage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 overcome in the Second, nor ruin'd in the Third P••nic War.

14. Neither did the Samnites pay less severely for the same Errour, when they neglected the wholesome Counsel of Herennius Pontius; who excelling the rest in Authority and Prudence, being consulted by the Army, and the Commander thereof his own Son, what they should do with the Roman Souldiers taken at the Caudine Forks, answer'd, That they should be sent home untouch'd. The next day being asked the same question, he made answer, That they should be all destroy'd: Either that they migh•• merit the good will of an Enemy by an extraordinary Benefit, or impair his force by a considerable loss. But the im∣provident rashness of the Victors, despising both counsels of profit and advantage, by putting them

under the Yoak, incens'd them to their ruine.

To many and great examples of Prudence, I will adde one small one: The Cr••tans when they would most vehemently curse those they h••te wish they may take pleas••re in an ill Costume; and in the Modesty of their Wish, finde a most efficacious event of their revenge: For to desire any thing in vain, and to persevere in that earnest desire, is a pleasure next to ruine.

CHAP. III Of things craftily spoken or done.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. The President of Diana's Temple.
• 2. L. Junius Brutus.
• 3. P. Scipio Africanus the Elder.
• 4. Q. Fabius Lubeo.
• 5. Antonius the Orator.
• 6. Q. Sertorius.
• 7. Q. Fabius Maxitnus Verrucossus.
• 8. M. Volalius Saturninus Aedil.
• 9. Sentius Saturninus.
• 10. A certain Father.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Alexander the Great and an Ass-driver.
• 2. King D••rius's Groom.
• 3. Bia•• of Priene.
• 4. Anaxime••es.
• 5. Demo••henes the Orator.
• 6. A certain Athenian.
• 7. A••••••••bal the son of Gis•• go the Carthaginian.
• 8. A••••bal the son of A∣mil••••r.
• 9. The Tusculans.
• 10. ••••llius Attius Captain of the Volsci.

THere is another sort of saying and doing, declining from Wisdome to the name of ••unning: which

would not meet with the credit of what it propounded, did it not assume the force of Craft; and seeks for applause rather in a hidden path, than in an open way.

1. In the reign of Servius Tullius, a certain Land∣lord in the Sabine Territories had a Cow of an extra∣ordinary bigness and beauty. Which certain Authors of the Oracles said was sent into the world by the Immortal Gods, to the end that whoever offer'd it to Diana of Aventinum, his Countrey should obtain the Empire over the whole World. The Master re∣joycing to hear such tydings, drave the beast with all speed, and presented it before the Altar of Diana in Aventinum, desirous to give the Honour of Supreme Empire to the Sabines. Of which the President of the Temple having notice, put it into the Owner's head, that before he slew the Sacrifice, he should wash himself in the water of the next River: who for that reason hastening to Tybur, while he was gone, the chief Priest offer'd the beast, and by a pious theft of the Sacrifice, rend••r'd our City the Mistress of so many Cities and Nation.

2. For which sharpness of Wit, Junius Brutus is in the first place to be commended. For when he found all the Promising Nobility to be cut off by King Tar∣quinius his Uncle, and that his Brother was by him put to death, because of the forwardness of his Wit, counterfeited himself to be a Fool; and by that fal∣lacy conceal'd his own vast parts. Going also to the Oracle of Delphos with the Sons of Tarquin, whom their Father sent thither with rich Presents and Sacri∣fices in honour of Pythian Apollo,he carri'd Gold as a Present to the Deity, hid in a hollow stick; fearing that it was not safe to worship the Celestial Deity with

an open Liberality. After that, the Young-men, having performed their Father, s commands, consulted Apollo, which among them all should be the person that should reign in Rome. The God made answer, That he should obtain the Soveroignty, that gave his Mother the first kiss. Then Brutus threw himself so down, as if he had fallen by chance, and kiss'd the Earth, the common Mother of all things. Which crafty Riss given to the Earth, gave Liberty to our City, and the first place in our Annals to Brutus.

3. Scipio also the Elder embrac'd the aid of Craft, For as he was to say from Sicily into Africa, finding it necessary to compleat a Body of Three Hundred Horse out of the stoutest of the Roman Foot; though he had not time to exercise them, what the streitness of Time denied him, he attained by the Sagacity of his Counsel. For of all the young Gentlemen, which were the noblest and the richest, that he carried with him out of Sicily unarm'd, he choose out Three Hundred, whom he order'd to furnish themselves with gay Weapons and select Horses, as if he intended to carry them along with him to the storming of Car∣thage. Who obeying his command, as well in re∣ference to the speed, as in respect of a far distant and dangerous War, Scipio told them, he would release them from the Expedition, upon condition they would deliver up their Weapons and Horses to his Souldiers. The Young-men effeminate and fearful, greedily accepted the Condition, and willingly de∣liver'd up their preparations to our Souldiers. Where∣by the Subtilety of the Captain provided, that what was out of hand commanded, though severe at first, should be lookt upon as a greater benefit, the sear of service being remitted.

4. That which follows is also to be related. Q. Fa∣bius Lubeo being by the Senate appointed an Arbitrator to settle the Bounds between the Nolans and the Nea∣politans, when they came to the business, admonish'd both apart, that laying aside all Covetousness, they should rather abate, than pretend to too much. Which when both sides had contented to, mov'd thereto by the authority of the person, there was some ground left. Thereupon the Bounds being set as they had agreed to, that which was left he adjudged to the People of Rome. But though neither the No∣lans nor Neapolitans could in Justice complain, Sen∣tence king given by their own consent; yet by a new kind of mental reservation, it brought a new Tribute to our City. The same person, being ac∣cording to Articles to have half the Navy of King Antiochus, whom he had overthrown in Battle, cut all the Ships in two, and so depriv'd him of his whole Navy.

5. Now are we to excuse Marcus Antonius, who said, That he never publish'd any Oration, to the end that if any Judgment of his formerly given should chance to hinder him that he should next defend, he might aver that he never spake it. Which seem'd a reasonable ex∣cuse for a fact hardly allowable. For he was still ready not only to make use of his Eloquence, but to injure his Modesty to save his Client.

6. But Sertorius, upon whom Nature had with an equal indulgence bestow'd both strength of Body, and sagacity in Counsel, being compell'd to be Captain of the Lusitanians by the proscription of Sylla, when he could by no means perswade them but that they would fight with the whole Army of the Romans, by his crafty Counsel brought them to do as he intended.

For he placed in the sight of all the Lusitanians two Horses▪ one a stout beast, the other weak and infirm. After that he caus'd the Tail of the strong Horse so be pull'd hair by hair from him, by a weak old man; and the Tail of the weak Horse to be torn all at once from him▪ by a young fellow of an egregious strength. His commands were obey'd. But while the Young∣man toyl'd himself in vain, the decrepit old-man did his business. Then to let the Barbarous Assembly un∣derstand the meaning of his project, he added, That the Roman Army was like the tail of the Horse, which might be easily overcome in parts; but that whoever assail'd the body entire, should sooner loose than gain the Victory. Thus the Barbarous rough-hewn Nation, rushing on to their own destruction, saw with their Eyes the advantages which their Ears had refus'd.

7. Fabius Maximus, whose business it was to over∣come by abstaining from fight, having in his Camp a Nolan Footman of prodigious strength, yet suspected for his Fideliry, and a Lucan Horseman of equal stoutness, both captivated with the same Curtezan; to the end he might not loose the advantage of two such Souldiers, dissembled his suspicion to the one, and as to the other he somewhat surpassed the bounds of true Discipline. For by praising the one in the publick Tribunal, and loading him with all manner of com∣mendations, he made him constant to the Romans, and an enemy to the Corthaginians; and the other he suffer'd to redeem his Mistreiss privately, that he might become an exact Spy for our side.

8. I will come now to those that saved themselves by Craft. M. Volusius a banish'd Aedile of the People, disguising himself in the habit of a Priest of Isis, while he begg'd as he travelled upon the Road, kept himself from being known who he was. And in this disguise he came to the Camp of M. Brutus. What more mise∣rable

than Necessity, which constrain'd a Magistrate of the People of Rome, laying aside his Robes of Ho∣nour, under the disguise of a forraign Religion, to beg from Town to Town? But all these were either too desirous of Life, or too covetous of the Death of others, who could either endure such things them∣selves, or compell'd others to undergo such difficulties.

9. Something more noble was that shift, at a dead lift, of Sentius Saturninus Vetulio, who hearing his name among those that were proscrib'd by the Tri∣umvirs, presently laid hold upon the Ensigns of Au∣thority born before the Praetor, and pretending him∣self a publick Lictor, or Serjeant, he did it with that confidence, that in the midst of all his enemies, he hid himself from their sight in the midst of day light. After that coming to Puteoli, and pretending himself in publick employment, he so carried himself, that he commanded a Vessel to carry him without controul into Sicily, the safe refuge of the proscrib'd Party at that time.

10. One more slight Example, and then to For∣raigners. A certain person, extraordinarily indul∣gent to his Son, being desirous to retrieve him from a dangerous and unlawful Amour, intermix'd his pater∣nal Indulgence with the craft of wholesome Counsel. For he desir'd him before he went to his Mistress, to make use of that sort of Venery which was common and permitted. Whereupon the Youngman, listening to his Fathers entreaties, finding himself satiated by a lawful act, ceas'd to prosecute any farther his unlaw∣ful heat of concupiscence.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. Alexander King of the Macedonians, admonish'd by the Oracle that he should put to death whoever

he met first coming out of the Gate, met a Driver of Asses, whom he commanded to be presently carried to execution. The Ase-driver thereupon besought him, wherefore he went about to put an innocent person to death, that had done him no offence? To whom when the King repeated the command of the Oracle; If it be so, O King, said the Ass-driver, the Oracle assign'd another to dye, and not me: For the Ass that I drove met thee before I did. A••exander pleas'd with the crafty Repartie of the poor fellow, and wil∣ling to be reclaimed from his errour, took an occasion to satisfie Religion with the death of the meaner Ani∣mal. Here was an extraordinary mildness joyned with subtilty; but a more extraordinary subtilty in the other Kings Groom, is this which follows.

2. For the fordid dominion of the Magi being over∣thrown, Darius the King, joyning with others of the same Dignity, made a noble contract with them, that they should be on Horseback by Sun-rising so ride to such a place, and that he should enjoy the Kingdome whose Horse first neigh'd. But while the Competi∣tors for so great an honour only waited upon Fortune, Darius by the pure invention of Ebar the Master of his Horse, attain'd his wish: For he coming to the place, put his hand which he had but a little before thrust into the privy parts of a Mare, to the Nostrils of his Masters Horse; who provok'd by the Scent, immediately neighed. Which the rest of the Com∣petitors no sooner heard, but immediately throwing themselves from their horses, and prostrating them∣selve? upon the ground (as is the manner of the Per∣sians) they saluted Darius King. How vast an Empire was thus obtain'd by so slight a piece of Cunning!

3. Bias, whose wisdome has bin more durable a∣mong men, than his Countrey of Pri••ne, (for the one hill remains, but the footsteps of the other are hardly

now to be seen) was wont to say, That men ought so to converse in point of Friendship, as to remem∣ber, that it might change into the severest Animosity. Which Precept at first sight seems to be a piece of craft, and not congruous to reality, which is the de∣light of familiarity: But look upon it with a more intent consideration, and it will be found very pro∣fitable.

4. The saf••ty of the City of Lampsacum consist••d by one ad of Subtlety: For when Alexander threat∣ned nothing but the destruction of i••, and saw his Master Anaximenes coming towards him without the Walls; for ••ear his prayers should asswage his anger, he swore not to grant whatever he petition'd for. Then said Anaximenes, My Petition is, that thou wouldst destroy Lampsacum. This quick reply saved a City, famous for its Antiquity, from the ruine to which it was destin'd.

5. The Cunning of Demosthenes was also a notable help to a young Maid, who had received Money to keep from two Gu••sts, upon that condition, that she should restore the Money when they came both together. After some time, one of them in a Mourn∣ing Habit, as if his Friend had bin dead, comes and receives the whole Money: Which when she had paid, the other comes and demands his share. The poor Maid was at a loss, as well for the Money, as for Money to defend the Suit; and thought of nothing but hanging hers••lf. But opportunely Demosthenes undertaking her Cause, The woman, said he, is rea∣dy to pay the Money d••p sited in her custody; but 'tis not for her to do it by the contract. For it wa•• agreed between ye, that the Money sh••uld not be paid, till both came together.

6. Nor was this imprudently acted. A certain A∣thenian,

hated by all the people, being to plead for his Life before them, upon a suddain began to demand the greatest employment of the Magistracy among them. Not that he thought to obtain his desire; but that the People might have wherewithal to blunt the edge of their first Anger, which is usually the sharpest. Nor did his Policy deceive him: for when the People had spent their malice in hissing him out the Assembly, and had disgrac'd him by laying him aside, when he came to plead for his Life, their malice turn'd into compassion, as if they had done enough against him before. For if he had ventur'd his life among them while they were thirsting after Revenge, he had found their Ears stopp'd against all Mercy.

7. Like to this was the following piece of Cun∣ning. The Elder Hannibal being overthrown by Dui∣lius in a Sea-fight, and fearing the lots of his Head for the loss of his Fleet, by an admirable act of Sub∣tilty mitigated his crime: For before the news of his Overthrow got home, he sends one of his Friends to Carthage in a gentile Habit. Who coming into the Senate-House; Hannibal, said he, has sent me to ad∣vise with you, Whether, if he meet the Roman Admiral and finde him too numerous, he shall fight or no? When the whole Senate were unanimously for fighting; Then, said he, he has fought, and is overcome. And then it was too late to condemn the fact, which they themselves had approv'd.

8. The other Hannibal finding Fabius Maximus's delay so prejudicial to his Victories, to render him suspected of spinning out the War, while he wasted all other parts of Italy with Fire and Sword, he only spar'd his Farm. And the crafty act of kindness had taken effect, had not the piety of Fabius and the wily tricks of Hannibal bin too well known to the City of Rome.

9. The Tusculans also sav'd themselves by the acute∣ness of their Councils. For when by their frequent Rebellions they merited the total destruction of their City, and that Furius Camillus was sent for the same purpose with a very powerful Army, they all came forth to meet him in their Gowns, bringing him pro∣visions, and offering him all other as at Peace and Friendship, while their Shops were open as at other times. By which Constancy of theirs, they not only obtain'd our Friendship, but became also incorporated with our City.

10. But wicked was the counsel of Tullus, Captain of the Volsci; who being eager to make War upon the Romans, finding after the loss of several Battles, that his own People began to encline to Peace;by a subtile way of reasoning, made 'em do what he pleased. For it happening that a great multitude of the Volsci went to Rome to behold the Publick Shews, he told the Consuls, he was afraid they would contrive some mischief, being so numerous; advis'd them to be care∣ful, and presently left the City himself. This the Consuls related to the Senate, who though they knew no reason for it, yet upon Tullus's. words, voted the Volsci to depart the City. By which contempt the Volsci incensed, were easily induced to Rebellion. Thus with a Lye, mask'd in Kindness, did a cun∣ning Captain deceive two Nations: The Romans be∣ing moved to abuse the Innocent, and the deceived Volsci to revenge the injury.

CHAP. IV. Of Stratagems.

ROMANS.

• 1. Tullus Hostilius King.
• 2 Sext. Tarquiniu••
• 3. The besieged in the Ca∣pitol.
• 4. M. Livius and C. Clau∣dius, Consuls.
• 5. Q. Metellus sirnamed the Macedonian.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Agathocles King of Sy∣racuse.
• 2. Hannibal.

BUt this part of Subtilty is to be applauded, as be∣ing free from all reproof: the acts whereof be∣cause we have no word to express, we are forced to borrow the word Stratagem from the Greek.

1. Fidene, a City that kept the growing infancy of our City waking, and nourishing her Vertue with neighbouring Trophies and Triumphs, taught her to aspire farther, was assail'd by Tullus Hostilius all his forces At that time Metius Suffetius, in the field, when the Battles were ready to joyn, discover'd the falsity of his heart, which he had a long time kept conceal'd. For leaving the wing of the Roman Army, he drew Off to a Hill, where he resolv'd to be a Spectator ra∣ther than an Assistant; intending either to triumph over the vanquish'd, or to fall upon the weary Victors. No question but it discourag'd our Souldiers to see themselves forsaken by their Allies, at the very time when they were going to fight their Enemies. To prevent which, Tullus riding swiftly about the Battal∣ions, cryed out, That Metius had drawn off by his

command, and that he was to fall upon the back of the Fidenates when he gave the signe. And by that cun∣ning of an expert General, he chang'd their Fear into Confidence, and fill'd their breasts with Chearfulness instead of Consternation.

2. And that I may not presently leave our Kings; Sextus Tarquinius, the Son of Tarquinius, fretting to see that the Gabii could not be taken by his Father's Army, found out a trick more powerful than Weapons themselves, whereby he over-reach'd the Town, and joyn'd it to the Roman Empire. For he betook him∣self to the Gabii, counterfeiting himself to be fled from his Fathers stripes and severity. After that pro∣curing the good will of every one by his kind and winning behaviour, when he had won that, he sent his Servant to his Father, to tell him how he had every thing in his hands, and to desire him to know what he should do. The old mans Craft was answer∣able to the youngs mans subtilty. For Tarquin plea∣sed with the news, yet not confiding in the Messe••ger, return'd no answer, but carrying him into the Garden, strook of the heads of the highest and biggest Poppies with his Cane. The young man understanding his si∣lence, and what he had done, concluded there was ano∣ther meaning in the thing: which was, that he should either banish or put to death all the Chief Heads of the Gabii. Whereby he deliveir'd up the City empty of defenders, and yet the peoples; hands were not tyed.

3. Prudently also and prosperously was it provided by our Ancestors, when our City being taken, the Capitol was besieg'd by the Gauls, who despair'd of taking it any other way than by famishing the besieg'd. For by how cunning an act of deliberation did they deprive the Victors of their only motive to that ob∣stinacy, by casting Loaves of Bread out of the Capitol

into several parts of the Besieger-Line! At which sight they were so amaz'd, and thought us to be so well stor'd, that they were constrain'd to raise their Siege. Certainly Jupiter himself took compassion of the Ro∣man Courage, which then borrow'd assistance from Craft; seeing them in the height of want, to waste the support of Life: And therefore he prosper'd the cunning Stratagem with a prosperous event.

4. The same Jupiter afterwards became propitious to the crafty Councils of our Captains. For when Hannibal ••••••••assed one side of Italy and Asdrubal had invaded the other; that the conjoyn'd forces of two Brothers might not too heavily and sorely oppress the already-too-weak condition of our affairs, here Claudius Nero supply'd his vigorous Counsel, there Livius Salinator providently provided. For Nero curbing Hannibal in the Province of the Lucans, making a shew of still attending the Enemy (for so the reason of War requir'd) with long and speedy mar∣ches hastens to the assistance of his Colleague. Salinator being then in Ʋmbria by the River Metaurus, and resol∣ved to fight the next day, with an extraordinary Policy received Nero by night. For he order'd the Tribunes to be receiv'd by the Tribunes, the Centurions by the Cen∣turions, the Horsemen by the Horsemen, the Foot by the Footmen; and so without any tumult, he ingrafted two Armies into one, in the same ground that was hard∣ly able to contain that which he had before. Whereby it hapned that Asdrubal knew not that he fought with two Consuls, before he was by both overthrown. And thus was the Punic faith, so infamous over all the world, deluded at its own Weapon: while the Roman Pru∣dence deliver'd up Hannibal to the Wiles of Nero, As∣drubal to the Deceit of Salinator.

5. Memorable also was the Counsel of Q. Metellus, who together with the Proconsul warring against the

Celtiberians in Spain, and finding himself too weak to force Contrebia the Metropolis of that Countrey, re∣volving many thoughts in his minde, at length he found a way to bring his business to perfection. He made tedious marches, sometimes he fell upon this Province, sometimes upon another; sometimes he assail'd these Passages of the Mountains, and some∣times others: and all this while, as well his own Offi∣cers, as the Enemy, were amazed to see him whirl from one place to another in that manner. For which reason being ask'd by one of his intimate friends, why he made such a loose and scatter'd kind of War? For∣bear to enquire, said he: for if I thought my shirt knew the meaning of this designe of mine, I would cause it to be burnt. How far did this dissimulation extend? Or what was the issue of it? But when he had in∣volv'd both his own Army and the Enemy in the same errour, faining to march another way, he sud∣dainly turn'd back upon Contrebia, and so surpriz'd it unawares. So that if he had not suffer'd his thoughts to search after Wiles and Stratagems, he might have lain before Contrebia all the days of his life.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. Agathocles, King of the Syracusans, was boldly cunning: For when the Carthaginians had possess'd the greatest part of his City, he transported his Army into Africa, to dispel fear by fear, and force by force; and not without success. For the Carthaginians af∣frighted at his suddain coming, willingly redeem'd their own security by the safety of the enemy; So that it was agreed, that at the same time Africa should be freed from the Sicilians, and Sicily from the Cartha∣ginians. For had he persever'd to preserve the Walls of Syracuse, they had been still vex'd with the mise∣ries

of War, while Carthage had enjoyned the benefits of Peace. But now threatning her with the same ruine, while he rather invades the wealth and fortunes of others, than defends his own; the more justly he deserted his Kingdom, the more safely he receiv'd it again.

2. What did Hannibal at the Battle of Cannae? Had he not ensnar'd the Roman Army in many intangle∣ments of subtle Stratagem, before he went to fight? In the first place he took care to get the Sun and Wind, and so to secure hims••lf from the flying of the Dust. Then in the very time of fight, he caus'd great part of his Army to counterfeit a flight; which when the Roman Legion follow'd, as it was divided from the rest of the Army, he provided that they should be cut to pieces by the Ambush which he had laid to entrap them. Then he order'd four hundred Horse to go to the Consul like Revolters; who being com∣manded to lay aside their Weapons, and to retire into the Rear of the Army, in the heat of the Fight, draw∣ing their Swords, which they privately conceal'd be∣tween their Vests and Armour, cut the Hams of the engaged Romans. Thus was the Punic Fortitude fur∣nish'd with Deceit, Ambushment, and Fallacy. Which excuses our Courage for being so circum∣vented: Since we were rather deceiv'd, then over∣come.

CHAP. V. Of Repulses.

• 1. Aelius Tubero.
• 2. Scipio Nasica.
• 3. Aemilius Paulus.
• 4. Metellus the Macedo∣nian.
• 5. Cornelius Sylla.
• 6. Cato of Utica.

THe Condition of the Field of Mars well repre∣sented, may also instruct the ambitious more strenuously to sustain the less prosperous events of the Elections. While the repulses of eminent and famous men being set before their eyes, they may stand for honour not with less hope than judicious ones of mind; and may remember, that it is no crime for something to be deny'd by all to one man, when sometimes single persons have thought it lawful to resist the wills of all. Knowing that what cannot be obtained by Favour, must be sought by Patience.

1. Q. Aelius Tubero being desired to spread the Dining-Chamber by Fabius Maximus, who was to feast the people in the name of P. Africanus his Uncle, spread the Punic Beds with the Skins of K••ds; and in∣stead of Silver Dishes, brought forth Samian. By which uns••emliness he so offended all the company, that when he stood for Praetor, depending upon L. Paulus his Grandfather, and P. Africanus his Un∣cle, he was forc'd to suffer the shame of a repulse. For though privately they approved thriftiness, yet pu∣blickly they were very curious to be splendid. And therefore the City▪ not believing the Guests of one Banquet, but that all her Inhabitants had layn upon

Goat-skins, reveng'd the discredit of the Banquet, by the shame of not giving him their voices.

Pub. Scipio Nasica, the glory of the Gown, who being Consul pronounced War against Jugurth, whose holy hands receiv'd the Idaean Ma••ron, leaving Phrygia to grace our Altars and our Habitations; who by the strength of his authority suppress'd many fatal Seditions; who was Prince of the Senate for many years: when he was a young man, and stood to be the Aedil in the Running-chair, took a certain person by the hand, whom he grasp'd with his own, and finding his friends hand to be hard'ned with labour, he asked him, whether he us'd to walk upon his hands. Which question being heard by the standers by, came to be in the mouths of all the People, and occasion'd Scipio to be repuls'd. For all the People thinking he had upbraided them with the poverty of the Rustick Tribe, discharg'd their anger upon his contumelious Jeast. Thus our City, by recalling the Wits of the Noble Youth from Insolence, made many and pro∣fitable Citizens; and added the due weight to honour, not suffering them to be sought for by those that were secure of them beforehand.

3. There was no such Errour to be found in Aemi∣lius Paulus; and yet sometimes he stood for the Con∣sulship in vain. However, the same person, when he had wearied the field with his repulses, being after∣wards made twice Consul and Censor, arriv'd to the highest degree of Honour. Whose Vertue injuries did not break, but sharpen; for being incens'd at the dishonour, he carried to the field a more eager desire of the Supreme Dignity, that he might overcome the People by his perseverance, since he could not stir them by the splendour of his Nobility, and the en∣dowments of his Minde.

4. Only a ••••w, and those disconsolate Friends, ac∣companied

Quint. Caecilius home, asham'd and full of grie••, whom afterwards the whole Senate and People follow'd brisk and jovial to the Capitol, having tri∣umph'd over the false Philip. The greatest part also of the Achaean War, to which Mummius lent his help∣ing hand, was compleated by this person. Could the people then deny the Consulship to him, to whom they owed, or were likely to owe two most famous Pro∣vinces? And yet that act made him a better Citizen; for he thought he was to carry himself the more in∣dustriously in that Consulship which he found so hard to be obtain'd.

5. Who more powerful, who more opulent than L. Sylla? he dispos'd of Empires and Kingdomes; he abrogated old Laws, and made new; and yet in that field of which he was afterwards Master, he lost the Praetorship which he stood for.

6. But to relate the greatest crime of the Elections, M. Portius Cato, who was more likely to grace the Praetorship with the gravity of his manners, than to receive addition of splendour from it, could not once obtain it at the peoples hands. Voices of Madmen, how well were they paid for the errour they commit∣ted! For the honour which they denied to Cato, they were forced to give to Vatinius. And therefore to speak the truth, the Praetorship was not then denied to Cato, but Cato was denied to the Praetorship.

CHAP. VI. Of Necessity.

• 1. The People of Rome af∣ter the overthrow at Cannae.
• 2. The Casilinates in their Siege.
• 3. The Praenestines besie∣ged.
• 4. The People of Rome in the Wars of Marius.
• 5. C. Caesar at Munda.
• 6. The Asiaticks in the Parthian War.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. The Cretans besieged by Q. Metellus.
• 2. The Numantines be∣sieged by P. Scipio.
• 3. The Calaguritans.

MOst bitter are the Laws of abominable Necessity, and most severe her Commands, which have compell'd not only our City, but also forraign Nati∣ons to suffer many things grievous, not only to the understanding, but also to the hearing.

1. For in the Second Punic War, the Youth of Rome being exhausted, the Senate, at the motion of Titus Gracchus Consult elect, order'd, that Servants might be publickly bought, to serve against the Ene∣my. Which being reported by the Tribunes to the people, three persons were chosen out to buy four and twenty thousand Servants; who swearing them to be true, faithful and courageous, while the Carthagi∣nians continued in Italy, sent them away to the Camp. Out of Apulia also and the Territories of Fidicule two hundred and seventy Horsemen were bought to supply the Horse. How great is the vio∣lence of bitter Chance! That City which till that

time loath'd to have Souldiers whose heads were ne∣ver tax'd, that very City is now constrain'd to hale the bodies of Slaves from their servile dens, and Free∣men from the Cottages of Shepherds, to be the chief strength of their Army. Generous spirits there∣fore must sometimes give way to convenience, and submit to the power of Fortune, where he that choo∣ses not the safest Counsel, yields to him that follows the most specious Advice. But the slaughter of Cannae so amaz'd our City, that by the industry of Marcus Junius, then ordering the affairs of the Common∣wealth as Dictator, the spoils of the Enemies fix'd in the Temples consecrated to the Gods, were taken down for the service of the Wars, and the youth of the Nobility were forced to take Arms; and six Thousand condemn'd persons were also listed our of necessity. Which things consider'd in themselves, seem to look somewhat odly; but weighed in the balance of necessity, they appear to be helps fit for the severity of the times. By reason of the same Over∣throw, the Senate wrote back in answer to Otacilius and Cornelius Mammula, the one Propraetor of Sicily, the other of Sardignia, who both complain'd that they had neither Money nor Provisions for their Ar∣mies, That they had not Money in the Treasury for di∣stant expences, and therefore bid them take the best course they could to provide for themselves. Whereby the Senate put the Government quite out of their own hands▪ a••d abandon'd Sicily and Sardignia, two the k••••••••st Nurses of our City, the str••••gth and support of ••••ei•• Wars, subdu'd with so much blood and sweat, in a few words, to the severe command of Neces∣sity.

2. The Casilinates wanting Victuals, and being closely besieg'd by Hannibal, took all the Leathern Thongs from their necessary uses, and the Leather

Covers from their Targets, and boyling them in wa∣ter, were forc'd to feed upon them. Consider but the bitterness of the Calamity, and what could be more miserable? If you consider their Constancy, what greater mark of Fidelity? Who rather than they would desert the Romans, maintain'd themselves with such a sort of Diet, when such fat Fields, and such a fertile Soyls, joyn'd so close to their Walls.

3. When that Town was so besieg'd, and so faith∣fully held out, it hapned that one among Three Hun∣dred Praenestines having taken a Mouse, would rather sell it for Two Hundred Denaries, than eat it himself, notwithstanding the famishing condition he was in. But Providence allotted both to the Buyer and the Seller, the end which they both deserv'd. For the covetous person being starv'd to death, enjoy'd not the spoils of his Avarice; but he that was at so great an expence for his own preservation, though he bought it dear, yet since it was out of Necessity, liv'd.

4. In the Consulship of C. Marius and Cn. Carbo, who contended in a Civil War with Sylla, and at what time the Commonwealth did not seek for Victory, but that the Publick was to be the Victors reward; by a Decree of the Senate, the Gold and Silver Ornaments of the Temples were melted down, to pay the Soul∣diers. For it was a worthy contention, whether the one should be permitted to satiate his Cruelty with the banishment of the Citizens, or whether the Immortal Gods should be rob'd. But it was not the will of the Conscript Fathers, but thine, Dire Necessity, that oc∣casion'd that order to be made.

5. When the divine Ju••ius's Army besieged Mun∣da, and that they wan••ed matter to raise their Bat∣tery, they made up the height, which they wanted, with the Bodies of dead M••n. And because they wanted Stakes, they drave in their Piles, and French-Darts

to strengthen 'em, Necessity teaching them a new way of Fortification.

6. And that I may adde the heavenly mention of the Son, to the remembrance of the celestial Father; when Phraates King of the Parthians threatned to break in upon our Provinces, and that the adjoyning Regions were terrified at the news of their coming, there was such a Famine in the Region of Bosphorus, that the Souldiers exchang'd so many Slaves for a single Vessel of Oyle, and so many Slaves for a Bushel of Wheat. But the care of Augustus, under whose Protection the world then was, soon provided a Re∣medy for that Calamity.

RORRAIGNERS.

1. The Cretans had no such help: who being be∣sieged by Metellus, and reduced to the utmost Ex∣tremity, rather tormented than quench'd their thirst with their own and the Urine of their Cattle. For fearing to be overcome, they suffer'd that, which the Victors would not have forced them to have en∣dur'd.

2. The Numantines being besieged by Scipio, when they had consum'd all other things, at length were constrain'd to feed upon Mans-flesh. So that when their City was taken, there were many found with the joynts and members of the slain in their bosomes. But Necessity has no excuse for this; for there was no necessity for them to live, to whom it was so lawful to dye.

3. But the horrid impiety of the Calagurritans ex∣ceeded the obstinacy of the former: who to the end they might appear the more faithful to the ashes of the slain Sertorius, being besieg'd by Pompey, having devoured all other creatures in their City, fell to feast

upon their Wives and Children. And to the end the Armed Youth might nourish their Bowels with their own bowels the longer, they were not afraid to salt up the unfortunate remainders of the dead b••dies. Think you it would be an exhortation prevalent enough in the field, to exhort such Souldiers to sight for the safety of their Wives and Children? It had bin more proper for so great a Captain to have punisht such an Enemy, than to seek for Victory. For Revenge would have purchased them more Liberty, than Vi∣ctory could win them Honour; in comparison of whom Serpents and wild beasts were gentle and mer∣ciful creatures. For those dear pledges of Life, dearer to them than their lives themselves, were the Dinners and Suppers of the Catagurritans.

CHAP. VII. Of Wills cancell'd.

• 1. A Father that disinhe∣rited his Son.
• 2. M. Anneius Cars••ola∣nus.
• 3. C. Tettius.
• 4. Sulpitia the mother of the Trachali.
• 5. Terentius.
• 6. Naevianus.
• 7. Juventius.

LEt us now go to that sort of business, which a∣mong all the actions of Men, is the last thing done, and their chiefest care: And let us consider, what Wills have bin cancell'd after they were legally made; or might have bin cancell'd when they stood firm, and transferr'd the honour of Inheritance to others than those that expected it.

1. Which that I may do according to the order which I have proposed, I will begin with the Father of a certain Souldier, who hearing a false report of the death of his Son from the Camp, made other Heirs in his Will, and died. The Youngman re∣turning home after the war Was ended, found the dores shut against him, by the errour of his Father, and the impudence of his Friends. For how could they shew themselves more shameless than they did? The Souldier had spent the flower of his youth in his Countries Service, had undergone most dreadful Labours and Dangers, shewed the Wounds which he had received in Battle, and only begg'd that lazy Drones, a very burthen to the very City it self, might not possess his Ancestors Inheritance. Therefore laying aside his Armes, he was forced to commence a Gown∣war in the Court of Justice. A hard case, while he is forc'd to contend for his Fathers estate with wicked Heirs before the Centumviri; though they could not choose but give their Opinions for him, while the Sentence of the Court gave him the day.

2. Marcus Anneius the Son of M. Carseolanus, a famous Roman Knight, adopted by Sufenas his Uncle, cancell'd his Fathers Will, who had left him out of it, by the Sentence of the Centumviri, before whom he tryed the Cause; though Tullianus, the familiar Friend of Pompey the Great, who was a witness to it, were made Heir. Therefore he had more to do with the power of a person potent in Court, than with the ashes of his Father. Yet though both did what they could to hinder him, he obtain'd his fathers Goods. For L. Sextilius, and P. Popilius, whom M. Anncius, as being his nearest Relations, had made Heirs of the same part which was given to Tullianus, durst not contend by their Otahs with the young man. Though they might have bin sent for at that time by the

highest Authorities then in being, to have defended the Will. And it was some pretence for the Heirs, that M. Anneius was translated into the Family of Su∣fenas. But the strong tye of procreation overcame both the Fathers Will, and the Authority of so great a Personage.

3. C. Tettius, an Infant born of Petronia the Wife as Tettius as long as he liv'd, being disinherited by his Father, was restor'd to his Inheritance by the De∣cree of the divine Augustus, doing like a Father of his Countrey: In regard that Tettius had so unjustly abrogated the paternal Name, by giving away his estate from a Son, so legally born to his own Right.

4. Septicia also, the Mother of the Trachali of Ariminum, being angry with her Sons, out of spite when she was now past child-bearing married Publicius an old man, and l••ft both her Children out of her Will. Who appealing to the divine Augustus, he disapprov'd both the Marriage, and disannul'd the Will. For he order'd that the Sons should have their Mothers estate, and commanded the Husband to re∣store her Dower; because she did not marry out of hopes of having Children. If Justice her self had given sentence in this case, could she have pronounc'd a juster Sentence? Thou despisest those whom thou hast begot; thou marriest past Child-bearing; thou breakest the order of Wills out of a violent humour, and dost not blush to give all thy Patrimony to a person, to whose feeble body thou hast prostituted thy old Age. And therefore, while thou thus be∣havest thy self, thou art cast down to Hell by the voice of heavenly Thunder.

5. Famous is the Constitution of C. Calpurnius Piso, Praetor of the City. For when Terentius com∣plain'd before him, together with his eight Sons, whom he had bred up to be men, that one of his Sons

whom he had parted with in Adoption, had disinhe∣rited him; gave him the possession of the young mans estate, and would not suffer the Heirs to go to Law. The Paternal Majesty of the man mov'd Calpurnius doubtless, together with the gift of Life, and the benefit of Education: but that which more moved him, was the number of his other Children that stood by, seeing seven Brothers and a Father disinherited by one Child.

6. How prudent was the Decree of Mamercus Ae∣milius Lepidus the Consul! Genucius, a certain Priest of Cybele, besought the Praetor of the City, Cn. Orestes, that the goods of Naevianus might be restor'd to him, the poss••ssion whereof he had by Will obtain'd. Ma∣mercus being thereupon appeal'd to by Surdinius, whose Freed-man had left Genucius his Heir, disan∣null'd the Praetors Sentence, saying, That Genucius, who had of his own accord suffered himself to be gelt (for so are all the Priests of Cybele) was not to be rec∣kon'd either a man or woman. A Decree befitting Mamercus, befitting the Prince of the Senate; where∣by he provided that the Tribunals of Magistrates should not be polluted by the obscence presence, and scandalous voice of Eunuchs.

7. Q. Metellus was a much more severe Praetor than Orestes: Who would not give Vecilius, the Pan∣dar the possession of the Goods of Juventius, left him by Will. For that noble and grave Personage did not think the condition of a Court of Judicature and a Brothel-house to be the same. Neither would he approve the fact of that man, who had thrown away his estate upon an unclean stable; nor give the same right to one that made a publick profession of Dishonesty, as to a Citizen of a good Conversati∣on.

CHAP. VIII. Of Testaments confirm'd, and unlookt for In∣heritances.

Of the ROMANS.

• 1. Sempronius Tuditanus.
• 2. Aebucia.
• 3. Q. Metellus.
• 4. The Brother of Pompei∣us of Rhegium.
• 5. Q. Caecilus.
• 6. T. Marius.
• 7. Valerius Heptachordus.
• 8. T. Barrulus.
• 9. M. Polilius.

HAving contented our selves with these Examples of cancell'd Wills, let us give a hint upon those that have remain'd confirm'd, when there was cause enough for them to have bin cancell'd.

1. How publickly and scandalously was Tuditanus no••ed for a madman! being one that threw his Mo∣ney among the People, and trayl'd his Cloak after him in the Forum, as if it had bin the garment of a Tragedian; so that he was the laughter of all that beheld him, besides many other pranks of the same nature which they beheld. He made his Son Heir by his Will: which T. Longus by the Judgment of the Centumviri in vain endeavour'd to have disannull'd, as being next of kin. For the Centumviri thought it more proper to consider what was written in the Will, than who had wrote it.

2. The conversation of Tuditanus was Frantick; but Aebucia, who was the wife of L. Menenius Agrippa. made a Will that was Madness it self. For having two Daughters of equal vertue, Plaetoria and Afrania, through the inclination of her own minde, rather

than for any offence or miscarriage, she only made Plaetoria her Heir: and to the Children of Afrania, out of her vast Patrimony, she left only twenty thousand pieces of Money. However Afrania would not contend by Oath with her Sister, rather choosing patiently to honour her Mothers Will, than to vio∣late it in Court; shewing her self thereby so much the more unworthy the Injury done her, by how much the more patiently she bore it.

3. Q. Metellus committed a womanish errour, less to be admir'd. For he, though there were several eminent and famous young men, of the same name, living in our City at the same time, and that the Fa∣mily of the Claudii, to whom he was most nearly re∣lated, were then very numerous, left Carinates onely his Heir; neither did any one attempt to question his Will.

4. Pompeius also Rheginus, a Tramontane, being by his Brother left out of his Will, and that to prove his Injustice, he had in a full Assembly of both Or∣ders recited two former Wills made and testified in the publick place of Elections, by which this Brother was made Heir of the greatest part, only there was premis'd to him the summ of an hundred and fifty Sesterces; after he had long complain'd to his Friends that sooth'd his indignation, took a resolution not to trouble the ashes of his Brother in a Court of Judi∣cature. Yet they, whom he had made his Heirs, were so far from being so near a kin by the Fathers side, that they were not the next to him; but stran∣gers and poor. So that the Silence seem'd to be wicked, and the Pride contumelious.

5. Happy in their Impunity, but whether these Wills were not worse in offending, is the Question. Quintus Caecilius by the dilig••nt endeavour and great Liberalitie of L. Lucullus, having attain'd to a hand∣some

degree of Dignity, and an ample Patrimony; when he had fully resolv'd that he alone should be his Heir, and on his Death-bed had given him his Rings from off his Fingers; yet by his Will adopted Pomponius Atticus, and made him Heir to all his Estate. But the Roman People tying a Halter about the neck of the Carcass of that decei••ful and falla∣cious person, dragg'd him along the High-way. Thus the wicked wretch had a Son a Heir, such as he desir'd but a Funeral and a Grave, such as he deserv'd.

6. Neither was T. Marius Ʋrbinas worthy of any other; who by the favour of the divine Augustus the Emperour, being rais'd from the lowest condition of a common Souldier, to the highest commands in the Camp; and being by them enrich'd, not onely at other times declar'd, that he would leave his fortunes to him that had bestow'd them on him, and but the day before he died protested the same thing to Au∣gustus himself; when as he had not so much as men∣tion'd his name in his Will.

7. Lucius Valerius, whose sirname was Hepta∣chordus, having experienc'd the enmity of Cornelius Balbus in Court, as being plagued by his advice and management with several private Suits, and at length by a suborned witness being by him accus'd of a Capital Crime, leaving out his Advocates and Pa∣trons, lest him sole Heir; cow'd by such a dread, as turn'd his resolutions topsie turvie. For he lov'd his Ignominie, lov'd the dangers, and seem'd to wish he had ••in condemn'd: being so kind to the authour of those mischiefs, and hating his defenders.

8. T. Barrulus upon his Death-bed deliver'd his Rings to Lentulus Spinther, whose kindness and friendship he had felt, as to his only Heir; yet left him nothing at all. How strangely at that very mo∣ment

of time (if it be of that force which we believe it to be) did Conscience punish that abominable crea∣ture! For between the very thoughts of his Ingra∣titude and Fallacy, he yielded up his last breath, as if some Tormenter had crucified his soul within him. For he knew that his passage from life to death was hateful to the Gods, and would be detested by the Infernal Spirits.

9. Marcus Popilius upon his death-bed beheld Op∣pius Gallus a Senator, with whom he had been fami∣liar from his youth, as the Laws of antient friend∣ship requir'd, and gave him the most loving words imaginable. For he thought him only worthy, of all that stood by him, of his last embrace and kiss: more∣over he deliver'd him his Rings, to ensure him of that Inheritance which he was never likely to enjoy. Which Rings laid up in his Purse, and assigned to him by those that were present, Oppius, (a diligent man, but a mere mock of his dying friend disinherits himself, and returns them diligently to his Heirs. What could be more dishonest or more unseasonable at this time and place? That a Senator of the Roman people, just ready to die, not only as a man to the world, but also as a publick person to the Senate∣house, should have such a trick put upon him, against all the sacred Laws of friendship, when his eyes were set in his head, and he drawing his last breath?

LIB. VIII.

CHAP. I. Of signal Publick Judgments.

Absolv'd.

• 1. M. Horatius Tergemi∣nus.
• 2. Ser. Sulpitius Galba.
• 3. A. Gabinius.
• 4. P. Claudius Pulcher.
• 5. Tuccia, the Vestal.
• 6. L. Calpurnius Piso.
• 7. Q. Flavius, the Augur.
• 8. Cosconius Callidianus.
• 9. Atilius Calatinus.
• 10. M. Aemilius Scaurus, jun.
• 11. Aurelius Cotta.
• 12. Callidius of Bononia.
• 13. The two Cloelii of Tarracinum.

Condemn'd.

• 1. L. Scipio Asiatick.
• 2. C. Decianus.
• 3. Sex. Titius.
• 4. Claudia the daughter of App. the blind.
• 5. M. Mulvius, C. Lollius, L. Sextilius, Triumvirs.
• 6. P. Villius, the Triumvir.
• 7. M. Aemilius Porcina.
• 8. A certain Father of a Family.

Two Burnt.

• 1. A Matricide.
• 2. A Mistress of a Family.

ABSOLVED.

NOw that the doubtful motions of Judgments may more easily be endured, let us relate for what causes they that laboured under Envy, were either acquited or condemned.

1. M. Horatius being condemned by Tullus the King for having slain his Sister, was acquitted by ap∣pealing to the people. The one was incens'd by the Cruelty of the Murther, the other by the reason of the fact enclin'd to Mercy: believing the immature love of the Virgin more severely than impiously pu∣nish'd. And thus the brothers arm being sav'd by so stout a correction, reap'd as much honour from the blood of his near relation, as from the blood of an enemy.

2. Before, the Roman people shewed themselves fierce preservers of Chastity; afterwards more mild Judges than Justice it self required. For when Ser∣vius Galba was severely accused by Libo, a Tribune of the People, for that being a Praetor in Spain, he had put to death a great number of the Lusitanians, contrary to his Faith given them; and that Cato, at that time very aged, in an Oration upon publick Record, had made good what the Tribune had done; so that the party accused had not a word to say for his own defence; yet when with tears in his eyes he only recommended to the Assembly his little Chil∣dren, and the young Son of Sulpitius Gallus, neerly related to him, he so appeas'd the wrath of his Judges, that he, who was but just now ready to be condemn'd by the Vote of all, had hardly in an in∣stant one Vote to his prejudice. Pitie, not Equity, rul'd that Inditement; since that Absolution that could not be granted to Innocency, was given out of respect to the Children.

3. Like to this was that which follows. Aulus Gabinius, in the height of Infamy, being by the ac∣cusation of C. Memmius expos'd to the suffrages of the People, seem'd to be past all hope. For the In∣ditement was full, the Defence weak, and his Judges such as with a precipitate malice desired his punish∣ment.

The Officers and Imprisonment hovered before his eyes, and yet all vanished away by the interposition of propitious Fortune. For Sisenna, the Son of Gabinius, by an impulse of consternation, throwing himself a Suppliant at the feet of Memmius, besought there some asswagement of the Tempest, where the whole fury of the Storm first arose. Whom the Victor beholding with a stern countenance, and tearing his Ring from his finger, suffer'd for some time to lye groveling upon the ground. Which sad spectacle wrought that effect, that Laelius the Tribune by a general consent order'd the prisoner to be set at liberty. Teaching us, that no man ought insolently to abuse the successes of Prosperity, nor over-weakly to be cast down by Adversity.

4. Which is made manifest by the next Example. Publius Claudius, I cannot tell whether to the greater detriment of Religion or his Countrey (in regard he contemn'd the antient Customes of the one, and lost a noble Navy of ••other) being expos'd to the anger of the People; when it was thought he could no way avoid the punishment that he deserv'd, saved himself from Condemnation, by the benefit of a suddain storm. By which means the Trial being laid aside, it pleased the People never to bring it on again, as if the Gods themselves had forbid it. Thus was he saved by a Land-storm, whom a Sea-tempest had like to have brought to condemnation.

5. By the same sort of assistance the Chastity of Tuccia, a Vestal Virgin, and accus'd of Incest, escaped out of a black cloud of Infamy. Who trusting to the sincerity of her Innocency, ventur'd the hope of her safety upon a doubtful argument. For, snatching up a sieve, Vesta, said she, If I have always attended thy Rites with clean and chast hands, grant that I may take up water out of Tiber in this, and carry it

to thy Temple. Nature gave way to the rash and bold Imprecation of the Priestess.

6. Lucius Piso also being accused by Claudius Pul∣cher, for having done great and intolerable injuries to the Roman Allies, by a luckly chance escaped the fear of an unquestioned ruine: For at the same time that they were about to give severe Judgment against him, there fell a sudden shower, which filled his mouth full of durt, as he lay prostrate at the feet of his Judges. Which Spectacle changed the whole Trial from Severity into Pity and Clemency. For they believ'd he had given full satisfaction to their Allies, by being compell's to prostate himself so submissively, and rise again with so much deformi∣ty.

7. I will adde two that escaped by their Accusers own fault. Quintus Flavius the Augur was accused by Valerius the Aedil, and proved guilty to the Peo∣ple; and being condemn'd by the Votes of fourteen Tribes, cryed out he was innocently condemn'd. To whom Valerius made answer with a loud voice, that he car'd not whether he were put to death Guilty or Innocent, so he were put to death. Which violent speech brought over the rest of the Tribes to his Adversaries side. He had cast his enemy: when he certainly thought him ruin'd, he restor'd him; and lost the victory, even in the victory it self.

8. C. Cosconius found guilty by the Servilian Law, and for many evident and notorious crimes condem∣ned, was sav'd by one Verse recited in the Sessions-House by Valerius Valentinus his Adversary, signi∣fying by a Poetical Joke, that he had defil'd a noble Youth and a free Virgin. For they thought it unjust that he should go away Victor, who rather deserv'd to give the Palm from himself, than to take it from another. Therefore was Valerius rather condemn'd

by the Absolution of Cosconius, than Cosconius freed at his Trial.

9. I will touch upon those also whose Crimes ha∣ving ruin'd all their hopes, have been pardon'd for the renown of their Relations. A. Attilius Calati∣nus being condemn'd for having betrayed the Town of Sora, and a person otherwise infamous, only a few words of Q. Maximus, his Father-in-law, sav'd from the threatning danger: wherein he affirmed, that if he found him guilty of that crime, he would break oft his affinity. Presently the People yielded up their own to the judgment of one man; believing it an unworthy thing, not to believe his Testimony, whom they had entrusted in the greatest Dangers of the Commonwealth.

10. M. Aemilius Scaurus also guilty of Bribery, made so lame and pitiful defence at his Trial, that his Accuser said openly, that he should have liberty to name an hundred and twenty witnesses for him∣self; and that he would be content to have the priso∣ner acquitted, if he could produce so many in the Province, from whom he had never taken any thing. Yet, though he could not make use of so fair a condi∣tion, he was freed for the sake of his Nobility, and the fresh memory of his Father.

11. But as the Fame of Great men has prevailed to protect the Guilty, so has it as little avail'd to op∣press them: rather it has bin a safeguard to them in the height of Prosecution. P. Scipio Aemilianus ac∣cused L. Cotta to the Praetor; whose cause, though it were full of deep crimes, was seven times delayed, and the eighth judgment acquitted him. For those wise men were loath it should be thought that his Condemnation had bin, because his Accuser was so great a person. And therefore I believe they rea∣son'd thus amongst themselves: We must not admit

him that seeks the life of another, to bring Triumphs, Trophies and Spoils to the seat of Judgment: Let him be terrible to his Enemy; but let not a Citizen, trusting to his high Merits and great Honour, pro∣secute a Citizen.

12. Not more eager were those Judges against a most noble Accuser, than these were mild toward a Criminal of a far lower degree. Callidius of Bononia, being taken by night in the Husbands Bed-chamber, being brought to answer for the Adultery, he buoyed himself up among the greatest and most violent waves of Infamy, swimming like corn in a Shipwrack, lay∣ing hold upon a very slight kind of defence. For he pleaded, that he was carried thither, for the Love of a Servant-boy. The place was suspected, the time suspitious, the Mistress of the house was suspected, and his Youth suspected: But the confession of a more intemperate Lust, freed him from the Crime of Adultery.

13. The next is an example of more concernment. When the two Brothers of Cloelius were brought to answer for Patricide, whose Father was kill'd in his bed, while the Sons lay asleep in the same Chamber, and neither Servant nor Freed-man could be found up∣on whom to fasten the suspicion of the Murther: They were both acquitted, only for this reason, that it was made appear to the Judges, that they were both found fast asleep with the door open. Sleep, the certain mark of innocent security, sav'd the un∣fortunate. For it was adjudg'd impossible, that ha∣ving murthered their Father, they could have slept so securely over his wounds and blood.

PERSONS Condemned.

1. Now we will briefly touch upon those, to whom

things beside the question did more harm, than their own Innocency did good. L. Scipio, after a most noble Triumph over King Antiochus, was condemned for taking Money of him. Not that I think he was brib'd to remove beyond the Mountain Taurus, him that was lately Lord of all Asia, and just going to lay his victorious hands upon Europe. But being other∣wise a man of a most upright life, and free far enough from any such suspicion, he could not resist that envy that haunted the two famous Sirnames of the two Brothers.

2. Scipio was a person of high splendour. But Decianus, a person of unspotted Integrity, was ruin'd by his own tongue. For when he accused P. Furius, a man of a lewd life, because that in some part of his Declamation he ventured to complain of the Death of Saturninus, did not only not condemn the Guilty, but suffered the Punishment appointed for him.

3. The same case overthrew C. Titius. He was innocent, and in favour with the People for the Agra∣rian Law. But because he had the statue of Satur∣ninus in his house, the whole College of Magistrates with one general consent ruined him.

4. We may to these adde Claudia, whom though innocent of a crime, an impious Imprecation ruined. For being crowded by the multitude, as she returned home from the Playes, she wished that her Brother, by whom we had the greatest loss of our Naval Forces, were alive again, that being made often Consul, he might by his ill conduct rid the City of the pester∣ment of the People.

5. We may pass to those whom the violence of Condemnation snatched away for flight causes. M. Mulvius, Cn. Lellius, L. Sextilius Triumvirs, because they did not come so quickly, as they ought, to quench a Fire that happend in the Holy way, being cited be∣fore

the People at a prefixed day by the Tribune, were condemned.

6. Publius Villius also, Nocturnal Triumvir, being accused by Aquilius the Tribune, fell by the Sentence of the People, because he was negligent in going his watch.

7. Very severe was that Sentence of the People, when they deeply fin'd M. Aemilius Porcina, being accused by L. Cassius, for having built his House in the Village of Alsium a little too high.

8. Nor is that Condemnation to be supprest of one, who being over-fond of his little Boy, and being by him desir'd to buy him some Chitterlings for Sup∣per; because there were none to be got in the Coun∣trey, kill'd a Plough-Ox, to satisfie the Boys desire. For which reason he was brought to publick Trial: Innocent, had he not lived in the antient times.

Neither Quitted nor Condemned.

1. Now to say something of those, that being questioned for their Lives, were neither quitted nor condemned. There was a Woman brought before Popilius Lenas the Praetor, for having beaten her Mother to Death with a Club. But the Praetor ad∣judged nothing against her, neither one way nor other. For it was plain, that she did it to revenge the death of her Children, whom the Grand-mother, angry with her Daughter, had poysoned.

2. The same demur made Dolabella Proconsul of Asia. A woman of Smyrna killed her Husband and her Son, understanding that they had killed another Son of hers, a hopeful young man, which she had by a former Husband. Dolabella would not take cognizance of the Cause, but sent it to be determined by the Areopagi at Athens. Unwilling to set a wo∣man

at liberty, defiled with two Murthers, nor to punish her whom a just Grief had mov'd to do it. Considerately and mildly did the Roman Magistrate: nor did the Areopagite act less wisely, who exami∣ning the cause, bound the Accuser and the Criminal to appear an hundred years after, upon the same ground as Dolabella acted. Only he by transmitting the Trial, they by deferring, delay'd the difficult Sen∣tence, or Condemnation or Acquittal.

CHAP. II. Of remarkable private Judgments, whereby were condemned

• 1. T. Claud. Centumalus.
• 2. Octacilia Laterensis.
• 3. C. Titinius Mintur∣nensis.
• 4. A certain person for ri∣ding a horse farther than hired for.

TO Publick Judgments I will adde private ones, the Equity whereof in the Complainants will more delight than a great number offend the Rea∣der.

1. Claudius Centumalus being commanded by the Augurs to pull down some of the height of his House, which he had built upon the Coelian Mount, because it hindered them from observing their Auguries from the Tower, sold it to Calpurnius Lanatius, concealing the command of the Augurs. By whom Calpurnius being compelled to pluck down his House, brought Marc. Porcius Cato, father of the famous Cato, to Claudius as an Arbitrator, and the form of Writing, Whatever he ought to give him, or do in good Equity.

Cato, understanding that Claudius had for the nonce supprest the Augurs Edict, presently condemned him to Calpurnius; with all the Justice in the world. For they that sell according to Conscience and Equity, ought neither to enhance the hopes of the Bargain, nor conceal the Inconveniencies.

2. I have recited a Judgment famous in those times: Yet what I am about to relate, is not quite buried in silence. C. Visellius Varro being taken with a great fit of Sickness, suffered a Judgment of three thousand pieces of Money, as borrowed of Otacilia Laterensis, with whom he had lived as her Gallant: With this designe, that if he died, she might claim that sum of the Heirs; colouring the Liberality of his Lust, under the title of a Debt. After that, Vi∣sellius, contrary to Otacilia's wishes, recovers. Who offended that she had lost her prey by his recovery, from a close Friend began to act like an open Usurer, challenging the Money, which as shamelesly as vain∣ly she gap'd for by a void contract. Which Aquillius, a man of great authority and knowledge in the Civil Law, being chosen to be Judge of, consulting with the Principal Men of the City, by his Prudence and good Conscience foyled the woman. And if by the same form Varro might have been condemned, and the adversary absolved, no question but he would have willingly punish'd his fo••l and unwarrantable folly. Now he stifled the calumny of a private Acti∣on, and left the crime of Adultery to publick Justice.

3. Much more stoutly and with a souldierlike Gallantry did Marius behave himself in a Judgment of the same nature. For when T. Titinius or Minturnum married Fannia his wise, because he knew her to be unchast, and having divorc'd her for the same crime, would have kept her Dower: he b••ing chosen Judge, and having examined the business, took Titinius

aside, and perswaded him to proceed no farther, but to return the woman her Dower; but finding that all his perswasions were in vain, and being forced to pronounce Sentence, he fin'd the woman for Adultery a Sesterce, and Titinius the whole summ of the Por∣tion. Telling them, that therefore he had observed that method of judgment, because it seemd to him apparent, that he had married Fannia whom he knew to be a lewd woman, that he might cheat her of her estate. This Fannia was she, who after∣wards, when Marius was proclaimed an Enemy, re∣ceived him into her house at Minturnum, all bedaubed with mud and durt, and assisted him what lay in her power; remembring that he had adjudged her for Unchastity, out of his rigorous manner of life, but that he had saved her Dower, out of his Religion and Piety.

4. That Judgment was also much talked of, by which a certain person was condemned for theft, be∣cause having borrowed a Horse to carry him to Aricia, he rode him to the furthermost cliff of that City, What can we do here but praise the Modesty of that Age, wherein such minute excesses from Honesty were punished?

CHAP. III. Of Women that pleaded Causes before Ma∣gistrates.

• 1. Amasia Sentia.
• 2. Afrania, the wife of Licinius Buccio.
• 3. Hortensia Q. F.

NOr must we omit those Women, whom the con∣dition of their Sex, and the Garments of Mo∣desty could not hinder from appearing and speaking in publick Courts of Judicature.

1. Amaesia Sentia, being guilty, before a great concourse of people pleaded her own cause, Titius the Praetor then sitting in Court; and observing all the parts and elegancies of a true Defence, not onely diligently but stoutly was quitted in her first Action by the sentences of all. And because that under the shape of a woman she carried a manly resolution, they called her Androgynon.

2. Afrania, the wife of Licinius Buccio the Sena∣tor, being extremely affected with Law-suits, always pleaded for herself before the Praetor. Not that she wanted Advocates, but because she abounded in Im∣pudence. So that for her perpetual vexing the Tri∣bunal with her bawling, to which the Court was unaccustomed, she grew to be a noted Example of Female Calumnie. So that the name of Afrania was given to all contentious Women. She dyed when Caesar was Consul with Servilius. For it is better to remember when such a Monster went out of the world, than when she came in.

3. Hortensia, the daughter of Q. Hortensius, when

the order of Matrons was too heavily taxed by the Triumvirs, and that none of the Men durst under∣take to speak in their behalfs, she pleaded the Ma∣trons cause before the Triumvirs, not only with boldness, but with success. For the image of her fathers Eloquence obtained, that the greatest part of the Imposition was remitted. Q. Hortensius then re∣vived in the Female Sex, and breath'd in the words of his Daughter: Whose force and vigour if his Po∣sterity of the Male Sex would follow, so great an inheritance of Hortensian Eloquence would not be cut off by one action of a woman.

CHAP. IV. Of Rackings.

Endured by

• 1. The Servant of M. A∣grius.
• 2. Alexander the Servant of Fannius.
• 3. Philip Servant to Ful. Flaccus.

ANd that we may finish all sorts of Judgments, let us recite those Tortures, to which either no credit at all was given, or else rashly too much faith.

1. The Servant of M. Agrius was accused to have murthered the servant of C. Fannius, and for that reason being rack'd by his Master, he constantly af∣firmed, that he did commit the fact. Thereupon be∣ing delivered up to Fannius, he was put to death. In a little while after, he that was thought to be slain, returned home.

2. On the other side, Alexander, the Servant of Fannius, being suspected to have murthered C. Fl. a

Roman Knight, being six times tortur'd, denied that he was any way concerned in it. But as if he had confessed it, he was condemned by the Judges, and by Calpurnius the Triumvir crucified.

3. Fulvius Flaccus the Consul pleading, Philip his Servant, upon whom the whole testimony lay, being eight times tortur'd, would not utter a word to his Masters prejudice. And yet he was condemned as guilty, when one eight times tortur'd had given a more certain argument of Innocence, than eight once tormented had afforded.

CHAP. V. Of Testimonies void or confirmed.

• 1.Of the Caepio's and Metelli's against Q. Pompey.
• 2. Of Aemilius Scaurus against several.
• 3. Of L. Crassus against M. Marcellus.
• 4. Of Q. Metellus, the Luculli, Hortensii. and Lepeius, against Grac∣chus.
• 5. Of M. Cicero against P. Clodius.
• 6. Of P. Servilius Isauri∣cus, against a certain per∣son.

1. IT follows that I relate pertinent Examples con∣cerning Witnesses. Cneus and Servilius Caepio, born both of the same Parents, and having, ••••••••ted through all the degrees of Honour to the height of Greatness: Also the two Brothers Q. and L. Metellus, of the Consular and Censors Dignity, and the other that had triumphed, giving in severe testimony a∣gainst Q. Pompey A. F. who stood accused of Bri∣bery: the credit of their testimony was not quite

abrogated, by the acquittal of Pompey; but it was done so, that an Enemy might not seem to be op∣pressed by power.

2. M. Aemilius Scaurus, Prince of the Senate, pro∣secuted C.Memmius for Bribery, with smart testimo∣ny. He followed Flavius, accused by the same Law, with the same fierceness; he profestly endeavoured to ruine C. Norbanus, for Treason put to the publick rack: yet neither by his Authority, which was very great, nor by his Piety, of which no man doubted, could he do any of them any harm.

3. L. Crassus also, as great among the Judges, as Scaurus among the Conscript Fathers: For he go∣verned their Opinions and Judgments by the potent and happy salaries of his Eloquence; Prince of the Court of Judicature, as the other of the Senate: Yet when he shot a Thunderbolt of Testimony against Marcellus, it fell heavy indeed, but vanished in smoak.

4. Again, there was Q. Metellus the holy, the Lu∣culli, the Hortensii, M. Lepidus, what weight did they not onely lay upon the life of C. Cornelius accused of Treason, but also denied that the Commonwealth could stand, so long as he were safe? All which Or∣naments of the City, it shames me to relate it, were all kept off by the shield of Justice.

5. What! M. Cicero, who by the warfare of the Law attained to the highest Honours and the noblest place of Dignity, was he not as a witness thrown out of the very Camp of his Eloquence, while he swore that Clodius was at his house in Rome? for by that one argument of his absence, the Prisoner fended off the villany which he had committed. And so the Judges rather chose to acquit Clodius of the Incest, than Cicero of the Infamy of Perjury.

6. Among so many Witnesses of high degree, I

will relate one, whose authority is confirmed by a new manner of reasoning in Court. Publius Servi∣lius, a Consul, a Censor, a Triumpher, who added the name of Isauricus to that of his Ancestors, when walking by the Court he saw several Witnesses pro∣duced against a Criminal, he placed himself among the Witnesses, and to the great admiration of the Parties Friends and Accusers, thus began: This person, said he, most reverend Judges, that pleads, what Countrey he is of, or what course of life he leads, or whether he be deservedly or wrongfully accused, I know not: But this I know, that meeting me once in the Laurentine Way, as I was travelling along, in a very narrow passage, he would not alight from his horse; which whether it belong to your cognizance, I know not, do you consider that; I thought it not fit to con∣ceal this matter. Presently the Judges condemned the Party, scarce hearing any other Witnesses. For the Grandeur of the Speaker prevailed with them, and his Indignation at the contempt of his neglected Dignity; believing that he, that scorn'd to reve∣rence Princes, would not stick to run into any wic∣kedness.

CHAP. VI. Of those who committed themselves what they revenged in others.

• 1. C. Lic. Hoplomachus.
• 2. C. Marius, six times Consul.
• 3. C. Licinius Calvus Stolo.
• 4. Q. Varius Ibrida.

NOr must we pass over in silence those, who com∣mitted themselves what they condemned in others,

1. C. Licinius sirnamed Hoplomachus, desired of the Praetor that his Father might be deprived of his estate, as one that consumed it. What he requested he obtained. But he himself, in a short time after, when the Old-man was dead, presently wasted a great sum of Money, and several Farms left him by his Father. Worthy that vicissitude of punishment; as one that rather chose to consume his estate, than take it as an Heir.

2 C Marius had acted the part of a great and faithful Citizen, in ruining or L. Saturninus, who held forth a Cap to the Slaves, like an Ensigne, in∣viting them to take up Armes. But when Sylla in∣vaded the City with his Army, he himself fled to the assistance of the Slaves, by holding forth the Cap, as the other had done. Therefore while he imitates a fact which he had punished, he found another Ma∣rius, to ruine him himself.

3. But Caius Licinius Stolo, by whom the Plebeians were empowred to sue for the Consulship, when he had made a Law that no man should possess above five hundred Acres of Land, he purchas'd a thousand himself; and to cover the matter, made over the half to his Son. For which reason being prosecuted by Popilius Laenas, he was the first that fell by his own Law: And taught us, that nothing ought to be im∣posed, but what every one first imposes upon him∣self.

4. Q. Varius, because of the obscurity of the place where he was born, sirnamed Ibrida, or half-Citizen, being a Tribune of the People, made a Law against the Intercession of the Colledge of Tribunes; wherein there was a command to enquire by whose treachery the Allies were stirr'd to take up Armes, to the great detriment of the Commonwealth. For first he stir∣red up the War of the Allies, and then the Civil War.

But while he acts the part of a pestiferous Tribune, before that of a certain Citizen, his own Law cut him off, entangled in his own domestick snares.

CHAP. VII. Of Study and Industry.

Among the ROMANS.

• 1. M. Cato the Greater.
• 2. Cato of Utica.
• 3. M. Terentius Varro.
• 4. C. Livius Drusus.
• 5. Paulus the Senator and Pontius Lupus.
• 6. Crassus Mutianus.
• 7. Q. Roscius, the Come∣dian.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Demosthenes of Athens.
• 2. Pythagoras of Samos.
• 3. Plato of Athens,
• 4. Democritus of Abdera.
• 5. Carneades the Cyrenae∣an.
• 6. Anaxagoras the Clazo∣menian.
• 7. Archimedes of Syracuse.
• 8. Socrates the Athenian..
• 9. Isocrates the Athenian.
• 10. Chrysippus of Tarsus.
• 11. Cleanthes of Assium.
• 12. Sophocles of Athens.
• 13. Simonides of Ceji.
• 14. Solon of Athens.
• 15. Themistocles of A∣thens.

WHerefore do I delay to commemorate the force of Industry? By whose active spirit the Sti∣pends of Warfare are corroboraetd, and the glory of the Forum is enflamed; all Studies are cherished in her faithful breast: Whatever is performed by the Hand, by the Minde, by the Tongue, by her is added to the heap of applause; which being an admirable vertue, strengthens her self yet more by her own Constancy.

1. Cato in the fourscore and sixth year of his age, while he persists with a youthful vigour in defending the Commonwealth, accused of a Capital Crime by his Enemies, pleaded his own Cause: Yet no man ever observed so large a Memory, a greater strength of Body, or less hesitation of Speech. Because he kept all those things in equal condition, and perpetu∣ally exercised by Industry. And at the very conclu∣sion of his laborious life, he opposed his own most eloquent Defence to the Accusation of Galba touching Spain,

The same person desired to learn the Greek Lan∣guage: How late, we may thence guess, in that he was an old man before he learnt to read Latine. But when he had won great Honour by his Eloquence, he did it to make himself skilful in the Civil Law.

2. Whose wonderful Offspring, nearer to our age, Cato also, burn't with such a desire of learning, that in the very Court it self, before the Senate fill'd, he would be reading Greeks Books. By which Industry he shewed that some want time, others have more than they need.

3. But Terentius Varro, an Example of Humane Life, and one that might be truly call'd, A space of years; not so much for his years, which were equal to an Age of Time, as for the vivacity of his Style. For in the same Bed his Breath, and the course of his egregious Works expired.

4. Livius Drusus, man of the same perseverance, who defective in vigour of Age and Eye-sight, most bountifully interpreted the Civil Law to the People, and composed most profitable Monuments for them that desire to learn if. For though Nature might make him old, and Fortune blind, yet neither could prevent him from being vigorous and quick-sighted in minde.

5. But Paulus the Senator, and Pontius Lupus a Roman Knight, famous Pleaders in their times, having both lost their sight, with the same Industry conti∣nued at the Bar. Therefore were they also more frequently heard, amid the concourses of some that were delighted with their Wit, and of others that admir'd their Constancy. For they that are disheart∣ned by such Misfortunes, generally desire dismission, adding voluntary to fortuitous darkness.

6. Now P. Crassus, when he came Consul into A∣sia against King Aristonicus, with so much care he comprehended in his minde the knowledge of the Greeks tongue, that he understood it, though divided into five Dialects, in all its parts and quantities. Which mightily won him the love of the Allies, while he answered every one in the Language wherein they made their requests before his Tribunal.

7. Let not Roscius be left out, a notable Example of Theatrical Industry, who never exposed to the People any other Action or Gesture, but what he had studied before at his own house. Therefore did not the Art of Playing make Roscius esteemed, but Roscius made the Art of Playing esteemed; whereby he obtained not onely the favour of the people, but the familiarity of Princes. These are the rewards of an intent, anxious, and never-ceasing Study: For which reason the person of a Player is not impudent∣ly inserted among the praises of so many great men.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. The Grecian Industry also, because it was very advantageous to ours, ought to receive the fruit which it deserves from the Latine Tongue. Demosthenes, upon the mentioning of whose name arises in the

thoughts of the hearers the perfection of the greatest Eloquence, when in his youth he could not pronounce the first Letter of the Art which he so much affected, with so much labour vanquished the defect: of Pro∣nunciation, that no man ever pronounced it naturally more freely. Then again, having a shrill squeaking Voice, harsh to the ear, he brought it at length to a grave and acceptable Tone. Then being but a weak∣ly man, he borrowed from labour and practice, that strength of Body which nature had denied him. For he comprehended several Sentences in one breath, and pronounced them walking up hill with a swift pace. And standing upon the Sea-side, made his Declama∣tions to the roaring of the Waves, that he might enure his ears with patience to the clamours and noises of tumultuous Assemblies. He is reported also to have accustomed himself to speak much and long with stones held in his mouth, that he might speak with more freedom when it was empty. He warred against Nature, and came off Victor; with a most obstinate strength of minde overcoming her malignity.

2. And that we may ascend to a more antient act of Industry, Pythagoras, a most perfect work of wisdome from his Childhood, and inflamed with a desire of understanding all Honesty and Vertue, went into Egypt, where being accustomed to the language, he search'd the Commentaries of all the antient Priests, and brought away the Observations of innumerable Ages. Then travelling into Persia, he delivered him∣self up to be taught by the exact prudence of the Magi: From whom he treasur'd up in his docible minde the Motions of the Stars; their Courses, their Effects, Properties, and Force, being courteously ex∣plained to him. From thence he visited Creet and La∣cedaemon, into whose Laws and Manners having made inspection, he descended to the Olympian Games;

where when, to the admiration of all Greece, he had given evident demonstration of his multiplied know∣ledge, being ask'd by what Title he went by, he made answer, that he was not Wise, (for that title belong'd only to the seven most excellent men) but a Lover of Wisdome. He also travelled into part of Italy, then called the bigger Graecia, in the chiefest and richest Cities whereof he shewed the effects of his Studies. Whose burning Funeral-Pile Metapontus beheld with eyes full of veneration: A Town more famous for Pythagoras Tomb, than the monument of its own ashes.

3. Plato having Athens for his place of Nativity, and Socrates for his Master, both place and man fertil in Learning; fraught also himself with a celestial abundance of Wit, when he was accounted the wi∣sest of all Mortals, to that degree, that if Jupiter should descend from Heaven, he could not make use of a more elegant or happier Eloquence; yet for all this he travell'd to Egypt, where he learnt from the Priests of that Nation, the manifold secrets of Geo∣metry, and the reason of their Celestial Observations. And at the same time that the studious Gentlemen of Athens sought for Plato, whom every one strove to have his Tutor, he by visiting the riddle-like Banks of Nile, and vast Regions, extended Barbarisme, and the winding Canals of a strange Countrey, of an Ancient Master became a Scholar. No wonder then that he travell'd into Italy, there from Archytas of Tarentum, Timaeus, Arion and Caetus of Locri, to learn the precepts of Pythagoras. For so great a plenty, so great an abundance of Learning was every where to be collected, that it might easily be disper∣sed from one place to another, through the whole world. He had also under his head at above four∣score

years of age, when he lay a dying, the jeasts of Sophron. So that the last hour of his Life was not free from the exercise of Study.

4. But Democritus, for all his vast wealth, which was so great, that his Father could have given a Ban∣quet to the Army of Xerxes, that his minde might be more free for the study of Letters, keeping a small pittance to himself, gave all the rest to his Countrey. Then abiding at Athens for several years, spending all his time in gaining and practising learning, he liv'd unknown in the City, as he testifies in a certain Vo∣lume. I am in a maze at so much Industry, and therefore must go on.

5. Carneades was a laborious and diuturnal Soul∣dier of Wisdome's: For after the expiration of nine∣ty years, he made one end of Living and Philoso∣phizing. He had so addicted himself to the works of Learning, that when he sate down to eat, busie in his thoughts, he would forget to reach his meat. But Melissa, whom he kept as a Wife, dutiful to supply his hunger, never went to interrupt him, but fed him. So that he lived only in his Soul, which was encompass'd with a superfluous body. Being to dispute with Chrysippus, he purged his body before∣hand with Hellebore, to explain his own minde more attentively, and refel his adversary more power∣fully. Which Potions he made afterwards to be coveted on purpose by such as were covetous of ap∣plause.

6. What can we think was the zeal of Anaxagoras for Learning? Who returning home after a long Travel, and seeing his estate lye untill'd and waste; I had not been safe, said he, had not these decayed. An expression becoming far-fetch'd Wisdome. For had he labour'd more in the manuring his Lands than his Minde, he had remained Master of his family at

home, but had not returned into his Country the great Anaxagoras.

7. I might say that the Industry of Archimedes was very profitable, but that it gave him life, and took it from him again. For when Syracuse was taken Mar∣cellus was sensible that his Victory was much delayed by his Engines, yet infinitely taken with the Prudence of the person, he commanded the Souldiers to spare his Life; assuming perhaps almost as much glory in saving Archimedes, as in destroying Syracuse. But while Archimedes was making Figures with his minde and eyes fixed upon the ground, a Souldier, that was broken into his house to plunder, with his drawn Sword asked him who he was. The Philosopher was so intent, that he return'd him no direct Answer, but parting the dust with his finger, Have a care, said he, of spoyling this Circle. Thereupon, as one that slighted the Victor of the Empire, the Souldier cut off his Head, and blended his blood with the Lineaments of his Art. Thus the same Study gave him his Life, and deprived him of it again.

8. Most certain it is that Socrates, when he was stricken in years, began to learn Musick; believing it better to learn that Art, late than never. How little an accession of knowledge was that to Socrates? Yet the obstinate Industry of the person, to so much wealth and treasure of Learning, would also adde the profitable Elements of Musick. Thus while he thought himself poor lo learn, he made himself rich to teach.

9. And that we may reduce the Examples of a long and successful Industry to one head; Isocrates compos'd that most noble Book, entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when he was fourscore and four years of Age, yet a work full of life and spirit. By which it appears, that the members of learned men growing old, yet

their Minds, by the benefit of Industry, retain the full vigour of Youth. Nor did he end his days, till he had five years enjoyed the fruit of the admiration of his work.

10. Lesser bounds terminated the life of Chrysippus, yet was he not short-liv'd; for he left behind him the thirty ninth Book of his Logicks, a book of exact nicety, begun in the Eightieth Year of his Age. Whose Study in delivering the monuments of his Wit, took up so much time and labour, that a longer life would be requisite to understand the depth of his writings.

11. Thee also, Cleanthes, so industrious in search∣ing after, and so laboriously delivering Wisdome, the Deity of Industry could not but admire; when she beheld thee in thy youth, maintaining thy self by carrying water in the Night, in the Day a diligent hearer of Chrysippus, and till the Hundredth year with∣in one, with attentive care instructing thy Disciples. With a double labour thou hast taken up the space of one Age, making it uncertain, whether thou wert a better Scholar or a Master.

12. Sopholces had also a glorious combat with Na∣ture, as liberal of his wonderful Works, as she was liberal in giving him long Time to compose them. For he lived near an Hundred years, his Oedipus Colo∣neus being written by him just before his death. By which one Tragedy he won the honour from all the Poets in that way: Which Jophon, the Son of Sopho∣cles, would not have concealed from Posterity, and therefore caused it to be inscribed upon his Fathers Tomb.

13. Simonides the Poet at Fourscore years of Age boasts himself, that he taught Verses, and contended for the prize at those years. Nor was it but reason that he should long enjoy the fruit of his own Wit,

who was himself to communicate them for the be∣nefit of eternity.

14. Now for Solon, how industrious he was, he has declared in his Verses: Wherein he signifies, that he grew old, always learning something; and the last day of his life confirmed it. For as his Friends were sitting by him, and discoursing among themselves upon some subject or other, he listed up his head, then just about to bow to fate; and being asked why he did so; That when I understand, said he, what it is you are disputing upon, I may dye. Certainly Sloath had bin banished from among mankinde, if all men should come into the world with the same Spirit that Solon le••t it.

15. How great was the Industry of Themistocles! Who though he had the care of the greatest affairs of his Countrey upon his shoulders, yet was able to re∣member the particular names of all his fellow-Citi∣zens. And being through high Injustice driv'n from his Countrey, and compell'd to fly to Xerxes, whom a little before he had vanquish'd in battle, before he came into his presence, he accustom'd himself to the Persian language, that having purchas'd commenda∣tion by labour, he might render the Tone of his voice familiar, and so customary to the Kings ear.

16. The Applause of both which sorts of Industry, two Kings divided between them: Cyrus remembring all the names of his Souldiers; Mithridates learning two and twenty several Tongues spoken within his Dominions. This first, that he might address him∣self to his Army without a Director: The other, that he might discourse to the people, whom he go∣vern'd, without an Interpreter.

CHAP. VIII. Of Ease praised.

ROMANS.

• 1. P. Aemilianus and C. Laelius.
• 2. Mutius Scaevola, Augur.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Socrates of Athens.
• 2. Achilles in Homer.

EAse, because it seems to be contrary to Industry, but chiefly to Labour, ought to be briefly touch'd upon: Not that which extinguishes, but which re∣creates Vertue. For the sloathful ought to avoid the one, and the brave and stout may desire the other. They, that they may not live like Drones; these, that by a seasonable intermission from toyl, they may be the fitter for Labour.

1. The famous pair of Friends, Scipio and Laelius, united together not only by the bond of Love, but by an association of all other Vertues; as they perform'd the journey of a painful life with equal steps, so they generally relax'd from business by consent. For it is certain, that at Caieta and Laurentum, they used to gather up Shells and little Stones upon the Shoar. And this L. Crassus often reported from the mouth of Q. Scaevola, who was Son-in-Law to Laelius.

2. As for Scaevola, as he was the most certain wit∣ness of their Relaxation, so he himself was wont to play at Ball; having us'd to delight himself in that sort of exercise, when the weight of his business was over. Sometimes he was wont to spend his time at

Chess and Tables, after he had bin long ordering the Rights of his Citizens, and the Ceremonies of his Gods. For as he acted Scaevola in serious things, so he shewed himself but only Man in his Sports and Recreations, as whom Nature will not suffer to abide continual Labour.

FORRAIGNERS.

1. This Socrates saw, to whom no part of Wisdom was obscure: which made him that he did not blush, when Alcibiades, setting a reed between his legs, laugh'd at him for playing with his little Children.

2. Homer, a Poet of a Celestial Wit, seem'd to be of the same minde, when he fitted the soft Harp to the Martial fingers of Achilles, to ease their Military pain with the soft recreations of Peace.

CHAP. IX. Of the force of Eloquence.

In ROMANS.

• 1. Mu. Valerius Maximus Dictator.
• 2. Marcus Antonius the Orator.
• 3. C. Aurelius Cotta.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Pisistratus of Athens.
• 2. Pericles of Athens.
• 3. Hegesias of Cyrene.

THough it be certain that the force of Eloquence is infinitely prevalent; yet is it convenient that it should be displayed under proper Examples, to the end the power thereof may be the better testified.

1. The Kings being ejected, the Common-people in dissention with the Fathers, betook themselves to Armes, and pitch'd upon the Banks of the River A∣nio, upon the holy Hill. So that the state of the Common wealth was not only bad, but in a most miserable condition, the rest of the body being divi∣ded from the head. And unless Eloquence had be∣friended Valerius, the hopes of so great an Empire had bin ruin'd in its Infancy. For he by an Oration reduc'd the people, glorying in a new and unwonted freedome, to their obedience to the Senate, brought them to take sober counsels, and joyn'd the City to the City. Therefore to eloquent words, Wrath, Con∣sternation and Armes gave way.

2. Which also restrain'd the Swords of Marius and Cinna, raging with an impetuous desire of shedding Civil blood. For certain Souldiers being sent by their Captains to take off the Head of M. Antonius, stupified with his language, they return'd their drawn Swords unstain'd with blood into their Scabbards. Who be∣ing gone, P. Antronius, who had not heard the voice of Mar. Antonius to the Souldiers, performed the se∣vere command, barbarously obsequious to his Masters. How eloquent therefore may we think him to be, whom none of his Enemies durst adventure to kill, who would but admit his charming language to his ears!

3. Divine Julius, the perfect Pillar as well of the celestial Deities as of humane Wit, demonstrated the force of his own Eloquence, saying in his Accusati∣on of Cn. Dolabella, whom he convicted of Bribery, that the best cause in the world had been extorted from him by the Patronage of C. Cotta. For then the greatest force of Eloquence complain'd. Of which having made mention, because I can bring no greater Example at home, we must travel abroad.

STRANGERS.

1. Pisistratus is reported to have prevail'd so far by speaking, that the Athenians taken only with his Ora∣tion, permitted him the Regal Sway: And, which was more, when Solon, the greatest Lover of his Countrey, endeavoured all he could to the con∣trary.

2. But Pericles, together with his happy endow∣ments of Nature, carefully polish'd and instructed by his Master Anaxageras, laid the yoak of Servitude upon the free necks of the Athenians. For he swayed the City, and carried affairs which way he pleas'd. And when he spoke against the Will of the People, his language nevertheless was pleasing and popular. and therefore the calumniating Wit of the Old Co∣medy, though it would be snarling at his Power, yet consess'd, that there was an Elequence sweeter than Honey that hung upon his Lips; and that it left certain stings in the mindes of them that heard it. It is reported that a certain person, who being very old, chanc'd to hear the very first Oration of Peri∣cles a young man, who at the same time had heard Pisistratus then decrepit with age, could not contain himself from crying out, That that Citizen ought to be lookt after, because his Oration was most like to the Ora∣tion of Pisistratus. Neither did the man sail in his judgment of the Speech, nor the presage of his dispo∣sition. For what was the difference between Pisistra∣tus and Pericles, but that the first held the Govern∣ment by force of Armes, the other governed without force?

3. What may we think of the Eloquence of Hege∣sias the Cyrenian? Who so represented the miseries of Life, that his words taking deep root in the hearts

of his hearers, begot a desire in many to seek a volun∣tary Death? And therefore he was forbid by King Ptolomie to dispure any farther upon that subject.

CHAP. X. Of Pronuntiation, and apt Motion of the Body.

In ROMANS.

• 1. C. Gracchus.
• 2. Q. Hortensius.
• 3. M. Tullius.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Demosthenes the Athe∣nian.

BUt the Ornaments of Eloquence consist in apt Motion of the Body, and due Pronuntiation: Wherewith when she has furnished her self, she assails men three ways; by invading their Mindes, and delivering up the ears of the one and the eyes of the other to over-persuasion.

1. But to make this good in famous men; C. Gracchus, more happy in his Eloquence than his De∣signes, because he strove with a turbulent Wit rather to disturb than defend the Commonwealth, as often as he spoke to the People, had a Servant that under∣stood Music behinde him, who with an Ivory Pipe regulated the tone of his Voice, raising the note when it was too low, and pitching it lower when it was too high and eager: Because heat and violence of action, did not suffer him to be a true Judge of the equality.

2. Quintus Hortensius thinking there was very much to be ascribed to a decent and comly motion of the Body, spent more time in practising that, than in

studying for Eloquence. So that it was hard to know, whether the Concourse were greater to hear or see him: So mutually did his Aspect serve his words, and his words his Aspect. And therefore it is certain, that Roscius and Aesopus, the most skilful Actors in the world, would be always in Court when Hortensius pleaded, to carry away his postures to the Stage.

3. Now as for M. Cicero, he has himself declar'd, how great a value he set upon both these things, of which we have discours'd, in his Oration for Gallius, reproaching Callidius the Accuser, that when he af∣firm'd that he would prove by Witnesses, Writings, and Examinations, that the Party accus'd had pre∣pared poyson for him, he did it with a smooth Coun∣tenance, a faint Voice, and a calm manner of speak∣ing, whereby he detected as well the fault of the Orator, as the argument of his weak cause, conclu∣ding thus; Couldst thou do thus, M. Calidus, unless thou didst but counterfeit?

STRANGERS.

1. Consentaneous to this was the judgment of Demosthenes, who being ask'd what was the most efficacious part that belong'd to speaking, answered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or dissimulation of Speech and Gesture. Be∣ing again and a third time asked the same question, he gave the same answer; confessing that he owed almost all to it. Therefore was it rightly said of Aeschines, who leaving Athens because of the Judicial Ignominy put upon him, and going to Rhodes, when he had there repeated his own Oration against Ctesi∣phon, and the Oration of Demosthenes for him, with a loud and pleasing voice, and that all admir'd the Eloquence of both, but somewhat more that of De∣mosthenes;

What would ye have said, replied he, had ye heard him himself? So highly did so great an Ora∣tor, and now so inveterate an enemy, adore the force and efficacy of his Adversaries Eloquence; confessing himself not to be a competent reader of his works: having experimented the vigour of his Eyes, the weight of his Countenance, and the perswasive Mo∣tions of his Body. And therefore nothing can be ad∣ded to the work: yet in Demosthenes a great part of Demosthenes is absent, which is read rather, than heard.

CHAP. XI. Of the rare effects of the Arts.

Among the Romans.

• 1. In the Astrology of C. Sulpitius Gallus.
• 2. In the Divination of Spurina.

Among Strangers.

• 1. Pericles's Astrology.
• 2. Apelles's painting, and Lysippus the Statuary's Art.
• 3. Alcamenes's Vulcan.
• 4. Praxiteles's Venus.
• 5. Euphranor's Neptune.
• 6. Timanthes's Agamem∣non.
• 7. Nealces's Horse.

THe Effects also of the Arts repeated may afford something of pleasure: Whereby it will appear immediately how profitably they were invented. Things worth remembrance will be treasur'd up in a light place; and the labour of bringing them forth, will not want its reward.

1. The great care of Sulpitius Gallus to furnish

himself with all manner of Learning, was very profitable to the Commonwealth. For being Lieu∣tenant-General to L. Paulus, waging War against Perseus, and the Moon happening to be ecclpsed in a fair Night, whereby our Army was so terrified, look∣ing upon it as some strange Prodigy, that they had almost lost all their Courage; he by a skilful discourse of the order of the heavenly Bodies, and the nature of the Stars, rid them of all their vain fears. So that the Liberal Arts of Gallus were in some measure the oc∣casion of that famous Victory of Paulus. For had he not vanquished our Souldiers fear, the Roman Ge∣neral could not have overcome his Enemies.

2. More efficacious was the knowledg of Spurina in following the admonitions of the Gods. For he fore∣told to C. Caesar, that he should have a care of the next thirty days as fatal, the last of which was the Ides of March: Upon that day in the morning, when they both met at the house of Calvinus Domitius, cries Caesar to Spurina, Dost thou know that the Ides of March are now come? And he, Dost thou not know, that they are not yet past? The one had cast off all fear, believing the time suspected to be over; though the other did not think the last Minute to be void of danger. Would to Heaven the Diviner had rather fail'd in his Augury, than that the Parent of our Countrey had fail'd in his Security!

STRANGERS.

1. But to dive into Forreign effects; When upon the Suns being eclipsed upon a suddain; the Athe∣nians were all in a maze at the unusual darkness, be∣lieving their own ruine to be foretold by the Celestial Portent; Pericles went into the crowd, and discour∣sed what he had learnt from his Master Anaxagoras,

touching the Course of the Sun and Moon: nor did he permit his fellow-Citizens to tremble any farther with vain fear.

2. How great was the honour that Alexander the King gave to Art, who would not suffer himself to be painted by any other but Apelles, nor to be cast in Plaister by any other than Lysippus?

3. The Vulcan of Alcamenes, made with his own hands, fixes the eyes of all Athens upon it. For a∣mong all the rest of the foregoing marks of curious Workmanship, they admire also this, that he stands with one foot, hiding under his garment his dissembled Lameness: artificially signifying not the deformity, but the certain and proper mark of the God.

4. Whose Wife Praxiteles place in Marble in the Temple of the Gnidians, as it were breathing, by reason of the Workmanship, not safe from the lustful embraces of Macareus the Perinthian. Which renders the errour of a Horse more excusable, who seeing the Picture of a Mare, neigh'd after it: and the barking of Dogs, at the sight of a Dog painted; and the Bull mov'd to Lust, upon sight of the brazen Cow in Syracuse, cast to the Life. For why should we wonder to see irrational Creatures deceived by Art, when we finde a sacrilegious Desire in Man rais'd up at the sight of a dumb stone?

5. But Nature as she suffers Art sometimes to emu∣late her works, so sometimes she dismisses it, quite tir'd with labour in vain; which the hands of the famous Artist Euphranor experimented: For when he painted twelve Gods at Athens, he finished the Picture of Neptune with the most Majestick Colours he could invent, intending yet to have outdone that in the Picture of Jupiter. But all his Invention be∣ing exhausted in the former work, his last endeavours could not come near his expectation.

6. What shall we say of that other famous Painter, who representing the doleful Sacrifice of Iphigenia, when he had placed about the Altar Calchas sad, Ʋlysses sorrowful, and Menelaus lamenting, by wrapping up of Agamemnon's face did he not confess, that the bitter∣ness of the height of grief could not be exprest by Art? Therefore his Picture moisten'd with the tears of the Southsayer, her Friends and Brother, he left it to Af∣fection to judge of the Father's Grief.

7. And that I may adde one Example of the same Art; A famous Painter had painted a Horse, new coming from being hard exercis'd, so rarely, that all that could be said was, that the Horse was not alive. But when he came to adde the froath to his Nostrils, so great an Artist spent many days without any satis∣faction to himself. At length, vexed to see himself disappointed, he took up a Spunge that lay next him bedaub'd with all sorts of Colours, and went about to rub out his own work. But Fortune directing his hand first to the Nostrils of the Horse, the Spunge did that by chance, which all his Art could not effect. So that what his own Shadows could not, Chance com∣pleated.

CHAP. XII. That we must yield to the best Masters of Art.

As was done by the ROMANS.

• 1. Furius and Caesellius in the Praediatorian Law.

By STRANGERS.

• 1. Euclid in Geometry.
• 2. Philo in Architecture.
• 3. Apelles in Painting.

NOw that we may not doubt but that every one is the best Actor and Discourser in his own Art, let us by a few Examples make it appear.

1. Q. Scaevola, a most famous and most certain Interpreter of the Law, as often as he was consulted upon the Praediatorian Statute, sent his Clients to Furius and Caesellius, who studied that part. Where∣by he rather commended his own Moderation, than lessen'd his authority; confessing that they were best able to give advice in that matter, whose daily practise it was. Therefore are they the wisest Professors of their Art, who have a modest esteem of their own, and a cunning respect for the Studies of others.

STRANGERS.

1. This opinion lodg'd in the learned breast of Plato. Who when the Undertakers came to confer with him about the manner and form of the holy Tower, sent them to Euclid the Geometrician, giving way to his Knowledge and Profession.

2. Athens glories in its Arsenal, not without cause: For it is a work worthy to be seen for its cost and

Elegance. The Architect whereof, Philo, is said to have given so eloquent an account in the Theater of his purpose, that the most eloquent of people were sway'd as much by his Eloquence, as by his Art.

3. Wonderfully was it done by that Artist, who suffered himself to be corrected by a Cobler, as to the Shoes and the Latchets: But when he began to talk of the Thigh, forbid him to go beyond the Foot.

CHAP. XIII. Of Memorable Old Age.

In ROMANS.

• 1. M. Valerius Corvus.
• 2. L. Metellus, the High-Priest.
• 3. Q. Fabius Maximus.
• 4. Perpenna the Censor.
• 5. Appius Claudius the blind.
• 6. Women, Livia, Teren∣tia and Clodia.

Strangers.

• 1. Hiero King of Sicily, & Massanissa King of Nu∣midia.
• 2. Gorgias Leontinus.
• 3. Xenophilus of Chalcis.
• 4. Argantinus King of the Gaditans.
• 5. Aethiopians, Indians, and Epimenides the Cnossian.
• 6. The Epii, a people of Aetolia.
• 7. Dantho, and two Kings of the Lachnii.

LEt Old Age, prolonged to the utmost, have a place in this work, among the Examples of Industry, but with a particular Title and Chapter. That we may not seem to have forgotten those, to whom the Gods were principally indulgent. Insisting upon which, every one may make himself more happy in

respect of his antient felicity; and may affirm the happiness of our age, than which none was ever more happy, by prolonging the safety of a wise and great Prince, to the longest bounds of humane life.

1. M. Valerius Corvus liv'd out his hundredth year; between whose first and sixth Consulship were forty six years compleat. Nor did his full strength of body not only not fail him, in the highest employments of the Commonwealth, but also for the manuring his Land: a desireable Example of a Commonwealths man, and a Master of a Family.

2. Which space of years Metellus equall'd: And the fourth year after his Consular Government, being created Pontifex Maximus when he was very old, he govern'd the Ceremonies of Religion two and twenty years, his tongue never tripping in pronouncing the Votes, nor his hand trembling in preparing the Sacri∣fices.

3. Q. Fabius Maximus threescore and two years held the Priesthood of the Augurship, having obtain'd it when he was a strong man. Which two times be∣ing added together, will easily compleat the age of an hundred years.

4. What shall I say of M. Perpenna? who out∣liv'd all those that he call'd over in the Senate, when he was Consul; and only saw seven remaining of the Conscript Fathers, whom as Censor with Lu. Philippus he had chosen; more durable than the greatest Order in the world.

5. I might conclude the life of Appius with his mis∣fortune, because he lived long after he was blind; but that he had five Sons and five Daughters, and a mul∣titude of Clients in his Protection, and in that con∣dition most stoutly govern'd the Commonwealth. At length weary with living, he caus'd himself to be car∣ried into the Senate-house in a Litter, to hinder peace

from being made with Pyrrbus upon dishonourable Conditions. Can this man be thought blinde, by whom his Countrey purely discerning that which was honourable, was compell'd to open its eyes?

6. Several Women have been no less eminent for long Life, whom it shall suffice only to name. For Livia the wife of Rutilius number'd fourscore and seven, Terentia the wife of Cicero a hundred and three, and Clodia the wife of Aufilius, having outlived fif∣teen Children, and hundred and fifteen years.

STRANGERS.

1. I will adde to these, two Kings, whose long life was very advantageous to the People of Rome. The King of Sicily, Hiero, numbred ninety years. Massa∣nissa King of Numidia, reigning threescore years, was superiour to all men in vigour of age. Cicero in his Book of Old Age, reports of him, that no shower or cold could compel him to cover his head. He was wont also to keep his station for several hours, and would never stir from hard labour, till he had tired the young men: And if it were requisite for him to do any thing sitting, he would oft-times for a whole day sit in the same posture, without moving his body for ease, either one way or other. When he led his Army a Horseback by day, he never alighted that night; omitting none of those labours, which youth is wont to endure, when he was of that extream age. And so vigorous he was in reference to Women, that he begat his Son Methymnatus, when he was four∣score and six years of age. The Countrey also which he found untill'd, by perpetual culture he left very fruitful.

2. Gorgias also of Leontium, the Master of Isocrates and several other great men, by his own saying was

most happy. For when he had lived an hundred and seven years, being asked why he would live so long: Because, said he, I ayle nothing to accuse my Old Age. What could be longer or more happy than such a tract of Life? For being entered into the second Cen∣tury of years, he neither found any cause of complaint in it, nor left any behinde him of it.

3. Xenophilus of Chaleis wanted two of his years, yet not inferiour in enjoyment of health. For as A∣ristoxenus the Musician saies of him, Free from all the inconventencies of old Age, he died in the full splen∣dour of consummate Learning.

4. Arganthonius the Gaditane reigned so long, as would have sufficed another to live. For he govern'd his Kingdom fourscore years, being forty years of age before he came to the Throne: For which there are most certain and credible Authors. Asinius Pollio, not the least part of Roman Eloquence, in the third Book of his History, relates him to have lived an hundred and twenty years: No mean example of sinewy vigour.

5. The Ethiopians render the long life of this King less admirable; whom Herodotus writes to have ex∣ceeded an hundred and twenty years: and the Indi∣ans, of whom Ctesias delivers the same. And Epi∣menides the Gnossian, whom Theopompus reports to have lived an hundred fifty and seven years.

6. Hellanicus also avers, that certain of the Epii, who were a people of Aetolia, lived two hundred years; with whom Damasthes agrees, adding this moreover, that one Litorius among them, of an ex∣ceeding great strength and stature, compleated three hundred years.

7. Alexander, in his Volume of the Illyrian Tract, affirms, that one Dantho lived full out five hundred years, without the least complaint of Age. But

much more liberal is Xenophon, who gives to the King of the Lachnii eight hundred years of Life. And that his Father might not take it ill, he allows him six hundred.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Desire of Honour.

Among the Romans.

• 1. P. Africanus the Grea∣ter.
• 2. D. Brutus Gallaicus.
• 3. Cn. Pompey the Great.
• 4. Sulla the Happy.
• 5. A certain Knight.
• 6. C. Fabius Pictor.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Themistocles of A∣thens.
• 2. Alexander the Great.
• 3. Aristotle the Stagy∣rite.
• 4. Pausanias of Macedon.
• 5. Herostratus.

HOnour, whence it arises, or of whatsoever it may be the Habit, or how it ought to be purchas'd, and whether it may not be neglected by vertue, as un∣necessary, let them take care that employ their Con∣templations upon these things, and who are able elo∣quently to express what they have prudently observed. I in this work being content to finde out Authors for deeds, and deeds for Authors, shall endeavour to finde out by proper Examples, how great the desire of it is wont to be.

1. The Elder Africanus would have the Effigies of Ennius placed among the Monuments of the Cornelian Family, because he thought his Acts illustrated by his Wit. Not ignorant, that as long as the Roman Em∣pire might flourish, and Africa lay captive at the feet of Italy, and that the Capitol possess'd the Pillar of

the whole World, their Remembrance could not be extinguished; especially enlightned by the Beams of Learning: A man more worthy of Homer's, than a rude and unpolish'd Eulogy.

2. The same was the honorable minde of D. Bru∣tus, a famous Captain in his time, toward Accius the Poet: With whose familiar Courtship and acute ap∣plauses being mainly delighted, he adorn'd the Entries of the Temples, which he had consecrated out of his Spoils, with his Verses.

3. Neither was Pompey averse from this affectation of Glory, who bestowed upon Theophanes the Mytele∣nian, a Writer of his Acts, a whole City, in a Ha∣rangue before the Souldiers. Prosecuting the Gran∣deur of his Gift, with an accurate and approved Oration.

4. L. Sulla, though he minded no Writer, yet he so vehemently assum'd to himself the honour of Ju∣gurth's being brought to Marius by King Bocchus, that he wore that Delivery in his Seal-Ring. Afterwards how great an admirer of Honour, the slightest foot∣step whereof he ador'd!

5. And that I may adde to Generals the noble minde of a Souldier; When Scipio was dividing the Military gifts to those that had done bravely; T. Labienus put∣ting him in minde of giving a Golden Bracelet to an eminent and stout Knight; which the General refu∣sing to do, that the honour of the field might not be violated in him, who had serv'd but a little before, he gave the Knight Gold himself out of the Galli•• plunder. Neither did Scipio put it up silently: For, said he to the Knight, thou hast the Gift of a rich man. Which when he had taken, casting the Gold at Labienus feet, he held down his Countenance. But when Scipio said to him, The General gives thee Silver Bracelets, he went away with a chearful Countenance.

So that there is no Humility so great, which is not touched with a desire of Glory.

6. It is also sought sometimes out of the lowest things. For what meant C. Fabius, that most noble Commonwealths man? For when he painted the walls of the Temple of Safety, which C. Junius Bu∣bul••us had consecrated, he inscribed his Name upon them. For that only Ornament was wanting to a Family most famous for Consulships, Priesthoods, and Triumphs. And though he stoopt to a merce∣nary Art, yet he would not have his labours oblite∣rated, how mean soever: they were following the example of Phidias, who included his own face upon the Shield of Minerva, in such manner, that if it were pull'd away, the whole work would be quite spoiled.

STRANGERS.

1. But better had he done to have imitated Themi∣stocles, had he bin taken with forraign Examples; who is reported to have bin so prick'd with the sting of Honour, that he could not sleep a nights; and be∣ing ask'd, what he did abroad at that time of the night, made answer, That he could not sleep for the Trophies of Miltiades. For Marathon rous'd up his noble Minde to ennoble Artemisium and Salamis with Naval Glory. The same person going to the Thea∣ter, and being ask'd whose voice was most pleasing to his ears, made answer, His that shall sing my acts the best and loudest. He added as it were an honour∣able sweetness to Honour it self.

2. The Breast of Alexander was insatiable of Ap∣plause; who when Anaxarchus his Companion, by the authority of Democritus, affirm'd, that there were innumerable worlds; How miserable then, said he,

am I, that have not conquered one! Man thought his Honour too much confin'd, that had not all that which suffices for the Habitation of the Gods.

3. I will adde the thirst of Aristotle after Honour, as great as that of a King and a young man. For he had given certain Books of Oratory to Theodectes his Disciple, to put forth in his own name: and be∣ing afterwards vex'd that he had let go the Title to another, insisting upon some things in his own Vo∣lume, he addes, that he had discoursed more plainly of them in the Books of Theodectes. Did not the Mo∣desty of so great and so diffusive a Science withhold me, I would say, he was a Philosopher, whose great parts ought to have been delivered to a Philosopher of a nobler Soul. But Honour is not contemn'd by those that desire to introduce the Contempt of it. For to those very Volumes they diligently set their Names, that what they take away by Profession, they may attain by Usurpation of Memory. But this dissimulation of theirs, whatever it be, is more to be endur'd than the purpose of those, who while they labour for eternal Memories, strive to become famous by wickedness.

4. Among which I know not whether Pausanias may not be first mentioned; for when he had ask'd Hermocrates how he might suddenly become famous, and that the other had answered, By killing some great person, presently went and slew Philip. And indeed what be coveted he had; for he render'd him∣self as infamously famous for the Murther, as Philip was eminent for his Vertue to Posterity.

5. But this desire of Glory was sacrilegious. For there was one found out, who would set on fire the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, that by the destruction of that lovely Pile, his name might be known to the whole world. Which fury of his minde he discove∣red

upon the Rack. Yet the Ephesians had taken care, by a Decree, to abolish the memory of the worst of men, had not the eloquent Wit of Theopompus com∣prehended the fact in his History.

CHAP. XV. What Magnificent things befel to every one.

To ROMANS.

• 1. P. Africanus the Grea∣ter.
• 2. M. Cato the Censor.
• 3. P. Scipio Nasica.
• 4. P. Scipio Aemilianus.
• 5. M. Valerius Corvus.
• 6. Q. Mutius Scaevola.
• 7. C. Marius.
• 8. Cn. Pompey the Great.
• 9. Q. Lutatius Catulus.
• 10. Cato of Utica.
• 11. L. Marcius a Roman Knight.
• 12. Sulpitia Ser. daughter of Q. Flaccus.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Pythagoras Samian.
• 2. Gorgias the Leontine.
• 3. Amphiaraus the Pro∣phet.
• 4. Pherenica a Grecian Woman.

WHat Magnificent things have deservedly befaln every one, being put to publick view, will afford delight to ingenious minds: because the value and force of the Rewards, and the contemplation of Honours, is equally to be considered. Nature affording us a kind of pleasure, when we see Honour industri∣ously coveted, and gratefully repaid. But though the Minde is carried here immediately to a splendid House, the bountiful and most honoured Temple, it will be better restrain'd. For to him to whom the ascent to Heaven is free, though the greatest, yet they are

than what are due, which are bellowed on Earth.

1. To Scipio Africanus the Consulship was granted long before his time. To whom what was assign'd him in his life-time, would be too long to relate, be∣cause they are many; and not necessary, as being in part already related. And therefore I will adde what is at this day eminent. He has an Image placed in Great Jupiters Temple, which when there is any Funeral of the Cornelian Family, is fetch'd from thence: So that to that onely Image is the Capitol like a Porch, or place where those Images are usually placed.

2. As truly as was the Senate-House it self to the Elder Cato's Image, from whence it is brought forth upon the same occasions of that Family. A Grateful Order, that would have so profitable a Member al∣ways dwell with them, wealthy in all the Gifts of Vertue, and great rather by his own Merit, than by the benefit of Fortune; by whose counsel Carthage was ruin'd, before it was laid waste by the Sword of Scipio.

3. A rare Example of Honour arises also from Sci∣pio Nasica. For by his Hands, and into his House, be∣fore he was yet a Questor, the Senate by the com∣mand of Pythian Apollo, would have the Mother of the gods received and entertained, when recalled from Pessinuntes. Because the same Oracle ordered those Offices to be done to the Mother of the gods by a most holy man. Unfold all the Fasti, set all the Triumphal Chariots together, and you shall finde nothing more splendid than such a preeminency in Manners.

4. The Scipio's often produce their Ornaments to be remembred by us. For Aemilianus was made a Consul by the People, when but a Candidate for the

Aedil-ship. Which the Army advised the Senate ought to be done. So that it is hard to know, whe∣ther the Authority of the Conscript Fathers, or the Counsel of the Souldiers added most Honour to him. For the Gown made Scipio Consul against the Cartha∣ginians, but the Sword desired him. And again, when he went into the field to the Election of the Questors, to give his voice for Q. Fabius, the Son of Maximus's Brother, they brought him home a Consul. To the same person the Senate gave a Province with∣out Lot, first Africa, then Spain. And these things neither to an ambitious Senator nor Citizen; as the most severe course of his Life, and his clandestine Death, being slain by treachery, declar'd.

5. As for M. Valerius, the Gods as well as his Fellow-Citizens made him famous for two things: The first by sending a Crow for his defence, when he fought hand to hand with the Gaul; the other giving him the Consulship at three and twenty years of Age. The Valerian Family assumes the name of Corvinus: The other is added as an Ornament, glorying as well in the earliness of the Consulship, as in the priority of being made so.

6. Nor was the Glory of Q. Scaevola, whom L. Crassus had for his Colleague, less illustrious, who ob∣tain'd Asia, and so stoutly and so justly held it, that the Senate by their Decree propounded Scaevola as a President and Example for others, that were to go into the several Provinces of the Empire.

7. Those words of the Younger Africanus prudu∣ced the seven Consulships and two Triumphs of C. Marius; for he was full of joy to his dying day: Who when he served on Horseback under that Cap∣tain, Scipio being asked at Supper, if any thing cross should befal him, whom the Commonwealth would have equally great with him; the General looking

upon Marius, sitting a little below him, Even this man, answered he. By which Augury it cannot be well conjectured, whether the most perfect Vertue more certainly foresaw a Rising vertue, or whether he more efficaciously inflamed him to it. For that Mili∣tary Supper portended to Marius the most splendid future Suppers in the whole City. For when the Messenger brought the News, at the beginning of the Night, that the Cimbrians were overthrown, there was no man that offer'd not at his Table••, as it had been the Altar of the Immortal Gods.

8. Now what large and new Honours were heap'd upon Pompey, partly by the flattery of Favour, partly by the noise of Envy! Being a Roman Knight, he was sent Consul into Spain, with equal command to Pius Metellus Prince of the City. Before he had stood for any Honour, he triumph'd twice. The be∣ginnings of Magistracy he took from the chief Com∣mand. The Third Consulship he sway'd alone, by the Decree of the Senate. He triumph'd at once over Mithridates, Tigranes, and several other Kings, Na∣tions, Cities, and the Pirats.

9. Q. Catulus also was, by the voice of the People of Rome, within a little advanc'd to the Stars. For being ask'd by him in the Common-hall, whether they perse∣ver'd to repose the whole management of all things in one Pompey, they cried out with one voice, In thee. The great force of a judgment of Reputation, which equall'd Catulus, included in the space of two Syllables, to the great Pompey, with all the Ornaments that I have related.

10. The reception of M. Cato returning out of Cyprus, with the Royal Money, may seem wonderful: To whom at his landing the Consuls, and other Ma∣gistrates, the Senate and all the People of Rome at∣tended oat of duty. Rejoycing not at the vast

weight of Gold and Silver, but for that Cato had brought back the Navy safe.

11. But I cannot tell whether the Example of the unusual Honour done to L. Marcius be not one of the chief; whom the two Armies upon the death of P. and Cn. Scipio, torn and shattered by the Victory of Hannibal, chose him their General, when their safety was reduced to the last gasp, leaving no place for Ambition.

12. Deservedly Sulpitia deserves to be remembred after the Men, the Daughter of Servius Paterculus, and the Wife of Fulvius Flaccus: Who when the Se∣nate, upon the Decemvirs inspection into the Sibylls Books, had decreed that the Image of Venus Turn-heart should be consecrated, whereby the minds of the women might be changed from Lust to Chastity; and that of all the Matrons an hundred, out of an hundred ten were chosen by Lot, to give judgment concerning the most chast Women, she was preferr'd before all the rest.

STRANGERS.

1. But because Forraign Honours may be related without any diminution of our Roman Majesty, let us pass over to them. The Hearers of Pythagoras gave him so much Veneration, that they accompted it a Crime to question what they had received from him: And being asked the reason, they onely answered, that He had said it. A great Man, but no farther than his School hitherto. However, the same vene∣ration was given him by Cities. The Crotoniates earnestly desired of him, that their Senate, which con∣sisted of a Thousand People, might take advice of him. And that opulent City, so frequently vene∣rating his House after his death, made it a Chappel to

Ceres. And while that City flourished, a Goddess was worshipped in the remembrance of Man, and a Man in the remembrance of a Goddess.

2. Gorgias of Leontium so far excelled all persons of that Age in Learning, that at all Assemblies he was wont to ask, what subject they would hear him dispute upon; and for that reason all Greece set him up a Statue of massie Gold in the Temple of Apollo; when the rest, of his time, had only gilded Images.

3. The same Nation by consent strove to honour Amphiaraus, by reducing the place where he was buried, into the form and state of a Temple, and or∣dering Oracles to be there taken. Whose Ashes pos∣sess the same Honour as the Pythian Den, Dodona's Brazen Dove, or the Fountain of Hammon.

4. Nor was that a vulgar Honour done to Phere∣••ice, to whom alone of all women it was permitted to be present at the fight of Wrastling, when she brought to the Olympic Games her Son Euelea, be∣got by Olympionices, while his Brothers having ob∣tained the same Lawrels, sate by her sides.

LIB. IX.

CHAP. I. Of Luxury and Lust.

Roman Examples.

• 1. C. Sergius Orata.
• 2. Clodius the Son of Ae∣sopus the Tragedian.
• 3. Women opposers of the Oppian Law.
• 4. Cn. Domitius and L. Crassus Consuls.
• 5. Q. Metellus Pius.
• 6. C. Scribonius Son of Curius.
• 7. P. Clodius his judg∣ment.
• 8. Gemellus a Tribunician Traveller.
• 9. L. Catiline.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Hannibal Son of A∣milcar.
• 2. Vulsinians.
• 3. Xerxes the Persian King.
• 4. Antiochus the Syrian King.
• 5. Ptolomey King of E∣gypt.
• 6. The Egyptians.
• 7. The Cyprians.

LEt Luxury, a flattering Crime, more easie to ac∣cuse than shun, be inserted into this Work of ours: Not to receive any Honour, but that coming to know her self, she may be compelled to Penitence. Let Lust be joyn'd with her, because it arises from the same Principles of Vice. Nor let them be sepa∣rated from reprehension, or amendment, that are

tyed together by a double errour of the Minde.

1. C. Sergius Orata was the first that made hang∣ing Barns; which cost having but a slight beginning, extended it self almost to Seas of Hot-water.

The same person, because he would not have his Palace subject to the power of Neptune, invented pe∣culiar Seas to himself, and separated sholes of divers sorts of Fish within the large circuits of vast Moles, to the end no Tempest whatever should deprive his Table of his desired Dainties. He also burdened the (till then) desert Banks of the Lake Lucrinus with stately and high Buildings, that he might keep his Shell-fish fresh. Where while he plunges himself too deep in∣to the publick Water, he was hurried to the Judgment-Seat by Considius the Publican. Where L. Crassus, pleading against him, said, That his friend Considius err'd, if he thought that Orata, being removed from the Lake, would want Oysters: for if he could not have them there, he would finde them upon the Tiles.

2. To this man Aesopus the Tragedian ought rather to have given his Son in Adoption, than to have left him the Heir of his Goods; a young man not only of a desperate, but a most furious Luxury. Of whom it is reported, that he gave vast prices for Birds that could sing or talk, to have them served up at his Table instead of Fig-peckers; and that he used to put Pearls of high value, dissolv'd in Vinegar, into his drinks; as if he had strain'd to throw away a most famous Patrimony, like some burthen too heavy for his shoulders. Since, some in imitation of the Father, others of the Son, have extended their hands farther. For no Vice ends where it begins. This it is that fetches out Fish from the various shoares of the Sea, and spreads our Kitchins with Oysters. For the pleasure of eating and drinking was found out by Art and Cost.

3. But the end of the second Punic War, and the overcoming of Philip King of Macedon, made us with more confidence addict our selves to Luxury. At what time the Matrons were so bold as to beset the House of the Brutii, who by the abrogation of the Oppian Law, were prepar'd to intercede for that which the women desir'd should be taken away; be∣cause it did not permit them to wear a coloured Gar∣ment, nor to have about them above half an Ounce of Gold, nor to ride in a Chariot to any place within a Mile from the City, unless it were to the Sacrifices: and they obtain'd, that the Law kept for above twenty years, should be abolished. For the men of that Age did not foresee whither the obstinate Plots of Women would tend, nor how far a boldness that had van∣quish'd the Law would tend. For could they have look'd into the contrivances of female cunning, that brings in something of sumptuous Novelty every day, they had stopped the progress of Luxuy at its first entrance.

4. But what do I talk any more of Women? whom weakness of Minde, and the affectation of greater employments denied them, incites them to bestow all their time in trimming up themselves, when I finde Men fallen into this divertisement, unknown to the antient Continence? And let it appear to their reproach.

Cneus Domitius, upon a quarrel with L. Crassus his Colleague, objected to him, that he had Hymettian Pillars in his House. Whom Crassur immediately ask'd, what he valued his own House at? When he answer'd, Threescore Sesterces. And hove much, think you, said the other, if I should cut ten little shrubs out of it? Thirty Sesterces, said the other. Which then is the most Luxurious of the two, replied Crassus, I that bought ten Pillars for an hundred thousand pi••ces of

Money; or thou, that valuest the shadow of ten small Trees at thirty Sesterces? An expression forgetful of Pyrrhus, unmindful of Hannibal, and yawning with the abundance of Forreign Luxury; because they had rather bequeath the Daintiness and curiosity which they themselves had begun, to their Posterity, than retain the Continence which their Fore-fathers had left them.

5. For what meant that Prince of his time, Metellus Pius, when he suffer'd himself to be received at his first coming, with Altars and Frankincense? When he beheld the walls of the Rooms spread with Atta∣lican Tapestry, as a sight that pleased him? When he permitted long Plays at tedious Festivals? When he wore his Triumphal Garment at the celebration of great Banquets, and contentedly received Crowns let down from open places, as it were from Heaven, up∣on his celestial Head? And where were these things? Not in Greece ox Asia, where Severity itself might be corrupted with Luxury; but in a wild and warlike Province, when a formidable Enemy, Sertorius, would not let the Roman Armies lie quiet; but goar'd them continually with the Lusitanian Darts. So much had he forgot the Numidian Camp of his father. Whence it appears how swiftly Luxury insinuates it self. For he that in his Youth beheld the antient Customes, in his old Age introduced new.

6. The same change was in the House of the Curii; while our City and Judgment-Seat beheld the rigid Brow of the Father, and the high Debt of six hun∣dred Sesterces of the Son, contracted by the igno∣minious Injury done to the Noble Youth of Rome. Therefore at the same Time, and under the same Roof, two several Ages lived; the one of Frugality, the other of vitious Prodigality.

7. By the Sentence against P. Clodius, what strange

Luxury appeared in him, what a savage Lust? Who, though guilty of Incest, that he might be acquitted, bought whole nights of the Matrons and noble Youth, at vast rates, to pleasure his Judges withal. In which horrid and abominable Crime, I know not which first to detest; whether him that first invented that way of Corruption; or they that suffer'd their Chastity to mediate to Perjury; or they that valued Adultery beyond Justice.

8. Equally abominable was that Banquet, which Gemellus a Tribunitian Traveller, of good Parents, but one that had betaken himself to a Servile employment, prepar'd for Metellus Scipio Consul, and the Tribunes of the People, to the great scandal of the City. For having set up a Stew in his own House, he prostituted therein Mucia and Fulvia, both taken away from Fa∣ther and Mother, and Saturninus a Youth of a Noble Family. Bodies of infamous suffering, brought to be the scorn of drunken Lust! Banquets not to be cele∣brated by Consuls and Tribunes, but to have been punish'd.

9. But enormous was the Lust of Catiline: For be∣ing mad in love with Aurelia Orestilla, when he saw one Impediment to hinder him from being married to her, poyson'd his own and only Son, almost of age; and presently kindled the Nuptial Torch at his Fune∣ral-Pile, bequeathing his want of Children as a gift to his new Bride. But behaving himself at length with the same minde as a Citizen, as he had shewed himself a Father, he fell a just Sacrifice to the Ghost of his Son, and his impiously-invaded Country.

STRANGERS.

1. But the Campanian Luxury, how profitable was it to our Country? For embracing invincible Han∣nibal

in the arms of her Allurements, she fitted him to be vanquished by the Roman Souldier. She called forth a vigilant Captain, she invited a couragious Army to long Banquets, and with plenty of Wine, the fragrancy of Oyntments, and the lascivious soft∣ness of Venery, inveagl'd them to Sleep and Pleasure. And then was the Punie fierceness broken, when it lay encamped among the Perfumers of Capua. What then more ignominious than these Vices, what more hurtful; by which Vertue is worn out, Victories lan∣guish, Honour stupified is turn'd to Infamy; and the vigour of Body and Minde quite weakned and broken? So that it is hard to say which is worst, to be subdued by them, or by the Enemy.

2. Which infested the City of the Volsinians with sad and direful slaughters. It was rich, it was adorn'd with Customes and Laws: it was the Head and Metropolis of Hetruria. But when once Luxury crept in, it fell into an Abyss of Injuries and Infamy, till she became subjected to the insolent power of her Ser∣vants. Who at first in a small number daring to enter the Senate-House, in a short time overturn'd and master'd the whole Commonwealth. They order'd Wills to be made at their own pleasure. They for∣bad the Meetings and Feastings of the Free-men, and married their Masters Daughters. Lastly, they made a Law, that their Adulteries committed with Widows and Married-women should go unpunished; and that no Virgin should marry a Freeman, unless some of them before had had her Virginity.

3. Xerxes, out of the proud imitation of his vast wealth, grew to that height of Luxury, that he pro∣pounded Rewards to them that should invent any new Pleasure. What a ruine befel a most wide Empire, too deeply plunged in Pleasure and Voluptuousness!

4. Antiochus the King not a whit the more conti∣nent;

whose blinde and mad Luxury the Army imi∣tating, had most of them Golden Nails under the soles of their Shoes; and bought Silver Dishes for their Kitchins; and bad their Tents of Tapestry-work adorn'd with Gold and Silver. A booty more desire∣able by a needy Enemy, than any delay to a stout Souldier from Victory.

5. Ptolomey the King liv'd by the accession of his Vices, and was therefore call'd Physcon: Than whose Wickedness there could be nothing more wicked. He married his eldest Sister, married before to their common Brother; then having vitiated her Daugh∣ter, he divorced the Sister, that he might marry the Daughter.

6. Like to their Kings were the People of Egypt, who under the command of Archelaus, sallying out of their City against A. Gabinius, when th•••• were com∣manded to entrench themselves, cry'd out, That that was a work to be done at the publick Charge. And therefore their Courages, weakned with the softness of Pleasures, could not stand the fury of our Army.

7. But more effeminate were the Cyprians, who suffer'd their Women to lye upon the ground, for their Queens to tread upon, when they ascended into their Chariots. For for men, if men they were, it had been better not have lived at all, than to live obedient to such a soft Command.

CHAP. II. Of Cruelty.

In ROMANS.

• 1. Cor. Sylla Dictator.
• 2. C. Marius seven times Consul.
• 3. L. Junius Damasippus.
• 4. Munatius Flac us.

STRANGERS.

• 1. Carthaginians.
• 2. Hannib••l.
• 3. Mithridates.
• 4. Numulizinthes King of Thrace.
• 5. Ptolomey Physcon.
• 6. Darius Ochus.
• 7. Artaxerxes Ochus.
• 8. The Athenians.
• 9. Perillus of Sicily.
• 10. Hetrurians.
• 11. Certain Barbarians.

THis last Society of men carried a lascivious Coun∣tenance, Eyes greedy after Novelty of delight, and a Minde transported through all the allurements of Pleasure. But the horrid habit of Cruelty is of another na••••re; savage Countenance, violent Minds, terrible Utterance, Mouths full of Threats and bloody Commands; to which being silent, is but to increase its fury. For how shall she set bounds to her self, un∣less she were recall'd by the bridle of reprehension? In short, since it is her business to make herself dreaded, let it be ours, to have her in abomination.

1. L. Sylla, whom no man can either sufficiently praise or dispraise; who while he seeks after Victory, represents himself a Scipio to the Roman People; while he exercises Cruelty, a meer Hannibal. For having egregiously defended the cause of the Nobility, cruelly he overflow'd the whole City, and every part

of Italy, with rivers of Civil Blood. Four Legions of the adverse party, trusting to his Faith, and fol∣lowing his Banners, in a publick Village, in vain im∣ploring the compassion of his faithless arm, he caused to be cut in pieces. Whose lamentable cries pierc'd the ears of the trembling City: and Tibur was com∣pelled to waft away their memberless Bodies, impa∣tient of so heavy a burthen. Five thousand Praenestines, hope of safety being granted them by Cethegus, being call'd forth without the Walls of the Free-town, after they had thrown away their Armes, and lay prostrate upon the ground, he caus'd to be slain, and their Bodies to be thrown about the fields. He caused a Record to be made of four thousand seven hundred murder'd upon the dire decree of Proscription. Nor content to rage against them who had born Armes against him, he added also to the number of the pro∣scribed, several peaceable Citizens, whose names he collected by the Nomenclator: He also drew his Sword against the Women, not satisfi'd with the slaughter of the men. That was also a signe of incredible In∣satiety, that he caused the Heads of the miserable creatures, newly cut off, and as yet retaining their Physiognomies and Breath, to be brought into his presence, that what he could not devour with his teeth, he might with his eyes. How cruelly did he carry himself toward M. Marius the Praetor, who being dragg'd in the sight of the people to the Sepulcher of the Lutatian Family, he would not put him to death, till he had digg'd out his eyes, and broken the several members of that unfortunate person. Methinks I hardly seem to relate Truths. And yet because M. Plaetorius fell into a Swoon upon the Execution of Marius, he presently flew him. A new Punisher of Pitie, with whom to behold wickedness with an averse minde, was to commit a Crime. But sure he

spar'd the shades of the Dead? No. For digging up the ashes of C. Marius, whose Quaestor once he was, though afterwards his Enemy, he scatter'd them up∣on the river Anio. Behold by what acts he thought to obtain the name of Happy!

2. Of which Cruelty however C. Marius mitigates the envy. For he out of an eager desire of prose∣cuting his Enemies, wickedly unsheath'd his Anger; with an ignoble Severity dismembring the honoured Body of L. Caesar of the Consular and Censor's Dignity; and at the Sepulcher of a most abject and seditious person: For that mischief was wanting to the miserable Republique, That Caesar should fall a Victime to Varius. Hardly were his Victories of e∣qual value; which when he forgot, he became more criminal at home, than praise-worthy for his Victories abroad. The same person, when the Head of M. An∣thony, cut off, was brought him, betray'd much in∣solence both of thought and words, as he held it in his joyful hands, in the midst of a Banquet; suffering the Sacred's of the Table to be contaminated with the Blood of a most famous Commonwealths man and Orator. More than that, he received P. Annius, that brought it, reaking with the fresh blood, into his Bosome.

3. Damasippus had no praise; and therefore his memory may be the more severely prosecuted: by whose commands the Heads of the principal Men of the City were mingled with the heads of the Sacrifices; and the headless Body of Carbo Arvina carried about, nail'd to the Gallows. So that the Pretorship of a most licentious man could do much, or the Authority of the Commonwealth nothing.

4. Munatius Flaccus, a more stiff than approved defender of Pompey's party, when he was besieged by Caesar in Spain, within the walls of Attegua, he

exercis'd his savage Cruelty after a most truculent manner. For after he had kill'd all the Citizens which he thought well affected to Caesar, he threw them headlong from the Walls. He also murder'd the Women, calling their Husbands first that were in Caesar's Camp to the walls, to the end they might be∣hold the slaughter of their Wives. Nor did he spare the Children laid upon their Mothers laps; suffering the render Infants to be some dash'd against the stones, others to be thrown up and to fall upon the stakes. Which things, intolerable to be heard, were executed by Lusitanians, at the command of a Roman; by whose assistance, Flaccus well fortified, withstood the divine Labours of Caesar, with a doting obsti∣nacy.

STRANGERS.

1. Let us pass to those, for which though there be the same grief, yet there is not the same reason for our City to blush. The Carthaginians put Attilius Regulus to death after a doleful manner. For having cut off his Eye-brows, and shut him up in a little wooden case, wherein there was nothing but sharp nails, they suffer'd him to linger with continual watching, and in a long series of pain. A kind of Torment not worthy him that suffer'd, but becom∣ing the Authors of it. The same Cruelty they used toward our Souldiers, whom being taken in a Sea∣fight, they fasten'd under the bottom of their Ships, that being crush'd to death by the weight of the Keel, they might satiate their barbarous ferity, by an un∣usual kinde of death.

2. Their Captain Hannibal, whose chiefest Vertue consisted in Cruelty, made a Bridge over the River Vergellus with the bodies of the Romans, and so led

over his Army, that the Earth might experiment the wickedness of the Carthaginian Land-forces, as the Sea had beheld the barbarity of their Mariners. Those whom he had taken prisoners, picking out the nearest of Kin that he could, he compell'd to fight by pairs, till he made them destroy one another. Those that were tir'd he left upon the Road, with the lower part of their Feet cut off. Deservedly therefore, though too slow the punishment were, the Senate forced him, when a Suppliant to King Prusias, to a voluntary Death.

3. As truely had they reason to abominate Mithri∣ctates, who with one Epistle slew fourscore thousand Roman Citizens, dispers'd over Asia as Merchants, defiling the hospitable Gods of so large a Province, with blood unjustly shed, though not unrevenged. For which intolerable torment, at length he compell'd that Vital Spirit to submit, that contended with the poyson. Thereby attaining those torments, which he had made his own friends to suffer at the beck of Gaurus his Eunuch, to whom his obedient Lust could deny nothing.

4. Numulizinthis Diogiris the King of Thrace's Daughters Cruelty, though not so much to be ad∣mir'd, considering the Barbarity of the Nation, yet the horridness will not let it be pass'd in silence: who held it not unlawful to cut living men in two in the middle, or for Parents to feed upon the bodies of their Children.

5. Again Ptolomey Physcon comes upon the stage; a little before, a most dreadful Example of lustful Madness, now of Cruelty. For what more horrid than this? He caus'd his own Son Menephites, whom he had got upon Cleopatra his Sister and Wife, a lovely and hopeful Youth, to be kill'd in his presence; and sent the Head, Feet and Hands cut off, and put into

a Chest, cover'd over with the Child's Garment, as a Birth-day Gift to the Mother. As it altogether igno∣rant of the mischief he had done, and never the more unfortunate, for having render'd Cleopatra miserable in the loss of Children common to both, and himself odious to all. With so blinde a fury doth the height of Cruelty rage, when she thinks to strengthen her∣self by her own acts! For when he understood how he was hated by his people, he sought a remedy for his fear in wickedness; and that he might raign more safely when the people were murder'd, he surrounded the Gymnasium, full of young people, with fire and sword, and slew, partly by the flame, and partly by sword, every individual person of the whole multi∣tude.

6. But Ochus, who was afterwards call'd Darius, bound to the Persians by a most bloody Oath, that he should not put to Death either by Sword, Poyson, Starving, or any other manner of violence, any of those that had conspir'd with him against the Seven Magi, found out a way of Death, by which means he might rid himself of those persons that were burthensome to him, and yet save his Oath. For he fill'd a place, made up with high walls, full of Ashes, and putting a leaning rafter underneath, he placed them in it, after he had highly feasted them; so that when sleep should seize them, they might fall into that insidiary heap.

7. More open, but more horrid, was the Cruelty of Ochus Artaxerxes, who buried his Sister and Mother-in-Law Ocha alive: and stab'd his Uncle to Death with Darts, after he had deprived him of an hundred Sons and Nephews; for not the least injury done him, but because they had the highest applause among the Persians for Probity and Fortitude.

8. Guided by the same wicked Suspition, the Citi∣zens

of Athens, by a Decree unworthy their Honour, cut off the Thumbs of the Aeginensian Youth; that a People potent in Shipping, might not be able to con∣tend with them at Sea. I cannot pardon the Athe∣nians, borrowing a remedy for their fear from Cru∣elty.

9. Cruel also was that Inventor of the Brazen Bull, wherein when poor Creatures were lock'd, and fire put under it, they seem'd in the midst of their long and tedious torments to low like the beast, that their lamentations and howlings express'd in Humane Sounds, might not reach the ears of Phalaris the Ty∣rant, to move his compassion. Which because he would be wanting to the miserable, the first Authour deservedly experimented the torment of his own In∣vention.

10. Nor were the Hetrurians a little cruel in the Invention of Punishment, who tying the bodies of the living back to back, and face to face together, so that part might answer part, suffer'd them to lye till they were putrified to Death. Most bitter Tor∣menters of Life and Death at once.

11. Like those Barbarians, who are reported to set men in heaps of the Bowels and Entrails of kill'd beasts, and these to feed and keep them alive, till being putrified within, they might be eaten up by the Vermine that breed in putrified bodies. Can we complain of Nature, for having made us lyable to many and dire inconveniencies of Sickness; or take it ill, that Celestial Strength should be denied to humane condition, when Mortality hath invented so many Torments to ruine it self, by the impulse of Cruelty?

CHAP. III. Of Anger and Hatred.

• 1. M. Livius Salinator.
• 2. C. Marcius Figulus a Lawyer.
• 3. Patricians.
• 4. Roman Youth.
• 5. Roman Army.
• 6. Roman People.
• 7. Q. Metellus Proconsul of Macedon.
• 8. L. Cor. Sylla.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Alexander the Great.
• 2. Amilcar Son of Barchas the Carthaginian.
• 3. Annibal Son of Barchas the Carthaginian.
• 4. Semiramis Queen of Assyria.

ANger and Hatred stir up great Commotions in he breasts of Men. This swifter in its motion, the other more obstinate in the desire of Mischief. Both affections full of Constermation, and never with∣out the violent torment of themselves: For it suffers pain to inflict misery; anxious with a bitter care, lest revenge should happen to miss. But there are most certain images of their propriety, which the gods would have conspicuous in great men, by some more than ordinary Act or Saying.

1. When Livius Salinator, waging war with As∣drubal, was about to leave the City, being admonish'd by Fabius Maximus that he should not fight before he understood the courage and force of the Enemy, made answer, that He would not refuse the first opportunity of fighting: And being ask'd by the same person, why he would needs be so hasty; That assoon as may be, said he, I may either win honour by the overthrow of the

Enemy, or rejoyce in the ruine of my Fellow-Citizens. Anger and Vertue divided his speech between them. The one remembring an unjust rebuke, the other in∣tent upon the honour of Triumph. But I cannot tell whether it were the same thing to say this, and to overcome in the same manner.

2. Thus far Passion carried a man of a fierce Soul and accustom'd to War. But C. Figulus a most milde man, famous for his learning in the Civil Law, was thereby render'd forgetful both of P••udence and Mo∣deration. For being provok'd by being repuls'd from the Consulship, so much the rather, because it had been twice given his Fathers; when many came to him the next day for counsel, turn'd '••m all out a doors: Are ye ready at asking Counsel, said he, and know not how to make a Consul? Smartly and deser∣vedly spoken: Yet it had been better not spoken. For what wise man could be angry with the People of Rome?

3. Nor are they to be approved, though protected by the splendour of their Nobility, who being offen∣ded because that Cn. Flavius, a man of mean extract, was made Praetor, took off their Gold Rings and Trappings from their Horses, and threw them away; shewing the impotency, not the strife of vexation.

4. These were the motions of Anger in single or but few persons agaist a Commonwealth: There are also the same in the Multitude against the Princes and Captains. Manlius Torquatus returning after a most renowned and compleat Victory over the Latines and Campanians, when all the Old-people went forth to meet him, the Youth never stirr'd; because he had put his Son to death, for fighting successfully against the Enemy. His equals compassionated his too severe punishment. Nor do I defend the Act, but one∣ly shew the force of Anger, that could divide the

Ages and Affections of a whole City.

5. So much could it prevail, that it detain'd and kept back all the foot of the Roman People, sent by Fabius the Consul to pursue the Enemy, when they might easi••y have ruin'd and cut them off, when they call'd to minde that he had put a stop to the Agrarian Law. The same passion rendring the Army offended with Appius their Captain useless, (whose Father standing for the Nobility, oppos'd the conveniences of the Commonalty) by a voluntary flight they turn'd their back to the Enemy, because they would not suffer their Captain to triumph. How often the van∣quisher of Victory? despising its congratulation in Torquatus; in Fabius, omitting the greatest part; in Appius, preferring shameful flight before it.

6. How violently it carried it self in the breast of the Roman People, at that time when the Dedication of the Temple of Mercury was granted to M. Plaeto∣rius, a Centurion, by their Suffrages! The Consuls being also terrified; Claudius, because he withstood the relief of his Debts; and Servilius, because he had but weakly defended their cause which he undertook, Can Anger be denied to be of force, when it sets the Souldier above the General?

7. It hath not only pull'd down Authority, but commanded as disorderly. For when Q. Metellus, first as Conful, then for the Consul, had subdued almost all Spain, and understood that Pompey the Consul, his enemy, would be sent to succeed him; he dismissed all that pretended to be acquitted from service; gave licence to the Souldiers to go take their pleasure, never setting any time for their coming again. He left the Magazines upon the Borders free to the plunder of the Enemy: He ordered the Cretans Bows and Arrows to be broken and thrown into the River: He forbid any Victuals to be given to the Elephants. By which acts

as he gratified his Passion, so he sufficiently sullied the glory of his great Deeds: and lost the honour he had won, being a greater Vanquisher of the Enemy, than of his own Passion.

8. What became of Sylla, too obedient to this Vice! After he had shed the blood of others, did he not shed his own ? For burning with indignation at Puteoli, because that Granius Prince of the Colony did not pay in so quickly the Money to the Decurio's, which he had promis'd for the repair of the Capitol, with a concitation of minde more than ordinary, and an immoderate force of speaking, he vomited up his last breath, mixed with blood and threats. Not failing by old Age, as not being above threescore; but raging with an Impotency, nourished by the miseries of the Commonwealth. So that it is a doubt whether Sylla or Sylla's Anger were first extinguished.

FORRAIGNERS.

Now it behoves us to fetch Examples from un∣known persons; yet there is something of shame in reproaching the Vices of great men. But since the faith of our designe admonishes us to comprehend every thing, the Will must give way to the Work; that the Considence of declaring necessary things may not be wanting, while we justifie the proof of great things.

1. Alexander was kept from Heav'n by his own An∣ger. For what hinder'd but that he might have risen thither, had not Lysimachus thrown to a Lion, Elytus run through with a Spear, Callisthenes put to death, lost him the fame of three of his greatest Vi∣ctories, by the unjust slaughter of so many friends.

2. How excessive the Hatred of Amilear toward the Roman People! For beholding four Sons of tender

Age, and the same number of Lions whelps; He bred them, he said, to the ruine of our Empire. Fairly brought up, as it hapned, to the ruine of their own Country.

n"3" 3. Of which Sons Hannibal so followed his Fathers steps, that when he was about to cross the Army over into Spain, and sacrificing for good success, the Son then but nine years of age, holding his hand upon the Altar, swore, that assoon as his Age would permit him, he would be a most bitter Enemy to the Ro∣mans; that he might express to his father how wil∣lingly he accompanied him in the War then afoot. The same person, that he might shew the Hatred be∣tween Rome and Carthage, happening to stumble, and raise the dust with his foot, Then, said he, there will be an end of the War between these two Cities, when one of them is reduced into dust at this is.

4. In the breast of a Boy the Force of Hatred was not so prevalent, but that it equally prevailed in a Womans breast. For Semiramis Queen of the Assy∣rians, when it was related to her, as she was combing her hair, that Babylon was revolted, with one part of her hair loose and dishevell'd, she hasted to its re∣covery; nor would she bring her hair, till she had reduced the City, into order. And therefore her Statue is placed in Babylon, in the same posture as she hasten'd to her Revenge.

CHAP. IV. Of Covetousness.

ROMANS.

• 1. M. Crassus and Q. Hortensius.
• 2. Q. Cassius Longinus.
• 3. L. Septimuleius.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Ptolomey King of Cy∣prus.

LEt Avarice be brought forth that lurks in hidden places, but a devourer of open prey; unhappy in enjoyment, but most through Insatiability.

1. When certain persons had suborn'd a false testi∣mony against Minucius Basilius in Greece, who was very rich, to confirm it, they put into his Will, as Heirs, two of the most potent men of our City, M. Crassus and Q. Hortensius, to whom Minutius was altogether unknown. Though the fraud were evident, yet both covetous after the Estate, neither refus'd the gift of a Forreign Crime. How great an offence have I slight∣ly related! The Lights of the Court, and Ornaments of the Seat of Judicature, what they ought to have punish'd, invited by the bait of dishonest gain, they protected by their Authority.

2. But it was of greater force in Q. Cassius, who let go M. Silius and A. Calpurnius, being apprehended in Spain with daggers, on purpose to have kill'd him; having agreed with the one for fifty, with the other for sixty Sesterces. It may be a question, whether if they had given him as much more, he would not have offer'd them his throat also.

3. But above all, the Avarice of L. Septimuleius was most notorious: Who being a familiar Friend of Gracchus, not only cut off his Head, but carried it fix'd upon a pole through the City; because Opimius, the Consul, had promis'd a reward in Gold to him that should do it. Some report, that he filled the hollow part of his S••ull with melted Lead, that it might be the heavier. Whether he were seditious, or died for a good Example, yet the wicked hunger of his friend should not have bin so greedy after such in∣juries to the dead.

FORREIGNERS.

1. The Covetousness of Septimuleius deserved ha∣tred, but the Avarice of Ptolomey King of the Cypri∣ans is to be laught at. For having by mean devices scrap'd together great Riches, and saw that he was like to perish for their sake; and for that reason having shipped all his Wealth, was got out to Sea, that by bulging the Vessels he might perish at his own leasure, and frustrate his Enemies hopes, could not endure the sinking of his Gold and Silver, but carried back the future reward of his own Death. Surely he did not possess, but was possess'd by Wealth, being in his minde a miserable slave to Money.

CHAP. V. Of Pride and excess of Power.

ROMANS.

• 1. M. Fulvius Flaccus Cos.
• 2. M. Livius Drusus Tri∣bune of the People.
• 3. C. Pompey the Great, three times Consul.
• 4. M. Antonie Triumvir.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Alexander the Great.
• 2. Xerxes King of Persia.
• 3. Hannibal the Cartha∣ginian.
• 4. The Carthaginian and Campanian Senate.

1. NOw that Pride and Excess in Power may be brought upon the Stage, Fulvius Flaccus Consul, Colleague with M. Plautius Hypsaeus, being about to make Laws very pernicious to the Common∣wealth, of making free Citizens of Rome, and citing such before the People, who would not change their City, could hardly be perswaded to come into Court. Then when the Senate partly admonish'd him, partly besought him to desist, he gave them no answer. He might be accompted a Tyrannical Consul, who had thus carried himself against one Senator, as Flaccus did against the whole Body of so Majestick an As∣sembly.

2. Whose Majesty was no less affronted by the contumely of M. Drusus, a Tribune of the People, who made nothing, because Philip the Consul inter∣rupted him in his Speech, to take him by the throat and to hale him to Prison, not by the hands of an Of∣ficer, but of a Client; with that violence, that the Blood gush'd out of his Mouth. Also when the Se∣nate

sent to him to come into Court; Rather, said he, why doth not the Senate come to the Hostilia to me? I am ashamed to adde the rest: The Tribune despis'd the Authority of the Senate; the Senate obey'd the Tribunes words.

3. How insolently Pompey! who coming out of the Bath left Hypsaeus prostrate at his feet, accused of bribing for Voices, a Nobleman and his Friend; up∣braiding him withal with a contumelious Scoff, tel∣ling him, that he came to spoil his Supper. Yet he was not ashamed to require Scipio, his Sons Father-in∣law, condemned by certain Laws which he had made himself, to the ruine of many Noblemen; governing the Commonwealth according to the caresses of his Nuptial Bed.

4. Vile was the Scoff of M. Antonie both in word and deed. For when the Head of Caestius Rufus, a Senator, was brought him, being a Triumvir, the rest turning aside, he caus'd it to be brought near, and diligently viewed it. And when all the standers by listned to hear what he would say; This fellow, saies he, I never knew. A haughty scorn of a Senator, but the excess of pride toward a man slain.

FORREIGNERS.

1. Enough of our own, now for Forreigners. The Vertue and Felicity of Alexander the Great was eclips'd by three most evident degrees of Insolence. For, contemning his Father Philip, he acknowledged none bat Jupiter Ammon for his Father: Laying aside the Customes and Manners of the Macedonians, he as∣sumed the Garments and Laws of the Persians: despising Mortals, he emulated to be a God. Nor was he ashamed to deny himself to be a Son, a fellow-Countryman, and a Mortal.

2. Xerxes, in whose name Pride and Impotency inhabit, how insolently did he use his own power, when being to proclaim War against the Grecians, and calling the Princes of Asia together; That I might not seem, said he, to take my own advice, I have assem∣bled you: But remember, that it is your part rather to obey than to give Counsel. Arrogantly said, had he return'd a Victor to his Countrey: But so shame∣fully beaten, I know not whether more insolently or arrogantly.

3. Hannibal, puft up with the success of the Bat∣tle of Cannae, neither admitted any of his Country∣men into his Tents, nor gave answer to any but by an Interpreter, and despis'd Maharbal, affirming with a loud voice before his Tent, that he saw a way how he might sup in a few days in the Capitol. So un∣usual a thing it is for Happiness and Moderation to lodge together.

4. There was a kind of emulation between the Carthaginian and Campanian Senate for Insolencie. For the one wash'd in a Bath apart from the Vulgar; the other made use of a different Judgment-Seat. Which Custome retain'd in Capua, is evident in an Epistle of C. Gracchus written to Plautius.

CHAP. VI. Of Perfidiousness.

ROMANS.

• 1. T. Tatius King of the Sabines.
• 2. Ser. Sulpitius Galba.
• 3. Cn. Domitius Aheno∣barbus.
• 4. Q. Servilius Caepio, Cos.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. The Carthaginians.
• 2. Hannibal the Cartha∣ginian.

LEt Perfidiousness, a close and crafty Mischief, be fetch'd out of its lurking holes. Whose most efficacious properties are to lye and deceive: the fruit it reaps from some crime committed: then certain when it holds Cruelty in bonds; bringing as much mischief to Mankinde, as Faith and Truth afford quiet and safety. Therefore let it be as much dispraised, as the other praised.

2. In the reign of Romulus, Sp. Tarpeius was Gover∣nour of the Tower, whose Daughter, a Virgin, going to fetch Water for the Ceremonies, without the Walls, Tatius corrupted with Money to let in his armed Sa∣bines into the Castle, promising as a Reward what they woreupon their left hands; which were Bracelets and Rings of Gold of a considerable weight. The Sa∣bines having got into the place, when the Virgin de∣manded her reward, they killed her with the weight of their Armes; As it were performing their promise, in regard they also carried their Armes on their left hand. Let there be no blame, while impious Treason was reveng'd with a quick Punishment.

2. Servius Galba was a man highly perfidious. For having assembled together the people of several Cities of Portugal, upon pretence of treating for their good, he partly kill'd and partly sold seven thousand of them, among which were the flower of their Youth, after he had pickt them out and disarmed them. Thus the greatness of his Cr••me exceeded the Calamity of the Barbarians.

3. Too great a desire of Glory made Cn. Domitius, a person of Noble Extraction and Merit, to become perfidious. For being offended at Betultus, King of the Arverni, for that he had perswaded both his own people and the Allobroges, while he was in the Pro∣vince, to flie to the Protection of Fabius his Successor; Sending for him under pretence of speaking with him, and having received him under his roof, he caus'd him to be fetter'd, and sent him away by Sea to Rome. Which act of his the Senate could neither ap∣prove nor disannul, lest Besultus, being sent back into his Countrey, should raise a new War. There∣fore they sent him to Alba to be secur'd.

4. The slaughter of Viriatus admits a double ac∣cusation of Perjury; as to his friends, because he was killed in their hands; in Q. Servilius Caepio the Con∣sul, because he was the Author of the fact, and pro∣mis'd impunity: not deserving, but buying his Vi∣ctory.

FORREIGNERS.

1. But that we may take a view of the Fountain of Perfidie it self; The Carthaginians pretending to send Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian home, who had served them, and by whose assistance they had taken Atilius Regulus, sunk him in the midst of the Sea. What was the aim of so much Villany? That the compa∣nion

of their Victory should not live? He lives how∣ever to their reproach, whom they might have left untouch'd, without any loss of their Honour.

2. Hannibal also by strangling in the smoak and steam of Baths the Nucerini, who upon his Faith given came out of an impregnable City; and by throwing the Senate of the Acerrani into Wells, while he pro∣fess'd War against the People of Rome and Italy, did he not wage a more severe war against Faith and Ho∣nesty? making use of lies and deceits, as of famous and noble Arts. By which means, though he might have otherwise left a real fame behinde him, it is now to be question'd which was most eminent, his Great∣ness or his Wickedness.

CHAP. VII. Of Seditions.

The Roman People a∣gainst

• 1. C. Marius, 6 times Cos.
• 2. Q. Metellus the Censor.
• 3. A. Numius, the Candi∣date.
• 4. A. Sempronius Asellio.

The Roman Souldiers against

• 1. Gratidius the Legate.
• 2. Q. Pompey the Con∣sul.
• 3. C. Carbo the Le∣gate.

BUt let the Acts of violent Sedition among the Gownmen, as well as of the Armed, be related.

1. Lu. Equitius, who feign'd himself to be the Son of Ti. Gracchus, and stood for the Tribuneship with L. Saturninus against Law, was by C. Marius in his sixth Consulship carried to the publick Goal. How∣ever,

the People broke open the Gates of the Prison, and taking him out again, carried him upon their shoulders in publick triumph.

2. The same person, because Q. Metellus the Cen∣sor refus'd to admit him into the Roll for the Son of Gracchus, endeavoured to have stoned him to death, affirming that Gracchus had but three Sons. Of which one serv'd in Sardinia, the second an Infant at Prae∣neste, the third born at Rome, deceased after his Fa∣thers death; neither ought the unknown rubbith of a noble Family to be remembred. When the improvident Rashness of the provok'd Multitude ex∣tended it self in the mean time impudently and auda∣ciously against the Consulship and Censorship, and assail'd their Princes with all manner of Petulancy.

3. That was onely Madness; this a bloody Sedi∣tion. For the People compell'd A. Numius, the Competitor of Saturninus, nine Tribunes being cre∣ated, and but one vacancy remaining for two Candi∣dates, to flie to his own house: and then dragging him out from thence, slew him; that by the slaughter of an honest Citizen, they might make way for a pernicious Disturber to get into Authority.

4. The Consternation of the Creditors against Sempronius Asellio the Praetor, brake forth into a most intollerable Rage. Whom, because he underook the cause of the Debts, being stirr'd up by L.Cassius the Tribune, they dragg'd from the Altar, as he was sacrificing before the Temple of Concord, and slew him in his Robes of Authority.

Of the Roman Souldiers.

1. The Sedition of Citizens is to be detested; but if we look into the Camp, an equal indignation will arise. When the Province of Asia was, by the Sul∣pician

Law, decreed to C. Marius a private person, to prosecute the War against Mithridates, the Souldiers slew Gratidius, sent by him to L. Sulla the Consul, to receive the Legions from him. Offended, without doubt, that they were to be commanded by a person of no Honour, that had served under a person of the highest Dignity. But who may endure a Souldier cor∣recting the Decrees of the Commonalty with the Death of a Legate?

2. That in the behalf of a Consul so violently acted; this against a Consul. For when Q. Pompey Collegue of Sylla ventured to contend with Cn. Pompey, being sent to the Army by the command of the Senate, the Souldiers corrupted by the delusions of an ambitious Captain, fell upon him, as he was beginning to sacri∣fice, and slew him, as if he himself had been the Victime. And the Court, forced to give way to the Camp, durst not revenge so great a Crime.

3. That Army also was wickedly violent who kill'd C. Carbo, the Brother of Carbo thrice Consul, endea∣vouring to amend the loose Discipline of the Souldi∣ers, crept in through the liberty of the Civil Wars; and rather chose to be contaminated with the greatest of Crimes, than to alter their loose and depraved Manners,

CHAP. VIII. Of Rashness.

• 1. P. Africanus the Grea∣ter.
• 2. C. Caesar twice Consul.
• 3. The Roman Army.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Hannibal.
• 2. The People of Athens.

SUddain also and vehement are the Instigations of Rashness; by the stroaks whereof the minds of men are disorder'd, not being able to foresee their own dangers, nor prosecute the facts of others with a due consideration.

1. For how rashly did the Greater Africanus cross the Sea out of Spain, with two Gallies of five Oars, to Syphax the King, trusting his own and his Coun∣tries safety in the faithless breast of one Numidian! So that in one moment it was a doubtful question, whether Scipio should be the Captive or the Conque∣rour of Syphax.

2. The doubtful attempt also of C.Caesar was pro∣tected by the Heavens. For impatient of the Legions crossing from Brundusium to Apollonia, leaving the Banquet, out of a pretence of being sick, he went aboard a small Ship, and in a most rigorous Tempest s••eers out of the River into the very mouth of the Adriatic Sea; and commanding the Ship to keep her course, long tossed by contrary Waves, at length he was forced to return.

3. Now what a most execrable Rashness was that of the Souldiers? For they were the cause that Al∣binus, a person famous for his Nobility, Conditions,

and great Honours, through false and vain suspicions was stoned to death in the Camp. And, which ad∣mits of no excuse, denied their Captain, praying and beseeching, the power of answering for himself.

FORREIGNERS.

1. Therefore I wonder the less, that the severe and cruel Hannibal would not admit the guiltless Pilot to make his defence; who returning out of Italy from Petilia, not believing he could reach between Italy and Sicily so soon, killed the Pilot, thinking he had betrayed him. But at length, when he found what the Pilot had said to be true, pardon'd him too late; when he could pay no respect to his Innocence, but that of a Sepulchre. And therefore in the midst of a narrow and tempestuous Frith, stands an overlooking Statue, expos'd to the eyes of them that sail to and fro, in remembrance of Pelorium and the Punic Rash∣ness.

2. The Athenian City was also mad to Rashness, which put to death unheard ten of their chief Gene∣rals, returning from a noble Victory; and all because they could not bury the slain Souldiers, through the tempestuousness of the Sea: Punishing Necessity, when they should have honoured Vertue.

CHAP. IX. Of Errour.

• 1. Of the Roman People.
• 2. C. Cassius Longinus, Proconsul.
• 3. The Guard of Lartis Tolumnius King of the Veientes.

ERrour is next to Rashness: as equally prejudicial, so to them also it least knows: because it com∣mits mistakes not willingly, but out of false imagi∣nations; which being far spread in the breast of men, if I should omit it, I should be guilty of the Errour which I blame. Therefore let us recite a few Mi∣stakes.

1. C. Helvius Cinna, Tribune of the People, re∣turning home from Caesar's Funeral, was torn by the hands of the People, mistaken for Cornelius Cinna, upon whom they thought to have spent their rage; provoked against him, because that being Caesar's Kinsman, he had made an abusive Oration against him that was impiously slain. And so far irritated they were by the same Errour, that they carried the Head of Helvius, as if it had been the Head of Corne∣lius, fix'd upon a Pole, about the Funeral-pile of Caesar. A cruel expiation of Duty and Mistake.

2. For Errour caused C. Cassius to punish himself. For in the midst of that various and unknown event ••o the Captains themselves, of the fight of four Ar∣mies at Philippi; Titinius the Centurion being sent by him in the Night to see in what condition Brutus was, while he fetch'd several compasses about, because the darkness of the Night did not suffer him to know

whether he met Foes or Friends, it was long before he return'd. Cassius therefore believing him to have been taken by the Enemy, and that they were abso∣lute Masters of the field, hasten'd to end his life, when Brutus's forces were in part safe, and Masters of the Enemies Camp. But the Courage of Titinius is not to be forgot, who stood a while astonish'd at the un∣expected sight of his Captain wallowing in his own blood, then bursting into tears; Though imprudently, General, said he, I was the cause of thy death, this im∣prudence shall not go unpunish'd; receive me a companion to thy fate; and so saying, threw himself upon the liveless trunk, with his Sword up to the Hilts in his own Body: And intermixing blood with blood, they lay a double sacrifice, the one of Piety, the other of Errour.

3. But certainly Mistake did a great injury to the family of Lartis Talumnius King of the Veientes; who after he had through a lucky cast at Dice, cried to his Play-mate, Kill; the Guard, mistaking the word, fell upon the Roman Embassadours, and slew them, as they were just entring the Room; interpreting Play as a Command.

CHAP. X. Of Revenge.

In ROMANS.

• 1. Of the Papyrian Tribe of the Tusculans against Polias.
• 2. Of the people of Utica against Fabius Adrianus.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Thamyris and Bere∣nices Queens.
• 2. Certain Youths of Thes∣saly.

THe Stings of Revenge as they are sharp, so they are just, while they meditate to repay received Injuries. Of which a few Examples will serve.

1. M. Flavius, Tribune of the People, reported to the People against the Tusculans, that by their advice the Privernates and Veliterni would rebel. Who when they came to Rome in a most miserable and suppliant manner, with their Wives and Children, it hapned that all the rest of the Tribes being for Mercy, the Polian Tribe alone gave judgment that they should be first whipp'd, and then put to death; and the multi∣tude of Women and Children to be sold for Slaves. For which reason the Papyrian Tribe, in which the Tuscu∣lans being received into the City, had a strong Vote, never made afterwards any Candidate of the Polian Tribe a Magistrate; that no Honour might come to that Tribe, which as much as in them lay, had en∣deavoured to deprive them of their Lives and Li∣berty.

2. But this Revenge both the Senate and the con∣sent of all men approved. For when Adrianus had

sordidly tyrannized over the Roman Citizens at Ʋtica, and was therefore by them burnt alive; the matter was never question'd in the City, nor any complaint made against it.

FORREIGNERS.

1. Famous Examples of Revenge were both Queens: Thamyris, who having caused the Head of Cyrus to be cut off, commanded it to be thrown into a Tub of humane Blood; upbraiding him with his in∣satiable thirst after Blood, and revenging upon him the Death of her Son, who was slain by him. And Berenice, who taking heavily the loss of her Son, en∣trapped by the snares of Laodice, got arm'd into her Chariot, and following the Kings Life-guard-man that had done the Mischief, after she had miss'd him with her Spear, she sell'd him with a Stone; and driving her Horses over his Body, rid directly through the bands of the adverse party to the house where she thought the body of the slain Child lay.

2. It is a hard thing to judge whether a just Re∣venge or not were the ruine of Jason of Thessaly, preparing to make war against the King of Persia. For he gave leave to Taxillus the Matter of his Games, complaining that he had been abused by cer∣tain young men, that he should either require thirty Drachma's from them, or to give them ten Stripes. Which last revenge when he used, they that were lash'd, kill'd Jason; valuing the measure of the punishment by the pain of the Minde, and nor of the Body. Thus by a small provocation of ingenious Shame, a great Undertaking was subverted. Be∣cause that in the opinion of Greece, there was as much expected from Jason, as from Alexander.

CHAP. XI. Of things naughtily said, and wickedly done.

ROMANS.

• 1. Tullia Servilia.
• 2. C. Fimbria Tribune of the People.
• 3. L. Catiline.
• 4. Magius Chilo.
• 5. C. Toranius.
• 6. Villius Annalis.
• 7. The wife of Vettius Sa∣lassus.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Two Spanish Brothers.
• 2. Mithridates the King.
• 3. Sariaster the Son of Ti∣granes.
• 4. L. Aelius Sejanus.

NOw because we pursue the good and bad things of humane Life, let us go on with what hath been naughtily said, and wickedly done.

1. But where shall I better begin than from Tullia? as being the ancientest in time, the wickedest and most monstrous Example of Impiety. Who, when her Charioteer, as she was riding in her Chariot, stopp'd his Horses; upon her enquiry finding that the dead body of her Father, Servius Tullius, lay in the way, caus'd the Charioteer to drive over it; that she might hasten to the embraces of Tarquinius, who had slain him. By which impious and shameful haste, she not only stain'd herself with eternal Infamy, but also the very Village it self, which was called, The wicked Village, after that.

2. Not so horrible was the Act and Saying of C. Fimbria; though consider'd by themselves, both very abominable. He had order'd it, that Scaevola should

be killed at the Funeral of C. Marius; whom after he found to be recovered of his Wound, he resolv'd to accuse to the People. Being then ask'd what he could say truely of him, whose conversation was not to be blamed; answered, that he would accuse him, For not receiving the Dart any further into his Body.

3. L. Catiline, Cicero saying in the Senate, that there was a great fire kindled by him; I perceive it, said he; and if I could not quench it with Water, I would with Ruine. What can we think, but that the stings of his Conscience moved him to finish the act of Parricide which he began?

4. The Breast of Magius Chilo was deeply troubled with Madness: Who with his own hand snatch'd away Marcellus's Life that Caesar had given him. For being an old Souldier under Pompey, he took it ill that any of Pompey's friends should be preferr'd before him. For as he was upon his return from Mitylene to the City, he stabb'd him with a Dagger in the Port of Athens. An Enemy of Friendship, an Intercepter of divine Favour, and the Ignominy of publick Faith, which had promis'd the Life of so great a person.

5. To this Cruelty, to which there seems no addi∣tion to be made, C. Caius Toranius exceeds in heinous∣ness of Parricide. For adhering to the Faction of the Triumviri, he described to the Centurions the marks, the age and lurking places of his proscrib'd Father, a famous person, and of the Praetorian Order, to the end they might finde him out. The Old-man more concerned for the life and advancement of his Son, than for the remainder of his days, enquired of the Centurions whether his Son were safe, and whether he pleas'd his Generals. One of which made answer, Being shewed by him, said he, whom thou so much lovest, we are come to be thy Executioners; and pre∣sently ran him through. Thus fell that unhappy man,

more miserable in the author of his Death, then in his Death it self.

6. Which was the bitter Lot of L. Villius Annlis. Who coming into the Field to the choice of his Son for Qu••••••, and knowing himself to be proscrib'd, flew to his 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉ion. But the wickedness of the Youngman was th•• cause, that he was not safe in his Protection: For he deliver'd him up to the Souldiers, that followed his steps, to be slain in his presence. Twice a Parricide, by Counsel, and beholding the slaughter.

7. Vettius Sallassus proscrib'd, had an end no less bitter; whom being hidden, what shall I say, whe∣ther his Wife delivered him to be slain, or slew him her self? For how can we think the Crime less, where the hand is only absent?

FORRAIGNERS.

1. But this fact, because Forraign, shall be more calmly deliver'd. Scipio Africanus celebrating the Memory of his Father and his Uncle at New Carthage with a Gladiatory gift, two Kings Sons, their Father being dead, enter'd upon the Sand; promising there to fight for the Kingdom, that their Combat might make the spectacle mere famous. Them when Scipio admonish'd rather to contend in words than blows who should reign, and that the elder submitted to his advice; the younger, trusting to his strength, per∣sissed in his Madness. But the issue of the Combat was, that the more obstinate Impiety was punished with Death.

2. Mithridates much move wickedly; who not only made war with his Brother, but with his own Father himself for the Kingdom. Wherein, how he got assistants to help him, or durst invoke the gods, is to me a wonder.

3. But why should we wonder at a thing as not usual with those people? When Sariaster so conspir'd with his friends against Tigranes his Father, King of Armenia, that all of them let themselves blood in their right hands, and drank it up. Hardly were such a bloody Conspiracy to be endur'd for the safety of a Parent.

4. But why do I slay upon these Examples, when I see all Villanies exceeded by the thought of one Par∣ricide? And therefore I am transported to dilacerate it with a pious, rather than strong affection. For who, the saith of Friendship being extinct, can finde words enough to send to the Abyss of due execration the person that endeavoured the subversion of all Man∣kinde? Couldst thou, more cruel than the Cruelty of Bar••arism it self, have rul'd the reins of the Roman Empire, which our Prince and Parent governs with his protecting Arm? Or while thou wert so mad, could the world have remained steady? Thy purpose was to have represented the mad intentions of thy fury, and to have outdone the City taken by the Gauls, the slaughter of the three hundred Noblemen, the Battle of Allia, the Scipio's ruined in Spain, Thra∣symene, Cannae, and Aemathia, reaking with Civil Blood. But the Eyes of the Gods were awake, the Stars were also watchful; the Altars, Beds and Tem∣ples were full of the present Numen. There was no∣thing permitted to grow drowsie, that was to watch over the head and safety of Augustus. And in the first place the Author and Defender of our safety by his divine wisdome provided, lest his famous works should have been buried in the ruine of the whole world. Therefore Peace remains, the Laws are in force, and the order of publick and private Duty stands fast. For he that endeavoured to subvert all these, by violating the bonds of Friendship, trod under

foot with all his Family by the Roman People, hath now his punishment in Hell, if he deserve to be there.

CHAP. XII. Of Deaths not Vulgar.

ROMANS.

• 1. Tullus Hostilius King.
• 2. The two Mothers.
• 3. Mu. Juventius Thalna.
• 4. Q. Lutelius Catulus.
• 5. L. Cornelius Merula.
• 6. Herennius Siculus.
• 7. Licinius Macer.
• 8. Cornelius Gallus and T. Haterius.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Coma the Brother of Cleon Captain of the Fugitives.
• 2. Ae••chylus the Poet.
• 3. Homer.
• 4. Euripides.
• 5. Sophocles.
• 6. Philemon.
• 7. Pindarus.
• 8. Anacrcon.
• 9. Milo the Crotoni∣ate.
• 10. Polydamas of Syra∣cuse.

THe first and last day contain the condition of hu∣mane Life; for it is of great concern with what lucky Omens it begins, and how it ends. And there∣fore we accompt him happy that begins his Life with prosperity, and ends it with quietness. The middle course of time is sometimes rugged, sometimes calm; always deceiving hope, while we wish it long, and yet idly consume it. For by using it well, a short time becomes long, exceeding the multitude of years in the number of famous actions. But not to wander

farther, let us mention those that have died no Vulgar Deaths.

Tullus Hostilius the King was struck with Thun∣der, and burnt together with his whole Palace. A singular Lot of Fate, by which it happen'd, that the Pillar of the City, taken away in the City it self, was reduced into that condition by the flame of Hea∣ven, that the Citizens might not have the honour of bestowing the last Funeral Rites upon it, the Palace being both Funeral-Pile and Sepulcher.

2. 'Tis a strange thing that Joy should do the same as Thunder; and yet it did. For news being brought of the slaughter at Thrasymene; One Mother meeting her Son safe in the Gate, expir'd in his arms; ano∣ther upon the false news of her Sons death, sitting melancholy at home, at the first sight of him, when he return'd, fell down dead. An unusual accident, that they whom Grief could not, Joy should kill.

3. But I wonder the less because they were Women. Juventius Thalna, Colleague with T. Graccbus the Consul, sacrificing in Corsica, which he had newly subdued, and receiving Letters that Supplications were decreed by the Senate, as he was intently reading them, a mist rose before his eyes, and he fell down dead before the hearth. What can we think, but that too much Joy was the cause of his Death? What if Numantia or Carthage had been deliver'd to him!

4. C. Catulus, a Captain of a greater Spirit, and Partaker with Marius in the Cimbrian Triumph, by order of the Senate, had an end more violent. For by the same Marius afterwards commanded to death, covered himself up in his Bed, heated vehemently hot, and daub'd with new Lime, and so stifled him∣self.

5. At which time also L. Cornelius Merula, of Con∣sular Dignity, and Priest of Jupiter, that he might

not be a scorn to the Insolency of the Victors, opening his Veins in the Temple of Jove, avoided the denun∣ciation of his Death.

6. A sharp and stout end was that of Herennius the Sicilian, who was both a Friend and Southsayer to C. Gracchus. For being for that reason carried to Pri∣son, at the very threshold of Ignominy he knock'd out his own Brains against the post of the door, and there died: One degree more swift than Publick Justice, or the hand of the Executioner.

7. As violent was the. End of C. Licinius Macer, a Praetorian, the Father of Calvus, being guilty of Bri∣bery; while the Suffrages were separating, went into the place of Judgment, and seeing M. Cicero, who assembled the Judges, preparing to plead, he sent to tell him, that he died not condemned, but guilty, and that his estate could not be confiscated; and haying so said, stopping his Mouth and Nostrils with his Handker∣chief, and holding his Breath, he prevented his punish∣ment by Death. Which being known, Cicero forbore to pronounce Sentence. Thus an Illustrious person freed himself from an unusual sort of Death, from the shame of Condemnation, and his Family from Want.

8. This a stout Death, the next ridiculous. For Cornelius Gallus, and ••. Haterius a Roman Knight, ex∣pir'd at their Venery. But what imports it to repre∣hend the Fate of those, whom not their Lust, but the condition of humane frailty brought to an end? For the end of Life being ••xpos'd to various and occult Causes, sometimes certain accidents gain the title of Supreme Fate, when they rather happen at the time of Death, than any way hasten it.

FORREIGNERS.

1. The Deaths of Strangers are also very remark∣able;

as that of Coma, the Brother of Clean the greatest Captain of Thieves in his time. For he being brought to Rupilius the Consul after the taking of Enna, which the Thieves kept, being examined touching the force and designes of the Fugitives, re∣suming time to collect himself, he covered his Head, with his Knees bent, and holding his Breath, he ex∣pir'd in the hands of his Keepers, and in the sight of the supreme Command. Let the miserable torment themselves, to whom it is more profitable to dye than live, with timorous and dubious counsel how to end their Lives: Let them sharpen their Knives, temper Poysons, take Halters, view Precipices, as if it re∣quired some preparation or exact method to separate the strict society of Soul and Body. Coma made use of none of these, but his Soul being shut up in his breast, sound its own way.

2. The Death of Aescbylus, though not voluntary, may be however related for the novelty. For walking out of the ••••w•• where he liv'd in Sicily, he sate down in a conve•••••••• place; upon whom an Eagle bearing a Tortoise, deceived by the baldness of his head, let fall the Tortoise to break it, that he might come at the flesh. And by that blow the beginning of a higher Tragedy was stifled in the birth.

3. Nor was the cause of Homer's Death vulgar: Who is said to have died for grief, because he could not answer a question which the Fishers put to him.

4. More sad•• was the destiny of Euripides. For re∣turning to the house where he lay in Macedonia, from supping with King Archelaus, he was torn to pieces by Dogs. A fate too severe for so great a Wit.

5. Sophocles being very old, and having rehears'd a Tragedy at the publick place for tri••l of Wit, after a long dispute remaining at length Victor by one voice, died for joy that he had won.

6. Philemon was carried off by immoderate laughter. For an Ass eating certain Figs that were prepared for him, and set before him, he call'd the boy to drive him away: who not coming till the Ass had eaten them all up; Because then comest so late, said he, prethee give the Ass some Wine too; and prosecuting his Jeast with an intemperancy of Laughter, stopp'd up the passages of the Spirits.

7. But Pindarus laying his head in the School on a Boy's lap, who was his only delight, and composing himself for rest, was not known to be dead, till the Master of the Exercising-place, where he lay, going to shut the doors, sought in vain to wake him. Cer∣tainly the same favour of the Gods granted him his Poetic Eloquence, and such an easie Death.

8. As happen'd also to Anacreon, though he had outlived the age of man, whom, cherishing his old age with the juice of Raisins, the more thick moi∣sture of one Grape sticking in his Throat, carried off.

9. I will adde those, whose Exit and Intent were alike. Milo the Crotoniate, as he was travelling, see∣ing an Oak clest with Wedges, trusting to his strength, went to the Oak, and thought with his hands to pull one from the other. But the Wedges falling out, the Oak closed again, and there kept him, till with all the Palms and Victories he had won, the wild beasts came and devoured him.

10. Polydamas also, the Wrastler, being forced by stress of weather to shelter himself in a Cave, which being weakned and ready to fall, while his Compani∣ons ran away, he only stood still, thinking to have up∣held the weight with his Shoulders. But being op∣prest with a weight more powerful than humane strength, the shelter which he sought from the show∣er, became the Sepulcher of his own mad fate.

These Examples may teach us, that Vigour of Minde and vast Strength of Body are not always compani∣ons. Nature not affording two such great Benefits together, that the same person should at once be the most strong and the most wise.

CHAP. XIII. Of Desire of Life.

ROMANS.

• 1. Mu. Aquilius Consular Legate.
• 2. Cn. Carbo thrice Con∣sul.
• 3. D. Junius Brutus Pro∣consul.

FORRAIGNERS.

• 1. Xerxes King of Persia.
• 2. Massinissa King of the Numidians.
• 3. Alexander King of the Phereans.
• 4. Dionysius the Tyrant.

NOw because we have touch'd upon some casual, some couragious, some rash terminations of Life; we may now adde some that are low-spirited and effeminate. That by the comparison it may ap∣pear, how Death may be sometimes not only more stoutly, but more prudently desired.

1. Mu. Aquilius, when he might have bravely died, chose rather to be an ignominious slave to Mithridates. Whether shall we say he best deserved the Pontic pu∣nisshment, or the Roman Empire? Since he permitted private Ignominy to be the publick Shame.

2. Cn. Carbo is a great blot to the Latine Annals, who in his third Consulship, being sent to be put to death in Sicily by Pompey, humbly and with tears in his eyes begg'd of the Souldiers, that he might have

time to ease himself before he suffered, that he might enjoy that miserable moment of a pitiful Life: and so long he delayed, till his head was sordidly cut off as he sate. The words relating so much Pusillanimity, are at variance among themselves, neither friendly to silence, because they deserve not to be conceal'd; nor familiar to rehearsal, when the subject nau••eates.

2. Brutus with how much shame did he buy an un∣happy and small moment of Life! For being taken by Furius, whom Antonius had sent to apprehend him, not only withdrew his Neck from the Sword; but being admonish'd to hold still, he swore in these words, As I live, I will hold it sorth. O contemptible delay of fate! O stolid and silly Oath! But these are thy deliriums, out of an immoderate desire of the sweets of Life, expel••••ng that measure of Reason, which teaches to love Life, yet not to fear Death.

FORREIGNERS.

1. Thou the same sweetness of Life didst compel Xerxes to shed tears for the armed Youth of all Asia, of which there would be none remaining in less than an hundred years. Who thereby seem'd to me, while he bewail'd others, to deplore his own condition. Happy rather in the multitude of his Riches, than in the deep Reflexion of his thoughts. For who but meanly prudent would bewail that he was born mor∣tal?

2. I will relate others now, who having others in suspicion, fought to have a more exquisite care of themselves. Nor will I begin from the most mise∣rable, but one that was accompted the most happy among a few. Massinissa the King reposing but little faith in Men, secur'd himself with a guard of Dogs. What meant so large an Empire? What so great a

number of Children? What the Roman Friendship so strictly allied to him? If to secure all these, he thought nothing more powerful than the barking and biting of Dogs?

3. Alexander was more unhappy than this King; whose minde on the one side Love, on the other Fear tormented. For being infinitely enamour'd of his Wife Thebe, going to her from a Banquet into her Chamber, he caus'd a Barbarian Fugitive to go before him with his Sword drawn. Nor did he put himself to bed, till he was diligently search'd by those about him. A mix'd Punishment, through the anger of the Gods, that he could neither command his Lust nor his Fear. Of whose Fear the cause and end was the same. For Thebe slew Alexander, provoked by his Adultery.

4. Dionysius Tyrant of Syracuse, how long a story might he make of this fear? Who prolonged a Ty∣ranny of two and forty years, in this manner: He re∣moved his Friends, and substituted in their places men brought from the most fierce of Nations, and stout Servants pick'd out of wealthy Families for his Guard; and out of fear of a Barber, taught his Daughters to shave: into whose hands, when they came to ripe Age, not daring to commit Iron, he order'd his Beard and Hair to be burnt off with the flame of the skins of Walnuts. Nor was he a more secure Husband than he was a Father. For having mar∣ried at the same time Aristomache of Syracuse, and Cloris of Locris, he never lay with either till they were searched. And he entrench'd his Bed, like a Camp, into which he went over a wooden Bridge, leaving the outward Chamber-door open to his Guards, and carefully locking the inner himself.

CHAP. XIV. Of Similitude of Form.

ROMANS.

• 1. Cn. Pompey the Great, with Vibius and Publi∣cius.
• 2. Cn. Pompey Strabo with Menogenes the Cook.
• 3. P. Scipio Nasica with Serapius.
• 4. P. Lentulus and Qu. Metellus Consuls, with Spinther and Pamphi∣lus the Players.
• 5. M. Messala and C. Cu∣rio with Menoges and Bubuleius Scenics.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Antiochus King of Sy∣ria with Artemon.
• 2. Hybras the Orator with a Servant of the Cy∣maeans.
• 3. A Sicilian Fisher with a Roman Praetor.

COncerning the likeness of Countenance and Pro∣portion, the more Learned dispute subtily. And some are of opinion, that it answers to the original and composition of the blood. Nor do they draw a mean Argument from other Creatures, which are like those that beget them. Others deny this to be the Constitution of Nature, but an Accidental Chance of Conception. And therefore many times the beautiful bring forth deformed, the strong produce weak Children. But because the Question is doubtful, let us produce a few Examples of noted Likeness.

1. Vibius of a good Family, and Publicius the Freed-man were so like Pompey the Great, that changing their condition, they might have been saluted for him, and he for them. Certainly, wherever Vibius or Publicius came, all mens eyes were upon them; every

one remarking the form of a mighty Citizen in per∣sons of mean degree. Which kind of Mockery be∣came almost hereditary to him.

2. For his Father also was so exceeding like Meno∣genes his Cook, that a man fierce in Courage and potent in Arms could not avoid that sordid name upon himself.

3. Cornelius Scipio a young man, illustrious for his Nobility, abounding in many famous Sirnames of his Family, could not scape the servile Appellation of Scrapio; being so like a Killer of the Sacrifices who was of that Name. Nor could the Probity of his Life, nor the Antiquity of his Family, any way pre∣vail against the Scandal.

4. A most generous Colleagueship was that of Lentulus and Metellus. Yet both were look'd upon as Players, so like they were to two Histrio's upon the Stage. For the one got the sirname of Spinther, an Actor of the Second Parts; and if the other had not had the sirname of Nepos from his Ancestors, he had had the sirname of Pamphilus, an Actor of Third Parts, whom he so much resembled.

5. But M. Messala, of Consular Dignity, was for∣ced to receive the sirname of Menogenes; and Curio, abounding in wealth, that of Barbuleius: the one by reason of the likeness of their Faces; the other, because of the likeness of their Gate.

FORREIGNERS.

1. These are enough for Domesticks, because they are particularly remarkable in reference to the persons, and not obscure in relation to common knowledge. There was one Artemon by name, and related to the Royal Family, who was affirm'd to be very like to King Antiochus: Whom Laodice having murder'd her Husband, to conceal the fact, laid in her Husbands

Bed, to counterfeit the King as sick. And by his Countenance and Voice deceived all people that were admitted to see him, and believed that Laodice and her Children were recommended by dying Antiochus to their care.

2. Hybreas of Mylasa, an Oratour of a smart and copious Eloquence, was so like a Servant of the Cy∣maeans, that swept the Wrastling-School, that all the eyes of Asia took him for his own Brother; so like he was in all the Lineaments of Face and Members.

3. But he that was in Sicily so like the Praetor, was of a petulant disposition. For the Proconsul saying, That be wonder'd how he should come to be so like him, when his Father had never been in that Countrey; But mine, answered the other, went frequently to Rome. Revenging by that means the Injury done to his Mo∣thers Chastity, by a Suspition thrown upon the Mo∣ther of the Proconsul: yet more boldly than became a man that was under the Lash and Axe of Authority.

Chap. XV. Of those who by lying have thrust themselves in∣to Families which they never belong'd to.

• 1. L. Equitius Firmanus.
• 2. Erophilus the Farrier.
• 3. The false son of Octavia Augustus's Sister.
• 4. The false son of Sertorius.
• 5. Trebellius Calca.
• 6. C. Asinius Dio, false.

FORREIGNERS.

• 1. Rubria of Millain false.
• 2. Ariarathes the false King of Cappadocia.

THe former was a tolerable piece of Impudence, and only dangerous to himself. That which follows is no way to be endur'd, and not only pri∣vately, but publickly dangerous.

1. For that I my not omit Equitius; a Monster out of Firmum in Piceni, whose manifest lye in counter∣feiting himself the Son of T. Gracchus, by the turbu∣lent mistake of the Vulgar, was defended by the power of the Tribune.

2. Herophilus the Farrier, by claiming Marius seven times Consul for his Grandfather, so set himself forth, that most of the Colonies of the Veterane Souldiers, and noble free Towns, adopted him for their Patron. Nay when Caesar, having overcome young Pompey in Spain, had admitted the people into his Gardens, he was saluted in the next space between the Pillars by the Multitude. And had nor Caesar prudently pre∣vented the storm, the Commonwealth had suffer'd as much by him as by Equitius. But being banished out of Italy by him, after he was taken into Heaven, the other return'd into the City, and durst attempt to plot the killing of the Senate. For which reason be∣ing by the command of the Fathers put to Death in Prison, he had the late reward of a quick intention to do mischief.

3. Neither was the Deity of the World, Augustus himself, ruling the world, exempt from this kinde of Imposture: There being a certain person that durst to affirm himself born of the womb of his most dear Sister Octavia; saying, that for the infirmity of his body, he was put out to the person that bred him, and his Son taken in in his stead. Thus at the same time endeavouring to deprive a most sacred Family of the Memory of their true Blood, and to contaminate it with the contagion of a Lye. But while he soar'd to the utmost degree of boldness, he was by Caesar con∣demn'd to the Gallies.

4. There was also one who affirm'd himself to be the Son of Q. Sertorius, whose Wife would by no means be compell'd to acknowledge him.

5. Trebellius Calca, how stedfastly did he justifie himself to be Clodius! And while he contended for his Estate, was so favourably receiv'd by the Court of Judicature, that the tumult of the people would hardly give way for a just and legal Sentence. However, the Constancy of the Judges would not give way, either to the Calumnies of the Claimer, nor the fury of the People.

6. Much more stoutly was that done by him, who when L. Sylla rul'd in chief, brake into the house of Asinius Dio, and expell'd his Son out of doors, cla∣mouring that it was he that was Dio's Son. But when Caesar's Equity had freed the Commonwealth from Sylla's Tyranny, a juster Prince steering the helm of Government, the Impostor died in Jail.

FORREIGNERS.

1. While the same Prince governed, the Rashness of a Woman was punish'd at Milan, upon account of the same Imposture. For attesting herself to be one Rubria, and claiming by that means an Estace that belong'd not to her; though she wanted neither favour nor Witnesses, yet the invincible Constancy of Caesar disappointed her of her hopes.

The same person compell'd to just punishment a Barbarian affecting the Kingdom of Cappadocia, and affirming himself to be Ariarathes, who was cer∣tainly known to have been slain by Mark Antony; though at the same time he had deluded most of the Cities and People of the East.

FINIS.