The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu. (Book 2)

Second Part. (Book 2)

Anno 1630.

IF Antiquity hath made Afrique to passe for one of the most wonderfull Countries of the World; be∣cause it every day produceth something, which is both new and Monstrous, I am most confident that this years History will enforce the judgments, of those who shall consider it to confesse, that Europe runs the same Parallel: and the extraordinary di∣versity which is here met with, is ground enough for it, seeing every Sun brings to light, somewhat which is not common, and seems to give a new face to all State affairs. Bellona sets all parts on fire with the flames of War. Peace endeavoured which all it's might to extinguish it in Italy: Honour and disgrace breed strange effects; Ingratitude will cause us to behold such Monsters, that the Age to come will want faith to believe the qualities of them. Love and hatred, will a like strenuously act their parts; The Stars of Heaven in their malig∣nities one against t'other, seem to conspire the ruin of Nations and Armies; In a word there is not any one thing which a man may call strang or unheard of, but I

find acted to the life in this years compasse, not to say in Europe, but even in France it self.

If should seem that Heaven, which cannot justly be more admired at for any thing then that of its various twinking lights the Stars, is sometimes delighted to shew us an extraordinary diversity in Negotiations of States, and partly to afford those who govern, fit opportunities to testifie their Prudence to the World: The Divine wis∣dom permits their Splendor to be somtime Eclipsed with thick clouds, which are soon after dissipated and blown over, to make their light appear the more glorious. Such is the condition both of Kingdoms and particular men, that they are both equally subject to the changes of Fortune. But as the wise and prudent Pilot saves and keeps his vessel, in the greatest and most violent storm, not losing his judgment, either at the flashes of lightning, or the claps of Thunder which cuts and rends the air on every side. So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune, his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolu∣tion, or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence, the rule of all his conduct, and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year.

The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship.

I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow, with, the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio. The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship, and his sublime vertue, made it apparent to all the World, that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster, had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church. I shall not need say more of him, then that he was the Car∣dinals Brother, seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity. The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate, could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church, and not advanced to the utmost degree of Ho∣nour which the French are capable of: and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church; so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency. Its true by the Laws of the Roman Court, it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time: But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment, so his Holi∣ness did not so much as once scruple at it; And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny, besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty, in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio, which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat; His own Worth, which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom, not only of the Cardinalship, but even of the Papal Miter, every one predicting that he would one day wear is, invied, nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him; and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude, that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome, when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour, he could not but be very ad∣vantageously useful to the Interests of France, which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France, but as Princes who are strangers. Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or im∣portant to the State; they being more considerable, then other Princes of the same

condition, by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope, and indeed ought to be respected, as the principal conservators under the King, of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State; they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary, neer the Pope: and it hath been alwayes held necessary, that there were some one of this quality, either a French man by Nation, or at least very affectionate by Nature, to the Interests of France, who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church, with his Holiness the Pope. And from hence it came to passe, that if they were naughty French, little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain, that great Inconveniences befell, as hath been heretofore seen; and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty, to permit France to be with out any, rather then such Cardinals. But we live not in an age, which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness, seeing France oweth the restaura∣tion of its greatness and glory, to the Cardinal, as to the Prime and first of second Causes, which Act under the King; for to him chiefly belongs the Honour, in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition, that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say, that his Holiness was turned Cardinal.

The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice, concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua.

I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State, which might be made, upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship, that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year; Fortune being become seldome fa∣vourable to the house of Austria or their Arms, the Imperialists found themselves, so oppressed with diseases, and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities, that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua. But it was as if they had only with∣drawn themselves into their Winter quarters. The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State, and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain, which had sought all occasions for fifty years past, to render themselves Masters of Italy, and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design, in causing new Troops to come from Germany, and in giving better Orders and Instructions, then heretofore, that they might give new life to their intentions and designs. This moved him to make addresses to the King, that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians, to induce them to raise an Army, and make them∣selves Masters of the field, which would discourage the Imperialists, to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua: This request of his was granted, and the Marshal d' Estree, dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January, to treat there, concerning those succours, with order to retirs himself into Man∣tua, after the conclusion of his Embassie, according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper, before he had began his Journy thither. And thus, it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua. (His Dominion, being like the Eagles Feathers, which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it,) they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua, and chose the Duke of Candal for their General, and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree, about twelve thousand foot, and three thousand Horse, to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette, which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King.

Politique Observation.

IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy, before he be in a condition to put them in Execution, and this foresight is so much the more commendable, by how much it is profitable and commodious to the good of a Commonwealth.

That Prince is much to be blamed, who begins to make preparations of defence, when he sees an Armed Enemy at his Gates, and he is oftentimes well beaten for his negligence.

The preparations of War, which a Prince maketh in expectation of being assaul∣ted or set upon, are a certain Index of his courage, and a sure testimony of his reso∣lution, which allayes and cheques, the heat and fury of an Enemy, who may from thence gather, that he disposeth himself in good earnest to entertain the War, and that one thing is sometimes capable of frighting them from making any incursions or invasions into a Country. It is very dangerous to despise an Enemy after a victo∣ry, and as great a fault to slight him before a fight. Fear is still attended with shame and confusion, when it faintly withdraws from the Battle; But that which produceth no other effect in the Soul of a Prince, then the resolution of preparation for the War when he finds himself threatned with an Invation, cannot but be allowable, honourable and commendable. On the otherside, the little esteem which a man hath of his Enemies, gives them a notable advantage, seeing it causeth a neglect of the keeping Forces in a condition of repelling Enemies, and gives them oportunities of time and place to advance, to fortifie and to put all their designs in Execution; so that it will be at last full as difficult to compel them to retire, as at first it had been easie to have stop't and impeded their entrance or approches. And this Maxime I learn from Caesar, who instead of neglecting or slighting his Enemies, made his Souldiers alwayes believe that their Enemies were very strong, that every one might dispose himself to fight, either by redoubling his courage, or resolving to preserve himself in that Station and Orders, which his Officers should allot and assign unto him.

The Kings departure towards Italy.

THis very consideration drew the Cardinal to advance, with all diligence to Lion, where he soon found what he before suspected; The Duke of Savoys being Guil∣ty of Infidelity, and that he sought for pretences and excuses, that he might not keep his promise with the King, to which he was obliged by the Treaty at Suze: which was, That he should keep open the Passages of Savoy and Piedmont, and furnish the Markets with victuals for the Souldiers in consideration of such wheat and mony, as had been accorded between them, and whereof a good part had been delivered into his Custodie. Of all which the King was advised, whose courage was so sensibly toucht at it, that he presently resolved to set forward in his own person, so that nei∣ther the length of the journey, the extremity of the Ice or Snow, nor the most violent storms of the Winter, were able to divert him from it.

Politique Observation.

A Generous Prince, cannot bear indignities without resenting of them, his courage is a fire which tormenteth him with continual impatiences, until he hath punish't the Authors which such usage, as they deserve: he is not at all allayed with the injuries he hath suffered, but thence takes fresh courage to assault them the more furiously; He well knoweth that a firm a strong resolution, is the best Counsel which can be taken in such affairs, not to be astonished, at any thing whatever and to keep ones self immovable to his Principles of rendring himself known to his Ene∣mies by the strength of his Arms, and how they do but wro••g themselves in attemp∣ting any thing contrary to the respect, and the fidelity, which is due unto him.

The Prosecution of the Subject.

AFter the King had been once assured of the resolution taken by the Spaniards for a second siege of Cazal, that they might recover the Honour and glory which they had lost before it the last year; He was not ignorant that the Marques

of Spinola's being in Milan, with so puissant an Army was to no other purpose, then to attend, till the first fair season of the new Spring, might give him an occasion of commencing the siege with lesse disaster and trouble. And as he was not igno∣rant, how necessary his own presence was with this Armies, who knew not what it was to be vanquished and to loose that Honour, which they had once acquired, so his Majesty, to whom nothing appears difficult when a Battail is once in Question, ingageth himself in this expedition, that by his presence, he might animate his Troops and gain as much glory in the head of his Army, as the Princes of Austria do shame, and reproach by being in their pleasures and recreations, whiles their Souldiers run the hazards of a Battail, or suffer the toilsome incommodities of a siedg.

Politique Observation.

IT is most true, the presence of a King worketh strange effects, in their Armies; there is a certain vivacity and gallantry of courage, which flows from their Maje∣sty, which doth so strongly animate their Souldiers resolutions, that nothing is able to resist them. The most generous are troubled in their feats, if they have not the eyes of a Prince for witnesses of their actions, from whence they either hope for a glory or a reward: And the most cowardly, at the sight of them, are touch't to the very Soul with such a strong influence and resentment, that there is not any danger how great soever able to infuse the least fear into them, and they only apprehend a de∣fect of occasions to signalize themselves, before such extraordinary testimonies of a great valour. The late King Heury the Great, shewed the World in six several encounters, how much valour his presence instilled into his Souldiers, when with a handful of men he carried away the victory from the most puissant Armies of the Enemies of his Crown, most especially in the Battails of Arques and Fontain-Fran∣coise, where he gave a sure testimony, that his only person was capable of vanquish∣ing, though seconded with never so small a Troop. It would be an offence to the generous Courage of the present King, to imagine he hath lesse valour, then him from whom he received his Crown; after he hath testified in many occasions that he doth much surpass him: and therefore there is nothing else to be expected, but his sodaine departure, which presently followed, and he appeared in the head of his Troops soon after the first news & advise, that the Duke of Savoy made it a difficulty to open the Passages for his Army.

The Queen Mothers journy to his Majesty.

THE Queen Mother was strongly bent not to leave the King in any of his jour∣nies or expeditions, not only that she might have a hand in the disposing of affairs and to divert (if by any means she could) his Majesty from assisting the Duke of Mantua, whom she did not thwart out of any hatred, but that she might pick an occasion of ruining the Cardinal in his Majesties good opinion; Neither could the consideration of the extream Illness of the season, or the difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her, but from Paris shee soon followed him, by the perswasions of the Chancellor Marillac, who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room, who had placed him, so near her Majesty.

Politique Observation.

ANger is a Passion, which forceth a man to undertake any thing, nay all things. It is a Torrent which bears down, whatsoever doth resist it, and its Rhetori∣que is so perswasive, that there is no difficulty whatever, which it will not break through and make appear feaseable, to those who will but lend an ear to its Rea∣sons, so there be but any time fix't, in which it may arrive to take that revenge

which it proposeth it self. Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every oportunity of offending those whom it ayms at, and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure, so that it may arrive to the end of its designs. Anger too, as it hath no fellowship with Prudence, but a great friendship with boldness, (which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains) so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits, and snares which they had provided for others. Anger, hath alwayes its eyes and thoughts fix't upon the end of its designs, not once considering the difficulties, dangers or wickednesses, which accompany the means of obtaining its desires. And it is apparently seen, that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion, reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn, concluding there is no other water to extin∣guish it, then the ruin and downfal of those whom they hate and maligne, little imagining that a Remedie of this quality will consume them in a worse heat, and render their disease the more tormenting.

In fine, it is most of all dangerous in great Personages, because the designs into which it transports their courages, are not alwayes conformable to the good of the State; And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges: which in∣duced an Antient Writer to say, they ought to have so much the lesse of this passi∣on, by how much they have more power. This Anger, being but a simple poor fault in private persons, is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men, which over∣throws every thing, without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws then those of their own violent humours. Stars that are highest, move slowest. And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choller, by how much their qualities and conditions are more emi∣nent then those of others.

The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King.

THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinals expedition, of which we have already said, that it was about the end of the fore∣going year. As soon as he was arrived at Lions, he would not lose any longer time, but after he had writ to the King, that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself, considering the extreme ill season of the year, he presently dis∣patched the Sieur de Servient, Superintendent of Justice in his Majesties Army, to∣wards the Duke of Savoy, to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men, with design to assist the Duke of Mantua, and to defend him from the Spanish oppression. His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze, to joyne his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince, and of the Liberty of Italy; and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the President of Montfalcon, who had assured his Majesty in his behalf, that he would advance ten thousand men, and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Souldiers; and all this that he might be as good as his promise. The time was now come, in which he must declare himself, and reduce his words into Acti∣ons. The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to presse him to it in the King's behalf; The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made, if he had pro∣ceeded with that faith and truth, which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this, that he would not go one tittle lesse then his word; but instead of that fair and clear dealing, his first answer was, that he did totally disown the President of Montfalcon, without the least shew of a readiness to execute his promises, which gave evident causes of suspition, that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard, and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands.

Politique Observation.

THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary. Whatever con∣sequence they apprehend in their affairs, is not a sufficient ground for their dou∣ble dealing; but they ought to blame their own fore-sight. It is as dishonourable for them to say, I did not think it, as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words. That Prince cannot be thought faithfull, who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be, which whosoever doth, deceiveth and cheateth himself; for that the truth and faith of Grandees, gives then as much power and credit, as their Swords. It is esteemed by the most wise, to be a good Store-house or Armo∣ry, when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes, which he may safely do, so long as they are reputed faithfull. But when any Prince becomes faithlesse, it is lawfull for every one to break with him, who first breaks himself. He who hath been once treacherous, is for ever looked on as a Coward, the onely going back from his word, being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies. A couragious Prince will keep touch with his very enemies, and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolu∣tions, whilest it is his maxime, that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of vertue. Adversity doth it in a more particular manner. The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus, was much esteemed of by all the Ancients, who returned wil∣lingly to the tortures of his enemies, rather then he would break his Parole once past unto them.

But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled, and being in league with the Spaniard, thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do, it being grown a Proverb amongst them, that the Wind drives Words and Feathers, yet in it he will find himself much mistaken, and that to his own very great disadvantage, as well as in his many other tricks, artifices, and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal.

Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy, to the Cardinal Richelieu.

FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient, that a conference might be had, if it were thought fit, with the Prince of Piedmont, upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin, there to determine what should be done; designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes, and so prevent their absolute breach with him, and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on, but to be done; that was, to open the Passages, and furnish the Markets, as it had been resolved on; so that after a full debate with himself, what honour he was bound to render to this Prince, being the Kings Brother-in-law, he concluded, that in going to confer with him, who had falsified his word, and intended nothing but to surprize him, he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur, who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army, so that he absolutely declined this meeting; as well knowing, that the Duke of Savoy's design in it, was to amuse and delay the Army in their march; and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing; so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun, not being willing to come near Suze, lest in case the Army should want rest, they should there meet with ma∣ny inconveniences, and eat out all their store of Provisions.

Politique Observation.

IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word, and who designs in his interview, nothing more then the losse of his Army. If he will needs go meet him, let it be with his sword in his hand, to chastise him for the injuries he hath done. I am of the same opinion with the

Grand Cosmo de Medicis, who said, a man may forgive his enemies their faults; but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends, and under that notion betray us. But if a King, or he who represents his person, do not de∣sire satisfaction, or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them; yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince, who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage. This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour. Besides those conferences of face to face, between incensed Princes, do rather increase their hatred, then breed any hearty good will between them; and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged, upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus. And Tacitus in his Annales, upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison. It's true, the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was pro∣per enough, and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Com∣manders, who have chosen to meet upon Bridges, in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up, to prevent any attempts of either party. And thus Lewis the Eleventh, met Edward King of England (as Philip de Commines hath it) upon the Bridge of Pequinis. But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents, and esteemeth it more to the Purpose, that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-under∣standings to their Officers and Ministers of State, who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons.

The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu.

BY this refusal of the Cardinal, the Duke of Savoy concluded, that all his designs were discovered, and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow, he had another trick to take to, which was, he granted the Passages and Marts, but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears, and if those were not approved of, he promised others, but with this reserved resolution, that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries, that in effect it should not passe at all. The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes, guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts, gave advice of it to the King. His Majesties Orders soon came, which were to accept of no other ways then those usu∣ally called the military, it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages, but most facile for his Majesties enemies, if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march, and indeed totally to ruine them. So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways, the difference now was concerning the Markets, which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main, that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat, and that he might force the Army to break up, either by mutiny or famine. The Duke gave out that the••e was no Corn in Savoy, though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse, Dauphine, and Bourgogne, and that which the King sent from Nice, had been likewise already received. He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions, then had been agreed on, which however the Cardinal sub∣mitted to, that he might take away all occasions of excuses, and paid down the ad∣vance money. Notwithstanding all this, there were fifteen days spun out, in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army, creating every day new difficul∣ties; and in conclusion, would open no other Passage but that of Cand••n, which in Summer was good enough, but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires, that they could not be passed but with very great danger; so that all his whole proceeding for some time, was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat, that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages, and provi∣ding Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose.

Politique Observation.

ITs usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies, rather to pre∣tend an Impossibility, or at least a most extraordinary difficulty, then point blank to refuse them, & it must be granted for a prudent put off, when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made, which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice. If any great or notable losse insue, as the destructi∣on of an Army, or the breaking a design, it renders them for enemies, and admi∣nisters a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors, without breaking any Treaty. He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace, who gives the first occa∣sion by his unjust Combinations and Practises, not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour, suggested to Cosroes King of Persia, when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian. Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses, had need be well assured, that he is the stronger, for admitting him to be the weaker, the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable, there being no one thing so difficult, as for a weak and low person to attempt and enter∣prise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able, and want neither prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him, nor force and power to punish and chastise him.

Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu.

ONe other device the Duke had, by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance & Prudence of the Cardinal, incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition, which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace, sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirol••, who had no power to conclude any thing; otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court, but never consenting to the Kings demands, without which, he knew his Overtures would never be admitted. The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua, as often as need should require, and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it, alledging that the Em∣perour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protecti∣on with. and against the whole world, and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service, which were however ve∣ry needfull for the surety of his Estate, it being impossible for him to raise a suffici∣ent party in his own Dukedom. The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions, which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessa∣ry Orders for the carrying on of the War, never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace, but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions, as without them, the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms, it had been but of a short continuance, for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spa∣niard, and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages, and render themselves Ma∣sters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease, a design which France could not brook, though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe.

Politique Observation.

MOst certain it is, that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented, by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced. Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society, the delight of nature, the nurse of good Laws, of Order, and Policy, it peopleth Desarts, and maketh the Land fruitfull, every one finds it

the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance. On the other side, War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes, the desolation of Countries, the demolition of Cities, the destruction of Nations, and the cause of all sorts of miseries.

There are, I must confesse, two Occurrences, in which War is better then Peace. The first, when that Peace cannot long last, for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost. Such was Archidanus his advice, when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from ma∣king a Peace with those of Th••bes. in Isocrates opinion, wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Coun∣tries, and they indure without regret the troubles of a War, that they may the lon∣ger enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace; and most certain it is, that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace, on all such occasions, where no accommodation could be made, but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate. Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions, not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things; but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing; it being apparent, that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder, will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation. As you may find in T. Li∣vius, the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty, upon the first War with the Romans.

The Revictualling of Cazal.

AFter all this jugling, the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Sa∣voy, but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence; though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed. Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty, was, because he would cast the blame on them and their party, and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side, who had prose∣cuted their desires or Peace, so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it; moreover, that by this means he might pierce into their de∣signs, as also to revictual Cazal, which he could not have done, should he have fallen out with the Duke, as soon as there was an occasion offered for it. For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army, he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal (without which, the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege, and for which Spinola had began his preparations) and to skirmish with them in Piedmont, and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege, and fortified themselves in their Trenches, which would be in a short time impregnable. As soon as Cazal was thus victualled, and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace, his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty, was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies, which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by, and take no notice of at all.

Politique Observation.

IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace, as soon as one dispairs of con∣cluding it. But I think it very expedient, and a matter of great concernment to prolong it, as long as honourably one may, provided he get any advantage by it. And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus, hath well observed, a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace, with too great an Ardour or Affection, because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse, the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies. Though in a Treaty of a Peace, a Prince reap no other benefit then

this one; to wit, the sending abroad with more liberty, his intelligences into his ene∣mies Quarters, under pretence of Conferences, there to find out his enemies designs, yet the advantage were not despicable. In this Overture, the Cardinal was not be∣hind hand with them in any of these particulars, for there passed not any day, in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy, by persons both of great quality and judgement; well knowing, that men so qualified are capable in their negoti∣ations; not onely of knowing the State of Affairs, but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels. And so Plutarch hath well observed, that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio.

Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu.

I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont, in which the Prince could say little in his own defence, for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages, and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions. At last all occasions of discontent were removed, and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him. I am the willinger to be a little par∣ticular in this affair, that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by, in interviews of this kind. The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses, and to sink into his thoughts, if he could find any manner of hopes, that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace, with this belief, that Peradventure those many inconveniences, which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters, might have somewhat abated, and it might be altered, the Cardinals last resolutions: But the Cardinal who well understood, both by his own discretion and experience, the ends of such meetings and discourses, especially when such persons are concern'd in them, who in former procedures, have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch, so managed himself, and kept himself in so retired a garb, that the Prince of Pied∣mont could not pick the least advantage out of him. At first nothing of business was named, only Complements and Civilities. The Cardinal made his Excuses, that he should not first propose any thing, being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont; that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at: And the Prince fearing to discover himself, would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar, and left all to the Cardinals Proposals. The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace, after both Parties had made their proposals.

However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles, which he had proposed on the Kings behalf, with this provisionary promise, that if they were ratified, then the Duke of Savoy, should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire; more then this he would by no means discover telling, the Prince of Pied∣mont very plainly, that for his part, as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs; so he could not think it strange, that he did not discourse to him his Maje∣sties intentions and resolutions.

Politique Observation.

STayedness and discretion in Grandees, who are imployed in treaties of this Na∣ture, is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means, those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs, do discover the others most secret thoughts, and con∣sequentially, are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves. By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices, so that if then he be not altogether silent (which will make him passe for an impertinen•• man, and render him suspected) it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself. There are but few

men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance, but by some means or other they will be discovered, for often∣times the Behaviour and Gesture, speak a man as well as words; so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot, before he attempt any such Treaties; to be well instructed, advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast, but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts, but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at: and thus he ought to be complemental, with all kind of Civili∣ties, with an open free discourse, ever referring his resolution upon such new propo∣sals as are made to him unto some other time, and never giving his answer upon the sodaine, upon any occasion whatsoever: For this same prolonging of a Resolve, is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation, but it is very difficult, I may say im∣possible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught, if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started: Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough, so to addresse themselves, that thereby they may discover that which they pretend, though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it: indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time, there is no way to shun the ruining and down∣fall of a whole design. In brief, If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs, it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank, open, generous person, and a speaker of truth, otherwise his words will not be belie∣lieved, and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath, which is in effect to perswade his Enemies, that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning: He ought also to be secret, not to speak one tittle of his designs. And lastly, he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation, feigning to watch every thing and place, but that which really he doth, and by his discourse slyly indea∣vouring to perswade his designs, to be any thing but what they are.

The Prosecution of this Subject.

A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence, in these inter∣viewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Piedmont, Spinola, and all others who treated with him. The Valour of the French Nation, is that which hath made them so much redoubted, they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties; but here they found to their confu∣sion, that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage, when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions, by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes; but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze, and to draw near towards Ceseletta, they not guessing at his design in it, because he drew farther off from Cazal. The Cardinal pretended to do it principally, to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings, and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else; and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done, for that the Cardinal presently sent him word, that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin, according to his own desires, and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure, who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well plea∣sed and contented.

Politique Observation.

OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them, have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations: They drive on with too much vigour to the con∣clusion of an affair without considering, what way is the most honourable or advan∣tageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with, that they might have a quick dispatch. Strangers who know our humours and dispositions,

use to delay us, and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say, in our heats and passions, and to weary us out by length of time, by which means they keep our very souls as 'twere in prison, amongst the intricacies of several proposals, giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves; to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them: from whence it follows, that at the first Proposals they make us, be they never so little agreeable; it is with us as with Prisoners, whose design being only how to get forth, they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open, indangering the breaking of their very Necks; and will not expect till the dore be unlockt, that they may walk out with more Honour and Security, which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow. That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business be∣yond the Rules of Prudence, or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct. He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity, that he may mock and laugh at their artifices, and with an invincible Patience, to sur∣mount all their coldnesses, that he may make them despair of ever raising any ad∣vantages by their delayes.

The Affairs of Italy.

AT length the Cardinal found by experience, that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont, did end in nothing but the retarding the Army, which till then he had pass'd by, and put up, that it might be known to all Christendome, that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion, as al∣so that he might revictual Cazal; but being now satisfied, that he could not longer endure it, but with much dishonour, and the losse of his Army, he resolved to give an end to this affair; to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schom∣berg, the Sieurs d' Auriac, de Thoiras, de Fenquires de Servient, and d' Esmery, and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time, both concerning the General, and particular Peace, he desired their advices, what was proper to be done in that juncture of time. The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy, it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy, and for their retreat back again, as occasion should serve. Withal, that to passe thither was not so difficult, they being strong enough to force their way, in despight of any opposition, but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits, of men, mony, victuals, and other necessaries, for the refresh∣ing of the Army, and to assure themselves of a safe regresse, in case the Army should be worsted, this was the main debates. That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd, after he had so often played fast and loose, and after he had falsi∣fied his word, to their great damage already; The result of all at last came to this, that they were to make themselves Masters of the field, and neither to leave an Ene∣my or a Place behind them, which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least; that truth and sincerity being like the soul, once out of the body, it never re∣turns but by miracle, so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest; that if they should have left his Army behind them, he might with ease stop up the Passages, against any recruits whatever, as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny, and on all the Keys upon the Doria; and that there was so much the more reason to defie him, because he did openly side with the Spaniards; That they were no longer to defer the de∣claring of the War against him, for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses, and many Troups were forced to disband; as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King, in so often breaking his word, and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities, that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse, and ruin of them all.

That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us, that a Prince may justly raise a War, if any injury which he hath received, make him take up Arms; or if any just

fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies; he is obliged to provide against the worst, though he be not as yet openly assaulted. Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts, that they could admit of no reply. It was then unanimously concluded on, to assault the Duke of Savoy; Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War. However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy, the Cardinal sent both once and again to him, to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings, and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze, intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Per∣son, Cause and Army.

Politique Observation.

HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is, yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions. And this can∣not be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment, for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith, that stability resteth upon Counsel; as if he would have said, that no resolution carries more certainty with it, then that which is groun∣ded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments & opinions. The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gal∣lantries, and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies, then by good di∣rections and advises. It is to be doubted, that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation, will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution, when as a sound discussing of them, many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them. It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning, because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth: So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing, which he would fain bring to passe, provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in Execution.

The Motives which invited the Duke of Savoy, to cast himself into the Emperor and Spaniards party.

BEfore I proceed any farther, I am obliged to appeal unto all men, even those who have the least sparks of Justice is them, to condemn that envious Quill which makes open profession, and endeavours with Calumnie to sully, if it were possible, the Glory and Splendor of the Cardinal, whilst truth doth not furnish him with any one subject of that nature to work upon. It is said by him; the Calumniator I mean, that the Duke of Savoy had never with drawn himself from the Kings Inte∣rests, had not the Cardinal (being mis-informed of his Person and proceedings) de∣spised, and in effect forced him to cast himself upon the Spanish party, much contra∣ry to his own will and inclination. But what? Was the continual and daily sending to him Persons of the best ranck and quality of the Army, with all imaginable proffers of Peace, a despising of him? Were those many Conferences with the Prince of Piedmont, and those extraordinary Civilities done to him, which would have wrought upon the most savage disposition, a despising of him? Was the Passing by of a thousand tricks and delayes for a whole Months time, in which the whole Army had like to have been ruined by him, and yet not to fall out with him, a de∣spising of him? Was the sending of the Siour de Servient, the very day before the absolute breach, to desire him with all earnestness not to ingage his Majesties Arms in this extremity, only for having once refused to see him, a despising of him▪ Was the delivery of so great a quantity of wheat at Nice, and the Permission of carrying as much as he pleased out of Bresse, Burgogn and Dauphine: a despising or deceiving him? Was the having pay'd before hand for the wheat and provisions, a despising and deceiving him? Was the having pass'd his promise to him, for the ac∣cording to him the Valley of Tizery, and the Bridge of Gresin a despising and dis∣esteeming

of him? Was the proffering to him, of what Souldiers he pleased, to go for Genoa, and to make good his pretensions there a despising him? Was the defer∣ring to enter upon his Territories for 3 Weeks, or more, though he had given just cause for it as soon as ever the Cardinal came to Lions, a despising or deceiving him? There need no more then barely to open ones eyes, and a man shall soon be∣hold the falseness of this Calumnie, which this unworthy Pen sets down, under the vail of his usual disguisements, but without the least truth or proof at all.

Politique Observation.

MAlice is like a Serpent, which turns the fairest Flowers into the ugliest Poysons, and verifies the truth of that antient saying; Honor is the Mother of Calumnie. There are no actions how just and honourable soever, which it will not attempt to bespatter with some base unworthy mis-representation. No Innocence can be se∣cure from it's Violences; It cannot more aptly be compared, then to those looking glasses which never represent the true Ideas of the face: It maketh molehils appear mountains; It fretteth and vexeth at vertue it self, and will raise its Batteries to de∣molish it, and though it come to be convinced of their Innocencie whom it persecu∣teth, yet it thinketh willfulnesse and obstinacy in its wickednesse, to be more ho∣norable then vertuous repentance. The Phylosophers have given a good Character of it, when they liken it to a black and thick cloud, which hinders and obscures the light and exercises of Reason. Hence it comes to passe, that as all Bodies represent themselves to our sight for others, and quite contrary peradventure to what they are, if look't upon through clouds and in disorders, so the most commendable and worthiest Actions will appear and passe for low and unmanly, if considered through the Perspectives of Malice and hatred, and revera it makes lyes and Impostures passe for Realities and Currant truths. High and generous Souls are unconcerned at the backbitings of Envie, and do not cease to continue vertuous, notwithstanding all her detractions. They know, that not only Malice but Envy too hath alwayes endea∣voured to defame the greatest Personages, and ablest Ministers of State, and that good men cannot believe any of their false Commentaries, without doing an injury to themselves, that this Monster is easilest overcome by scorn; And that the Inte∣grity of their undertaking is their Bulwark, and like the Sun dissipateth and dispelleth all those clouds and storms which would obfuscate and diminish their Splendour, and in fine maketh them Triumph and Glory over the Malice of their Enemies.

Prosecution of the History.

AFter this resolution, the Cardinal appointed a place where there were two Fords, which he had given notice of about the 17 or 18 of March, for a Ren∣dezvous to the whole Army, where he might draw into Batalia a good part of the Army, and likewise gave order for the planting of six pieces of Cannon in two Bat∣teries, in places very proper for it upon the Rivers side, by which means, the Forces of Savoy which had seized the passes, were compelled to retire, whilst the Horse march't over the Fort in Squadrons, and took the field, giving the foot Liberty of marching over in file, upon Boats prepared for that purpose. And thus he made it apparent by this Excellent disposure and order, that his Conduct was as much to be esteemed in Execution as in Counsel.

Politique Observation.

THE Passing of an Army over a River, is a Theater where the Conduct of a Ge∣neral is more taken notice of then upon any other occasion, because a whole Army not being able to march a brest, but only file by file, and by little and little, it is no difficult matter for their Enemies to cut them off as fast as they come on, un∣lesse good order be taken to prevent it. So Timoleon defied the Carthaginans in

Sicilie, upon passing the River Crimesus. The most proper order that can be in such occasions is, first to choose the Fords, so that the Horse may march over by Squa∣dron, to make way for the foot, which cannot passe, but upon Boats, and that in small numbers, that thereby they may rallie and bring themselves into Order, whilst they stand the first shock of their enemies. A Squadron of choise Horse is most proper to bear the first brunt upon such occasions, it being a hard matter to break or disorder men, who are stout and lusty, well ranked and lockt as it were one within t'other. Indeed nothing can so much conduce to the passing of an Army over a Ford or River, as a good Battery of Cannon, which forceth the Enemy to retire from their violence and fury, and giveth them leave and issure to passe with more ease, and to put themselves in Batalia before they come to any fight at all.

The Siege of Pignerol.

THere could not any thing be thought on, which could mend the care and or∣der of the Cardinal in his affair; The Army indeed had not the Honour to encounter the Duke of Savoy's Forces, they being re••ired with him to Thurin, and not daring to attend the first charge of the French Valour, which nothing is able to withstand; so the Army passed the ••oria, without any trouble, and quartered at Rivol, where the Duke of Savoy hath a house of Pleasure, which the Cardinal preserved with a great deal of care and respect, and the Country people were treated with much kindness, and the Army contented to be served with such provisions as were brought from Suze. Then began the Duke to declare himself openly, and did many Acts of Hostility; amongst the rest, he seized upon all the French in his Territories, not so much as excepting the Merchants and Religious Orders. An Act very strange, against both the Laws of Traffique and Piety. The Cardinal he did the same▪ seeing it was no time to hope for any thing by fair means. The Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of France▪ and his own reputation, ingaged him to pursue his resolutions with his Arms, of reducing the Duke to Reason. It was then con∣cluded on in a secret Counsel between himself and the Marshals of France, that the Army should sit down before Pignerol, and make themselves Masters of it. Strata∣gems do many times entitle men to great advantages; So that the Cardinal with more ease to take in Pignerol upon a surprise, made as if he would march directly to beleaguer Thurin if self: Accordingly the Cannon and Army began to bend to∣wards it, which the Duke of Savoy perceiving, presently dispatched orders to with∣draw those Forces from Pignerol, which he had that morning clapt in there. The Marshal of Crequy advanced directly to Pignerol, with a 1000 Horse, 6000 foot, and some Cannon, and upon the 20 of March about Sun set, lay down before the Place, leaving the rest of the Army, to ingage any party that might attempt the re∣lieving it upon the 21 about 4 in the morning the Cardinal came up, with the Mar∣shals of Crequy, La Force and Schomberg, and they so belaboured themselves, that about 10 the next morning, there were 3 piece of Cannon mounted upon the very Ditch, ready to make a Breach.

Politique Observation.

STratagems have been much used and commended by great Commanders, skill and craft do many times as much as force and strength, and are so much the more to be esteemed, because they shed lesse blood. This Prudence hath no cer∣tain rules to be learnt by, but must be acquired by it self. It's true, we are made ca∣pable of it by nature, but it is formed and confirmed by use and Experience. So Sci••io that valiant Commander, who being desirous to take in a strong hold in Africk which was well provided by the Carthaginians, made as if he had other de∣signs, and caused his Army to march another way; by this means he surprised Hari∣bal who drawing forth all his Garrison, to pursue him with the more strength, left the place undefended, and gave Scipio an advantage of facing about, and sending a

party under the Conduct of Massanissa, to surprise and make himself Master of it, which he effected with a handfull of men, the inhabitants not having strength enough to defend themselves.

The Reducing Pignerol under the Kings Obedience.

THus stood the State of Affairs in Pignerol▪ they saw their Town besieged, and found the Cardinal did summon them to render, if they would not hazard the force of his Maj••sties Army, which had reason to treat them with more rigour, then indeed they afterwards did; they found the Canon ready to make a breach, by the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal, and a resolute Army of men, who seemed to wish for nothing more then to be brought on to the breach, that they might carry the place by assault. The Presence of the Cardinal redoubled their fear, and they had learnt that his Majesties Army under his command, had vanquished and overcome all enemies for the last six years, in which the King had done him the honour to commit it to his care; that particularly the last year▪ he did onely appear upon the top of the Alps, and that was enough to force the Spaniards to raise their Siege of Cazal. Upon the 22 of March they sent seven Deputies to make an honourable surrender, and after they had obtained such conditions as they desired, their lives and goods saved, their Priviledges and Franchises preserved to them, they yeelded themselves the same day with much joy and content, to his Majesties obedience, and the same time the French army marched and took possession of the Town.

Politique Observation.

HE that commands an Army, ought to think himself very happy, if his first at∣tempt have good successe with it. Just as in the Orbs of the Heavens, the Primum mobile gives motion to all the rest, so if the first enterprise end advanta∣giously, it hath so great an influence on the spirits of the vanquished, that they are more then half stagger'd to give way for their second overthrow. Fortune doth most commonly adopt ends to their beginnings; and as the Fountain head doth much contribute to the cleernesse and purity of those Waters which flow from it, so the first good successe is a happy Omen of a prosperous issue, even to the very end of the War. Tacitus saith, they are the first chances which beget and breed either courage or cowardize in the hearts of the Souldiers. Orators in their plea∣dings use to place in the Front their strongest reasons and arguments, knowing that by it, they do so arrest and commit a force upon the minds of their Auditors, that when they have but once inclined and perswaded them by those their prime and principal motions and inductions, the rest appear too much the more plausible and effective. A General ought to imploy his very best forces in the assaults of his first siege, or in his first ingagement of Battel, and rest confident that his first Action will give a great stroke in the successe of the rest of the War. Thus Charles the Eighth came into Tuscany▪ by the Road of Pontremole, and being neer Serezza∣nella, which was in his way, seated on a most impregnable Rock, he resolved to take it, that he might give a reputation and credit to his Army, that the World might conceive an opinion that there was not any thing which could withstand the courages and resolution of his Souldiers and Commanders; in a short while he car∣ried it, and by it gained so great an esteem and wonder, that his enemies were asto∣nished at the report of it.

The bringing of the Cittadel of Pignerol under the Kings Subjection.

AFter the Town of Pignerol was yeelded, the Count Ʋrban Lescalanga who was Governour, retired into the Cittadel with 800 Souldiers, but the Cardi∣nal pursued him to his Trenches, and raised works so quickly, that upon our Lady∣daies Eve, one of the Bastions of the Castle was entred, the circumvallation finish∣ed,

and the Camp so strongly fortified with Lines of Communication, Redoubts, and Forts, that all the strength of the Emperour, Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy joined together, could not bring them any releef; so that they had much rather render themselves upon such honourable conditions as were accorded them, then expect that rigour of the Kings army, which was impossible for them to avoid; and accordingly surrender they did upon our Lady-day, a day which hath ever been fortunate for France in their Italian expeditions, for on that day they won the Bat∣tels of Cerssolles and Ravennes.

Politique Observation.

IT must be confessed that the reputation of a General of an army, giveth a great stroke either in Sieges or other Incounters. Their very name is a Thunder-bolt, which strikes amazement into the whole world; they are accustomed, as by their trade to vanquish; and those whom they do at any time besiege, give themselves for lost as soon as ever they see them appear before their Walls, and resolve to set open their Gates to them, having no other hopes but of being forced with disho∣nour. I am of opinion with that ancient Authour, who saith, that great Captains carry good fortune along with them, and cannot blame Caesar, who forbad such as were with him to be afraid, onely because they were in his Company. C••riolanus made it apparent to the Romans, when he was banished by them, and retired him∣self to the Volsians, who made him General of their Army, which he led up di∣rectly to the Walls of Rome, to revenge the injury they had done him, and there overcame them, though they had not long before beaten and triumphed over the Volsians; and this made Titus Livy to say, the Common-wealth of Rome hath gai∣ned as much reputation and glory by their Commanders, as by their multitude of Souldiers. Credit is to a General, the same as 'tis to a Merchant, and it hath been often seen, that by it little Armies have defeated very great ones; that is it which keepeth Confederates close to their promises, which renders the Souldiers couragious, which removes all obstructions, opens all Passages; which doth faci∣litate the waies for Provisions; and finally, which doth attempt many things with good success, which otherwise would appear to be impossibilities.

The Passages from France to Piedmont were open after the reducing of certain Towns of the Duke of Savoy.

DUring the Siege of Pignerol, the Cardinal gave order for the besieging the Fort of Perousa, which held out but a small time; and thereupon sent the Marshal of Sc••omberg, with a Regiment of foot, and 22 Troops of Horse, to seize upon the Town of Briqueras, which as soon yeelded it self. The same day he follow∣ed on his design'd way, and formed a foundation for a Fort, which was finished with extraordinary diligence, that he might thereby make himself master of many Val∣lies, which adjoyned to the Mountains of Dauphine, and secure himself of a safe Passe, which strook such a terrour into the inhabitants of the Vallies of St. Lucerz, Augroaque, and St. Martin, that they forthwith rendred themselves under the Kings Obedience, and went to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Cardinal accor∣dingly. There was one onely Fort remained, called Mirebourg, lying at the foot of the Valley of Lucern, which was besieged and soon taken; by which means the Passages between Piedmont and France were open, clear and safe, not onely for the Army to march without danger; but for the conveying of Recruits, Provisions of Victuals, and Monies, and other necessaries for the Army, as often as need should require.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any one thing which a General ought to have a more especial care in, then that he leave no Place behind him, which may afterwards trouble or indanger him. Charlemaign gained a very great deal of honour amongst other our Kings by his Arms; and withall he was much blamed when he passed into Spain, for not making himself Master of those places which he passed by in the Mountains. It cannot be denied, but he deserved that blame, considering the consequences which followed it, for that the greatest part of his Forces were cut in pieces, upon their return, and all the Baggage rifled by the Mountainers. Caesar in his Commen∣taries upon the War with the Gauls, holdeth it for one of the greatest maximes in the Art of War, that marching through a strange Country, one ought to secure himself of all such places which are in his way, and that it was a great joy and satis∣faction to him being there making War, to find those of Therovanne voluntarily proffering to render themselves after some little resistance, because willingly he would not leave an enemy behind him. One of the greatest oversights which Charles the Eighth commited in his voyage into Italy, was his relying upon the Duke of Milan's promise, instead of making himself master of such places as were needfull for his safe Passage. The Duke being in league with other Princes, appeared in the head of the Passage of Tar, to obstruct and hinder his further pro∣ceeding; and this Prince returned not into France, but by the Battel of Fornone, where he ran very great dangers and hazards. But if in their return they o not in∣gage them, yet two hundred Musquetiers in a Fort behind them, will so gall those that come to bring Recruits, that the whole Army may be much annoyed by it.

The Mutiny in Dijon.

VVHilest the Cardinal was atchieving these glorious exploits, the King was advancing toward Lyon, and marching by Fountainbleau, his Majesty received intelligence of a great sedition, which had happened at Dyon on the 28 of February, by the mutiny of a Company of Vineyard Dressers, who had the bold∣nesse to pillage and rifle some of the chief Officers houses. They which blowed the fire of this sedition, informed the people, that the establishing the Elections in Borgogne, was to no other intent or purpose, then in conclusion to settle the taxes, and other impositions, though in reality his Majesties intentions, were onely to rectifie and redresse the ordinary contributions, which were made by all the Pro∣vinces. The insolencies of Mutineers hurrieth them on to the greater extremities, by how much Magistrates are more remisse or negligent in confronting and punish∣ing their first emotions and rebellions. His Majesty presently dispatched Monsieur de Bellegarde, Governour of that Province, who had a great power and influence upon the affections of the people, not onely in respect of his Office, but in relation to the great love and repute he had particularly got a long time amongst them. He quickly allayed and quieted all things; and not long after, his Majesty going to Ly∣on, would passe through it, to take course for a better order in future, forcing those great multitudes of Vineyard-keepers to pack away, and setling new Magistrates and Officers, who should be diligent to keep the people in their due obedience not forgetting to give a charge to the Parliament, that some of the principal Mutineers and Assistants of those destructions and spoils should be punished, and thereby be made examples of his Justice, and their own follies.

Politique Observation.

NOthing doth more alarum the common people, then the noise of new impo∣sitions: they think it is to take away their lives, at least to make them insup∣portable, if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance, which is the reason,

that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition, they being desirous and greedy of novelties; and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed, they have more to get then to lose, by such revolts and turmoils. Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty, but the obedience which is due to Magistrates, and the re∣cessity of contributing to the publick charge, renders them culpable without excuse. Those who lead them on, and incite them to their mutinies, ought most principally to be punished, for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief. Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians, to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms, and to keep the rest in slavery, by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them, saith▪ Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely. It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear, which is one of the best Rays in his Crown. He ought so to pardon offences, that he do not by it give way to, or allow of that liberty which the people assume to them∣selves, who will be quickly quelled, if their Ringleaders be but punished. To par∣don all were an excessive liberty, and would breed a like licentiousnesse, and to chastise the most culpable, is an effect of Prudent Justice. Impunity authoriseth li∣centiousnesse, and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity, is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resoluti∣ons and extremities. It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience, by sending some grave personage amongst them, as T. Livy hath observed, whom they hold in some esteem and respect; because Reputation, and a good beleef, is as the Soul of all other Reasons; for that very cause it was, as the same Author reports it, that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus, unto Sardigna, when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection. The quick and timely dispatch of such person, is of great consequence too, for that Rebellion are like flames, which do increase every day more then other, if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings.

The Monsieurs return to France.

THe King went to Troys, and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resoluti∣on which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother (who after the con∣clusion of the accommodation; about the end of the year last past, which we have al∣ready spoken of, retired to Nancy▪ and testifying to him his hearty affections, by all ways of lively demonstrations, and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion, seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him, and augmented his Pensions, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we have already declared. The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April, and in h••s Company (besides his own retinue) came divers Princes and Lords, who were th•••• at the Court, and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to me•••• him. He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings, and the King stood expecting of him in the Court, and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship, that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground, his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it, but imbraced him so long and ar∣dently, that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self, and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts, in their wishes, in their wills, in their designs, and even in their very recreations; so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together. The Court was filled with joy, and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Tr••y•••• so that there was great reason to hope, that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make a breach between them, had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour, rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it, thinking perhaps they should become the more con∣siderable, by keeping them at a greater distance, and raise more advantages to them∣selves by their divisions.

Politique Observation.

NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood, which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting, after a little breach or falling out; provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit. The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places, whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up; as the minds of per∣sons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents, are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them, if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other. And in this the power of Na∣ture is very much observed, and the truth of their opinion made good, who say, that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us, affections and inclinati∣ons to love those objects, which she doth oblige us to seek after. And as the Cre∣ator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards, and to others which are heavy, an inclination which forceth them by na∣ture to tend towards the Center of the earth; so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity, as well as for those objects which are pro∣per for him, so that he can neither check his eyes, or curb his heart, but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit; hence it comes to passe, as we see, that kindred love, and that tenderly, one another upon their first meeting, though they had not known one another before; this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits, as to entertain by the presence its object; for that they had not differed to love, but onely because they had not seen one another before.

The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne, and of Paris, to the Monsieur.

THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his du∣ty, not onely of respect but of friendship, he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection, but sent to him two Com∣missions, the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne, the other to go∣vern not onely the City of Paris, but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence, whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome.

Politique Observation.

JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in him lies, the friendship of the Princes of the blood, it being most certain, that a good intel∣ligence and correspondence with them, is as advantagious to the State, as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous. And as their greatest inclination is to com∣mand, so one cannot more oblige them, then by giving them imployment. But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity, and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them, who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable, that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have, and induce them to revolt with the Army, and those powers which are intrusted under their command. Isocrates did well advise Nicocles, never to prefer those of his blood to imployments, untill he was extreamly well assured of them; for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince, by how much they are neerer related unto him, as T. Livy very well observeth. Blood hath no tie so strong, ••hich ambition doth not oftentimes break, when it finds it self with Arms in its hand. They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted, by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship, as Plutarch hath verified by many ex∣amples in the life of Demetrius. If a King be obliged for any just reason to con∣fide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond, I imagine he must fol∣low

the Prudence of Tiberius, who when he sent Germanicus to command his Ar∣my into Syria, he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province, who was an intimate friend to Germanicus, fearing lest their intelligence and cor∣respondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Sove∣raignty; and placed in his room Cneus Piso, whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his, if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office. In a word a King ought (to such a person) to associate some one, whose valour and fi∣delity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes, which hee may at∣tempt.

The King came to Lion, then to Grenoble, where the Cardinal came to meet him.

THe King passed by Dijon, that he might there give such orders as we have al∣ready said, and thence came to Lyon, but rested there a very little while, for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble, where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him, as soon as the Passages of Italy were open. The Cardinal was passio∣nately desirous to be neer his Majesty, to pay him his usual services, and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate, and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses, with which he honoured him at his arrival, and which were proofs not onely of the affection, but of the extream tenderness which he had for him.

Politique Observation.

THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings, as it doth in those of private persons. It is that which carrieth their minds so na∣turally towards those whom they honour with their favours, that they take a sin∣gular delight to see them alwaies neer them. Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion. And it is most sure, that the greatest successes which Princes have, be it in War, be it in Peace, are but lame, and do nothing neer so much af∣fect their minds with joy, if they have not neer them some persons, with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity. And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince, then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister, who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory? What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome, and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion, or doubt of his fidelity? What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one, so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares, whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties; whose vigilance secures him from dangers, and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his en∣terprises?

The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini, be∣tween the King and Duke of Savoy.

THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble, but Mazarini was ready to make pro∣positions of Peace to his Majesty. The Duke, who till then had been deaf to all overtures, how reasonable soever, as well as the Marquesse Spinola, caused word to be sent to his Majesty, that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pig∣nerol, he would accord to any Articles which should seem just. The King who de∣sired nothing more then Peace, provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies, received the message with much joy; and thought fit, that the Mar∣shal of Crequy, the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assem∣ble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini, to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties; however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War, untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resol∣ved

on: for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was, without which, they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation.

Politique Observation.

SEeing Peace, when it is certain, is to be preferred before a doubtful victory; that being in the hand of a Prince, but this subject to the Laws of Fortune, it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties, said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy. But Thu∣cydides teacheth us in his History, that a Prince, who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War, in such manner, as if there were no hope of an agreement; otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow, adding: Thus did the Lacedemonians, when they treated a Peace with the Atb••nians; and Peace is then soonest made, when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands, and an equal power following them, for if either hath the least advantage, he will be the more peremptory, and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties, as Cae∣sar hath observed in his History of civil Wars.

The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy.

HOwever the King assembled his Counsel, to take advice whether it were not propper, to prosecute the Victories of his Army, and to make himself Master of all Savoy, and so secure himself more and more, of the Passes. Many offered to his Majesties consideration, that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola, would never hearken to any Peace, but by necessity, and to regain Pignerol, having until that time refused to do it, but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty; That there was little reason to trust him; as to that of the Duke of Mantua, for whose sake the War was begun, or to believe that the Peace might be of some continuance. And on the contrary; there were good grounds to apprehend, that they would not conclude a Peace, in that weak condition, to which they were then reduced, but onely that they might bring to passe their Intentions upon the Duke of Mantua, so that the King should still keep Pignerol, which would give him a free entrance into Italy, that his Majesty might with more ease take in Montferrat, as occasion should serve. That Princes not having any Juster titles to those places, which they possess, then the conquest of them in a just War, his Majesty should not acquit that which makes him so considerable in and to Italy, being by it able to march into it, when and as often as he pleased, and to set bounds to the Spanish Ambition, who would find work enough to do, so long as his Majesty continued Master of it; that it would serve to Curb the Duke of Savoy, who did nothing but commence and create every year new broyles and troubles. In fine that it was absolutely need∣full to enter upon Savoy, because the Duke would infallibly besiege those places which had been taken, if his Army were not other wayes diverted; and in case he should not besiege them, his forces would be coasting of it from one end to t'other of Savoy, and indanger the Passages, at least disturb them, which were of necessity to be preserved; for that Spinola had risen to besiege Cazal, at the same time that the Cardinal marched towards Grenoble. Could there be more just or important considerations? did they not deserve to be regarded and lookt after? Could any one with reason say that the Peace was in the Cardinals power, when the Duke of Savoy would not conclude it, without the surrender of Pignerol? the Importance of which Place was so great as shall be anon discoursed more at large. Indeed such things might take with Women (whom the noise of a Cannon terrifies) to juduce them to deliver up a place of such concernment into the hands of the Spaniards and Duke of Savoy, who had made it evident, no trust could be reposed in him. But certainly it would not at all move a great Minister, whose discretion was incompara∣ble, and who was so far from being terrified into any thing, that he struck a terrour into all the World, having Reason and Justice on his side. Would the Treaty which should be now concluded with them, be of any longer durance, then that of

the last year, which they broke without any fear or wit? Will a wise man trust one who hath deceived him, and broke his word in that very same affair? And this Ca∣lumniator (who cares not what he writes whilest he endeavours to detract from the Cardinals glory,) can he lay the blame on the Cardinal, for the continuation of the War? Caz••l would be no more the Duke of Mantua's, if the Peace had been concluded with the delivery of Pignerol. Thus the King who knew better then any of his Counsel, the Importance of these reasons, was not at all moved at it, but resolved to depart 2 dayes after to set upon Savoy, and accordingly upon the 13 of May he advanced, without delay, together with the Marshals of Crequy, Bassom∣pierre and Chastillon, giving the command of the vantguard of his Army to the Marshal Crequy, with order to march before Chambery, which was put in execu∣tion, with so much diligence, that the 14 of May the approaches were made; the suburbs reduced without resistance, and the Town summon'd to deliver. After they had obtained by Composition of his Majesty, the same Articles which were granted them by the late King when it was taken in the year 1600. they opened their Gates to his Majesty upon the 18 of May, into which his Majesty then made his Entrance.

Politique Observation.

VVHen an Army marcheth into a Country to make War, the assaulting of the principal Town, is a business of no small importance; The taking of that, terrifies all the rest, and strikes such a fear into them, that if sometimes forceth them to deliver up themselves without fighting. Cen••mon Captain of the Lacedomonians, did so, when he laid siege to Strato, the chief Town of the Country, upon his first entrance; And Thucydides who relates the History, commends that Act of his, as being conformable to Military Prudence. So Hannibal, having mastered Car••ia, the Prime Town of the Olleades, all the rest rendered themselves Tributaries to the Car∣thaginians. The losse of a Commander is oftentimes the losse of an Army, and the taking of a head Town or of a Fortresse of concernment, seldome happens but the rest follow. But there ought to be great care had that he come not short of his enterprise for then it would happen to be quite contrary; and for this reason it is advantageous to use such diligence, that the Inhabitants may be taken unprovided, and when they least think of it, assaulting the Enemy before he comes to meet us, or that he attempt ought upon any thing which belongeth to us. The Emperor Othe is blamed in Tacitus, for that having designed to go into France and fight his Ene∣my Vite••ius, he used too much delay, for that in effect his long stay gave opportuni∣ty of time to Gallus and Spurma to passe over the Mountains, and seize upon the River Po, so impeding the march of his Forces; which were by that means forced to quit their enterprise: Perchance it might so have happened to his Majesties Amy, if he had rested at Grenoble, upon those propositions of Peace, which were made to him by Spinol•• and the Duke of Savoy, which were to no other intent then to recover Pig••••rol, or to amuse him and gain time. There is nothing so slight in a War, which a little time doth not often render of great consequence; a Moment of time doth work great effects in most enterprises, and the least retardment doth eft∣soon bring with it extream inconveniences and losses.

The taking of Annesy and Romilly by the Kings Forces.

THE King departed from Chambery on the 22 of May, and ordered the Marshal of Chastillon, who had that week commanded the avantguard of the Army, to advance towards A••••sy, which rendered it self without any great resistance, as soon as the Garrison of the Castle (in which a Brother of the Bishop of Genoua commanded) saw the Cannon appear; whence it came to passe that his Majesty, to lose no time, being assisted with the Marshal of Bassompierre, led the Body of his Army to Romilly, a place strongly scituated, and which they had began to fortifie; particularly the Castle, where there were seven or 800 Souldiers, who made shew as

if they would defend themselves. But this resistance did but add new heat to his Majesties courage, who was very glad to find it so, that he might gain the more re∣putation. He advanced in person towards the Town with his Army, and took the trouble upon himself to put them into Battalia, in the plain which was out of Can∣non shot; This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place, who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself, that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes, without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion; so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King, to beg 3 dayes time, that they might consider and confer what they should do, but his Majesty replyed, that he would quarter in the Town that very day, so they then presently surrendered, knowing it to be Rashness, to resist a Prince so coura∣gious, and one who knew so well to conduct his Army.

Politique Observation.

DElay, which a man granteth to an Enemy, is frequently of such consequence, that a good or bad successe doth depend on it: One dayes time gives the be∣sieged leave to make such trenches, as will not be regained in a whole month, Henry the second, for having attended thus but a very little, was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan; and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta, the same night that he sat down before it, he had then taken it without difficulty, which he could not the next day: Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis, recorded by Guiccardine, who stayed only one or two hours, to let the rain passe, and so came too late to Florence, and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival, which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him, and in fine they did hinder and pre∣vent his entrance, which otherwise he had gained, had it not been for that little stop. It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves, as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided, and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence.

The taking of divers other Castels.

THE Castles of Clermont, of Meyrac, of Allinge and divers others thereabouts, rendered themselves upon the first summons, and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin, so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente, where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men, in a place very advantagious, and where a few men might stop a very great Army; but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear, but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army, which followed him, until he had past the ••••ount St. Bernard, he not so much as offering to make any resistance, which he might easily have done, the Passages being very narrow and strait.

Politique Observation.

HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains, the impetuous course of a Torrent, which running along the plain, ••nters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest, roots up the trees, turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers, forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees, drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins, hath a most per∣fect view of what passed in the Tarente, upon the comming in of his Majesties Army: where ever he came, they did all things whatever to obey his commands, the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers, whom their own very fear had routed, all the Towns deserted; and particularly in the City of Constance, there was not one man to be found, to fight withall.

The King makes himself Master of all Savoy.

AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie, he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain, which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy, and hindred the march of any Forces, which would passe into it: It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men, whom he lest there, so that there was no other avenue for to be taken, but that of Morienne, which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers. Accordingly his Majesty com∣manded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it, and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian, which was as soon execu∣ted as commanded: So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy, the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent, that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time; Three several Sieges that of Montmelian, that of Charbonniers and that of Laville, from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons. Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken, and Montmelian was so blocked up, that it was im∣possible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals. Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy, so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it, all the Passages being shut up.

Politique Observation.

SUch victories as these, being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King, assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal, cannot be suf∣ficiently admired. Whence it comes, that leaving the usual method of this History, I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises. Is it not to be concluded, that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune; both which con∣spire in emulation of one another, to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe? Doth not truth oblige us to acknow∣ledge, that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain, that every yet was, and that the Rayes of h••s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders, whom Antiquitie d••d so much admire? In the Ages which shall succeed us, his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter. The Generous∣ness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse, and a School to all such as would follow his tracts. The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces, and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him; had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries, which justly belong to him, if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom, and those who are of neerest relation to it, had not obstructed and opposed it. There was not any one Enemy, who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour: And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage, admit it were in the siege of a Place, where a hundred might beat a 1000, or where the quantities of their Forces did much ex∣ceed his Majesty Numbers. But to add new Rayes to his Glory, never durst they stay to expect him, and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet, and a shameful flight.

The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother.

THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear, yet as Women are naturally timerous; The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency, that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War; particularly against the Spaniard; partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain. by her birth, which was every day apparent by her conduct, whilest shee had the management of affairs; as also because she every day fancied to her self, that she did see Forrainers enter into France with their Swords in their hands, burning and killing all, and turning the State topsie-turvie. These Panique fears made her

earnestly desire to see the King, and because the wayes were difficult for one of her sex to passe, she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him. The King who took a most particular care, to render her all respects and compliances, which might be agreeable to her, presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre, to give her this satisfaction, though for the good of his own affairs, and for his health's sake, it had been more proper to have deferr'd it to a more seasonable time. It cannot be imagined how many arti∣fices the Queen Mother imployed to stay him, at Lyons; without considering the news which came from the Army, how that many of the Souldiers, believing the King would not return any more, had disbanded the very same time, that they per∣ceived his Majesty went from thence; and by this means, did put the successe of affairs in hazard, for that the Companies were diminished to nothing.

Politique Observation.

WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State, if they have but power to execute their passions. History is pregnant with examples, which verifie the many evils they have caused, whilest the Government of King∣domes hath been in their hands. Fear, which is natural to their sex, takes them off from approving the Wars, be they never so just, be they never so necessary, for the glory and advancement of the State. Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgment, and they look not into any Reasons, caring not so they may ar∣rive to the end of their designs, and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it. There is not any blast of wind or flames, like the Passion of a Woman, especially when shee is filled with hatred, as the Queen Mother was, who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design, and which shee hoped to see, if his Majesty did but leave him there alone. The Resistance which they find against their wills, serves to augment their hear, and the very contradition con∣verts their designs and desires into fury, whence an Antient very wisely said, that Womens Counsel is not to be made use of in Publique affairs, but as Medicines, to which a man hath recourse in extream necessity, and when all other means fail.

The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal.

THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the In∣stances made to him; so that he departed three dayes after, to return to St. John de Morienne. But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat, so much the more sensible, by how much shee had earnestly desired to stay him neer her. And the Lord Keeper, who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardi∣nal, raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him. The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard, whom he had alwayes openly favoured, raised up new inventions in his mind, to stir up the anger of this great Princesse, entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to rein∣flame her. The opinion which he had of his own judgment, and of his own thoughts (which he adored as so many revelations) with held him from stooping to the Car∣dinals prudent conduct; Though discretion and the acknowledgment, which he was obliged to shew of that high Honour to which he had raised him, should have per∣swaded him, that he had strong Reasons, importing the good and glory of the Estate, which carried him on to continue the War.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous for a States-man, who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister, to be too much wedded to his own opinions: All the Orbes follow the motion of the Primum Mobile, and as we should soon see the World revolve into it's first Chaos, if they should clash, so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdomes, when the inferior Ministers

would carry on affairs by wayes contrary to those of the Chief. He wants Judg∣ment who doth not accomodate himself to the principal Genius, which hath the or∣dering of all affairs, and deserves as much blame, as Fabius Maximus, who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome, by opposing himself with too much vio∣lence against Scipios expedition into Affrique. It is good to conform ones self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern, and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts, neverthelesse it never ought to arrive to that height, as to hinder us from following their resolutions, or paying them our respects and endeavours. It is true, the Prudence of a States-man is too remisse, who makes himself indifferent to all; he ought to resemble a skilful musician, who sometimes sets up one string, and lets down the others. But however, if he depend upon ano∣ther, he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgment, not forgetting that his degree is in••eriour, and that in diversity of opinions, submission, and to know to how to yeild, are Marks of a wel-tempered soul, and that the most generous spirits are the most universal, and the readiest disposed to all that another would have. This condiscending not being an effect of debility, but of Respect; whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining ones opinion, is a dangerous sickness of the mind, and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs.

The establishment of the* 1.1 Droict Annuel.

THe care which the Cardinal had of Forraign affairs, never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdome. The late King Henry the Great havi••g hatched grand designs for the glor•• of Fr••nce, had occasions for monies, and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel. Hence he raised great sums, but prejudicial to the people, because it gave way to all Officers of Justice, and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices, they paying every ••e••r a certain Tax to the* 1.2 Parties Casuelles, and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices, which were introduced since the time of Francis the first, who finding himself obliged to make a Vertue of Necessity, was constrained to create many Officers, which were continued from the time of Henry the second, who created the Sieges Presidiaux, and many other Officers, which have remained even to this present. The Cardinal, who had no other end (in the Honour which the King had done him, to continue him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome▪ them the Refor∣mation and re-establishment of the State, did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty, that it was not only important, but almost necessary, to take away that power of Sale, and consequently, to suppresse the Troict Annuel; upon which it hath it's principal dependance. And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution; because he found nothing in the Cardinals Coun∣sels, which was not as admirable as profitable to France.

Politique Observation.

THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State. Ambition never fa••ls to raise them to an excessive price, which causeth, that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches, then of vertue. It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers, which are the Organs, whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects; it casts the greatest Courages into despair, when they find themselves reduced to Poverty, see others occupy the place of ver∣tue, and that the most glorious Actions, to which they could aspire, shall not be able to raise them out of the dust. Is not that it, which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers, who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people? Is not that it; which hinders the suppression of a great number, and reducing of them to a smal∣ler, which might be the hundreth part, of what now are, and yet sufficient for the Kings service, and the good of the people? With how many pensions doth it over∣charge the Kings exchequer, and the sum which is imployed in their pay, is it not immense? But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique, since parti∣cular

persons suffer extreamly much by it. The hopes they conceive of the continua∣tion of the Droict Annuel, incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate, that the very richest are beggard by it. If they continue any long time in their Offi∣ces the expences to which they are tyed, to live with some Splendour, undoes them, and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it, that they are commonly left, if not in absolute poverty, yet in much want. Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives, for the accomodation of their families, and to di∣vide the money among their Children, and it is as much as any, if he be none of the richest can do, to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices, lea∣ving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities.

The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice, re-established by the King.

THese just considerations being represented to the King, by the Prudence of the Cardinal, induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year, to sup∣presse the Droict Annuel, in relation to the judicature, which are more considera∣ble then the rest, that so by little and little, death might extinguish a great part of the Offices, and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves. For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour. Or if they were taken away by death, to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable, or in case they left none able to manage them, to cause that such as should succeed, should allow some recompense unto them; thus restoring to the State by little and little the accom∣plishment of its perfection. But these Officers, made so great instance to his Maje∣sty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel, being therein like the sick, who flatter themselves in their diseases, and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves, that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer, but bur∣thened with such extraordinary charges, that they would find difficulty to pay them, whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June, and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it. The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers, who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome; But his Prudence sound it fit, so to burden this condition; that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them, to free themselves from the charges. Besides the immense expence of the War, did incline him to this resolution for his supply; Necessity obliging to do that, which otherwise he would not do.

Politique Observation.

IT is with men, as with the sick: We must not administer neither to one or t'o∣ther the remedies proper to their disease; without regard to the disposition of their humour; because they may sometimes be so stirred, in the discontentments which they receive, that their sickness would rather encrease, then receive any abatement. The most commendable Counsels, which are given upon the General consideration of affairs, become oftentimes hurtful, by reason of some circumstance which may happen; The most that can be done in such occasions, is to put the busi∣ness into such a state, that that which is needful to be done, suffer but a simple delay; conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time. It hath been often seen, that States have been cast into extremity and sedition, by attemp∣ting any unreasonable reformation. It is not of smal importance to content the Officers, when they are so numerous as they are in France. They are they who keep people in obedience, who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws. They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns, and by Consequence, the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary dis∣content, though taken up upon a false ground, would be as dangerous as a violent heat, which doth seize upon the Heart, the Liver, or any other vital parts.

The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France.

A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St, John de Morienne, he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever, which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt, lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse. And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King, who is the Soul of his State; the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts; the Liver which giveth nourishment to all, and the principal of all others good fortune, so the Cardinal en∣treated his Majesty, with so many instances to retire himself from that abode (which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence) and return to Lyon, where he would find a good ayr, and ease from those great Cares, which the War had in∣gaged him, to take upon himself: that at last he did accordingly resolve to return, and arrived there about the beginning of August. The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon, foreseeing that should he have gone with his Majesty, the Enemy would have taken a great advantage of it, and that also the Souldiers, (of whom a great number had been destroyed by the plague) would quickly lose their Courage, perswading themselves, that Montferrat would be abandoned after his departure. He was sufficiently informed that the Lord keeper Marillac, had such an influence upon the Queen Mothers soul, that he had perver∣ted that affection wherewith she had other times honoured him, into a mortal ha∣tred, and that this old imbroyler, whom the Combination had heretofore taught, to extract of Quintessence from the very Spirits, had no other design, then to im∣ploy all his power, which such a Mother might have over so good a Son, as the King was, for to ruin him in the honour of his good opinion and favour, and to raise himself if it were possible upon this ruin of his Fortunes, even to the highst degree of the Administration. However he had testimonies too infallible of the Kings bounty, which he could not distrust, for that his Majesty was better informed of his faithfulness, then any other person whatsoever. The same passion which he had for the glory of the King, and the good of France, which stayed him at the Siege of Rochel, whilst the King went to Paris, and which carried him to Privas, and Languedoc, to reduce the rest of the Hugenots Villages into that fidelity and obe∣dience which they owed to his Majesty, whilst at the same time he knew that the same Lord keeper, and those of his Cabal, did then lay the first foundations of his disgrace in the Queen Mothers Spirit, made him now resolve to remain in Mo∣rienne though full of the Plague, to preserve if it were possible the Army in such a condition, that they might march to Cazal, and to keep up the courage of the Souldiers.

Politique Observation.

THE greatest testimony of fidelity which Minister can give, is to renounce his own Interests, for the glory of his Master. One cannot doubt but that he was obliged to hazard his Fortunes for his service, seeing that he gave it him, but not his blond and life too. However as there are no stronger or more natural in∣clinations, then those which carry a man to love that which concerneth him, so he could not give more certain proofs of the true passion which he had for his Prince, the to prefer the Glory of his Crown, of his Power, before all the advantages which he hath received from Fortune. But as this is the best Touch-stone by which one can judge of the sincerity of his Affections; so one is obliged to esteem him so much the more after the shewing of such a proof: for this true affection is a rare thing in the Courts of Kings. Every one sacrificeth to his own Interests: Great∣ness is honoured with so much esteem, that no one but stoops to it, and abando∣neth all things to attain it. Whatever obligation there is to love Kings, yet they are the men, who have the fewest true friends, and if their service bring the least pre∣judice to any man's Fortunes, they will soon find themselves deserted. They are ordinarily loved as the Sun, with which one is glad to be enlightned, so long as his

light and influences are favourable, but shuts too the Dores and Windows, not so much as to see him, if his heat (as in Summer) doth but a little incommodate or trouble one.

The Marshal de Marillac would not let the Army march out of Cham∣pagne toward Italy.

THE Marshal de Marillac was so far from this kind of fidelity and Passion for the Kings service, that on the contrary, though his Majesty, sent divers expresse commands to him, to march with the Army which he commanded in Champagne into Italy, he sought out continual delayes, that he might excuse it; That Ambi∣tion which possest his Soul would not permit him to let others partake with him in the charge of General, which he had alone to himself in that Province, and the great gains which he drew from the Quarters and Souldiers. He would have made the whole World believe, that the Emperor would make an inroad into France, as soon as he should draw off from the Frontiers and after he had sent divers times that he would march the next day, he would presently dispatch another post after him, to send new excuses, but very frivolous, for his longer delay. The passion which he had for his own Interests, hindered him from considerating (that besides the obliga∣tion which he had to obey the King) it had been resolved upon in the Counsel of War to relieve Cazal, upon the supposition that the passage was open, and in or∣der to those commands which were sent to him; and that his defect in following those orders which were given to him, did put all affairs into confusion by his per∣versnesse. He reflected not on any thing of all this, untill about the 9 or 10 of Aug. though he could very easily, (& as by command he ought) have been at Suze the beginning of J••ly. So Cazal had infallibly been relieved the beginning of Au∣gust, 20000 Frenchmens lives had been saved, who dyed that Autumn in Piedmont, and there had been no necessity of making a Cessation at Cazal, which nothing but the successe could render excusable.

Politique Observation.

THE soul of the ambitious is so charm'd with his own Interests, that having no other end then his greatness, he cannot resolve to do any thing which may tend to the diminution of it, be it never so little. This humor is so lofty, that he esteems himself unhappy if he have not all: and as he doth regard nothing but to render himself considerable, he is not only dangerous to be chosen for a friend, but to be confided on in the conduct of publique affairs. Ambition teacheth him to become disloyal, and there are not any Laws which it doth not make slight, not ex∣cepting those of Religion it self; he establisheth the place of his repose upon the highest pitch of Fortune, and as he hath heard it reported, that all things tend na∣turally to the Center with violence, so he aspires to that with such ardency, that he doth not fear to make the very disorders of publique affairs, to be the steps by which he will raise himself. Whereas a well regulated mind looks after the greatnesses of Fortune, only by the wayes of Honor and Merit.

Artifices of the Lord Keeper, and of the Marshal de Marillac his Brother.

AT last the courage and fidelity of the Cardinal could no longer oppose the violence of the Plague and other diseases, which had consumed two thirds of the Souldiers: So it was the more needful to raise new forces or rather to form the body of a new Army; for that Cazal began to be close prest upon by the Spaniard. The Cardinal found his presence was very necessary in France, to dispatch such forces over the Hils, and to take order for the sending of monies, and victuals, both which were for the most part raised by his credit; All which began to be scarce by the unworthy Artifices of the Lord Treasurer & his Brother, and those of his Cabal. He found himself obliged to return, to the King at Lyon. Where it was a very great

satisfaction to him, to find his Majesty in sy good health, after the apprehensions which he had, lest those fits of a Feaver might have ended in some more dangerous sickness; but one cannot imagine how sensibly he was troubled, to find the Queen Mothers Spirit so extreamly exasperated against him, though the King indeed un∣dertook his protection upon all occasions. He believed that the Lord Keeper who had ravished from him the good will of his Mistress, was able to re-estate him in it again, and though it be very difficult to pay honour and respect to a person, who can∣not be called other then a Monster of Ingratitude, yet he went several times to wayt upon him, and endeavoured by all sorts of kindnesses and good Offices, to draw him to acknowledge the service which he owed, and the great obligations which were due to him. Now although Honor and good Actions break even rocks, and are the most powerful means which a man can imploy to move the mind, yet Ambition, which had taken up the possession of this turbulent man, so hindered him, that he could not addresse himself to any thing, but a constrain'd dissimulation, which under the appearance of a counterfeited compliance, concealed that fire, which could never be extinguished after the Combination, and which then consumed him in so blind a passion, that he preferred the Interests of Spain before those of his own Country, and did a thousand things unworthy of his quality. The Honor and fa∣vours which the Cardinal did him, could not, as I said, quench that seditious fire, which insteed of being put out, lay raked up under the Cinders of a dissembled and counterfeited Soul. Insomuch that the Soul of this make-bate, could not rest, but continued and kept up those Cabals neer the Queen Mother, not only blowing up her passion that it might not entinguish, but sometimes casting Oile upon it, but with such dexterousnesse, that there were not any, but such as were very neer this great Princesse, which could ever perceive it.

Politique Observation.

A Man may easily hide his natural inclinations, and sometimes he may deminish them, but it is almost impossible totally to extinguish them. Judgment may oppose it's utmost to the violence of Nature, but it is ordinarily seen, that at la••t be∣ing weary of the Combat, nature reassumes it self, and becomes more violent. Hap∣py he, saith an Antient, whose birth inclineth him to lean towards vertue. And it is most true, that there needs as much constraint to re-estate a man in good habits, who is borne with wicked ones, as to make a tree strait which hath had time to grow bigg and crooked. Repel nature as much as the will; saith another, it will however have it's course. And as he who is in the middest of a Torrent, is sometimes forced to suffer himself to be carried by the Current of the waters, so that soul which na∣ture hath made to be borne accompanied with evil habits, hath a World of trouble to overcome and Master them. Who ever attempts to overcome them, ladeth him∣self with a Burthen; under which he may sink down sooner or later, if he be not very vigilant, especially if he be in imployments, which sooth his inclinations; For although Nature may have lain in a slumber a long time, yet at last opportunity revives it, his thoughts themselves seizing upon him, and giving new vigour to his inclinations, There is not any thing so joyful to us, as to embrace those objects, to which nature doth addict us, and the wills carry us insensibly to them.

A fight wherein the French were worsted by the Spaniards.

FOrtune (like the Sun, never at high noon, but soon after sets,) was not con∣tented after so many glorious victories, obtained in Savoy and Piedmont, to afflict his Majesty, with the sickness in his Army, but would add to it the trouble of causing him to see the losse of the Duke of Mantua's Chief Town. Those prepara∣tions of War, which were made in the beginning of the year with so much pru∣dence, had not so happy a success as was expected. Colalte assisted by a confident of the Duke of Savoy, and by Panigaole in the behalf of Spinola being incouraged by the Spaniards, was not wanting to urge the Emperor, for the obtaining of some

new Troops, and to assure him of the taking of Mantua before the end of the Som∣mer, which being granted he appeared in the head of a strong Army, which had given him the means of attempting any thing he would in Italy, had he not met with the Venetians Army in front of him; who though they had not the Glory to overcome him, had however the power to impede the course of his designs. It was not long before these two Armies met at Villebone, but the Venetians not being disciplined to War, gave ground, so that only the French, the Corses and Capelets continued the fight, their courage carrying them on, to resolve to perish in that incounter, in which the smalnesse of the number, to which they were reduced, did not give them any hopes of overcoming; only they would not loose their reputa∣tion by a shameful flight; so the most part were taken, kild, or wounded, so much did the heat of their courages ingage them: They had doubtlesse had a happier success, had they been seconded by the Venetians though never so few; who not being accu∣stomed to fight, were dazled with the brightness of the Arms, and affrighted with the noise of the musquet shot.

Politique Observation.

THere is nothing more dangerous to a State, then the want of well disciplined Troops: War is an Art to be learn't, as other Arts are, and they whose cou∣rages are not fixed by experience, are commonly seized upon by some fears in their first encounters. The Romans quickly found their Empire, rent and devided be∣tween their Enemies, after their Peace had disaccustomed their Souldiers from flights. Their wisest Politicians thought themselves very unfortunate, when they had no more Enemies to keep their Troops in Breath, and looked upon the taking of Carthage, (which from time to time kept them in Action) as a greater mis-fortune to them, then the losse of some great Country. That which renders France so re∣doutable, is the happinesse it hath, in the Cardinals being Chief Minister of his Ma∣jesties will and pleasure, whose Arme is stil provided, and store of Troops abroad, who want not any manner of imployment. That which gives so great a facility to the invation of Italy, is their want of disciplined Troops; for those which it fur∣nisheth to the House of Austria, do most of them perish in forraign Countries. I cannot but much wonder, that Machiavile, did so much forget himself, in this point of Prudence, as to aver, That it was dangerous to accustome a people to War: For though their courages be prejudicial in civil Wars, yet they are necessary to oppose themselves, against the incursion of Forrainers. And a Sage Politician, that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars, followed this example, which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes, and which preserved France, in the happiness, of a long Peace, by keeping Troops still on foot, who were still ready to suppresse any insur∣rections which might arise, and not suffering them, to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours.

The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists.

PResently after the Imperialists, were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't them∣selves with so much the more readiness to execute their design, because they knew, that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there, were much discreased, in seve∣ral losses which they received upon divers assaults, & that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months. Aldringuer and Galas, looked out all those Places, where they might make an assault, which was the easier for them to do, they having good in∣telligence in Mantua, by the means of Guastale, who pretended to the Dutche be∣fore the Duke of Mantua, as we have declared about the latter end of the last year. They understood, that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side, and St. George's Bridge, by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side, where no great Guard was kept, for that the Place was thought to be ••naccessible, and few there were who durst at∣tempt it, because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge, and certain chains,

reaching to the Gate and the new Tower, so that no boat could passe there, for at least half a mile downwards. However there they resolved to surprise it, by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there, upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places, at the same time, that they should enter. This enterprise was ac∣cordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy, an hour before day with so much violence and courage, that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée, could make, (and they did all that could be ex∣pected from valiant men, on that occasion) was to no purpose, and could not de∣fend them from being compelled, to render themselves upon composition, after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place, that was capable of defence.

Politique Observation.

THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises. Breda a place extreamly strong, was surprised by Prince Maurice, by making use of a Boat∣man, who using to carry Turf into the Castle, filled his Boat with armed Souldiers, covered both above and beneath with Turfs, who by this means entred upon the Castle, and made themselves Masters, both of it and the Town, being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in. Watchtendone, upon the River of Niers, was surprised by a Bark full of straw; in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed, and one Souldier, who used to guide in the straw, who be∣ing known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand, to help him out, and so drew him into the Water, giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered, to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge, where they let in Henry de Bergue, who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men. Thus one might produce many the like examples, it being difficult for a Town to be so forti∣fied on all sides, that it cannot be surprised in some place or other.

The Causes of the taking of Mantua.

THE losse of Mantua, is principaly attributed to three causes. The first was Guastale, who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists, from within so that they were not only well informed, of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men, who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place, and what courses they ought to take to arrive there, by the-Inhabitants themselves, but were also se∣conded by some of the Inhabitants, after they were once entred. The Venetians bore another part of the Blame, by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua, for the last convoy which they sent, could not enter, the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues; as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups, it being certain, that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year, they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces, whereas they stayed until the new German Army came, and their Soul∣diers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars, it was not difficult for the Im∣perialists to defeat them, to make themselves Masters of the field, and to take in all the little holds thereabouts. The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too, for not being careful enough, to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies, at the same times that the sickness decreased them, whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect. The neglect whereof, was the cause, that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town, to oppose their fury or beat them off; which doubtlesse might have been done, had there been barely a thousand men in it.

Politique Observation.

IT is too great an excesse of bounty, and very hurtful, to a new Prince, who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change, which may clash with the minds of the people, to permit those to live in liberty under him, who have pretended to the same Government, and may peradventure, hinder him in the

enjoyment of it; To do so, were to leave fire amongst straw, which wil soon raise great flames, and he may be very sure, his Country will not long continue without trou∣bles. The rules of Tyrannie, oblige him to put such a one to death, and declare to us, that to take away his State and not his life, were a cruel pitty: But not regarding those, the Laws of Justice, which permit him to restrain him of his liberty, exempt him from all blame, for that his possession being just; he is obliged to make use of all his Authority, to preserve his State, by all warrantable means, and wayes what∣ever. Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot, he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies, and their designs. We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity, and a dexterous dispatch is in war∣fare, and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence, to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us. For besides the in∣fallibleness of a good successe; the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers, and the custome of overcoming, is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises, which are afterwards to be attempted. Above all, the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town, which the Enemies have either invested, or made their approaches unto must not be neglected, for such a de∣ficiency, were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infalli∣ble. There is no need of a surprisal, for in such assaults as are made, the Enemy not finding any to resist them, do as it were seize upon it. The slighting which we make of our Enemies, in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them, exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse, and in consequence the shame to be over∣come by them, which is almost inevitable.

Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola.

THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity, not to secure Cazal against such an accident, though exposed to a far greater danger. But for the better understanding of his Conduct, it will be good to look back upon the begin∣ning of the Siege. After the taking of Pignoral, both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont, the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble, and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy, the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost, the precedent year when he drew off at the same time, that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze, without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march. He was provoked in point of Honour in the design, his courage in∣flamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory, which he had got by so many victories, blasted with this disgrace, gave him an extream impatiency, to re∣pair that fault which occasioned it. He resolved either to perish or carry the place, not being able to survive the losse of his Honour; and in prosecution thereof, there was no Stratageme or force omitted, which might render him Master of it. Never was place so vigorously assaulted, as never more stoutly defended: Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies: Nothing which the Cannon could do, was left un∣assayed, almost continually; the Place was undermined on every side, wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes, had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them. In a word, the discontent which accompanied his Courage, suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest, to overcome.

Politique Observation.

SHame is a venemous root, from whence we sometimes see excellent effects pro∣duced; and it cannot better be compared, then to certain plants, which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly, and whose leaves on the contrary, proper to cure many diseases. Is it not that, which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders, to that height, that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies, they have precipitated themselves, into the fight and goared their Weapons and

their hands in the Blood of their Enemies, by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour, and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing? Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers, who after they behaved themselves ill one day, have presently after appeared like so many Lions, in the pursuit of their Enemies, and so have de∣fended themselves from that disgrace, with which they had been branded? The shame which the Persians had, as Justin reports, to see their wifes come towards them, with their Coats trust up, made them face about and charge the Enemy be∣fore whence they fled. And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa, did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns, among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame, the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them. Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples▪ needless to the rehearsed: The shame that Caesar had, seeing the the Image of Alexander, who had won so many remarkable victories, as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes, so touched him that afterwards, he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions, which have eter∣nized his glory.

A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland.

NOw for the perserving of this place, notwithstanding Spinola's extraordi∣nary passion to take it, two things were necessary. First, to hinder the Spa∣niards from having such numbers of men, as they would have desired; Secondly, that the Kings Army might want nothing, but be recruited from time to time, by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted. The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first, before he parted from Paris, giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves, with the Troops there requisite, without diverting them to new enterprises, especially seeing the King of Swede, of whom we shall speak hereafter, began to give them employment in Germany. The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year, that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders, to bring them to a truce, whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy, acquain∣ted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe, giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States, of many Princes of Germany, as well as of the Duke of Mantua's. The King appre∣hended that danger, and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance, upon condition, that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Ene∣mies. That power was given him from the month of December, of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature, are not so readily determined, the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year; The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence, the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard.

Politique Observation.

AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a con∣trary force, as we have said, so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence. He ought to be like a good Pilate, who have attained great experince at Sea, can discover a Tempest before it comes, and prepears all that is necessary to resist it: or I will compear him to a wise Physician, who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness, but even from the danger of falling-sick, and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome; and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services, he can render that Governes a State, is to prevent by his Prudence; the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage, to avoid his undermining by a

Counter-mine, and by his good conduct, to slight all the works of his industry: Pru∣dence without doubt acquires great glory, when it surmounts force. Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others; Prudence it self, which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote; and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate, weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy, that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter; as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions.

The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy, Marquis d' Effiat, and the Marshal de la Force.

IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army, the Mar∣shall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then, not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy, the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains, and take the reins into his own hand. But the great Cabals he found at Court, which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal, but to overthrow the whole State, if not dissi∣pated, constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty, who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat, and the Marshal of la Force. Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns, with such Order, that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others, one commanded the Van-Guard one week, the other the Battalia, the third the Rear-Guard, and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week, all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army. The principal conside∣ration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King, of com∣mitting the command of his Army to many Generals, was the necessity of Coun∣cel, and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding, and experience in those affairs which should happen. Now it was impossible to send them thither without command, by reason that being per∣sons of great quality, they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence, if they might not have Governed in their turn; Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them, and consequently, is cause of great confusion in an Army, but his incomparable Prudence, who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State, wanted not inventions to hin∣der those inconveniences; and this same, to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard, Battalia, and Rear-Guard, was an excellent one, by reason that making them all participate of the same glory, they had no occasion to envy one another.

Politique Observation.

AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any professi∣on whatsoever, if he doth not shew some effects which are not common, so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an ex∣traordinary Prudence, if there be nothing singular in his conduct; And he doth not set up a new Order, both in Peace and in War, which is evidently advantagious to the Publick. The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army, because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good in∣telligence amongst divers, to whom the charge of them is committed. But this here was found to be so much the more profitable, as the Counsel of several per∣sons, whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities, is advan∣tagious upon all occasions. Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel, as upon the quantities, and indeed the courages of Souldiers? But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good re∣solutions then several great Captains, the least of which is able to command an Army? One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments, and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one, falls into those of another; and if one

misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy, another doth not, if one foreseeth any danger, the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it. It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army, but whoever joynes three together, supplies that defect, provided he keep them from dissention: one perchance excels in stoutnesse, and being blinded with it, is by con∣sequence fitter for execution then Counsel; another is more dexterous in the Pru∣dence of his Counsels, and to invent necessary expedients, but being of a colder con∣stitution, is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden exe∣cution; and another haply may have an admirable addresse, and a winning car∣riage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline, and to make them live in good order; so that joyning these great persons in commission together, and giving them the same commands in the Army, not leaving any ground of jealousie, or cause of confusion, there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe.

The Prosecution of the History.

EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains, who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy, that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of en∣counter. The first encounter that they had with the Enemy, was upon passing the Bridge of Villane, where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over; But the successe was so disadvantageous, notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces, that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight, or cut in pieces. The two Princes that led them, sweating (as was afterwards heard) that they never saw any fight so well. In Prosecution of this victory, they ma••ched directly to Saluces, with design to take it, and to make use of it, in the room of Pignerol, whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities. The Marshal de la Force, whose week it was, commanded his Son with 500 Horse, to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender, thinking it proper so to deal with them, that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use, in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there. Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer, so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals, which was granted to them, and accordingly they were conducted where they then were: But upon their return, 500 choise men were clap't into it, discharging both at them and ours too, with such insolence, that the Generals being informed of it, advanced with the Army. Many who made the first approches, were slain and wounded: But the courages of others, who saw them in his condition, could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive such an affront, without a ready help and assistance; so they used such dilligence in planting the Cannon, that they were mounted within twenty paces of the Walls, and ready to make a breach, within two or three hours, after their arrival. Whence it happened, that the Inhabitants, being astonished, presently rendered themselves, and the Castle had not the hardi∣ness to hold out above 24 hours, though there were 500 men in it, whom they would not receive but in the quality of Prisoners of War, to qualifie by their fear, the heat of the rashness which they had used. It is true, that the most part of them were quickly freed from this fear, being in a Bravery that day sent to the Duke of Savoy, with this message, that seeing he wanted men, they had sent him some, and only kept Balbian, who was Commander in chief of the five hundred men, and some of the principal Officers, who were carried to the Castle of Dauphine.

Politique Observation.

RAshnesse is much to be blamed in sieges, as courage is to be commended, it is base for such as find themselves in a place of defence, to render at the first summons, and not to sell it at the price of the lives and bloods of some of the be∣siegers;

but it is imprudent so to do, if the strength of the besiegers, or weaknesse of the place, make them despair of keeping it. It is handsome for them before they yeeld to testifie by some generous action, that it is not out of cowardize that they surrender; but it is not commendable for them to provoke the anger of their enemies, which if they should draw upon themselves, it were an excesse of heat, which were hurtfull upon such an occasion, as well as in all other enterprises, and subject to turn into Ice, after its first heats are over, and produceth nothing but confusion, in those whom it possesseth. The Laws of Prudence in War, oblige those who are in an apparent weak condition, to stoop under the Arms of their enemies, at least not to provoke them with outrages, those of Justice giving leave to the victorious, to chastize the insolency of them who do otherwise. I have al∣waies much esteemed of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Livy his opinion, who saith that temerity besides its inconsideratenesse, doth ordinarily punish it self by infortunate successes. True Courage is founded upon strength, which giveth hope of overcomming. It is not onely animated with passion, which serveth for a spur to quicken it, but with judg∣ment, which maketh one scorn those forces and designs which are formed against it. Now although this rashnesse be more pardonable then a shamefull cowardize, yet it hath alwaies passed in the judgement of the wise, and persons of Conduct for a fault full of consideration.

The taking of Veillare, by the Marshal de Schomberg.

THe Marshal de Schomberg had order, at the same time, to march over the Mountains with 8 or 10000 men to recruit the Army; so that passing by Veil∣lare; he resolved to assault it, and in eight daies he became Master of the Town and Castle; which strook such a terror into the Duke of Savoy, that he began to think of putting an end to these affairs by sweetnesse; acknowledging that the first Victories which the King and the Cardinal had obtained in commanding his Majesties Army, had given the Souldiers so great a Courage, that there was no∣thing able to oppose it self to their violence.

Politique Observation.

IT is with Victories as with Torrents when the way is once open, and the passage free for the Waters, they overturn whatever they meet with, and there is no∣thing found which can resist their violence; so the first Victories of an Army do so stagger their enemies courages, that it is afterwards easie for them to vanquish all that present themselves before them. True it is, those are the absolute effects of a true Valour, whereas those second ones, are rather to be attributed to their re∣putation. The first advantages infuse fear into their enemies, which if they once apprehend, they are almost half overcome before hand. Souldiers are ordinarily more affected with what they fear, then with what they hope; and they do many times leave and forsake the field▪ not because they have lost the Battel but because they beleeve that it is lost; in fine, an Army fights with so much the more cou∣rage, and assured hopes of overcomming, by their being flesht with Victory, whereas the t'other defend themselves faintly because they expect to be vanquish∣ed in prosecution of the forepast victories obtained against them. And if any small losse happen to them, be it never so ••ittle▪ all the Towns abandon them, and sub∣mit to the Conquerors party. Thus after the defeat of Antiochus his Army, all the Towns of Asia sent their Key to the Consul who led the Roman Army, to bring them under obedience as Titus Livy hath observed▪ And so after the losse of the Lacedemonians Army, all their Towns rendred themselves in two or three dayes to the Romans, as the same T. Livy hath recorded. And Diodorus Siculus tells us, that upon the getting of one Victory by those of Thebes, under the Conduct of Epamino••••as against the Lacedemonians, they became Masters of all Greece, so available and powerfull are the first advantages which are gotten in

Wars, that they give a continuance of happy successes, to all following en∣terprizes.

The Death of the Duke of Savoy.

THis taking of Saluces, together with the other Victories, which were obtain∣ed at Veillane, and the taking those other little places thereabouts, struck such a terrour into the enemies, that they abandoned the Fort of St. Pierre, and all the Valley, excepting onely the Castle of Bresol, which was taken the day following: But that which was most strange was, the Duke of Savoy conceived so sensible a displeasure at it, that it deprived him of this life, in a few daies, after fortune had taken away from him, the greatest part of his Estates. Grief hath made evident in this Prince, what experience hath shewed us in divers other persons, that it is able to drie up the radical moisture, to extinguish by little and little the natural heat, and to strike its poison even to the heart, and at last to kill out-right. As the necessity of death is not to be avoided, so the Law which hath imposed it, ad∣mits not of any exception. Death doth alike exercise its power over Princes, and poor people, delighting to make them once equals, after they have lived in an ex∣traordinary difference. It is as natural, as our births, and as agreeable with mans nature, as it is with the Sun to set; and as it is natural, so it cannot be bad; for that nature maketh nothing which is evil: Besides why should any one think it evil, seeing our departure out of this World, is followed with fewer afflictions then our comming in? There is nothing in it of suffering, but the inquietudes which trouble the mind, and the grief which the body indures before the separation of the Soul: Wherefore I esteem the quickest to be the happiest, so it come with Gods grace, for that it hath lesse pain with it.

Politique Observation.

THat which I esteem to be most desirable by Grandees in that particular is (after the well disposal of the Soul) to die, before the miseries of this World make them desire death. That Prince is to be pittied, whom death hath spared onely that he might undergo the disgraces of Fortune, and be dispoiled of his Estates. If he be ordained by the Divine Providence to indure such displeasures, it were however much sweeter for him to die in a Battel with Honour, then in his Bed with shame. He who dies in a skirmish of War, wounded with any turbulent com∣motion in the heat of a Combate, doth hard••y feel his wound; for whilest death it self guides him out of the World by the Gate of Honour, it makes him leave it with the le••••e regret. But true it is the sicknesse of the body caused by the griefs of the mind, which puls the Soul away with violence, in these disasters of Fortune, do not ordinarily convey it forth but with great Convulsions.

The Prince of Piedmont, takes the Government of the Army, after the Duke of Savoy's death.

THe Duke of Savoy being dead, the Prince of Piedmont who had alwaies com∣manded part of the Army, took the whole charge of it upon himself; and one may say, he had none of the best good luck in it: For the Kings Army prosecuting the point of their victory, went to seize upon Vil••e Franchie, and Pan••all••er; and afterwards the Bridge of Carignan, which gave them full liberty to passe the Po, and march up to Cazal: It is true, they found much resistance, but so that it was advantagious for them, being onely an augmentation of their Glory. The choi∣cest of the enemies Army, as well Spaniards and Germans, as of the Duke of Sa∣voy, were intrenched and fortified so advantagiously, under a Half Moon which they had raised, that Arg••ncour who was sent to discover them, informed the Council of War, that it was impossible to carry it, but by time: However the Kings

Army fell upon them with such violence, that they entred the Half Moon unawares, and the top of the Bridge, in despight of all the resistance which was made, the chief of the Spaniards, being all either taken prisoners, wounded or killed upon the place. Now although this new Duke had no greater inclination to the Kings In∣terest then his Father; yet the displeasure which he found in so many crosse in∣counters, so opened his eyes; that he began to imagine that Peace would be more for his Interests then War, though he did dissemble it. He was more and more strengthned in that resolution, by the many reasons which were represented to him by some means or other: amongst others, these were the most considerable (that his Majesties Army was not likely to be hindred from getting to Cazal, seeing they had not as yet met with any resistance; that if it were relieved without him, and the War continued on against him, he would inevitably, he would inevitably find the Kings Army fall in upon the rest of his Territories, that it was a joy to the Spaniards to ingage him in the War, they not having lost any thing in Italy & that they should but lose the hopes of Victory, of Cazal were relieved; whereas he would find himself quite despoiled; that he did but deceive himself, to believe that the Spani∣ards would raze the Castle of Cazal (if they should take it) for which they had used so many indeavours, and been at so great a charge, onely that they might make themselves stronger in Italy: That the Duke of Mantua would grant to him some part of Montferrat, to which he made pretensions, and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith, it being as much as he could expect from the Spaniards, if they should become Masters of Cazal: That in fine, he had more reason to suspect the neighbour-hood of the Spaniards, then of the Duke of Mantua, seeing they were but too potent in Italy already, in relation to the design (of which they had of∣tentimes given testimonies) of making themselves absolute Masters of it. All these reasons were very considerable, and did so work with the Duke of Savoy (though he could not as yet declare himself) that he did not so eagerly prosecute the enter∣prise he was ingaged in, wherein he could not meet with any thing but his ruine; and it was perceived, that from that time he had not such frequent intelligence with the Spaniards as formerly he had used to have.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any motive which doth so strongly unite and divide Princes, as Inte∣rest. They quickly break a League, when they cease to believe that it is for their advantage. It is long since, T. Livy saith, common good is the bond and knot of Treaties; each one regards not but his own advantage, and cares not for that of another, so it do but accord with his own. All their common enterprises are built on this Foundation, which if once it begin to decay, you may see all their designs come to nothing. Grandees have neither friend nor foe, but in relation to the good or evil which attends it. But what is there of strangenesse in it, seeing all the Elements of the whole Universe are as it were tied together and united with invisible Chains, which quickly fall into division, if any one attempt any thing upon another.

A Cessation of Arms between his Majesty and the Spanish Army, by the mediation of Mazarini.

THe Treaty of Peace was now upon breaking up, yet Mazarini continued to ne∣gotiate daily both of one side and t'other. At last about the fifth of August he proposed a Truce to the Generals of the Army with such conditions, that at first dash were not all liked, viz. They were to deliver the Town and Castle of Cazal into Spinola's hands for a certain time (still keeping the Cittadel) and this was to give the Spaniards some satisfaction, who as yet had not got any advantage in Ita∣ly; and that which made Spinola the more willfull was, he had seen in a Letter, how

that his Master the King of Spain, was in a great anger with him, for that his Ar∣my had not made any progresse at all; so it was thought fit to grant this favour for Spinola's honour, and the Arms of Spain, but upon assured confidence that the Treaty would produce a good Peace. However this did but excite the spirit and courage of the French, whose impatience was such, that it would have carried them on to the relief of Cazal by plain force. A proposition of so extraordinary a consequence could not suddenly be resolved on; but a Cessation of Arms for three daies was concluded, and that seconded for three daies more. Shortly after there came Letters from the Sieur...... which made them give Cazal for lost; so that Mazarini comming again about the beginning of September to renew the proposi∣tions of the Truce, was more favourably received then formerly. The General assembled the principal Officers of the Army, to deliberate upon it, and eight of nine that were there, having approved of it, they were received, and the Cessation resolved on untill the 15 of October, with condition, that his Majesties Army, might Quarter any where on t'other side the Poe, and take for their money any victuals or provisions necessary for them: That the Town and Castle of Cazal, should be put into Spinola's possession, upon promise that he should restore it, if the Citta∣del were relieved by the 30. of October; and however that the Kings Army might have free intercourse with the Cittadel; and that if the Cittadel were not relieved be∣fore the thirtieth day of October, it should then be delivered up to the said Marquess, and that the Spaniards should be obliged to make necessary provisions of victuals in Cazal, until the said thirtieth day of October.

Politique Observation.

A Treaty is the ordinary beginning of Peace, whoever begins to treat on condi∣tion to surcease for some time all Acts of Hostility, hath a great inclination to make an agreement. The onely indeavouring of a Treaty doth ordinarily testifie, that the fire which inflamed the War is now extinguishing, and the pleasantnesse which is found in a Truce, is a certain Charm, which doth insensibly allure one to a final accommodation, as Plutarch hath demonstrated in the life of Nicias, spea∣king of the Truce which was made between the Athenians and the Lacedemonians; so that he who would make a good accommodation, considering the incertain suc∣cesse of War, ought never to refuse a Treaty, provided it be upon honourable terms. So much the rather ought he so to do, for that those very actions by which he proposeth to obtain a Victory, may end in a shamefull flight; in Treaties one ought not alwaies to look forsuch advantagious conditions; but each side must yeeld and give away a little of that which is their own. Thus did Pericles (one of the wifest: Ministers of State amongst the Ancients) make no difficulty, to grant the Treaty which was made between the Athenians, and those of Sparta, that the Athenians should every yeer send them two Talents, though they did in some sort pay dear enough for them, as Plutarch observes in the life of Pericles. So Lewis the Eleventh, whose Prudence is much commended in our Histories, easily accor∣ded to the Treaty made with Edward King of England for nine years, paying him yearly 50000 Duckets of Gold, which the English vainly called Tribute; but were in effect a Pension, and was accordingly so termed by the French. It is true it cannot be paid with any great deal of honour; but it was however commenda∣ble by the Laws of Prudent Policy, because sent the English out of France, who had they joined their Forces with Charles of Bourgogne, might have much indange∣red it. In fine, safety is to be bought in any eminent danger, and it is at any time advantagious enough to hinder an enemy from obtaining a victory, and to get time to render ones self stronger for the next fight.

Prosecution of the History.

THis Truce was much condemned by many, and by the Cardinal himself too, who was just upon the point of perswading his Majesty to make a Declaration, by

which he should dis-own those who had signed it, and with expresse command to his Army to advance: The Gallantry of his Courage, which knoweth not what it is to give ground, could not endure that the Town and Castle of Cazal should be delivered up into Spinola's hands; and it is not to be doubted, that had his Majesty been there, it had never been assented to at all. But however, take the reasons upon which it was so resolved, which I do the more willingly set down, to excuse those who undertook it: The first and principle was, the Duke of Savoy was much inclined and promised, to join himself with the Kings Army, if the Spaniards did not agree to those conditions which had formerly been ascertain'd with Spinola. Mazarini passed his word, that the Duke of Savoy should write a Letter about it to the Dutchesse of Savoy; of which the Generals of the Army should have a co∣py for their discharge; so that agreeing in this manner with the Duke of Savoy; the Spaniards were obliged to conclude the Peace; and if not the Duke of Savoy was ingaged to joyn his with the Kings Forces, to relieve Cazal. There was no∣thing to fear in respect of Cazal, but on the contrary, the delivery of it was cer∣tain; and most true it is, without that the Generals had never resolved upon that particular. And the extream necessities, to which Cazal was reduced, as Mon∣sieur de Thoyras sent word, caused them to doubt, lest that in few dayes (and be∣fore the Army could come up) the inhabitants who were wearied out, with suffe∣ring of inconveniences for three years together, some of them who were gained by the Spanish party, should force the Garrison to surrender, which could not be suf∣fered without great dishonour to the Kings Army. Besides the Marquesse de Bre∣ze, had order from the Generals to go to Cazal, under pretence of finishing the Treaty however, not to execute it, untill he had conferred with the Sieur de Thoy∣ras, and understood whether or no he could hold out, till the relief came, with∣out danger, and then to assure him, that in case he could, the•• would bring up the Army forthwith, and not conclude the Treaty. In short the Treaty was not ex∣ecuted, until it was understood that neither he nor any one else would undertake to warrant the successe.

To be short, it was thought necessary to refresh the Army, and to give them more scope, they being much afflicted with the sicknesse, and to releive Cazal, they were of necessity to march 30 leagues through an Enemies Country, with a small proportion of victuals, and without any retreating place at all.

Politique Observation.

A Man may say thus much in the behalf of those, who were Authors of this Truce, that whoever pretends to make a long and durable Peace, ought not to refuse some satisfaction to his enemies; who in case they be forced to conclude with dishonour and confusion presently break out again, as soon as they find them∣selves in a Condition of taking their revenge. Such was the opinion of Archida∣mus, when he would have perswaded the Lacedemonians, to make a Peace with the Thebans, upon the relation of Isocrates. And indeed it is impossible to make a good and firm establishment of a Peace, if one side hath all the advantages, and t'other be driven into desperation. And as nothing doth so much excite courage, as the losse of honour, so it ingageth them to new attempts, without any hopes of reducing them to a second Peace. If one hath not Forces infinitely above theirs, and be not absolutely assured of the victory. Necessity it self when a man find that he suffers with shame and discredit, makes one of them worth four; and for∣ceth him who before fled, to face about with fury. It snatcheth away all fears, and there is not any thing which it doth not perswade and lead him to. The Events of War are incertain, and it is in fights, as in other affairs of the World; sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures, to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all, to gain all the advantage to himself; so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand, doth often see it reaped by his enemies, for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extre∣mity.

The King falls very sick, and disposeth of his State-affairs.

DUring the Treaty, God Almighty (who hath not made Princes of any other temper, then other men) permitted the King to fall into a violent disease, the issue whereof being incertain, put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange con∣fusion. But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men, are not to destroy them, (his love alwaies guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs) so he would not deprive France of a King, who was so necessary for them, nor the Church of her eldest son, who fought for her Liberty. He restored him his health, and imployed the sickness, to let him know, that he was liable to the Laws of hu∣mane frailty, as well as the least of his subjects. He gave him this occasion to make known that vertue and extraordinary Piety, wherewith he had invested his Soul. His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death, but consider∣ed it as an easie passage from the miseries of this life, to the eternal happinesses of Heaven; his thoughts were not fix'd upon any thing, but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain. The onely regret which he testified, was, not the leaving his Crown, but the having com∣mitted offences, which humane weaknesse cannot avoid, and for which he desired pardon of God, which (all bathed in his tears) he begged those who were present to assist him in.

Politique Observation.

KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sicknesse or death. If their Birth and Scepter have advanced them, sick∣nesse and death render them equal. The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives. But it should rather seem on the contrary, that the greatnesse of their birth, hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions: The divine Prudence having so ordain'd it, to let them know they are but men. The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests, suffered himself to be per∣swaded by his flatterers, that he was of the Race of the Gods; and he was not un∣deceiv'd of this presumptuous opinion untill he was wounded, and saw the blood run down from his wound. There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are payd to them. God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men, which serve as so many calls to advertise them, that their Felicity is not on earth, and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile, where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences. That true greatness doth not so much consist in the pow∣er to do whatsoever one would, as in the will to do what one ought. That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions, and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things, have first subjected themselves to reason; shewing in all their actions, that though they could do any thing, yet they would attempt nothing, but what were fit and worthy of Gods Lieutenant; that greatnesse doth not acquit them from well-doing; but on the contrary, as it hath furnished them with more opportunities, so more is expected from them; that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people, and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil, as to do evil.

The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies.

THe Kings sicknesse produced several occasions, by which the Cardinal per∣ceived, but with great grief, the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him, which made him redouble his care, to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit. There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men, with which he did not study

to furnish himself, that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesties good favour. Good Offices make a man acceptable, and it cannot be related with how much Passion he imbraced his Majesties Interests. We usually love them, that love our relations, and the Cardinal had so great a desire to plea∣sure his Majesty, that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac, he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him, and a Command given him, equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg, to go to the relief of Cazal.

It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us, it being very true, that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us, then our first loving them. Now there is not any person can better testifie (them the Queen Mother her self, and those who were neer her, both at Lyon and in her return to Paris) how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed, protested and shewed to her in a thousand actions which concern'd her service. Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures. Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lyon, and in the same journey to Paris, when he begged his par∣don in behalf of his most just intentions, as if they had been most grievous offences; and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon. Was it needfull to imploy so many cares, to use so much industry, to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men, and the most amiable? Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath inriched him, as a Master-piece of his Power, and which he form'd but once in six ages, and so many glorious exploits, which have immortalized his honour, are not these I say such efficacious charms, that it is im∣possible to see him and not to love him? It is true, that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit, which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together. And though it were so, he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts. The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was, that he could never do enough to recover that place (which he had heretofore had the ho∣nour to possesse) in her good opinion; and to confesse and acknowledge to her, those great favours for which he was still ingaged to her; though indeed, and by the strict Laws of Equity, they were procured and bestowed upon him, as so many just recompences of his services, or to ingage him to do others of more im∣portance, as the effects of a pure liberallity. But after all, either these indeavours, these cares, these services, these respects, or these submissions, could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit. They wrought for some time so much upon her reason, that she kept all fair, and seemed not to be displeased, but assoon as she was arrived at Paris, her Passion revived, and to that height, that she removed out of her family, Madam de Combal••t, and Monsieur de la Me••lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition, to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister, without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed.

Politique Observation.

AS Women do not ordinarily love men, though the most amiable, with or by reason, the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls, then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love; so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred, which they shall once con∣ceive. They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of In∣constancy which nature hath given them with their births, and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression, and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies. The strongest reasons of truth, passe in their opinions for Artifices, and the most humble submissions, do not at all touch their high minds, and the greatest in stances, make them the greater Rebels. They

being of the same humour with fortune, who doth ordinarily bestow her favours up∣on those who least seek after them.

The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour.

JT cannot be denied, but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion, as cannot be imagined, and as it is not generosity but a poor∣ness of spirit, to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions; so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure. It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him, for he had learnt by a long experience, that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours, and that those who govern an Estate, are like the Celestial Bodies, which receive much honour from the earth, but have no rest at all; so that he had most readily renounced all, according as he supplicated his Majesty, if his Majesty would have thought it fit, who too too well knew of what con∣cernment he was to his State. It could not be, that he did suspect his Ma∣jesties goodnesse or constancy, to whom hee knew his fidelity, was better known then to all the rest of France, and of whose affection he had so many dai∣ly testimonies, that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all. But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty; so the vice of in∣gratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory, made it so much the more insupportable, by how much lesse he had deserved it. He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peo∣ples minds, their particular thoughts for infallible truths, and that she might in France, and to posterity, make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him. It was for this, that he could not imagine (no more then he Kings loyal servants) that (after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him) the Artifices of some seditious spirits, would be able to counterpoise his glory.

Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices, so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted, cannot be ac∣cused. But surely he cannot be called ingratefull, who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations, and who hath no more apparent grief, then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies, onely that he might make' them Mediators of his Reconciliation, which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life, to serve her who had obliged him? Can he be called ingratefull, who would lose the first place of Honour in a State, to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefact••ix, seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknow∣ledgement? And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse, that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion?

He whom she made his principle accuser, never durst disavow it in his writings. But not wel•• knowing how to describe his ingratitude, he would fain make him passe for ingratefull, because he did not adhere to, and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs; as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was, before the Kings service! And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will, would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust! It is true that her birth, might oblige him to ex∣traordinary services, but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master, which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augment∣ing his glory. He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those

who favour him, and what is due by Justice to the King his Master, and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses, before the Interest of the State, which is entrusted to his conduct. He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful, because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mo∣ther, which was only in matters contrary to her opinion; as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel, as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the exe∣cution of a Designe. The sagest Polititians have said, He is the wisest King, who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed, communicates his resolution of what shall be done, but only to a few persons.

Politique Observation.

HAtred, which hath no just foundation, is so inconsiderate, that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible, nay strong reasons, without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of, when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons, it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes. There are no sorts of wickednesses, which are not pow∣erful enough to entertain the minds of women, especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority, and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies. The greediness of absolute com∣mand hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge, then any other cause whatsoever, without this consideration, that God hath not created their Sex for Government: and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions, that they are very unfit for that purpose. But as Ambition is a blind Passion, we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers, when they think to increase their Authorities, and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined, whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute.

The great Qualities of the Cardinal.

ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty, then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services, the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself, in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd, the good success which ac∣companied his Conduct of his Armies, the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued, with which he did penetrate into what was to come, and foresaw ef∣fects in their Causes, and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned, the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State, that though he gave Orders in the greatest, yet he never forgot the least, and that prodigious promptitude, which produc'd effects, from resolution in Counsel, before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no: These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind, to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies; and one may say, they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him, that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him, he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles. In effect, that was the cause of the King's going from Paris, and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty, then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her.

Politique Observation.

THe King well knew, that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advanta∣gious to a State, as his services have been profitable, and that in it a Prince receives as much blame, as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person. An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments where∣with

he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art; and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct, if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs, such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory. Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke, might rebound against his Au∣thority. He ought to know, that it is easie to blame those who govern, and to lament their Conduct, and that many more find it very perfect and compleat, see∣ing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular, and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses. There need no more but to consult with experience, to evince, that it is very difficult to find a great Genius, on whose Prudence they may confidently re∣ly; for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such. How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unuse∣full, for that their Country produc'd none such in their times? He who is so hap∣py, as to meet with one, ought to preserve him with as much care, as the most as∣sured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse: How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels, for the only losse of an expert great Captain.

And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister, his only conservation, is of greater importance then that. I will not say of Towns, but of whole Provinces; for he is not only capable of regaining them, but conquering new ones; whereas the losse of him is irrepairable, for that hardly many ages pro∣duce one that doth resemble him.

Why the King went from Paris, and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal, and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac, to be Arrested.

THe King went from Paris, only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs, and to withdraw himself from those importunities, not to say violences of the Queen-Mother. In whose presence, the respect which he had for her, hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her. His Maje∣sty knew, that it was necessary for the good of his Estate, to chastise those contri∣vers of Intreagues; and on the other side, he cemented himself in an unaltera∣ble resolution (which being an effect of his own onely Prudence, acquired him so much the more Glory) never to part from the Cardinal. Now it was often seen, that these Cabals had no other beginning, then from the Lord Keeper, and the Marshal de Marillac, therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former, as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil, causing him to be carried to Lysieux, and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg, to arrest the t'other, and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud. What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours, who had been so audacious to commit such offences, between the King and Queen-Mother, and to breed a division between their Majesties, which keeps them at a disla••••e to this very day? Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition, which made them aspire to the Government of the State, by the destruction of him who had established it, in so sublime a pitch of Glory, that it is not only more honour∣ed, but more feared too by strangers? Again, could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers, should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice, to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt, and to punish their devices, which they used with the Queen-Mother, to carry her on to the ruining of him, by whose Coun∣sel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession, winking at their unworthy actions, which had heretofore rendred them culpable, and by which they made their first attempts? His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them, the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them, and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector, when in their con∣duct there was just reason to complain of them: And on the other side, when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude, he could no longer permit, that

one of them should be any more imployed in affairs, or that the other should re∣main unpunished for those many Crimes, of which he had often been accused. So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches, who would have ruined the Genius of France, by accusing him of Ingratitude. It is an ordinary ef∣fect of the Divine Justice, to cause those evills to fall upon them, which they would pull down upon him, and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes, which they would falsely lay to his charge.

Politique Observation.

THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude, which renders men so much the more blame-worthy, for that they are impeached by good Offices. An in∣famous life hath three steps, first to forget kindnesse; secondly, not to recompence them; the third, to render evil for good. The first is, the effect of a great neg∣lect: The second, may sometimes proceed from a want of ability. But the third, can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice. So though the first cannot be excused, yet it may be born with. The second, was in so great detesta∣tion by the Egyptians, that they caused such as they found culpable, to be proclai∣med by the City-Crier, to the end, that no one might afterwards do them any kindness, thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him. But the third, hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men, that they thought only death was fit to expiate it, that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought. An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor, a Traitor being only to blame, for having fallen back from those promises which he was ti∣ed to by his Parole. But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise, but by the obligations and favours which he had received. At least, the most moderate of men, could never indure it, seeing they are like those vapours, which the Sun having exhaled from the earth, do indeavor to obscure his splendour. They deserve to be punished, especially when their trea∣cheries are prejudicial to the good of a State, as here they were when they at∣tempted this destruction, who next to the King, was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity. Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister, who is the first instrumental cause, by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory, as striking at the very person of the King himself? I should much blame that Minister, who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime. There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon, and there are others, amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires ven∣geance. Mercy is not contrary to Justice, but Justice is governed by Mercy, which serves for••ts guide. Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse, and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of. It is more noble in a King to par∣don, then to execute the rigour of Justice; but it must be to such persons, whose Im∣prudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil, and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse, then from black detestable Villany.

A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua.

DUring his Majesties sicknesse, and their beginning of these Intreagues, the af∣fairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid. The Duke of Savoy, Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany, that the Sieur de Leon, who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty; and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals, with Letters from the Sieur de Leons, and an expresse promise from the Emperour, that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat, with consent that the Town, Castle, and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered in∣to his hands.

This was as much as could be desired for the foundation, but the circumstances how to do it, were difficult, it being agreed by the Treaty, that the Emperour would invest the said Duke, only within six weeks, and that fifteen daies, after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua, and the King of Spain his from Ca∣zal, and other places of Montferrat. This did much trouble the Generals, be∣cause this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army, before the Spaniards would leave Cazal; which stay they could hardly make, because the Plague was very rife in the Army, and they had victuals but for certain days; these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up, be∣fore half the time were elapsed: which should they have done, the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal, who had not subscribed to it, with their usual designs, because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got, when∣ever the Treaty should be brought. These just considerations were debated by the Generals, who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it, so they resolved not to regard it, but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal. The Spani∣ards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehen∣sions of the first stock of the French, who at the first onset, fight like Lyons. They presently sent back Mazarini, who had brought them the news, to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace, and that to put it in execution, they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Citta∣del of Cazal. But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear, concluded, especially the Marshal of Schomberg, that they should presently advance to Cazal, thinking that their appearance only, would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith, without staying till the end of the two moneths, which was accord∣ed by the Treaty.

Politique Observation.

IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace, which may have an assured end, in a place far distant from Armies, whilest they are enemies. Great distance maketh ma∣ny things be unknown, in point of particular Circumstances, and of the present State of the Armies, which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on. It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance, as with Astrologers, who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven, perceiving only that which is most apparent in them, without being able to observe many particular Qualities. So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse, and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs, without the exact knowledge of all which, nothing can be certainly resolved on, which shall surely be put in exe∣cution. It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him, with whom a man doth treat; but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage; if that be omitted, there doth most common∣ly happen some one thing or another, which doth hinder the observation of it.

The King sends an Embassadour to the Diet of Ratisbonne.

THe Cardinal knew it full well, when he proposed to the King, to send the Sieur de Lyon, to the Diet at Ratisbonne, where the Treaty was concluded: And on the contrary, he knew that in great affairs, something must be hazarded, and that this Negotiation would alwaies serve to discover the Emperours designs, as well as many others the Princes of Germany, who desired protection from his Ma∣jesties Arms. That if a Treaty were made which were impossible to execute, it would however serve for an induction to make a better, because it prepared their minds, and did hinder the advancing of such Troops, as the Emperour was send∣ing into Italy.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister, never proposeth one only end in his Actions, but imitating as much as in him lieth, the series of the Divine Prouidence, aspires to many things at the same time, that he may not do any thing which is vain, or to no purpose; His Eye is not alwaies fixt where his mind is; so, though he be not sure of effecting what he saith, yet he is still ready to execute what he thinks: He is ac∣quainted with all the Turnings which lead to the Conclusion of his Designe, and with all Trap-doors to carry him to his wished for end, without giving to the world any just cause but of esteem and admiration. This being one of the sublimest points of prudent Policy, by which he never goes less then his Word. It is true, this kind of Prudence is not proper but for a grand Genius, and such as are of ex∣traordinary fine and subtile spirits: But who so is endued therewith, may well vaunt, that he hath an assured means to prevent several inconveniences, and to give a happy issue to divers affairs, without which it were impossible to accomplish ei∣ther the one or th'other. After all, he ought to be vigilant and careful, that his Prudence be accompanied with Fidelity, that he may be exempt from all blame, and that will render his conduct as it were Invincible, and will acquire him more respect then without; so that no one being able to penetrate into the moity of his Designes, they will however trace him in many places, where he is not, but will never find him in any, where he is not prepared to defend himself.

The French Army Embattel in view of Cazal.

THis being resolved, the Marshal of Scomberg (whose turn it was to command the Army) advanced with all diligence, and on Octob. 26. came within sight of Cazal. He plac'd them in Battalia on th'other side the Brook Gattola, and after publike Prayers (which are usually made on such occasions) marched directly against the Enemy, whom they found intrench'd in a circumvallation of six miles about and well finished, but which served only to augment the glory of the French Army.

Politique Observation.

THe King had observed in the Beginning of the War with Savoy, (notwith∣standing the fair Proposals of Peace which Mazarini had made) that it is great Prudence in a General (though to hearken to them, yet) not to forbear the carrying on of the War, and to shew all sort of Couragiousness and Hardship; following herein the counsel of Archidamus in Isocrates, who ever made most ho∣nourable conditions by this means. As it is Action which sets off an Orator, and makes him more powerful to perswade•• as Demosthenes answered one who questi∣on'd him concerning the perfection of Eloquence, so it is Action too which doth most powerfully perswade an Enemy to make a Peace. It is not reasonable for a General to lie still without action any long time together; the only time to do is after a Parley, and such action it is which acquires him the glory of being esteemed Valiant. The only shewing of a good mind to be in Action, and putting an Ar∣my into Battalia, doth strike fear into an Enemy: He ought in a long Treaty to shew that his Courage maketh him despise any danger; and as he proposeth no∣thing but to vanquish, so he feareth nothing but not to overcome. He ought not to have any apprehensions of the Inconstancies of Fortune, but to hope, that his Courage may enforce her to be favourable. It is good that his Prudence should carry him to take time for deliberation, but that done, his Courage ought to fur∣nish him with wings to advance his designe with the greatest celerity and prompt∣ness, seeing he shall never have any good progress who spends too much time in considering of hazards; and that many have oftentimes turn'd their affairs, by

taking too much time for Consultations. It is an act of Judgement to begin with coldness, but to prosecute with heat and ardour, when things are once brought to the point of being put in execution: The fearful are most ordinarily overcome. War is a thing which acquires Glory from the most difficult enterprises, and those Battels wherein the greatest dangers are, do render a man the more honourable.

Cardinal Mazarini accomodateth the Affairs of Cazal with dexte∣rity, between the King and the Spaniard.

AS soon as ever the Army approached within six hundred paces of the Spanish Trenches, Mazarini came galloping out and finding the Marshal de Schom∣berg, told him, that the Spaniards had accepted of certain Propositions which he had made to them, and that he doubted not but he would likewise con∣sent to them, for the good of the Peace: They were to surrender the Town and Castle of Cazal, which were depositated in their custody; They were to march out of Montferrat; but instead of delivering them into Monsieur du Maynes hands (to whom they might have surrendred them, until his Father had receiv'd the Investiture of the Dutchy) they would deposite them with an Imperial Com∣missary, who should transmit them over to Monsieur du Mayne, or to such as he should appoint, on November 23. upon which day the Investiture was promised. They consented (for the greater security of the Treaty) that the Imperial Com∣missary should carry none but his own Train into Cazal, and that he should not meddle with any thing, but only to give the Word. The Propositions were ta∣ken into deliberation by the Marshals de la Force, de Schomberg, and de Marillac, who considering that the King designed nothing more then the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua in his Estates, and the setling the Peace of Italy, did consent to them, seeing they had the advantage to make them first lay down their Arms, who had first taken them up: An advantage which is no little one, as Thucydides testifieth in his History. In prosecution whereof they prevented the Army from advancing and breaking in upon the Trenches, though it were with great difficulty, the Courage of the French not being able to endure that the Spaniards should make the•••• take the pains to come so far, and not give them a memento. Soon after the Spaniards marched out of the Town and Castle, the French out of the Cittadel, and the Imperial Commissary entred in their place.

Politique Observation.

IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law, The ••ord of Hosts, seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them; as he himself thinks fit, he gives them Peace or War; and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting, then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms; to teach them, that it is his gift, and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom, if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it. His Providence guides things to their ends by means, which to appear∣ance are contrary to it: But his Power is always Master, and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him. It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm, and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder, the Clouds cleft asunder, the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed, the Ayr cleered, and in a while, all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes: But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice (who over-ruleth Hosts) to make the force of his power to appear, just when Battels are joyning, to cover the earth with dead Bodies, to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood, to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets, and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries, and then to allay their rage, to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands, to fill their souls with gentleness, and in a word, to give a happy Peace? After such an affair, seeing all things fall out

contrary to our expectations, may not one conclude that God laughs at our De∣signs, and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs.

The re-victualling of Cazal.

AFter all this, the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to, had much ado to march out of Montfer∣rat, and they did not only delay the time, by pretending that their Ammuni∣tions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off, but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal, which the French (when they retired) had left. This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal, under the Mareschal de Marillac, and accordingly it was effected. The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return, and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal, then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat, at which the Commissary could find no exceptions, it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time.

Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this, that the Generals having di∣vided the Army in two parts, one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay, they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them. This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them: They ranged themselves into Battalia, and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on. In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt in∣to Cazal, and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat, &c. Thus the War ceased for that year, though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on.

Politique Observation.

JT were great rashness in a General, after a Victory, or the taking in of any Place, so to despise his Enemy, as to let his Forces be in disorder, or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost. The Anger which an Ene∣my is possessed with after he is either beaten, or forced from his Siege, should in∣duce him still to be ready for a fight, his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge. If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches, they should be so look'd after, that they do not enter in at another part; they should never be thought to have left a Country, so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance, not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd, or the Gate of a Town, which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty, ought to be left unregarded: Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage, and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed, there ought to be a strict watch kept, seeing a broken Army doth often rally, and rush in upon the Conquerors, and do them so much the greater mischief, by their not being prepared to make defence.

The King of Swede enters into Germanie.

WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy, for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest, several Princes of Germany, and amongst the rest, the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg, the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and divers Common-wealths, oppressed by the House of Austria, imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence, called him in to their assistance. They sent sundry Deputies to him, to engage him with all earnest∣ness to assist them; whom they found so much the more enclined to it, in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with

him, for he had caused his Letters to be broken open, his Characters deciphered and interpreted, imprisoned his Subjects, trading upon the Baltique Sea, after he had taken away their Merchandises, prohibited the Commerce, though it were a natu∣ral right, and free to all the World, had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland; had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia, to fight against the Swedish Army, to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland, had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours, whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace; and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States, so that some of them were even brought to Beggery, without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints. These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage, not able to suffer such injuries; and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army. About July he came before the Island of Rugen, which he made himself Master of in a few days, notwithstan∣ding those great oppositions which he met with; thence he went to Stralzund, a Hans Town, seated upon the Baltique Sea, in the Dutchy of Pomerania, which he had taken into his protection, in the year, 1628, and there he landed: The Impe∣rialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March, and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility, though they were constrained to raise the Siege, after the losse of above twenty thousand men; but they quickly drew off for altogether, not thinking it possible to resist him in a field, who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen.

Politique Observation.

THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country, Ambition which hath no limits, makes them impatient of being con∣fined within those of their own States, and desirous to inlarge them at their neigh∣bours expences. The natural inconveniences too of their own Country, may draw them out to seek a better, where they might live with more ease, as our first French, the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief, that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all, whose Estate had any other begin∣ning, and that Kings have no juster Titles, then by Conquests with their Swords. Lastly, they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them, it being al∣lowable to repel Force with Force, and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them. They quit their Countries to assist their Allies, it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person, but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest, alliance or kindred.

The Assembly at Ratisbonne.

ABout the same time, there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne, and the King of Swede understood, that it was then and there resolved to make a strong re∣sistance against the Justice of his Arms, and that the Emperour had contri∣ved a design (wherein, though he was much mistaken) to force him out of Ger∣many, and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea, not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques, from whom he had ravished them. Resistance heightens and augments Courage, and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country, and resolve upon great designs, which we have seen him bring to passe: But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League. About September he writ to the King, desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mu∣tual promises, not only to preserve friendship between one another; but also when occasion should serve, reciprocally to assist one another, to imploy the power of

his Arms and Authority, to defend that cause which he had then undertaken; in pro∣secution of which he had passed the Sea, and all in the behalf of those who were ti∣ed to him by kindred, and allied to the Crown of France. The King, whose cou∣rage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies, received this request so much the more favourable, in respect it were as glorious a thing in him, to contribute to their establishment; and accordingly, he gave the most advanta∣gious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected. However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration, that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion, in preserving of States, and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it, where he found it setled. His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty, which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following, I shal then re-assume my discourse of it, in its due order.

Politique Observation.

HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs, is as dangerous, as a nimble executing of them is advantagious; Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other. And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs, yet they are sub∣ject to have but ill successes, if not commenced with mature deliberation. Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just, yet he will take time to deliberate on the means. And as the interest of Religion is very conside∣rable, so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured: Whereas on the contrary, rash, hasty persons, do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded; but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it; thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse, and intangled in the executing their designs, that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour, and so leave off with shame and confusion. Hence it is, that Demosthenes in his first Ora∣tion against Philip saith, They who counsel with great hast, are not the greatest Counsellours, those Stomacks which make a quick digestion, do not concoct so good a Chil••••s, as those whose heat is moderate, as Physitians tell us; and true it is, those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness, do com∣monly came lamely of at last cast.

The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras, with the Staff of Marshal of France.

SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris, well knowing that rewards of honor, are not only due to those who have deserved them, but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example. He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France, as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont; and which the second had shewed to all Italy, during the Siege of Cazal. They being persons of great esteem, every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made, in raising them to that eminent degree of honour. But the Rebellion of the one, and the evil Govern∣ment of the other, did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merit∣ed, they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject.

Politique Observation.

THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State, that when it is once laid by, the practice of vertue is neglected, especially if it be not distingui∣shed by marks of honour. There are but a few of the same mind with the Phyloso∣pher, who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds, then the con∣tentment

to have done them, and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience, which she gave to him. It is true, a truly noble man, doth not so much regard the Recompence, as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving; but it cannot be denied, that those marks of honour do make lively, and excite resolutions to noble actions. The wisest Phylosophers have said, that the two supporters, upon which all the motions of a State depend, are reward and punishment, without which, there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow, and vertue become totally neglected.

The King Honours the Sieur de Servient, with the Office of Secretary.

THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State, would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime. One of the places of Secretary of State, being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere, his Majesty recollected in his mind, the services of the Sieur de Servient; the Prudence wherewith he treated in Piedmont and Savoy; the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties, wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War. The intelligence of Forraign affairs, which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters. The good or∣der which he kept in the Army, whilest he was super-intendent of Justice; and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies, in several Charges. Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour, and so many noble actions without reward; his Majesty as I said, thought fit to impose the Charge on him, of having a care concerning the Affairs of War, making it evident by his judicious choice, how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons, accor∣ding to the particular qualifications of their minds.

The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State.

THe Charge of Secretary, being as it is one of the most important of the King∣dom It is needfull, that the Person with whom it is intrusted, should be indu∣ed with qualities accordingly. He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad, the affairs in which he is imploied. He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes, strangers, and Grandees of the Kingdom, as also of their several interests and pretensions. Eloquence in discourse is necessa∣ry for him, because the King intrusts his Pen with him, to write to all Monarchs, Princes, Parliaments, and Estates, and generally to people of all sorts: For it is not enough, barely to let them understand the will of his King, but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King, that is, with Majesty, and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile, without any thing of bombast or affectedness. I know nothing so absurd, as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty. As for that which concerns Eloquence, though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King, which are not so exactly digested, may be tolerared; yet it would be ex∣treamly found fault with in France, where neatnesse hath made her Throne, and doth particularly inhabit, and where our Kings have nothing, but what is eminent and of the best. The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him; he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities, because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him, there could not but great inconvenience follow it.

The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm.

AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible cou∣rage, to reduce his enemies under the Law, an admirable Prudence in the

good Orders both of Peace and War: A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits: A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies; and in a word, all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown; he would conclude all with an action of Clemency, in pardoning the Monsieur de Ven∣dosm, after some assurances of his repentance, and fidelity for the future, in rela∣tion to those Crimes, for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vinc••nnes, and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom.

Politique Observation.

IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince, to pardon the faults of Gran∣dees, when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State, and when they are washed out by an humble repentance. The most generous are still the most mercifull, and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury, as to re∣member a kindnesse. That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities, who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation, wished he had never learnt to write. And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome, saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences. However a King ought to be mindfull, that he do not too soon recall into his Court, a Prince or Grandee, who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him, least the oppor∣tunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs, do carry him insensibly to a re∣lapse. Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it. The least disgusts which they shall receive, will revive their old grudges, and it is im∣possible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King, from whom he imagi∣neth he hath received some harsh usage, and once not loving him, he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve. It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder, and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger, then the glue which joyns crackt vessels, which are easily broken asunder by a small blow. An imaginary wrong or a small dis∣pleasure, should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again, when he is replaced in his first station of affairs. They who imagine that just punishments are soon for∣gotten, do much deceive themselves. It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries; but Princes are far enough of from such maximes, so that the safest remedy for all their evils, is a removal from the Court, that no meeting with any, who are used to ingage people in Intreagues, they will be (as it were) forced to keep within their limits, when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again.

ANNO 1631.

JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars, or shining with the glorious light of the Sun, which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour, then to look on it ful of Prodigies, flashed with lightnings, ful laden with Clouds, shaken with Tempests, and covered with the Vail of an obscure night: Just thus, without all peradventure, was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories, which she obtained in the fore-going years, in the enjoyment of a hap∣py quiet▪ caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State, and by uniting of all the people, all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King, and every one living with Peace in his own profession, then to contemplate her full of factions, troubled with Combinations, and threatned with a general dissolution, by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers: But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them imparti∣ally both in one relation and t'other, so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies, wherewith she hath been assaulted, that by those glorious actions of the King, and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals, the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers, whereunto it is com∣monly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd. Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied, knowing her self to be the happiest, as well as the greatest Princess upon earth, yet she could nor live contented, after the Cabal which had beleagured her Soul, had once perswaded her, that she was obliged to ruine the Cardinal. She did neer upon the matter equally divide the honour with the King. All the French did indeavour in emulation of one another, to testifie by their respects and obediences, the sweetnesse which did shine in all her acti∣ons: The Revenues which she injoyed were greater then those of three Queen Dowagers of France all together: There was no charge or expence, which she was not able to go through with, witnesse that magnificent structure of Luxenbourg, which contends with the Louvre, and is the most accomplished piece of all that ever any of our Kings have attempted, She could not deny but that she injoyed upon the matter an absolute Authority in the State. The King permitted her to take up∣on her self as much as she could wish in the administration of affairs. He resolved upon no one thing of importance in his Counsel, but upon her advice. When ne∣cessity enforced the King from Paris, and that she would remain there, he still left the government in her hands, and also ordered that Embassadours should attend upon her, to communicate forreign affairs to her, and to receive from her mouth resolutions thereupon. Was not this to possesse all that is glorious and noble in a Government? Was not this indeed to injoy her self with more pleasure then the King, seeing she was exempted (in what she pleased) from those great troubles which accompany the Conduct of Affairs, and from those embroils which are fre∣quent in Wars and Voyages, all which the King was obliged to under-go; but she tied to nothing but what she pleased her self, excepting those affairs only, which related to the good of the Kingdom. Last of all, that Cabal factious as it was, be∣ing so much favoured by her what did it, but abuse her bounty, to serve the Passi∣ons of some particular persons? Did it not so trouble her repose by sinister impressi∣ons, which were infused into he•• concerning the Government, and by those suspi∣cions which were instilled into her against the Cardinal, by her eagernesse and de∣sire

to intermeddle in affairs with greater power; insomuch, that the good order established in the State, wrought no other effect in her mind, then to make her doubt that the most glorious victories of his Majesty, instead of transporting her with joy, would fill her Soul with Fears, and that Forraigners would invade his Country. Thus the most sublime Acts of the Cardinal, which strook both terrour and admiration into strangers, were no otherwise considered by her, then as so ma∣ny tricks and deceits. Whence it happened, that instead of acknowledging his Ma∣jesties bounty, and the respects which he shewed her, she repayed his kindnesses with complaints, and instead of enjoying quiet and content, which she had reason to imbrace, her life was filled only with vexatious inquietudes.

Politique Observation.

GReat personages, though raised up a little above other men, yet are neither more happy or contented. If they suffer themselves to be transported with Passions, it is with them, as with the Sea, which being of a vast circumference, is no whit the lesse subject to the agitations of the Winds; so they being raised a little above others, are not the lesse subject to be vexed with inquietudes. Though they possesse more then enough wherewith to content themselves; yet they giving them∣selves the liberty of desiring still more, rather out of a humour then a necessity, are never in quiet or repose, but give us just reasons to believe, that although Fortune hath denied Crowns to poor men, yet nature hath made them happier in requital of it by giving them minds desirous of lesse. That shining flame which we may behold at the end of a Torch, dwells not there, but by the force of that matter which feedeth it, and is continually raising it self towards the Heavens, as disdain∣ing the place where it then is, desiring, as it were, to get up into the Concave of the Moon; so grand persons, though cloathed with such splendour as makes them shine in the eyes of all other men, cannot rest with quietness of mind in that autho∣rity from whence they receive it; but their aspiring souls carries them still onwards to new designs of raising themselves above all things. They can never be conten∣ted with the command over men, unlesse they can also command their Passions which nature hath created in them as in other men. Without this, all their glory serves only to stir up in them violent desires to get still more: Whereas on the con∣trary, he who hath circumscribed his will with reason, hath added this happinesse to his greatnesse, that he will be exempted from the troubles of the World.

The Queen Mothers hatred, against the Cardinal.

THe desire of destroying the Cardinal, was the chief cause of the Queen Mothers discontents, and no one can imagine with what impatiency she designed it. Her most faithfull servants were astonished at it, considering that meeknesse was the quality which every one saw to shine with so much splendour in her whole deport∣ment: So that her Majesty cannot be accused with that violence; but to set the saddle on the right horse, it ought to be imputed to certain imbroiling spirits, who had ingaged her in it, before she was aware of it: Whoever hath had the ho∣nour to be often neer her Majesty cannot but conclude so, and they who have had never so little knowledge of the Intreagues of those times, cannot be ignorant that her Majesty did openly drive on at a meeting at Dupes, the design of ruining the Cardinal to that extream and utmost verge, after she was counselled to it by the enemies of that great Minister for, two chief reasons. The one was, they concluded that the King could not, in fine, deny the abandoning of him, if her Majesty should continue to urge him to it, with fresh and continued instances. A Mother having but too too attractive powers over a son to draw him to her own desires; especial∣ly such a son so full of respect and observance as the King was. The second, be∣cause in case the Cardinal should get the better of them, he would then sit on their skirts, for those seditious Assemblies which they had contrived against the Kings

service, and against his own particular Interests, which if it should so fall out, 'twere better for them to drive on their first design to the very utmost.

Intreagues of the Ladies neer the Queen Mother.

THe Ministers of Spain, who had great interest in the ruining of the Cardinal, did endeavour with their utmost the heat of these flames to which infamous intent, they employed several Ladies who were neer the Queen Mother; but especially, three great Princesses, to whom her particular favours gave most free accesse, viz. the Princesse of Conti, the Dutchesses of Elbaeuf and d' Ornano: Several other great persons of the Court were of the same party; some of them not so much ca∣ring for the good successe of any publick affairs, but onely for their own particular interests, which they thought would be much bettered by this means, if it should hit accordingly: Others found themselves ingaged in the Faction, by their Love which obliged them to serve the Passions of some of the Ladies: Others suffered themselves to be led into it by their extravagant humours, which carries some ca∣pricious minds, to the never-liking of any thing in the publick Government: Had the Queen Mother been of a more malicious and fiery nature she might have been safe and free from their invenomed artifices; but they wrought upon her, made advantages of her good nature, and such were the chief Agents, to whom she had done the honour, to give a more particular part of her gracious favours; besides, in all their actions, they only pretended a Passion to preserve her Majesty in her power and authority, the only absolute charm to bewitch the Souls of great Per∣sonages. They had at last so fortified her, that it was impossible, in a manner, for any others to whom she discoursed but little of her designs, to dis-abuse her. They were never out of her Majesties sight; and if, by chance, one of them was obliged to go forth, another stept in, as if it were, on purpose to prevent any of her loyal servants to dis-deceive her, or with design of picking an occasion to en∣tertain her in such discourses, as might tend to the increasing of her Passion. They made her believe that the credit which the King gave to those sage Counsels of the Cardinal, were an authority so great that she was as it were forced to be jealous at it. They excited her upon the score of honour, that she was bound to let all Chri∣stendom see that the power which she had in the State was not so slight, that her will should become lesse considerable by the opposition of a Favourite. Neither did they omit to suggest to her the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua, as a crime, who was now upon the point of being restored to his Estates, as if the Interests of that Prince so important to the Glory of the King and his Crown, ought not to have been preferred before the hatred which she had conceived against him.

Posteritie will have much adoe, to beleeve that they could drive things to that point, of informing her Maiestie with suspitions of the Fidelitie of this grand Mini∣ster, and of making her beleeve, that he designed to raise himself into the Royal Throne, upon the ruine of her children, insteed of representing to her, that he sacrificed his life, his goods, and his honour to their glory, upon any occasion which did present it self. If her Majesty had not been acquainted with any secret of affairs, they presently told it her by way of complaint and accusation of the Cardinal, as if it had been absolutely necessary to have given her accompt of euery thing, whilest she was ingaged in those Contrivances and Assemblies, where stran∣gers too had a good stroke, who might make use of it to the Kings disadvantage. In her Majesties presence they could never wonder enough, that he should suffer the King to propose to Monsieur, the marrying the Princess Mary; whereas they should have told her, it was with design to stay him in the Court But that was no part of their intention: And is it not yet more strange that they made the real i••deavours which the Cardinal obliged her in, to pass for disguises and falsities, even to the perswading her, that he onely desired to set himself upright with her, that he might take his own advantage, and find an occasion of removing her, as Monsieur de ••uy••es had done, well knowing, that the bare belief of that one thing would

more and more fix her in the design of destroying him? These are the discourses wherewith those of the Cabal did ordinarily entertain her, or to speak more pro∣perly, the Charms wherewith they inchanted her Soul, so that perverting the ge∣nuine sweetnesse of her disposition, they rendred her incapable of any reconcilia∣tion, and immoveable in the design of ruining him, whose Prudence was the grea∣test prop and stay of her Grandeur, and whose signal services done to France, had raised it to that eminent point of glory.

Politique Observation.

THere is hardly any one thing which they who are neer great Princesses, may not in time perswade them to, when they have once gotten a little credit with them, and that they will but use those Artifices to obtain it, which the corruption of the Court soon teacheth. The first and chief thing they labour, is to insinuate into their minds, that they are very passionately affected for their services and interests, and that they have no other designs, but what contribute to their glory; this they do, as well knowing affection to be a reason able to perswade Ladies to any thing. Their next care is never to incense them either by words or deeds. They flatter all their faults, even to a commendation of them, which makes the word incurable. And though there he noting more free then love and hatred, yet they professe openly they neither love noe hate any but whom they do. They serve them with a seeming heat and earnestnesse upon all occasions, but are in effect like Curtesans who wish to those whom they love, all that is good, excepting Prudence and Judg∣ment. Is it not easily observed, that if any one displease them, they are the first who speak ill of him? They had much rather deceive them, then hazard their an∣ger by telling truth. And thus by their Compliances and a thousand services, which are powerfull attracts upon the minds of that Sex, they make themselves beloved, and acquire a great part of their Trust and Confidence: This once done, how ma∣ny artifices do they then find out to surprise them? No one can so easily deceive us, as he who hath once possessed our minds, with a belief that he loveth us: The bare affection which we repay him, gives him advantage enough in that he is not mistrusted. The honour which they have to be ordinarily neer her, gives them no little advantage, seeing it furnisheth them with opportunities and occasions of saying whatever they have a mind to; they never hazard any thing, for that they have liberty to speak that at another time freely, which peradventure they then cannot without danger. Insomuch, that if they would make any one be hated, it is a most easie thing for them to bring it to passe. First, they attempt to make them mistrusted, with great caution, they speak ill of them; but so, as it may seem to have proceeded from an affection which they have for their service; and this commonly maketh their advices be well received; and having once discovered an inclination to receive these first preparatories, they are not to seek in re-criminating them with new charges; and by little and little they insinuate a belief of their being evil, which renders them hated: And all this, with such a meeknesse of mind, but so full of dissimulations (of which, the Court is the most perfect School) that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them; in re∣gard the most part of those who come neer them, do hardly ever tell them any truth at all.

The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour.

AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal, so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger, and to how many submissions he stooped, that he might re∣cover her good favour. Shortly after St. Martins day, she used her very utmost

power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him, insomuch that she would not in∣dure to see him. But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity, next that of serving his Majesty, to render all testimonies of his fidelity, and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory, pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her. Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience, and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief, that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction, and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him, which some of her Confidents had now diver∣ted. The Good Father did it so much the more readily, perceiving that this bit∣terness of the Queen-Mother, did set the whole Court into Factions, that it did di∣vide the State, raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself, he represented to her, that God commanded her to moderate her hatred, and to behold him with respect, who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose, for he could not at all discover any disposition in her, tending to follow his advices. The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio, a Prelat, not lesse recommen∣dable for the greatnesse of his Soul, then that of his dignity to attempt and indea∣vour with her upon the same score: There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion; at last he obtained this advantage, that she condiscended to see him, and to promise him she would for∣get what was past. The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace, where the King was present: But she discovering by her eyes, her words and actions, that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement, he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that, which neither the Piety of Father Suffren, nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to. The King took the pains upon himself, to speak to her once and again with great earnestness, conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself, to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor, and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs, of which he had already laid the ground-work. He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals, to assist at Councels where, of late, she would no more appear, and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him, which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three seve∣ral times. It is true, some have been bold to say, that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will, that he might gain a greater power over his Soul, and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul, and the she might find out new occasions fit to de∣stroy the Cardinal: But for my own part, I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point: I shall only say this much, indeed the Passion which she conceived against him, was so violent, that she could not long forbear, so much did his very sight torment her, and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it.

The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth.

THe Marshal de Schomberg. whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels; being return'd from Piedmont, imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind; he resolved accordingly to assault her, with all kinds of reasons, and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self, that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests, to give up her self though she would not do it, either for the Love or Respect which she ow∣ed the King. He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Perso∣nages are taken. He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels; and that whilest she had followed them, she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World; whereas now she was in a maze, by ha∣ving adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies. It is true, Madam, would he sometimes say, he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King, to have no other

then his interests, and to be inseparably united with him; for that he well knew, all your greatness and quiet depended upon it, whereas they who now advise you, put other imaginations into your Majesties head; but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her. He entreated her to open her eyes, and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects, and made her apprehend and confess, that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of, if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal. That if she desired any authority from the King, he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels, only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions, and had in a man∣ner divided his power with her. That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her. The great zeal which he had to serve her, did even transport him to tel her, that her separating her self as she did from the King, would force the King to withdraw himself from her; which if it should so happen, she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects.

These reasons were so potent and considerable, that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them; but that some factious spirits about her, perswaded her that she should add to her au∣thority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair, and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire, which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish, though in never so little a manner. In fine, she became inflexible, and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe, that she refused his Maje∣sty, when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal, which she was so much the more obliged to have done, he never having really offended her at all.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more easily effected, then to infuse violences into the minds of great men, when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority. There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them, above other men, and they are easily led by it, to ruine every one whom them, conceive to hurt them. But above all, women are most subject to this fault, in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are. The na∣tural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe, from the extremity of love to that of hatred, not being able to keep a medium: It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing, if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it; especially, if they be but a little provoked to anger. Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected, cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury, and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them, yet it is enough to deny it, if they love not the person who desires it. Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission. And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others, are so much the more to be feared, they having more mettle then con∣duct; it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived, and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means. If the beauty of their countenan∣ces, give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men, yet the weak∣ness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion, especially that of hatred; from which it is impossible for them to dis engage them∣selves, after they have once given it admittance into their breasts.

Although I look upon all Queens, as exempted from the major part of their qua∣lities, by reason of the particular assistance, which they receive from God, who considereth them as his own Images here beneath; yet it is very rare to find any, who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government. And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in h•••• Politiques, that they are not proper to govern States. In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars. It is also most assured, that such as are

born with a more generous temper then others, are the more to be scared; for be∣ing unable to direct with Prudence, they fortifie themselves with rigour, and be∣come inflexible towards those, of whom they have conceived the least suspicion.

Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mo∣thers Intreagues.

MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject, as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty; and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing, which absolutely con∣cern'd the good of his Kingdom, so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure, neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King. The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty, who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm esta∣blishing of him in his due respects, especially seeing Monsieur himself had confir∣med him in it, by his protesting to the Cardinal, that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State. Yet we know that the fa∣vourites of great Personages, do sometimes pervert their best inclinations, and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries; there∣fore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux, le Sieur de Puy-lau∣rence & Monsigot, whom Mansieur principally confided in; he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices; and accordingly, he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them, and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction. His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence, that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville: He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardi∣nals Cap, which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share, and each of them received these gifts with such hand∣som actions and expressions of thanks, that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master, in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure.

Politique Observation.

IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Prin∣ces of the blood do most confide. It is the only means to keep them within compass, and they are only able so to dispose them, for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to in∣cline them. Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls, which they receive with their birth, more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs; whence it happens, that they do not give themselves time enough to exa∣mine of what qualities any things are, or whether fit to be ingaged in or not, but re∣mit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in, and are contented when things come to be acted, if they do but hear them tell them they are good, and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses, then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time. These are they who share the government with Princes, whiles they impose on them the burthen, and so divide the honour of commanding, thin∣king on nothing but delights, and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State; so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them, for the ob∣taining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance. It is for this reason it cannot be doubted, that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obli∣ged very strongly to the Kings service, and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure, that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State. In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers, but such

as are belonging to the Kings themselves, which are changed too very often; lest a long continuance in their service, might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience. For this reason it is, that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them, who are experimentally known to ingage them, in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State; for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them, will soon produce very dangerous effects. Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes; but it is better they should be displeased, then the whole State be indangered. It is a great good fortune for a Minister, never to be put upon such a rock; and therefore it is, that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices, which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly, the chains wherewith they are fettered, being so pleasant and agree∣able to them. Interest, is that which doth most efficaciously more them: And indeed, it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means, then by making provision for their advancement. There is no design which they will not approve of, alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars. They perswade their Masters to rest contented, if they themselves are once satisfied. The most part of affairs of the world, are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes, according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them. They never represent any thing to their Masters, but on that side which they best like, and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet. There ought to be care had, that all which is intended for them be not done at once. Ambition still increaseth, and those benefits which are done to a favourite, do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is, that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater be∣nefits to come.

The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur.

THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment, strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother, she having before-hand pla∣ced all her confidence in him, as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs. They had perswaded her, that could she but ingage him in her interests, she might soon find men enough to uphold them, and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost, and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her, to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests: But this factious seditious Cabal, which inver∣ted her strongest inclinations, made her mislike those procedures, and carried her on even to reproach him; for that after she had so particularly cherished him, he should take so little care for her concerns. It is true, it was heretofore verily be∣leeved in the first yeers of her Regency (though I think without just grounds) that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur, then towards the King, and that she might well cast her eyes upon him, as many others of her qua∣lity have done, to make use of him for the upholding of such designs, as she might have, to which the King might not be so favourable: But it must be confessed, that she governed her self so prudently, by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court, that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another, and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will; insomuch; that this prudent Conduct of hers, gained her a great esteem with the people, who being desirous of nothing more then peace, they re∣garded her Majesty with extraordinary affections, as her who was the greatest ad∣vancement of publick tranquillity, by her preserving the bond of union between her children. Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opini∣ons of her, by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers, in that design, which all men knew she had to gain him to her party, whatever it

cost, that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had ta∣ken to destroy the Cardinal.

Politique Observation.

JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest chil∣dren, and to rely upon them, to be maintained in the greater authority. It should seem it is with Children, as with fruits, the newest are still most agreeable, so it frequently comes to passe, that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents, when as they who are older, shake off the yoke of obedience, and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth; but most especially so it is, when as mo∣thers are become Widdows, and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds, that they do cast themselves upon the inte∣rest of the younger ones, whom they look on as the supporters of their old age, and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest, whom they look upon very often, as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them; withall, they are dependent upon them in several respects, because by the deaths of their Fathers, they are become the heads of their Families; and this dependency upon them is insupportable. If this be ordinary in private Fami∣lies, how much more is it in those of Kings? History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government, in pre∣judice of their brother. Ptolomeus Phiseus, gave at his wifes perswasions, the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son; and to go no further then France it self, Lewis the Debonnair, did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty, Charls the Bauld, before Lothair who was the eldest? Did not Constance wife of Robert, seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son, to Crown Henry her second son King, op∣pose it, in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son, whom she loved most intirely? And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design, did she not embroyl all things, even whilest the King yet lived; but much more after his death, by fomenting the divisions between her children, that she her self might have the more Authority? This occasioned a most sad Civil War, to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King, both in the declining of his age and Kingdom, when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family, especially after he had suf∣fered (upon his first coming to the Crown) so great afflictions by reason of the mis∣fortunes of his first marriages, & their dissolutions which afterwards hapned; for the remedying whereof, the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed. Not to seek for examples far from us, is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain, it being yet fresh in the memory of man, for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some? Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest, that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown? And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government, to enter into the Combination against him, because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs? It is so frequent in history, that we shall need no other proofs for it; it may safely be said, that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous mat∣ter for States, that it hath caused many Civil Wars which have neer hand brought whole Kingdomes to an absolute ruine. For that the particular affection of a Mo∣ther, raising jealousies between her children, hurrieth them into all extremities whatsoever, they divide the Grandees into Factions, then they appear all in Arms, and nothing escapes ruine; in fine, they are forced to quench the fire of their pri∣vate quarrels, in the blood of their people.

She gaineth his Favourites.

IT was both difficult and suspitious for the Queen-Mother so often to discourse with Monsieur so it must needs be to draw him off from that resolution which he had taken of adhering to the Kings Interests: They who kept up her soul in those

discontentments, advised her to make use of those Favourites whom he did most of all trust in: This counsel was as judicious as it was wicked, because it was hard to shake the mind of this Prince, who received with his Birth the seeds of obedi∣ence which is due to the King, and which had also been cultivated by those Signieurs who had had the charge of his education. It was altogether impossible to overcome his Inclination, unless by the means of them who were never from him, who knew his humour, and by what devices they might work upon him. Virtue which hath taken deep root in a good nature, is not plucked out but with great labour; it will be needful to assail it by strong means; and none but such in whom he hath confidence and trust can bring it about. The business them was to gain his Favou∣rites, who were three, Coigneux, the Sieur de Puy-Laureus, and Monsigot: But it would do the work if Coigneux only could be gained, for that Puy-Laureus had but a little before received a strong Obligation from him; for having removed Bois-dennemay, who partaked with him in the honour of his masters good affecti∣ons, and so would not offer to be against it; and as for Monsigot, he was so much his creature too, that he had no other motion then that of Puy-Laureus. There were great endeavours used to get him, and a favourable opportunity was soon found; for he being possessed with an absolute unbridled desire to have the Car∣dinals hat, which the King had given him some hopes of, it hapned that the Pope deferred his Promotion for a few moneths, which he was upon the very point of granting: Some of them cast it into his head that this delay was a trick put upon him by the Cardinal; so that he, as a man bewitched to his own ambitious Inte∣rests, swallowed it, and conceived so great a fury against him, that he resolved to be revenged on him whatever it cost him; insomuch that he told a friend of his, who endeavoured to open his eyes, That he was freed from his hopes of a Cardinals Hat, but that within six weeks time they should be glad to send it to him with a witness. It was his usual saying, that a Son of France is alwaies considerable, if he be in a condition to make himself be pitied. And this maxime was the true ground of those hopes which he conceived, That if Monsieur should depart from the Court in discontent, he would be pittied by all people; That the Princes, Go∣vernours of Provinces and Places, and the chief Lords of the Kingdom would come to him, and bring Forces for his assistance, and give him such means to raise and make a war, by which he would die that Cap in the blood of the people, which had not been granted to him according to his desires and expectation. The true cause of its delay was this, The Italians would not give way that the Pope should grant him that favour, unless they might be acquainted with the reason of it, it being contrary to the Bull of Sixtus v. which prohibited the bestowing the Hat on men who had been twice married, as he had been; and thereupon all the Interest of Spain had much ado to promote the Duke of Lerma to the Cardinalship. As for Coigneux, he was much more moved by the hopes which they gave him of step∣ping into the Cardinals place as soon as ever he was ruined; and he flattered him∣self so much the more willingly into this Belief, because having caused his Nativity to be cast during the Kings sickness, he had been told of great advantages of For∣tune which should befall unto him. The splendour of this pretended Ministry did so dazle his eyes, that he lost his reason at the first motion of it, and was absolutely fixed in the resolution of giving himself to the Queen Mother, and to perswade Monsieur to what-ever she pleased: That he might give her a sure testimony of it, he had the boldness to oppose the Kings will, when his Majesty desir'd to en∣gage Monsieur a little more strictly to the Court, by granting him that satisfaction which he had so long wished for, of marrying him to the Princess Mary. The Queen-Mother who could not endure this match, assured Coigneux, that he would do her a most particular kindness to divert Monsieur from it; who forthwith used all the Artifices which the malice of his soul could suggest to him, to break it off, insomuch that he beseeched his Majesty that he would not oblige him to marry so suddenly, Coigneux became so insolently proud of this prank, that Monsieur be∣ing at Chantilly, he vaunted (speaking to some one who was not at all engaged to

him) that he had hindred the Match, and that it would never be concluded. Its true, the words were no sooner out of his mouth, but he repented them, fearing, and with great reason, lest the King would come to be informed of his insolencie, and chastise him for it. In fine, Fear was joyned to his Ambition: From thence forward, those two furious Passions wrought so mightily upon his inconsiderate Spirit, that he was at no quiet until he wrought Monsieur to leave the Court. There was no essay which he left unattempted to shake that resolution of Monsieurs, which he stuck close to, of not forsaking the King: He found means to renew in his mind fresh sentiments of revenge against the Cardinal, by remembring him of the Imprisonment and death of the Grand Prior, and of the Marshal d' Ornano, and the execution of Chalais: He often put him in mind of the Obligation which lay upon him to undertake the Queen-Mothers quarrel, who had alwaies tenderly lo∣ved him: But finding that none of these devices wrought any effect he attempted to possess him with fear, which shaketh the greatest Courages: He made him be∣lieve that the King had been inform'd of his relapsing into the Queen-Mothers Interests, and was by the Cardinal's advice resolved to send him Prisoner to the Boys de Vincennes. Then it was that without more ado he absolutely concluded to leave the Court with all speed, not having the power to recollect (as it was to be wished) that this Favourite led h••m away, only that he might obtain that Honour by force, of which his small worth made him very undeserving.

Politique Observation.

I Have formerly said, It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests, that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them; and now I shall add, that it is not less then neces∣sary, to prevent their troubling of the State; for that the most part of such Ci∣vil wars have hapned by their means: But there are great obstructions and diffi∣culties in the encompassing it, seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties, what-ever advantages are prepared for them. And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks, so those Riches which are given to them, do but make them more ambitious of other, and greater. It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites, and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls. The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down, are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr; and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people, and ruined whole Kingdoms, have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites (the Stars of the State) have raised in their minds, from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt. Hath not the last age made it evident here in France, in the time of Henry the third, when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court, but by the perswasi∣ons of B••ssi and Semier, and some others his Favourites, who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased? And if we look back a little more, shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh, whilest he was Daulphine, had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother, but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut, and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier, should have so absolute a Power? Our own times have fur∣nished us with examples enough to prove this truth, which are so well known to all men, that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them. I shall only add this; that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver, though incorporated by the Fire, that they seem to be the same Body: So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts, which the malice of the Court teacheth them, the power of which is so great, that when they please, they will divide a Mother from her children, a Brother from a Brother, and generally all whom Na∣ture or Friendship had joyned together, in so strict a league, that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation.

Monsieur's resolution to leave the Court.

VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court, he gave him no respite, until he had put it in execution. That his departure might be with the more noise, which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore; he found a trick to perswade him, that it would be an act of courage in him, to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house, before he went off, and to declare to him, that he would be no more his friend, but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him. Accordingly Monsieur went to him, and told him so: But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness, which rendred him not only the least evil∣doer, but indeed, the most obliging Prince of the world, answered him with no∣thing but respects and civilities. Assoon as Monsieur went from him, he got into his ••oach, and went directly to Orleans, without taking leave of the King. The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it, presently sent notice of it to the King, then at hunting; who was much troubled at it; though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants, of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed, though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them, and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him. When his Majesty return'd from hunting, he alighted at the Cardinal's, and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour, that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings: His Majesty pro∣mised he would protect him with and against all, and commanded him to be the more confident of it, in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him, from whom he had received such signal services. That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend, and he would so take it, as done to himself. From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother, to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur's departure did displease him, and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it, of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self, though shortly after it was found to be but too true, by that strict intelligence which was between them, and by those letters which they writ to the King, having one and the same sense and expression, As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans, when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return; not that the Queen-Mother was ever sa∣tisfied with Monsieur, or he with her, but that there was a means found out to perswade them, that if they would but closely unite themselves, they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs, and induce the King to ruine the Car∣dinal, the only thing which they desired.

Politique Observation.

THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations, and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another, yet they do easily re-unite, that they may (if possible) increase their own Powers, by destroying that of their King. Experience sheweth us, that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals, as Gold and Iron; The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees, when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom. One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired; another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted, and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath, in the govern∣ment of affairs, or could not procure the Office which he aspired to; and these are those several discontents which they have received, in the diversity of their designes, and which run them up to that pass, that they become unsatisfied with the King, or his principal Minister, not at all considering, that there are several

other concerns, besides theirs in particular, which oblige by necessity, that those things be granted to others, which they would so fain procure to themselves. This general discontent is enough to unite them together, and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt: They know there are two waies to attain to greatness, Prudence and Power, when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will, or to speak more properly, all their Deceipts, are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire, they presently fly to the latter, imagining in them∣selves they might get more by it, then by the former. They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score, by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves: and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears, so they fancy to themselves, that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others; and upon this account it is, that they do often associate themselves together, not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture, as they pretend, but to advance (what in them lies) their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike. I shall liken them to the first qualities, which not holding themselves in a good cor∣respondency, for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd, do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it; for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority, of which it is their honour to be chief supporters, they employ them to divide and ruine the people, forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences.

The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure.

AFter Monsieur's departure, the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal, and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her. They who flattered her, and blew the Coals of her Passion, perswaded her, that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms, and proffer their assistances to Monsieur, in what-ever he would employ them: That several Towns would revolt; That Monsieur's discontent alone, if once known abroad, would raise a war on every side, and that amidst this confusion, the King would think himself very happy, could he but prevent the ruine of his King∣dom, by submitting to that of the Cardinal: She withdrew her self from being at any counsels, to which she had but lately before used to go, and seemed less solici∣tous in dissembling her discontents. What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars, and all to destroy him, who for eight yeers together employed his whole time (both day and night) to settle it in its former glory? What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's servi∣ces with such Ingratitude? What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King, and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Mi∣nisters? The King endured it with the greater displeasure, because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire, which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy, abandon ••he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace, for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont. His Majesty was not to seek in the know∣ledge, that Queens are not exempted from punishment, when they contrive trou∣bles in the State, that is, if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him, that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State; and in conclusion, that he ought to use all di••igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur, and those who nou∣rished his mind with discontents: There was no more certain way, then to assign her some Town to live in, a little distant from the Court, to disperse here and there those, who abusing her goodness, did foment the fire of dissention in her soul, and to place near her, some one endued with Discretion and Power, that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State. The Respect where∣with

the King did alwaies honour her was such, that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies, but at the very last cast, after he had tryed all others; to which end he resolved rather to leave her, then that she should leave him, and accordingly he removed to Compeigne, imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure, and that in this small se∣paration, she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties, as then she had done. There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most facti∣ous from about her, that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit. It were to have been wished, that she had rather (according to his Majesties pleasure) resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh, whilest his Majesty was out of Paris, then to have followed the Court, where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived. Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do, because she had de∣clared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs, neither appear at any Coun∣sels, so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her; whereas she (instead of com∣porting her self to this fair and sweet way) was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit, and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity, and to follow the King every where, assuring her, that at last the people would all rise, and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ru∣ine. This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority, as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court, and it served only to provoke the Kings anger, and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then other∣wise he desired to have done.

Politique Observation.

HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge, and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages, and fall into despair, instead of prosecuting their designs. No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason, as the Ancient who said, it is the dream of those who are awake, and whose minds are mastered with this Passion. To speak truly, just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's, which have no other be∣ing then in our Fancies, so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments, by representing such things which are absolutely be∣yond our reach, as if they were subject to our wills and desires; it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief, that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises, which we shall not be able to surmount; and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads, yet it assureth us that it will not last long, but that a calm will soon follow. If we are to begin a war, it makes us see an Army already in the Field, which nothing can resist. If any enterprise threat∣en us with miscarriage, it perswadeth us, that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs, setting before our eyes the examples of many, who have been raised out of great misfortunes, to greater glories and honours. Thus it is, this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages, animates the most astonished men with new souls, and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing. Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable, to keep them firm in all Tempests, when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed, and for a North Pole, to guide them to their desired Haven? Hope is that which pre∣serveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs; our own Wish∣es never last so long as Hope doth; for we soon disclaim our Designs, if we once believe they will not take effect. It hath alwaies been known for the Mother of Valour, and for a vital Spirit, which animateth the heart to great attempts. The charms of Hope are very powerful, but they are also dangerous, and much like the Egg of an Aspick, which is very pleasant to look on, by reason of that diver∣sity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it, but within it is

full of deadly poyson, of which time brings forth a most venemous serpent: For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a mis grounded Hope, yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge, is very dear to us, and makes us pay high Interest for it. It is the miserable man's Treasure, and somtimes too it is an addition to his miseries. It is not enough that a hope be con∣formable to our desires, but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the as∣sistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined, or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions, whom a little fear disarms, and who this day love him, whom but a little before they could not endure at all.

The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intreagues.

THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patient Courages, yet the goodness of the King could not be over∣come by it. Whilest she was at Compeigne, whither she followed his Majesty, he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance. He was not backward to let her daylie see (by his frequent conjuring her, and that with a great tenderness of heart, which did evidently convince to her, that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her) that she would much oblige him, if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her, and who only desired a separation between them, for their own Hatreds, or private Interests. He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty, if her content depended upon it, though other∣wise they had deserved to be punished; and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections. He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake, and made her see, that she was obliged to it, seeing she knew better then any one, how beneficial he was to the State, and that he had alwaies faithfully served him. He was not deficient to let her perceive, That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour, was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service; and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eter∣nal fidelity, by those publike acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness; and that all her eagerness against him, could not obliterate the remembrance of them; and at last (that he might pretermit nothing which might move her) he caused new perswasions to be made to her, by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f, Lord Keeper of the Seal, and by the Mareschal de Schombergh, that she would be assistant at Counsels, and recede from those under∣hand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur. But they could procure no other answer, then that she was weary of medling with affairs, and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels, testifying apparently by this an∣swer, that positive resolution which she had taken, of following the wicked De∣signs of those who had engaged her; so that after all these endeavours, the King was only touch'd with uncomfortable grief, that he could work no more upon her; but his sorrow was accompanyed with this satisfaction, that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Designe.

Politique Observation.

AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom then Di∣visions of Princes of the Blood, so there is no greater care ought to be had, then for prevention of such differences. Physitians have alwaies hopes of life, whilest the noble vital parts are uncorrupted, but they once tainted, they look for nothing but death: and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion, that no very great misfortune could happen to a State, whilest the Princes of the Blood (who are like the vital parts) live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King. But on the contrary, they begin to fear and distrust, if once they see them falling back, and dividing Parties into Factions, against their King's Authority: But more especially, because their disorder is attended with confusion at home, and

gives great advantages to strangers abroad. Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon, by satisfying their own private interests. But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood, after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds. From hence it is, that Micipsa in Salust saith, the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms, or in the richnesse of Treasuries, as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles, which can neither be subdued by Arms, nor corrupted by Monies, but especially in the friendship of Brothers, whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable. The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined, as Justin relateth it, but onely by the dissentions of two brothers. The whole East, had not been subjected to the Roman yoke, but by the mis-un∣derstandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries. And no other mis∣fortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea, then the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus, who in envy of one another pretended to possesse the Crown. Philip well knew, of what consequence love between brothers was, when as beholding the small kindnesse between his sons Porseus and Demetrius, he so often commanded them to love one another; representing to them, that Eu∣menes and Attalus at the beginning were so small, that they were ashamed to be called Kings, and could never have raised themselves so high, but by their mutual and reciprocal affections, as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius. Not to look after far fetch'd examples, what did ever bring France to so deplorable a con∣dition, as the reiterated divisions between our Kings, the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans? Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack, and expose it for a prey to Forraigners, who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave, which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy, when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd? Undoubtedly, a State is easily vanqui∣shed, when divided by those of the Kings own house and family, disorders soon follow thick and three-fold: The people following their example shake off obedi∣ence; every one fisheth in the troubled Waters; the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers; the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates; Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills, and do no longer stick to their interests, unlesse upon their own private account; and in conclusion, forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it.

The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal.

THings being at this passe, was there any reason to defer the redressing of them? what colour could there be after so many perswasions, instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented, where she countenanced a Faction, kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King, and divided the State? Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom, of which we have seen but too many sad consequences? To have permitted her party, openly to slander the King and his Government, to stir up the people to sedition, to solicite strangers to make war upon the King, under pretence that they had mar∣ried her children? Had it not been an extream basenesse, any longer to have dis∣sembled the knowledge of that Faction, which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers, and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired? Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence, to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign, as God Almighties own Image? Could any one, and not be of this Cabal, wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants, from that duty which they owe unto him? Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France, to assist the revolt, or until the Princes who were of this party, should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets, for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword? To have done so, had been the most

perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of. Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother, as to remove her, though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means, which her Abettors had rendred in vain, though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son, and a Subject for a King, and though she had, to her very utmost, stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom. But at last the King began to consider that the busi∣nesse would grow worse and worse, if convenient order were not taken to prevent it, that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests, as those of an in∣censed Mother (and if it be proper to use the expression) of a Mother revolted against him, which were things not to be considered at all; according to the judg∣ment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers, who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him, that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal, before that of any particular or private persons. Withall, his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal be∣fore Individual benefits; so Kings who bear his Image, and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same; That if the Father Almighty did expose his son, who was one and the same with himself, to the rage of the Jews, he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court, yet continuing to her all Honour, Officers, Goods, Liberty and Power, that she could desire, and this for the necessary good of the State, to the conservation of which God had so obliged him, that he ought to prefer nothing before it. The King thought with himself, that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her, and that almost absolute Authority, which he had alwaies intrusted with her, whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good, would hold him excused from any condemnation, and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy, but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans, and by the extremities into which they hurried her; so that judging within himself, that he ought no longer to defer his resolution, he at last proposed it to his Counsel.

Politique Observation.

WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal, that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility, it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions, which usually arise from such beginnings. There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome, where partialities have any sway amongst them. The very least dis∣order which can happen between the Heavens, is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos, and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King, are able to bring a whole State into Confusion, to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority, and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners. The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees, whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will, ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family, which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King, to do what even they shall think fit; for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine, and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy. It is no whit lesse inconveni∣ent to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence, for their over great union hath pro∣duced sad effects; it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King, for admitting it to be otherwise, their Factions being like impetuous winds, the popularity which is gentle and calm (like the Sea) would receive their impressions with ease, become furiously inraged, run into all disor∣ders, and put a State into desperate hazards. On such occasion no persons ought to be respected. As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious; so their enterprizes ought to be cut

off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others, on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people. It is true, ••••e means which conduce to it are very dangerous, and on such occasions it is, that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity, by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it, as Arms from a mad man. It is neces∣sary to resolve upon one of these three things, so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true ••riendship, which is almost impossible, at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another. And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration, that the assurance of it may be of some continuance. The second is more rigorous, and withall more certain, which is to take off the lives of the Factious; to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity, and after all other means have taken no effect, by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family. I esteem the third and last to be most ag••eeable, which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm. They who are so dealt with, cannot with Justice complain of it, seeing they have deserved it. It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court, who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions, of bla∣ming his Conduct, of setting limits to his Authority, of raising Wars and revolts in his State. Princes though of the Blood Royal, are not exempted from Obedi∣ence and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom. It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs, That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown, and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves▪ by other ways then those of his Authority, deserve to be catechized as Rebels. Do we not all know, that, that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands, was the too great condescention of Henry the third, towards Monsieur de Guise, who was but a stranger Prince too? Certainly, France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suf∣fered, had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enter∣prizes.

The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother.

ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse, nay the ne∣cessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers remo∣val; yet such was his modesty, and so prevalent over his own discretion and inte∣rest, that instead of so doing, he on the contrary, rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty, that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court. He represented to him, how that peradventure the Queen-mo∣ther might thereby be appeased, and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet; and that for his own part, he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel, provided only, that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections, and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services. Nor did he this, as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him, by rea∣son of the place he held in affairs, of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State; but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion. Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him, by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration; but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother, surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse. Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions; for it was well known, the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court, did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution; insomuch, that they could not at all move much lesse shake him; but only because the greatest courages are most temperate; it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self.

In short, not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service, seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him, then to have been deprived by his removal, of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses, the minds both of the Queen-mo∣ther and Monsieur; but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service, who had the honour to be mother unto his Master. How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her. Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty, and shewed him in words at length, that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court, untill that time and truth had opened her eyes. These were the true reasons which induced the Cardi∣nal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself. But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State, seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal, and how that he had made the same use of him, that God doth of the Sun, that is, to dissipate all those storms which might arise, not only refused to grant his request; but on the contrary, weighing the great services he did him, the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration, as also the condition in which affairs now were, in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them. And lastly, comparing the present state of things with what they were, upon his first entrance into the management of them▪ he no longer deliberated on this particular, but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court. All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion, unwilling belike, to fall into the sin of Treason against their King, to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother, every of them consider∣ing, that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty, or them; but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs, as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France.

Politique Observation.

AS the end of all Government is the good of the State; so all Kings are obli∣ged especially to have a regard unto that, as being the Center, unto which all their Actions should tend, and to avoid all such things as would divert them, out of that way. In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enter∣prises, if any by-respect to those of their Blood, or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to their progresse: The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick; and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom, he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it. One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace, at a time when War is more proper; and if to satisfie him in particular, he shall lay down his Arms, he doth an action unbeseem••ng a Royal Prudence: Another will desire, that he would discountenance such a Minister, whose Councels are however of great ad∣vantage to him; and doubtlesse, if he do it to satisfie his humour, he should com∣mit an injustice against his own State. And what reason, I pray, can there be al∣ledged, why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever, either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst stran∣gers; or remove from him any Minister, who like a good and Propitious Planet, doth by his influences cause his state to flourish, establish a good Order amongst his people, and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours? Who can think it any strange thing, if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours, seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it? No King doth ever merit the title of Just, if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights, for the good and glory of his Crown. He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him, as he is for his Kingdom; and consequently, that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever. Now, if he thus ought to prefer the

publike before his own private good, who can blame him, if he do the like (in re∣lation) to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family? The very con∣tenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case, and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good, to shew his Duty unto his Father, render∣eth himself culpable of a great injustice. The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house, and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds, he is not bound to observe them. Are not Kings the lively Images of God? If so, what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct? Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish, nay, not exempting Kings themselves, though of never so great use to their States, and all this for the preservation of the world in good order; So cannot any one think it unjust, that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever. And who is so ignorant as not to know, that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes? The Sun, Moon, and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us, because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good, notwithstand∣ing some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it. Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes; whence it followeth, that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice, still to regard the Common good; which if they do not, they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them.

The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother, returneth to Paris.

THat course which the King took in this particular, was of all others the most mo∣derate. Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother; but his own goodness, and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels, would not permit him to treat her after any other manner. Indeed if the course he took were so moderate, the execution of it was no less respectful and civil; insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just rea∣son to complain of it, The King was at that time at Comp••igne, and gave out, that he would on the morrow go to hunt, and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes. He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree, and privately told him, that he should keep neer to him, to serve him, as occasion should require, as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne, purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise, and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning, and to keep that Town in its obedience. The King made himself ready for the Hunting, and before he went forth, called the Sieur d•• la Ville-aux Cleres, and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother, that he went without taking his leave of her, because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her, did hin∣der him from making a request unto her by word of mouth, which she could not receive but with some displeasure, though it were much conducing to the good of his State; which was this, That she would go to the Castle of Moulins (a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad, after the late King's decease) and there spend some time, companyed with all those of her Houshold, with all sort of Liberty, enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them, and with all Honour due unto her Majesty; To which effect he gave her the Go∣vernment de Bour••onnois: And then he called for the Father Suffren, and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake, that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu, but that she should not be troubled at it, his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres, to inform her of his intentions. This was the Order, which was observed, and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne, Father Suffren was the first that car∣ried her the news of it; a person who had been an eye-witness of those many en∣deavours

and cares the King had used to allay her spirit, and who might there∣upon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him, that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty. Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her, to know if she would be pleased to see him, which she thought fit, and presently told him, she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner: But he having assured her, that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty, but rather on the contrary to serve her, and to receive the honour of her commands, she became a little more appeased; and about evening, the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres, came to request her, that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins, with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her: and in the mean time the King having end∣ed his sport, went to lie at Verbrie.

Politique Observation.

QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as attempt against the King's Authority. Nothing is of greater concern to their Interest, than the Publike good and quiet. And indeed History doth fur∣nish us with frequent examples of their Removals from Court, and being subject∣ed to other punishments, when either their own ill deportment, or the Publike good hath required it. None but Kings themselves are above the Laws; and see∣ing their Majesties (both Wifes and Mothers) have with the qualities of Queens, that of Subjects, they are not priviledged from those rewards which are ordained by the Laws. Helen wife of Menelaus returning to Sparta, upon the ruine of Troy, was soon banished for having occasioned so many misfortunes. The Empe∣rour Honorius returned Placida back unto Constantinople, she being suspected of holding correspondence with his enemies. Irene the wife of Constantine the fifth, was condemned to perpetual banishment by Nic••phorus, her Sons Successor. Martina wife of the Emperour Heraclius, was forced to undergo the like sentence by Decree of the Senate, for having put to death her Son in law Constan••ine the younger. Our own History hath plenty of the like examples, Lewis the twelfth removed his Wife from the Court, and divorced her, upon suspicion of her loyal∣ty. Charls the seventh sent his Mother Isabel of Baviers unto Bloys, and thence unto Tours, to hinder the growth of those wicked contrivances, which were hatched by some certain discontented ones, under her name; he likewise seized on her Jewels and Money, by the Constable d' Armagnac, and committed her to the guard of three men, without whose leave she could not speak with any one what∣ever; in which condition she continued, until the Duke of Burgogne came to re∣lieve her. The satisfaction of one only person is of so little consideration if com∣pared with the good of many millions committed to the care of a King, and for which he must be one day accountable before him who hath only constituted him over them, that he might watch for their good: There is not any obligation great enough, or consideration just enough, to excuse a King from preventing the beginning, or stopping the progress of any evil which seemeth to threaten his peo∣ple. This Rule is so general, that it admits of no exceptions. Besides, if a King (as doubtless he is) be obliged to lay down his own life for his Subjects good, how much more reason hath he (a fortiori) to prefer it before any other respect what∣ever? The late Queen Catharina de Medicis said, and that with great judgement, A King ought to have the same Jealousie of his Authority, as a Husband is obliged to have of his wife.

The chief Leaders of this Cabal secured.

AT the same time that the King departed from Compeigne, and had requested the Queen to pass away some time from the Court, there were Orders given out for the securing of the Principal Authors of this Cabal. Those Ladies who

were interested in it, were commanded to withdraw themselves. The Marshal d' Bassompierre L' Albe de Foix, and Doctor Vautier were sent to the Bastille, where they received not any violence at all. The Princess de Conty, the Dutchess d' El∣baeuf, d' Ornano, and Desdiquieres, were commanded to retire to their own hou∣ses. The Princes, Governours, and other Lords then absent from the Court, were so fairly dealt withall, that there was only course taken, that they might hold no further correspondence with the Queen-mother, by having an eye upon their actions and telling them, that they would force his Majesty to punish them; in case they did not surcease their Intreagues and Factions. What greater moderation could possibly have been used, and what greater Clemency could there have been shewed towards those Factious persons, who had sowed discord in his Majesties family, held intelligence with strangers, attempted to raise civil Wars in the Kingdom, who had openly found fault with his Majesties Government, traduced his most glorious and just actions, and who were come to that passe of insolency, that they would compel his Majesty to destroy him whom he cherished as the worthiest instrument of his Glory: But had they been continued neer the Queen-mother where they might have gone on in their agitations, what would they not have done, and to what ex∣tremities would they not have been transported?

Notwithstanding all this, she complained aloud, that all those in whom she could put any confidence were taken from her; and earnest entreaties she made, that Vautier might be restored to her as a person whom she pretended necessary for her health: which was denied, he being one of the prime fire-brands of the whole faction, and one who instead of pacifying her Majesties spirit (as the Cardinal had but lately obliged him, by promising him very great advantages if he did ef∣fect it) had added fuel to the fire, and aggravated the violence of her Passion; but that she might not have any just cause to complain, she was offered to take her choice of above a hundred Doctors of Physick, in and about Paris, most of them much more able then him.

Politique Observation.

IT is not reasonable to suffer them who are factiously inclined to rove at their own liberty, seeing Prisons are only made to restrain them who abuse it against the Publick good. In vain have the Laws ordained this means to stop the progress of their malice, if they be not put in execution. What colour can there be, not to confine them who are troublers of the peoples quiet? It is hard to secure all; who have had their hands in a Faction; and indeed it were not peraduenture fit so to do; but however, the Ring-leaders must and ought to be restrained. It is very dangerous to wink at them, lest the people apprehend too much mildnesse; and besides the favour which is shewed to them, and serves onely to give them time so to settle and contrive their designs, that afterwards it will be to little purpose to oppose them. Mucianus Vitell us was much commended in the daies of old, for having commanded his own son to be put to death that he might quench the flames of a War in its Cradle. The Duke of Alençon having conspired against Charls the seventh, in the yeer 1474 was, not onely imprisoned but condemned to death. And the Duke of Bourgogne supplicating to obtain favour in his behalf, by alled∣ging that he was of the Blood Royal and that his Ancestors had done great servi∣ces to the Crown, was answer'd by the King, that as for being of the Blood Roy∣al, he was not the lesse worthy of punishment, seeing he was the more obliged to have been loyal to it; and as for those services which his Predecessors had done, they ought not to be regarded in relation to him, seeing he had not followed their good example. Charls the Fifth, not only shortned the liberty, but the life too of a Gentleman who had dictated a Letter to those of Gaund, in which they intrea∣ted Francis the first to assist them against him. Philip the second, King of Spain, stood not in expectation untill his son had compleated that Faction which he had

designed against him, and the State, but not sparing his own blood, he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions. Charles the Ninth, did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother, no more then he did the King of Navar; for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues, he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes. Did not Henry the Third, after conference with his Nobles at Bloys, threaten the late Henry the Grand, and the Prince de Condè, in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State? Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars, had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned, as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered.

The Queen-mother her self did the same thing; for during her Regency, she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion, lest he might attempt something against her Authority.

L' Mareschal d' Estree, addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother.

DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign, the Marshal d' Estrée was ve∣ry carefull to shew her all manner of respect, according to the command gi∣ven him by the King. He went constantly to receive the word from her, he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City, and whether she would have them brought to her. All the Officers of her Family, prosecuted their charges without any disturbance; she her self went abroad when and where she pleased, unaccompanied with any, who could but seem to re∣strain her liberty; neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect, but to beseech her from his Majesty, that she would be pleased to go to her house of Mou∣lins, which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood; he assured her she should not have any guards about her: Insomuch, that really she could not have any just cause to complain: And in fine, she condiscended to go to Mou∣lins. Not long after, some of her Faction being at liberty, reflecting on the neer∣nesse of Paris, and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center, where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought, and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie, advi∣sed her to change that resolution, and perswaded her to continue at Compeign, al∣though her self had not long before said, that she could not possible live there. The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous conse∣quence, for those very reasons which made them aim at it, so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts, but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom; she pitched upon Nevers, and the King had no soo∣ner approved of it, but she presently changed her mind, pretending she had not any money for the journey; thereupon she was promised a supply, and that she should not want for any thing, so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France, which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay: The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers, in case she would go thi∣ther: To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will, having forgot, belike, that she was his Subject as well as his Mother, and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty, that she would depart from Compeign, so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence, but her delays in that City, being so passionately and stifly by her desired, bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her.

Politique Obeservation.

OBstinacy is a fault, the more dangerous amongst great persons, in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people, and their resisting their Kings Will, causeth great evils in a State. That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority, serveth only to in∣gage them in great disorders, which instead of advancing, ruineth their Interests, and shipwracks all their adherents. For the King must be obeyed, and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family. Better it is for them to bend then break, to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion. The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will, of absolutely doing this or that thing, but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever rea∣son doth dictate to be advantagious or proper; when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which former∣ly had been concluded necessary and profitable, she presently with-draws her self. An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels, who piercing in∣to the truth of things in an instant, and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents, which can render them either good or evil, may, ••••hout fear of being mistaken, remain firm in their first decrees. But so it is not with a humane Soul, which of∣tentimes coming to learn, that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous, is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did be∣fore prosecute them. That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men, to follow the Counsels of the wise, even against their own opi∣ons, which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others. Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs, neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered; but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs, as when we are sick, we are most eagerly desirous of those things, which are quite contrary to our recovery.

The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures.

AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters, this was one of the chiefest, that she had not been removed from the Court, but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal. But is not this like the complaining of the sick, who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults, will by no means accuse themselves, but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves? Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mo∣thers Removal, then Vertue is the cause, that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness, out of the hatred it bears to goodness, should by that means come to be aliened from God, who withdraws himself from it. It cannot indeed be denied; but that the King before her left he at Compeigne, did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal; and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do, were here layed down. The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions, and the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the King∣dom in Revolts, and all this to compel him, to deliver up this grand Minister, in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty. This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces, where true it is, mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal, but it is likewise said, that the hatred which she bare to him, transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State, and the publick quiet, insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court. But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal, when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him, which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and

Fortune, and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness, that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction, who expresly commanded it, and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge, by the continuation of his services, of the honour which he did him; the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him.

But lastly, who can deny that a designe tending to ruine (what-ever it cost) one of the chiefest pillars of the State, and him whom the King himself had often pro∣fessed to be the principal Author of his good, is not a crime Laesae Majestatis? Were it not such in any one, to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites, or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France? Had not experience then made it evident, that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France, then many Citadels, and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom? He would easily have retrived them all, if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us, but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was, who was a greater Protection to France, then all the Citadels put together, and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities.

Politique Observation.

JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger, and Justinian, inserted in their Books, as likewise Leon the first, and Constantine in their Politicis and Ba∣silicis, that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius, whereby they who had enga∣ged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne, were guilty Laesae Majestatis. And for this very reason, If any one in England be convicted of having contrived (though but in his thoughts) the downfal of any Counsellor of State, though he had not executed it, yet such is the Law there, that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis, against the King; as it was in the case of Somerset, Uncle to Edward the sixth, and Protector of the Kingdom, for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death, who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King. The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them, that it is death only to speak ill of them. Salvian de Marseille saith, That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect; whence it followeth (saith he) that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State, who representeth the Person of his Prince, are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself. Thou hast commitied an offence (saith Quintilian) but because it is against the Magi∣strate, thou art therefore guilty of Treason. Whence it was that Verterius (as Plutarch observeth, was condemned to die, he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune, whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike per∣sons, and thus were they punished who so offended. And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just, seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne, as is declared in the Law of Arcadius? And if the Prince be the head of his State, they are then the Members and Instru∣ments by which he governeth. And thus hath another said, Our Saviour is the Head of the Church▪ the Church are his Body, and the Prelats are his chief mem∣bers. They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour, that they may the better guide the people by their Influences; they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth. Whence it is, that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis, for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture, made only of Brass, Stone, or the like; surely he is much more guilty who dis••respecteth his living Image, in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved, who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People, and indeed the principal Instrument

of his Glory. And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason, That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign, or which inter∣fereth with the greatness of his State.

And what? Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State, when a Ca∣bal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister, who by the conduct of his Masters Arms, and his own Prudence, hath extended his limits, hath ren∣dered him terrible to all other Nations, hath vanquished all his Kings enemies, and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority, who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet, who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer, hath esta∣blished Peace in the Kingdom, and in a word, next unto his Majesty, is the great∣est prop and supporter of its greatness? Cicero saith, That he who raiseth a Sedi∣tion against the Publike Peace, doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire. There are three sorts of High Treasons. The first is absolutely against the Princes per∣son The second against the Respect due to him. And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom. Now it were to be purposely blind, not to rank under this third degree, all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State, they being so much contrary to the good of the State; neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first, as in England, seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THe Mareschal d' Estree, whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed, used his utmost endeavours to in∣duce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure. The Mar∣quis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty, to assure her, that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne: All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind, and great lamentations at her Imprisonment, which in its self was but imaginary, seeing she had not any Guards upon her, dis∣posed of the keys of the City, and went abroad where-ever she pleased. This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty, neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State, where Obedience is the Foundation of Government; so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg, and the Sieur de Roissi, who were known to be both prudent and respectful; to the end they might deal clearly with her, tel•• her the truth, which till then had been for∣born, and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage (of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice) notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence. Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her, represented to her, that the King was well informed of those many Cabals con∣trived against his Authority and Glory, that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court, and then out of the Kingdom, was an effect of her only Counsel; Lastly, that there was not any one in the Kingdom, how great soever, who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers; and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange, that she, above all others in particular, should so press him to destroy the Cardinal, seeing she knew better then the whole Nation, that there was not any person in the Kingdom, who had done, or was more able to do service to the State, then he: To be short, that she had no such great reason to complain, that she was forced to live removed from the King, there being not any Law in holy Writ, which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers, especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good; but that its found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth; that his Majesty had just reason to be offended, he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne, and she having as often slighted it; nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing, seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other

place to dwell in; that they were obliged to tell her, that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State, neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers; that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour: and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her, that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court, so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service. These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence, should have opened her eyes, and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her, who was satisfied only with a short removal of her, for such reasons as have formerly Im∣prisoned, nay condemned divers great Princes to death: whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal, that instead of dis∣abusing her, they only added extremities to the excess of her choler.

Politique Reflection.

ALthough great men should more especially be informed with ••he truth of things, seeing their affairs which depend on it, are of greater importance then others, yet however the most part of them do not much love her, she seldome comes within their Courts but naked; and if perchance she appear in their pre∣sence, they turn about from her, as if they could not endure to see her. They desire things should be related to them as they would have them, not as they really are. It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions, which they un∣dertake in confidence, that they are well-beseeming their greatness: If any one presume to debate their Designs, by discovering the naked Truth to them, he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains: whence it is, that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them, do not discourse to them of any their affairs, but so as they think may be acceptable to them; they find by the daylie experience of others, both past and present, that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes, and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self. Those Princes who are of this humour, never well counsell'd, there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes▪ especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing. Such counsels as thwart their Passions, are either esteemed extravagant, or as pro∣ceeding from a naughty servant. They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was, but would not stay to be inform'd. Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them: for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded, are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates, which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack, whereby they make a prey of their goods. An Ancient Author saith, That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth. But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passi∣on; and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice. And the Rule of the Wise says, Happy is the Prince who is so disposed, and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely, without disguising the Truth, for they, and only they, are the real supporters of his State and greatness.

Prosecution of the History.

THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible, considering the good∣ness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct, neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders, had she not been lead into them, by those very persons in whom she most confided. Such and so great was their wick∣edness, that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends, they sought for some amongst the Stars, and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity, and foretold her, that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs, his Majesty could not long live; which being so, the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur; that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun,

who would shortly sit at the Helm, and whose favourable influences would be ne∣cessary for the upholding of her greatness. This foundation being thus laid, it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion, that she need not much regard the Cardinal, for the King once ceasing to be, he would of consequence lie at their mercy. These were the vain wicked imaginations of certain malicious extra∣vagant persons, which they went rather to Hell then Heaven, to learn out for the feeding of others ambitious humours, and to continue by this device the pensions which they procured from her Majesty. It is strange that any man should ground a belief upon such like predictions, yet it is a Rock upon which many Grandees have been ruined. By this means was Lentulus Sura drawn into Cataline's conspi∣racy; And by this means did the late Queen Catharine de Medicis engage her self in several affairs prejudicial to her childrens and her own Interests. Thus indeed did the ancient Pagans in all their great enterprises, on which they durst not think without the Predictions of their Augurs, and other Priests, though in truth it was without any reason or good foundation.

Politique Observation.

THat knowledge which we have during this life, hath enough to do, if it can but penetrate into the depth of things present, to extend and stretch it unto things to come, is not only useless, but dangerous▪ I shall willingly for my part subscribe to the opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and Seneca, all who have absolutely rejected the Art of Divination, and held that the Predictions of Astrologers are vain and idle. The Chaldeans (as most probably may be conjectured) were the first who discovered the use of Horoscopes, but happy had been their ignorance had they known nothing of it. It is very commendable in us to fore-see by Prudence that which may befal us, but it is a foppery to ground the event of our undertakings upon the motion of the Stars. The Divels have somtimes foretold by the frivo∣lous ordinary rules of Astrologie, what shall happen, but most men have attribu∣ted the truth of their predictions, not so much to the strength of those Rules, as unto Chance; or as others will have it, unto their care to effect these things by them foretold. To desire to know what shall hereafter happen, is to search into that which belongs only unto God; and it is equally rash to predict, as it is vain to pry into the knowledge of it. Notwithstanding all this, there are such as do suffer themselves to be led away into this errour, and that upon two different oc∣casions. Some, that they may avoid those misfortunes which they fear; but it is commonly seen, that they who would fain shun the Rock, do run upon the Shelve. Others, that they may attain unto those goods for which they hope; but to them it likewise happens, that crediting too much the good fortune promised them by the Stars, they come to run into disasters; if perchance they meet not that amongst the Stars which they desire, presently they slight the Art; but if they do meet with any thing correspondent to their minds, it so flatters their passions, that they are blind, and engage themselves over and over, in such enterprises, as do at last bring them to their ruines. There need no other reason to evince the ignorance of Astrologers then this one, that they are so little knowing of what shall befal themselves in particular; for they know not how to prevent any thing, neither in∣deed need there more, then barely to examine with Prudence the Rules upon which they ground their conjectures, and it will then soon be discovered that they are Impostors, and that their knowledge is meer ignorance.

Prosecution of the Subject.

NOtwithstanding that there was as much clemency in his Majesties, as obstina∣cy in the Queens procedure, yet did she not forbear to lament, and accuse him of cruelty. His Majesty being then no longer able to endure those complaints which she made to all the Princes of Christendom, especially at her Imprisonment,

and being equally desirous to stop her mouth, by withdrawing those forces which happened to be then neer her (not upon the score of guarding her, but for other reasons as hath heretofore been declared) and likewise knowing that it would be a hard matter for her to cause Compiegne to revolt, or to raise any Souldiers therea∣bouts, the principal of the Cabal being either imprisoned or affrighted, did at last resolve to disperse them into other places. The only thing feared was, lest shee should cast her self into the Spaniards hands. His Majesty to make sure of her, as to that particular, first sent to her by the Marshal d' Estree, that he would readily satisfie her, by withdrawing all those forces then in Garison at Compiegne; provi∣ded she would ingage her self not to stir out of the Kingdom. She thereupon passed her word once and again, not to go out of the Kingdom, and the Forces were accordingly drawn off; only his Majesty left part of them, some certain leagues from thence, to prevent the assembling of any souldiers.

The Queen-mothers departure out of France.

THis excesse of his Majesties goodness, should have wrought upon her, but she instead of acknowledging it for such, abused it, and that she might adde to his troubles went out of the Kingdom. For the facilitating and private management of this design, she gave his Majesty to understand by the Mar∣shal de Estree, and the Marquis de Saint Chaumont▪ that she would withdraw her self from Compiegne, to such other Town as he should appoint, might she but have the honour to see him The King over-joyed at this her Proposal, offered to meet her, either at her house of Monceaux or Mantes, or such other places as she plea∣sed upon the Roads of Angiers, Bloys, or Moulins. The King pleas'd himself for some certain time, in this hope, believing it might be a means to regain Monsieur, but in the interim, the Queen mother negotiated her retreat with the Infanta in Flanders, and found means to prevail with the Marquis de Vardes to deliver up Ca∣pelle into her hands, of which he was then Governour. The Request which she made unto the Infanta was no long time unanswered; for the Spaniards who aim∣ed at nothing more then to foment divisions in the Nation, whereby they might prevent the assisting of any of our Allies, when they invaded them, quickly per∣swaded her Highnesse, to assure her of a good reception; that she should be en∣tertained in her Territories with all honour and respect, and that she would make such provisions, as she should not want any thing she could desire; this answer once received, she stood no longer in deliberating on her retreit; but providing every thing necessary for her person, she departed from Compiegne with Madam de Tresnay, and one woman of her Chamber. The same day she came to Capelle, but could not get in (the King having sent thither the Sieur de Vardes the Father, upon suspicion of the Son) and from thence she went to Avennes, which is the first Town in Haynault, bordering on France. By this she made it apparent to the whole World, that she was not only a Prisoner, but that she did wed her self to her passion, by giving her self up to the enemies of France

Politique Observation.

TO give way to Passion, and let it over-rule our reason is very dangerous, so are the consequences which attend it, especially in matters of great concern∣ment. God hath ordained reason to govern in Mans Soul▪ as in a Throne, that she might guide all his Actions. He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions, as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale, to lead him through the Waters, lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks. We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason; but of all others, Princes are most con∣cerned so to do; for if once they shut their eyes to reason, and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion, what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States. This violence may well be li••e∣ned

to that of a Torrent, which rooteth up Trees, teareth up Rocks, and over∣throws whatever it meeteth; for just thus is it, when reason is once extinguished, the judgement is then spoiled, and Prudence is of no more use, then feathers to a Bird caught in Lime. Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most, if not all Kingdomes, which hath trodden Crowns under foot, which hath excited people to revolt, and Cities to mutiny, which hath profaned sacred places, abused Altars, and whatever is most reverenced by mankind? How many have there been seen, who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves, provided they might ruine them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid? It is great wisedom to suppress anger, and to stifle it in the Cradle, for by permission and toleration it grows to be head-strong. Violence by giving way to it, becomes invincible, inso∣much that in time it will be difficult, nay impossible to overcome it; it is like Light∣ning, which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it, is not by any means to be again reduced.

The Queen-mothers entrance into Bruxels.

THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories, but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her, in the Town of Avennes, as Governor of Haynault. She then gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta, by the Baron de Guaypre, and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ay∣etone, to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it. Don Philip Albert de Valesques, Captain of her Highnesse Life-guard, came at the same time with his Company to serve her, as Guards from Avennes, she went to Mons, where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Towns-men all in Arms, to receive her with the greater splendour. Thither came the Infanta to meet her, who entertained her with all imaginable respects, and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries, into her Majesties hands. Two days being thus spent, they went both together to Bruxels, where she was received with the same honour, as if she had been King of Spain. She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined. It cannot be expressed, with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her; but we may conceive, that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta, who good Princess, had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness, sincerity, and holiness it self, so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility, and the particular kindnesse which she had, both for the Queen-mother and France. Whereas, the Spani∣ards had other ends in it. They knew that Women are bewitched wish Ho∣nour, and by this means did they endeavour to ingage her more and more to them, that they might make use of her to ruine the Cardinal, whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grind-stone, more then an Army of a hundred thousand men.

Politique Observation.

IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes, who discon∣tented with their own Countries, come to make addresses to them. The quali∣ties of their birth make them venerable, in what condition soever, though they were vanquish'd, yet ought they to be treated with respect. E••nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus, for his courteous entertaining of Mithri∣dates King of Bosphorus, when his evil fortune forced him, though his enemy, to ••••st himself into his hands. And if the quality of stranger Princes, be an obligati∣on on Kings to receive them with respect, amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involv'd, yet Prudence doth much more advise, nay require it; for the honour done to them, is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries, upon the score of the good usage and kindnesse which was there shewed

them. Besides, and which is not a little considerable, it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperate divisions in those Countries, from whence they retire. They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there, and yet not break with their King. A thing of great concernment to the Spani∣ards, whose Countries being separated from one another, cannot well be preserved in obedience, but by their setting on foot dissentions and wars amongst their neigh∣bours, as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Poli∣tick secrets by them used. A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neigh∣bouring Countries. He knows that he is by that means safe from them, and that whilest they are ingaged in Wars, he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs, and oftentimes to make great advantages by it.

The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King, to negotiate the Queen-mothers accommodation.

SHortly after the Queen-mothers abode at Bruxels, and about the moneth of August, the Infanta desirous of Peace, sent the Sieur de Caro del••t Doyen of Cambray, her extraordinary Embassadour unto the King then at Monceaux, for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country, but ou•• of the affection and respect▪ which she was bound to pay unto her; that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France, but would contri∣bute her utmost endeavours to the tranquility thereof. The King, who was not naturally enclin'd to war, but when it was necessary, in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions, would have easily been induc'd to an accord, had he not been certainly inform'd that those about the Queen-Mother, and the Spani∣ards procur'd this Embassie, only the better to conceal the designes they had against the Publike Peace of his Kingdom; Nevertheless as Kings are politiquely oblig'd to dissemble their actions, and to acknowledge apparent civilities by appa∣rent testimonies, the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible de∣monstrations of honour and kindness, to flatter his vain ambition, and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France, knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions: He made divers journies betwixt the Court and Bruxels, and was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence; and when he took his last leave, was presented with a Cross of Di∣amonds worth two thousand Crowns: But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits, then prudence in his undertaking; and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him, he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another, yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour. Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where. Alexander whose example is the more considerable, seeing he was alwaies esteemed for gene∣rous, used it even to excess, and that towards his very enemies. He ought to hold a correspondence with others, though he hath neither reason to love them, nor to think that he is beloved by them: It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged, but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him; whereas at is di∣scretion to entertain him with Civilities, for the easier surprizing of him; the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him, being the best devi∣ces he can use, to give him no cause of jealousie, which may induce him to stand upon his guard. One of the Ancient Sages said. A Prince never ought to re∣ceive the kindnesses of others, but with distrust. Pompey was decived by the pre∣tenses of peace, and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship, as Tacitus hath observed.

In general it may be said, that Civilities are like a winding lane, which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever. They are alwaies seasonable, and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness, yet are they neverthe∣less agreeable to the Receiver, and advantagious to the Giver. The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied, though he be inwardly displeased; which he doth, that he may the better take his time, and shew his anger to the purpose; for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies, he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure; neither ought he to shew his Teeth, but when he is in a condi∣tion to bite. But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him, but with Honour and respect, seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable, in consideration of the person whom they represent: Neither is the Honour done them cast away, for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust, who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs, then otherwise he would; withal, it keeps his Neighbours in suspence, and hinders them from associating themselves with him; for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War.

The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans.

HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent, and the manner of her retreat, it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs, of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court, and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War, and at last to with-draw him∣self out of the Kingdom. Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne, where he had left the Queen-Mother, he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him, and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues, and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits, which had been a little exasperated, then to marry him, his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him, then at Orleans, to assure him, that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him, in case he would return as he was desired; more particularly, that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria, which heretofore had been impor∣tunately entreated. This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affe∣ction, seeing he could not marry himself, without engaging his Majesties Interests in it, and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice, in case he should have any children: Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him, stopp'd his eyes, that he might not see it. The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him, and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection: But he found him in a thousand jealousies, which Coigneux and others had instilled into him, on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests, and to make themselves the more considerable with him: For his own part, he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him, but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him, by their tricks and devices, that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection. They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her (which were Chimeras only) and that it were a great dishonour for him, to forsake her, she having cast her self (as it were) into his Arms: witha•• they terrified him with panique fears, and protested to him, that they would not assure him of his liberty, if once he came within the Cardinal's reach; as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him, whilest he was at Orleans, had he been so incli∣ned; and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough: Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him, unless in the fetters of Love, which he thought

a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him? But this too they perswaded him, was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him; insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back, or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty. Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness, sacri∣fice his glory to their own Interests, and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence, that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Autho∣rity.

Politique Observation.

AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes, so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes. Prin∣ces ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business; for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service, and they are obliged to remove such from the Court; seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them, whence by the advices of such men, they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs. Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends, are their Masters glory; and this is his Majesties present happiness; for they being neither passionate nor partial in their advices, do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable: whereas they who have other Interests, or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition, do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side, by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm, or raise their own Families. Prin∣ces in their necessities have the more reason to complain, they then having most need of good advice: Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts; there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire, where it is more regarded then Kings themselves; for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it: Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places, it being usual to sue for a Princes favour, not so much to love him the more, as for the better effecting of ones own designs. Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices, as they think to be most conform∣able to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice, and by this means they hope to acquire more favour, then if they had told the truth: Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel, but they think it unprofitably bestowed, unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes. Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them, is, not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion, who (as Plutarch ob∣serveth) said, That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him: for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage, when they are faithful and able; but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal, and then likewise to follow their counsels; not because they proceed from them, but because after a due deliberation, they are esteemed good and reasonable.

Prosecution of the Subject.

FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsi••ur by the Cardinal de la Valette, to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him; being very well assured, that this once done, his inclinations would be no longer so vio∣lent, and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France. Coi∣gn••ux seemed to agree to it, and the Sieur de Chaudebonne, who came from Mon∣sieur unto his Majesty, then at Estampes, assured him that he was totally disposed to it. But his Majesty having replyed to him, that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune, he made it apparent, that his overtures were only words, and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks, made by his means du∣ring

the King's late sickness. He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard, Governour of Burgogne, that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province, as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February. The King likewise understood from other parts, that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Mon∣sieur's name, in Normandy, Languedoc, and Limosin, and that Fueillade, and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred, did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions. There was brought a letter unto his Majesty, written by his direction from la Ferte, Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes, unto his Com∣panions, that they should come to Melun neer Orleans, though it ought not to be done without his order. Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras, to intice him from the Court, and to draw him to himself. The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King, the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur, of seizing on the pas∣sages upon the River Loyr, and of victualling Orleans, was every where known; His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike; His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered, so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself, but designed to frame the Body of an Army, and so raise a war. And most true it is, That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris, had come, or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed, he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom, but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within, that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects. He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots, how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition, how that he had put the English to a shameful flight, in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory, and that he would but laugh at their attempts, which were so repleat with rashness.

Politique Observation.

IT is not sufficient in a Prince, who would attain glory, that he be not apprehen∣sive of any dangers in war, or that he shew himself to be more desirous of ho∣nour, then fearing any misfortune, unless he consider before he take the field, what strength he hath; from what friends he can presume to have assistance, of what force his enemies are, and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence. He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces, and not to attempt any thing above his Power, or against Reason. It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe, but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive, lest he ingage himself in his own ruine. Who so doth otherwise, cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities, either he must fall with his attempt, or be compell'd to a shameful composition, after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit. Beside, that rashness is full of inconsideration, it is ordinary attended with misfortunes. They who give up themselves to it, are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their de∣signs, with as little advantage, as they used consideration in their attempts. The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them, makes them at first all fire; but their flame evaporateth into Ice, by their want of subsistence; It is blind, and fore-sees not neither dangers, nor any accident which may happen; whence it followeth, that it is very unsafe, nay pernicious, to be guided by its Counsels, and that experi∣ence telleth us, it seldome keeps any of its promises. The History of Cambyses King of Persia, related by Herodotus, may serve to exemplifie it; he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia; to which end he sent Ambassa∣dours to their King, who might under pretence of carrying him presents, espie the force and strength of the Kingdom; but the King smelling their designe,

commanded them to return, and tell their Master, he could not be just▪ who would invade a Country not belonging to him. Cambyses receiving this answer, became so enflamed with anger, that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia, without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedi∣tion; insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way, his Army was forced to eat Horses; and not long after his Souldiers eat one another, himself being forced to return into his own Country, after a great loss of his Souldiers, and to his perpetual dishonour, by reason of his rashness.

The King goeth to Orleans; With the true Motives of his journey.

THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances, thought fit to go in his own person, that he might dissipate the storm: he well knew that the pre∣sence of a King is like that of the Sun, which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light. About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes, and thence to Orlean, as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe, that coming to discourse with him, it wou••d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him; that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans, whilest he was there; and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed, by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise.

These were the true motives of his Majesties journey, which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct, by sending the Sieur de Chaud••bonne, unto him with a Letter, which they had perswaded Monsieur to write; in which he made protestations of obedience, and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit un∣to such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage. But however, the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt, did not forbear to prosecute his journey. He was no sooner come unto Estampes, but he received intelligence, that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne: His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure, upon pretence of his Ma∣jesties comming, and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Mon∣sieurs person. A report without foundation, for his Majestly had been acquaint∣ed, at the least fifteen dayes before that time, by the Sieur de Bellegar••e, how that Monsieur had told him, he would shortly go into Bourgogne, and that be∣fore his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans. It cannot be expressed, how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure. But it had been ef∣feminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes, and take no care for the future; the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province, that he might keep the Towns in obedience, and pursued him so closely, that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place, which doubtlesse he would have done, had he not been followed at hand by some or other, who might prevent his designs. Before the end of March, the King came to Dijon; and having secured the Town and Castle, gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp, to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde, which place Monsieur had left behind him; he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre, and St. Jean de Lone; he left three hun∣dred horse in garrison on the Frontiers, in such places as were most requisite, to secure Bourgogne from any incursions, and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them, as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out, that he had not forsaken the Kingdom, but only to secure himself from them who pursu∣ed him, but it was without truth: His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom, his Majesty was obli∣ged to follow them at hand, to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence, not to lose any time in such occasions; his longer de∣lay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated: But if he would not have left the King∣dom,

why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him, both at Or∣leans and Auxerre: The King was ready to imbrace him, and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him; but his not assent∣ing to them, forced his Majesty to pursue him, that he might divert the storm, which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self.

Politique Observation.

IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom, when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome; but that once being so, it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country, go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators, to draw their forces together, wherewith they might carry on a War against him. He ought to be before hand with them, and not to stay until revolted Prin∣ces are in a condition to put their designs in execution. He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports, nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt; but being once well informed and assured, he ought no longer to delay. Thus A∣lexander the Great, made not the least stop, that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece, and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army, that himself brought the first news of his comming. It was his usual saying, that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy, is the thing which obtains great advantages against him; for this reason it was, that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand, which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be, yet it reduceth eve∣ry thing to ashes. Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces. They have for the most part, persons of knowledge and valour neer them, who are capable of setling their af∣fairs in a good equipage, if they have but leisure to effect it. For this cause, is a King obliged to go in person, and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion. A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again; the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels, and takes away their courages who are not yet come up, that they have but little will to ingage themselves; and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means, he is then in a capacity to compel them by force, seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves. Henry the third, committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris, at the mutiny of the Barricadoes; for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him, imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction, and animateth the fury of the peo∣ple. Bajazet the second did not thus, in the rebellion of his son Selim the first, but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to with∣draw himself, although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted; and so beha∣ved himself, that what with Iris presence, and what with the gravity of his words, they became ashamed to forsake him, or commit the treason they had resolved against him. Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt; for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt, he took ••et, and came in great hast unto Flanders, where he easily checked their rebellion, and punished the chief contrivers thereof.

Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon, from whence he writeth unto the King.

MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon, Boigneux was much afflicted and displea∣sed that he had so poorly played his Cards, having not so much as time to draw his forces together, so that he had recourse to his usual devices, and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty, wherein he should lay before him the pre∣tences which he alledged for his departure. The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance; but so imprudently was it contrived, that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason. It was full of injurious language

against the King, and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement; neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom, but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne, a Chimaera only, and the necessity of saving himself without, having no security within the Kingdom; a reason altogether in∣considerable, seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever: and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct, whom he could no longer endure, so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom; which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous, had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re, in reducing of the H••gonot Cities, in the relieving of Cazal, in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont, and divers other expeditions, which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation. These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of, to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness, in going ••orth of the Kingdom. But such insolencie being insupportable, and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brian∣son unto his Majesty, then on hunting neer Baign••ux where not one of his Coun∣cel had followed him, he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him, and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon, that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him, which were not conform∣able to the respect due unto him: The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Sub∣jects, instead of being honoured, as so many mysteries, whose causes are to them unknown, published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon, wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure, both from Orleans, and then out of the Kingdom, as likewise of his journey into Burgogne, which are the very same formerly intimated; only adding this one, that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province, in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party, and had particularly prevailed with him, to send the Sieur Damase unto him, then at Aux••rre, to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de B••••carre, of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne; for he had then discovered all their intentions, and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous. It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions, that his Maje∣sty made the said Declaration, but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret, the Dukes of Elboeuf, Bell••garde, and Rouannes, the President Coigneux, the Sieur de Puy-laurens, Monsigot, and the P••re de Chanteloupe, guilty of high Treason, every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure; it being his Ma∣jesties further pleasure, that they should accordingly be proceeded against, in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences; impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority.

Politique Observation.

IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made, if they be not execu∣ted upon them who persever in their offences. Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience, unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity. Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs; when violence scapes scot-free, the publike Peace runs a hazard; and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy, he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct the••r insolencies when he most desireth it. To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight, at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are, were to be injurious unto the State, and guilty (in some kind) of cruelty: The least severity inflicted upon such men (after their Designes are once perceived) doth extinguish the remaining flame, whereas conniving at them, adds fewe•• to their fire; in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties: the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them, seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees, who are

incapable of true Friendship, and that the means to stop the Career of their de∣signs, is by Force and Fear.

Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation, by being over severe; for that were equally dangerous, and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities; but so ought he to manage his business, that he strike them with Fear, and make them apprehensive of his Justice. Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible, then to such who only endea∣vour to be beloved; and they will sooner break the bonds of Love, then of Fear: Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments. If the rewarding of ser∣vices be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants, surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent, by striking them with Fear. To be merciful alone, is to want one hand, and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice, who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency, were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority.

The Debate in the Parliament of Paris, upon the Declaration against the Rebels.

THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King, was but too to great, yet as one error makes way for another, so they did not sit still there, but second∣ed it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris, to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon. His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to the Parliament of Paris as conceiving it to concern his reputation, to make known the Truth of those passages, not only in Burgogne, but through the whole Kingdom. Now Cogneux, together with divers others of that Cabal, having gained some principal members of this Court, by informing them with all things, though quite contrary to the truth, had ingaged them so far in their designs, that they publikely exclaimed against it as violent, for such reasons as had been sent un∣to them, which were as frivolous as false. They had raised such a confusion in that honourable Company, surprizing them with false informations and untruths, that it was debated whether the Declaration should be ratified or not; whereas they ought to have remembred, that such Declarations as regard the Government of State, are sent unto them only to be registred, proclaimed, and observed by his Majesties Subjects, and most commonly they are not acquainted with the true rea∣sons which induced his Majesty to make them. The debate was so hot and great, that their opinions being equally divided, the Declaration remain'd unconfirm'd, and unproclaim'd. Whereupon the King being upon his return to Paris, was forc'd (that he might not let such a disorder pass unpunished) to command the Par∣liament unto the ••ouvre, with order that they should come on foot, as guilty, and in a posture to receive that rebuke which they had incurred, whereby he might give them to know, that to discuss State affairs, did not concern them at all; that he only sent this, and other Declarations of the like nature unto them, to be pro∣claimed, inrolled, and caused to be observed by his Majesties subjects, and that they ought to have been more readily disposed to have passed this Declaration in particular, there being a very great difference between a bare Commission to form an Indictment against any one, and to adjudge it, and between a Declaration pub∣lished by his Majesty for the information of his Subjects, concerning those persons against whom he complains, with what reasons he hath so to do, and for what causes it is that they are guilty of high Treason; for that in a Declaration his Majesty assigns them a certain time, within which they may obtain his pardon, if they have recourse unto his Grace; and moreover, for that after all this, not any formalities are omitted, which are necessary in the processe of Criminals before their Condemnation. This was effected in the Louvre, the King sitting in his Counsel, and the whole body of the Parliament being on their knees before him,

where after that the Lord Keeper of the Seals had in his Majesties name given them to know, that it was not in their jurisdiction to determine concerning any Decla∣rations of State, which should be sent unto them; the King with his own hands tore the sentence of* 1.3 Division, which was Registred as a Record, and command∣ed that the Order of his Conncel, whereby it was declared void, should be entred in its places, with prohibitions of intermeddling for the future in debating Decla∣rations of the like nature: And lastly, for the punishing the fault of the whole Body in some particular Members, the Presidents Gayon, Battillon, and the Sieur Lesne Counsellour, were commanded, by Order from his Majesty to withdraw themselves for some time from Paris, and suspended from executing their Functi∣ons, in regard they had discoursed too freely, and without respect concerning his Majesties proceeding, and the Government of the State; which notwithstanding his Majesties goodnesse was such, that lasted not long, for they were soon after re∣called and restored unto the Parliament, and to the discharge of the Offices of which their integrity and merit had made them very deserving, and from which they had been restrained not without the grief of all wise men, who were sorry to see that they had blemished their reputations, by a zeal too rash and incon∣siderate.

Politique Observation.

PArliaments are no lesse bound by the Laws of Prudence then those of Justice, not to separate themselves from the King in State-affairs. I say, they are ob∣liged to it by Justice, for for them to judge of such affairs, were to assume a Power which belongs not to them; their first creation was by Kings, and that only to do Justice unto the people, as the President de la Vaquiere told the Duke of Orleans Chancellour, who in his Masters behalf moved the Parliament that they would press his Majesty to come to Paris, and make use of their advice in certain weighty mat∣ters. The self-same answer did the same Parliament make unto Louys de Bourbon, after his taking of Orleans, and sending his Declaration unto them. Francis the first, prohibited them from intermedling in affairs of that nature, in the proceed∣ings commenc'd against the Chancelly du Prat; and after him Charles the ninth did as much in prosecution of the Arrest which had been issued out for the summo∣ning the Prince, of the Blood, and Peers of France, to consult concerning such complaints, as tended to the good both of King and State. Thus, his Majesty ha∣ving impowered and intrusted them, with the hand of his Justice, that they might only preserve his Subjects right each to other, they may not intermeddle in any other businesse without particular Order from his Majesty, who can only confer that Authority upon them. But how can they with any reason, dissent from his Majesty in State affairs, especially in this particular of Declarations, which are sent unto them to be proclaimed, when as they are not acquainted with the many cir∣cumstances which induced them, without the cognizance of which, it is impossible to make any true Judgement? Were not this to determine things without judging of them, as also to do it without lawfull power so to do? But if they complain of their want of Authority, the Stars might as well murmur against the Sun, for not imparting a light unto them, as glorious as his own. They ought to recollect unto their memories, that that Power which makes them considerable, is no more na∣tural to them then that of the Stars; that from the King it is, that they receive all their Marks of Greatnesse, and Badges of Authority, and that from him alone all those rays do proceed, which make them shine in the eye of the people.

And if Magistrates would but look a little neerer into themselves, they would easily perceive that they have not any power but what is derived from their Kings; it is from them that they hold their Authority, and which lasteth no longer then their Will and pleasure: Hence it is, that all Bodies corporate are bound to take their confirmation from all new Kings who shall succeed to the Crown, whereby they might learn, that as they were created for the good of their Soveraign, so

their subsistence depends meerly upon his Will and Grace. Peradventure they wil pretend, that what they do is to conserve his Majesties Authority; but why do they not then consider, how they themselves abuse it by resisting it; and that whi∣lest they violate his Authority, their own flowing from his, cannot remain entire and survive it. When as the Moon; jealous of the Sun, attempts to obscure his Rays, and sets her self just before his face, she depriveth us of his light; but we all know she loseth her own likewise, and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth. As true it is, that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority, which alone hath cloathed them with lustre, and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects, and attempt to abridge their Ma∣jesties of their Power and Glory, cannot so do, without wounding themselves, and eclipsing their own light.

Monsieur's Request to the Parliament, to Indict the Cardinal.

THe Cardinals ruine, was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive; they verily beleeved, that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him, that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion, and to give credit unto those Crimes where∣with he should be charged; but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken, seeing they could not be ignorant, that it lay not in the Parliaments Power; and withall, seeing they could not but know, that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever, would never per∣mit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude. However, in order to this design of theirs, they caused a request signed by Monsieur, to be presented unto the Parliament, wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal, had forced him to go out of the Kingdom. He desired an instru∣ment of his Protest, that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne, might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies, and that he might be ad∣mitted as a Party against the Cardinal. This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration, of which we shall anon speak, and which made them culpable, in not publishing that of his Majesty. But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel, it was or∣dered by Arrest, that it should be suppressed as contumelious, contrary to the good of his Service, the Peace of his Subjects, the safety of his State, and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother, to withdraw him∣self out of the Kingdom, whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes, and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers, against whom no charge or com∣plaint can or may be given (although there were cause for it) but by way of hum∣ble Petition to his Majesties own person, who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings. Besides, his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest, dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau, to let his Subject know, that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur, had carried him out of the Kingdom, as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court, and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith, including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity, concluding that his Ma∣jesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown, and the good of his State; and lastly, conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds: Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue, and his high services, from the violences of a factious potent Party.

Politique Observation.

NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wis∣dom, who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine. Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny, and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them; but great persons, like rocks, are not to be shaken, though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather. It is said, that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds, whereby he may secure himself from storms; and upon this reason it is, that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle. Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine. These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time, which once pass'd, they dissipate of themselves, and become an∣nihilated. All the attempts made against their Fortunes, are but like so many blows in the Ayr, so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them. The Pru∣dence wherewith they are endued, affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs, as also to secure themselves, and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them; their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory, that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny. There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection, then the services they do him, for those alone will easily make apparent, that all the slanders spread abroad a∣gainst them, are only inventions of some base people, who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation, whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace, and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack; not∣withstanding all which, they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious de∣signs which they have laid, and make it daylie evident, that souls which are truly great, do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them▪ and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers, without receiving any hurt; neither will they be discou∣raged from continuing to act what they have well begun. Their generousness is like and armed Souldier, prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation. Their Fidelity is like a Wall, impregnable against all Force and Artifice: Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions, neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them, so that any advantage may be taken against them. Their address dictates unto them to watch the time, when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain. Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince, where it is impossible for him to get their like: In a word, those excellent qualities of theirs, do discover unto them their enemies contrivances, and renders them Masters of their own Fortune, which is impossible to be ravished out of their power.

The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect.

THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory; for from that time lay∣ing their heads together, with those of the Queen-Mother, they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels. The Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him. But when they perceived all their attempts were vain, either as to the ruining of him in his Maje∣sties good opinion, or for the advancing of the Army which they had already con∣trived in their conceptions, then their Anger turned into Fury, and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem. They verily perswaded themselves, that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army, to maintain their Quarrel, or that they might ra••e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds, as they would rise and take up Arms, so

to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury. Indeed I should have con∣cluded him very unfortunate, had his glory depended upon their testimonies, and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health, by drying up his blood, by watching day and night over the Affairs of State, by giving up his Freedom▪ his very soul, his words, his writings, and all his time unto his Kings service, and for the good of France, by doing things even above admiration it self, should need their approbation. But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self, and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp, then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience, whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour, like the beams of the Sun, so it was hap∣py for him that they chose this time to calumniate him, when he had newly accom∣plished such glorious actions for his Majesties service, as cannot easily be described in History. He needed not have desired (as that Ancient did) to have a house so built, that all the world might behold him, seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe, that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration. I may safely add, that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings, did render all their accusations suspected. And who knows not without more ado, that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State, is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government.

Politique Observation.

IT is commonly seen, that good services are rewarded with calumny: Envie is one cause of this injustice, her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions; just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak. It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness, which draws good out of evil; whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons, even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous; the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body, such hath envie with vertue: And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows, so the greatest persons are most ex∣posed unto envie and calumny: Private Interest is another cause, and to say the Truth, is the first and chief; for that it begets envie. All they who by their am∣bition pretend to have some part in the Government, do fancie unto themselves, that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it, as it hath raised up them who now possess it: Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much, but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present, they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State, when that which they expect is not cast upon them; the discontent which hereupon they conceive, is not unlike those false Prospectives, which represent things and objects unto the view, which neither are, nor ever were; and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion, becomes so depraved, that they apprehend things in their conduct, far different from what they really are. I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers; there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen, their intents and designs are secret and unknown, at least of such as have any conduct; neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end, whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportu∣nity to prevent their being effected. Which being so, it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to ex∣claim upon them. They seldom have any thing to object against them, but what seems to be defective, and they disguise things so artificially, that they make white pass for black, & lies for currant truth, being very wary that it fal not into their con∣sideration, how they have extraordinary intelligences, which ought not, nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements. But above all the rest, they are as∣saulted by slanders, when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief, they dare not openly to complain of their King, lest they should too much disco∣ver themselves, and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them,

which might prevent them from effecting their intentions, but they addresse them∣selves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers, although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall, they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them, and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people. These are the sub∣jects of all the Manifests, which were ever made to provoke the people to rebelli∣on. If we but look back on the Passages our own times, or those before us, we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State, and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders, as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame. Examples hereof are so frequent, that we need not stay to recite them. Besides, it may be found in all History, that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers, they have been re∣duced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force, yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them, upon their papers, fraught with poison and lies.

Aspersions charged on the King, refuted.

IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man, whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages: But it is incredible, that their malice should strike at the Kings own person, endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government. I could willingly complain of all French men, who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign, whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just, most Valiant, most Generous, most Prudent, and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France; did not take up their Arms, to punish those Libel∣lers in other Countries, but that they may not undertake any War without his Ma∣jesties permission. What reason could be alledged, that he should passe for a King without Conduct, who had vanquished the English in so many encounters, taken Rochel, forced the Alps, twice relieved Cazal, suppressed his Rebellious Sub∣jects, bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria, setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom, secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression, gave peace and liberty unto Italy; by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christen∣dome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour? It cannot be said of him but that he was the most courag••ous in his undertakings, the most Pious in his Conscience, the most Just towards his Subjects, the most Daring in any dangers, the most Prudent in his Councels, and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions, that ever yet reigned over us. Have we not all seen, how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person, the most flourishing years of his time, his Nobility, his Treasures, and in some kind to hazard his own State, and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies? It might indeed have been said, that some other besides him, had atchieved all those glorious Actions, which we dayly see before our eyes, provided any enterprise had been done without him: Had he not in his own person ordered Battels, had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers, and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels, to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed? But the one is as visibly apparent as the other; and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes. All Europe was so sufficiently con∣vinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments, as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters; and all such as have had the honour to know, though but a little of the Conduct of affairs, have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature, and particular blessings of Heaven, wherewith his Majesty was stored; by means of which, they who were of his Counsel, have seen him take such expedients, as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence.

Politique Observation.

IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders. Let a Princes actions be never so glorious, yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him, not excepting God himself, as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israe∣lites. But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude, thus basely to reward the great cares, which he undergoes for the publick good; neither can it be denied, but that such reviling, whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed, ought to be severely punished, and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State. It is much more just to honor the actions of a So∣veraign with respect, then to asperse them with blame, which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate, unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs; besides, those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dan∣gerous, in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him, yet do they undeniably dimini••h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him. That Lye which is reported with asseveration, does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it, though it beget not an absolute beleef. Reputa∣tion is a Treasure, which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem; this is it, which makes them venerable, not that it adds to their vertues, but renders their vertues more conspicuous; not that it gives perfection to their abilities, but sets off their splen∣dour, and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures. Opinion governs the whole World, and gives Princes them∣selves Authority in their very Thrones. Experience hath told us, that we are not apt to credit a truth, if reported by a Lyer; so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince, who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government; be∣ing once in dis-repute, he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect; he loseth with his honour, all the Love which was formerly payed unto him, and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love. Which being so, no one can doubt of the Justice, nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies. He who doth not chastize them, doth expose himself to eminent dangers; for that men having once heard him ill reported of, take the lie for a truth, if the Authors remain un∣punished; and thus consequently, he will fall into scorn, and run the hazard of losing both person and estate: And as he who puts one injury, inco••rageth others to do him more and greater; so it may well follow, that the same party having first offended him by words, may take the boldnesse, next time, to do it by deeds.

The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations.

ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince, ought not to be chastized with too much severity, yet when they tend to the destruction of his Autho∣rity, and the troubling o•• his State, the greatest rigour is but little enough. The Emperour Theodosius, did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him, answered as became his Clemency, saying: If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime, he should scorn it, if by ignorance or folly he should pity him; if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him. Which is only to understood of small injuries, such as are not prejudicial to the State; and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger, whereas those others deserve to be punis∣hed with severity. Whence it follows, that no one can doubt but that these Li∣bellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice, their absence having secured them, and his Majesty satisfying himself, only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his

Intentions, and the justice of his Proceedings, in his Letters and Declarations. His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves, being accompanyed with so much honour and glory, that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence. But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf; how solicitous he was to vindicate him; for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators, but he rather un∣dertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions, in his Declarations and Let∣ters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces, to the Queen-Mother, and Monsieur. He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty, for that he knows better then any other person, the solidity of his Counsels, the Fidelity of his Zeal, the Justice of his Intentions, the Generousness of his Courage, and the Moderation of his Conduct. The greater reason therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers, in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government, are only known to himself and his Ministers, every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects. And true it is, his Maje∣sty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services, but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection.

Politique Observation.

KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders; They owe this protection unto them, in remembrance of their Fidelity, and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services, for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves, but on∣ly by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authori∣ty. It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought, and not to dis∣content the chief of the State; for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power, in detriment to that of the Soveraign, and then all the envie falls on him, as if the whole Government were in his hands; and un∣to his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed: Which being so, what Reason or Justice can a King have, to abandon unto the mercy of envie, a loyalty, which (if not cherished) will soon languish? Nothing does so much dimi∣nish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service, as the discountenancing of him. The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service, is blind in his neerest Interests, and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation, he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers, by permit∣ting his ruine, who was the greatest Supporter of his glory; which once admitted, he becomes like a City, whose Fortifications are razed, and laid level with the ground. For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish The∣mistocles, who came and cast himself into his Arms, said, he wish'd his enemies no greater evil, then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie, to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men. Now if Pru∣dence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their ser∣vice, upon the score of Report, so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations, seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts, and for their fidelity unto their services. Who knoweth not that an ancient Common∣wealth would not admit of a good Law, if propos'd by a suspitious person, unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity? They who were the Contrivers of this Designe, were not to know how greatly the credit of a mi∣nister doth advance his Masters Interest, by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects, And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters, that all things run into disorder, where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute.

Prosecution of the Sub••ect.

THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way, that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory, but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History; which is for the Instru∣ction of succeeding Kings and States-men, how they ought to govern themselves; for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers, by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal, wherein there was an appearance of objection, though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence. Amongst the ma∣ny accusations laid to his charge, one of the chiefest was, that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom, and that other some he had procured for his friends. Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns, Havre, and Brouage; and that these places were the more to be regarded, they being in his keeping at such a time, when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France, which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea. The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times, wherein they might have learn'd, how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France, by two several Declarations of Henry the third. Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times, How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe, it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea, without having some chief Sea-Port: Which being so, What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him?

As for those which, his Majesty entrusted with his Relations, I shall only say, that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters, though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath. Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Con∣stable of France, Grand Maistre, and Grand Chamberlain, and Governour of Languedoc, whose eldest son was Mareschal of France, and Governour of Langue∣doc; his second, Colonel of Horse, Mareschal of France, and Governour of Languedoc, by Survivorship; and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses. One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal, another Admiral of France, and a third Colonel of Foot, and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France, viz. that of Thurenne, de la Trimonille, de Candale, and de Vautadour, and whose power was such, that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine, afterwards King, to obey him in the Armies which he governed. I could likewise add, that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise, who flourished under Louis the eleventh, Charles the eighth, and Louis the twelveth. Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne, and afterwards of Burgogne, under Louis the eleventh, and six other Brothers which he had, with many others of this Nephews, were all advan∣ced by him. By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes, Jean was made Bishop of Langres, Louis was made Bishop d' Alby, and Lievte∣nant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers, Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont, and Abbot of Cluny, Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi, and Governour of Normandy; the three sons of his eld∣est Brother, Louis Bishop of Alby, Arch-bishop of Rouen, and Cardinal, Grand Maistre, Admiral and Mareschal of France, Governour of Milan, and Lieve∣tenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy; Guy Siegnieur de Revel, Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes, which was then a high preferment; Francis de Clermont his Nephew, son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise, Cardinal, and R••ne∣de Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise, Bishop of Baye••x. Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with this? But without making of comparisons, it shall only suffice to say, this complaint was ridiculous, seeing

the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance, and his Kindred as many; whereas some great Houses of France had more. Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty, and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices, it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges, but of his Person likewise? He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne, But how? Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country, who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports, concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade (by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea) which had been much decayed during the late Governours times, because of the frequent dif∣ferences between them and the Admirals of France, each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast? That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest, was, because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places, and committed them to him. But what? Was not his Majesties so do∣ing a piece of great Discretion, when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours, who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together, would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them, but would presently fly out into Rebellion, upon the first noise of any insurrection? Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts, and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments, with intent of bestowing them on such persons, of whose fidelity he was well assured, as upon those of the Cardinals Fa∣mily, who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties ser∣vice and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs, as might make them unworthy of it. The advantage which this alteration brought with it, was soon after apparent; for how would it have been if one had continued Gover∣nour of Brest, if another had kept his Government of Brouage, and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander? would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed? And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies, Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty, and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences, could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires? And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints.

Politique Observation.

NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State, then the disposal of Govern∣ments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince. The experience which France hath so often had, hath been too sad to be forgotten, seeing the most part of Civil wars, nay of Forraign too, had not been broached, but by the defect of Governours, more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service. Few are the Gran∣dees who are not discontented, if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them, nay, if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands, that their Authorities may be greater. A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive, whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service, otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions, and to diminish the Soveraign, by advancing their own private power. Admit they be discontented, 'tis without cause; for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince, how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service. It is prudence not to regard such discontents, they are inconsiderable, when the publike Peace is in question. A King cannot distri∣bute his Governments with more discretion, then by intrusting them with such per∣sons whose loyalty is impregnable, and who he is assured will never interest them∣selves

with any party but his own, if any Division should arise. Now of whom can he better be assured, then of such a Minister, of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies, and who, when he sees him, brings with his Person all the Go∣vernments and Charges which have been conferred upon him? As for those rela∣ted to him, seeing they absolutely depend upon him, and that their Power is as his own, dependant upon his Majesties good favour, they are equally obliged to be faithful. For this reason it is, that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them, but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service. Touching the distribution of Govern∣ments, I add, That a King is obliged, what he may, to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time, unless he be very well assured of their fi∣delity; they are so used to hold them, when long continued, that the fear of lo∣sing them, doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction, which gives them hopes of a longer continuance; Besides, when not received by his Majesty, but his Pre∣decessors, they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction, because they think not them∣selves beholden to him for them; Withal, in processe of time they get so absolute a Power, that somtimes it exceeds their Masters; it being usual, that long com∣mand is accompanyed with pride and insolence. Hence it is, that in the most po∣litique States their Governments were never but temporary. Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power; and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country, but by acquiring too great a Power over the soul∣diers by his long command.

The Cardinals Riches not to be envied;

NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal's possessing of his Ma∣jesties favours to pass for a great crime, although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness, and concludes him to be so naturally generous, that he values not all the goods of the world, but only in order to the well disposing of them. The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State, necessitateth him to great expences; and without them, sure it is, that both he, and all those who are in the same employment, would fall into dis-esteem, and that inevitably, unless they be accompanied with some splendour, and extraordi∣nary magnificence; else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed? Those charges once defrayed, the rest he doth employ in good uses, to the poor, o•• some actions becoming his virtue and bounty. Ought his moderate estate to be envied, who hath done so great services for France? We have in our times beheld a young Prince, whose name is fatal to this Crown, enjoy more profits then he at four years old; we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster, by giving the King two millions of Livres, which was but a sixth part neither of his estate: We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with be∣tween four and five hundred thousand Crowns, during the Queen-Mothers Re∣gency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him, and wherewith he hath alwaies assisted his Majesty in the wars, when the monies of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough? Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg, the Emperour's Favourite at this day, who of a private Gentleman of Styria, hath gotten five hundred thousand Crowne per annum in two Provinces, which his Master gave him opportunity to effect, permitting him likewise ••o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns, and causing his expences to be defrayed by his own Officers, which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum? The most part of the Cardinals Revenues are in Church-livings, which are no waies chargeable to the people, and ought the lesse to be envied to him, in regard he hath deserved them, and much more from the Church by his services, and that he employs them for the relief of the poor, with honour, not prodigality in his own Family. We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise

did at his death. To conclude, could his services be rewarded with money, his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more. His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master, neither did he regard such low recompences. He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him, and the greatest care he took for money, was to see his Majesties Treasures well ordered, when as before they were squandred away in frivolous gifts, and superfluous expences, lit∣tle tending to his Majesties glory: So that since his coming to the management of affairs, there was less expended then before, though there was a necessity of main∣taining continual Armies both at home and abroad.

Politique Observation.

RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister, for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods. Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers, seeing they are the most worthy In∣struments of their glory, and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits, as render their memories immortal? For how much are such riches be∣neath such great services? They are Fortunes may-games, and only useful to pass away the necessities of life; most commonly they bring more care then pleasure with them, and are equally common with the greatest persons, and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Ca∣pitol were well fed at the expence of the Common-wealth, because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended. A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men, was maintained at the Publike charge. An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour: And shall not a grand Minister after the rendring most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more then common advantages? I may add, that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and couragious in those things which relate to his service, whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enter∣prises tending to his glory. The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs, and without them his vigour will be feeble. He is com∣pelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts, for want of means to bring them forth. It is well if he be indued with generous inclinations; but if im∣potency assault him, it dis-incourageth him: Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed, and mans thoughts so fixed, that all yeild and give place to riches. They may all, and do all amongst men, and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners, whereas they who are destitute of them, are inconsider∣able To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers, who is ignorant that Roy∣al Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice? One of those perfe∣ctions which render God most worshipful to men▪ is his Bounty, that inexhaustible fountain of all good things, which (like the Sun) disperseth his favours like so ma∣ny rays upon the earth, and is as beneficial as active. The gifts which Kings bestow, carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers; they bind the affections of their servants, not by their worth, but as so many testimonies of good will, the greatest Bond which ties them to their service. Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence, they being obliged to do great good, and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties, then bestowing great gifts. The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman; whence certain it is, that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels, the chief workmanship of his hands, then when he made other creatures: Equally true it is, that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired, is the establishing of some great Families; and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and ••iberal, then by the greatnesse of their Favourites Houses, which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence.

Prosecution of the Subject.

IT is an ancient judicious saying, that as Roses grow upon Thorns, so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies, for they that find themselves concern'd, are compelled to discover it for their own justification; so those factious spirits who indeavouring to offend the Cardinal, abused the good∣nesse of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish. But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches, we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities. They would have the World believe, that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the Kings spirit, that his Majesty gave an ab∣solute credit to all he did, and was wholly moved by his influences; and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him. But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice; and these seditious people, seemed like those that shoot against Heaven, and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet. Nay, I am confident, they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person, to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason, and that Heaven hath so enlightned his spirit, that he can discern the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs: But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny, by the example of some in the last age, at Rouen and Valence. O strange fury! to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World, which is a true effect of his wisedom, when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self, of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end, consequences, and causes; that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy; no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure; that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse, and that he never proposed any enterprise, which he did not happily bring to passe. Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels, seeing his spirit, is, as it were, forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them.

Politique Observation.

AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister, when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity; and if himself be of excellent parts, he will not scruple it, it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men: so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence, when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour; And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch, to trouble him∣self with trivial matters. He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able, is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders, but surely he is much to be pityed; God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns, to enter∣tain their minds with trivial affairs. Tiberius, one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire, being retired for his greater quiet, into the Isle of Cherre••, writ a Letter to the Senate; wherein, as Tacitus observeth, he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs, and gave them to understand that nei∣ther Aedile, nor Praetor, nor Consul, should have any access unto him but in mat∣ters of great concernment. Thus Themistocles, one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said, as Plutarch acquaints us, that as the Ship of Salavere (which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice) never Launched out into the Sea, but for the reception of Princes, or some extraordiniry occasion: So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters. Now as for matters of great consequence, it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel, he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue: The honour which herein he

doth him, is so far from taking off from his own authority, that on the contrary, it doth rather raise his greatness, and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory. It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement; such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine. The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided; they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility, hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel, as the rest of men unto them. The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed, that to be wedded to ones own opinion contra∣ry to the sences of great men, is an assured mark of want of discretion, because eve∣ry one is blind in his own affairs. I may hereunto adde, that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty, not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions. Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect, that they should alwaies swim in the right stream, and never erre, unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide: The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions, they having more authority; it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse. It is my opinion, that no greater harm can betide them, then to want some person neer them, whom they respect▪ and who may have the liberty of advising them, as he shall find most expedient, whose advice they may fol∣low with a respectfull condiscention.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people, no•• that he was either the cause of them, or that they were excessive; but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition, and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France, had made use of. True it is, they were charged with some impositions, but besides that they were not excessive, they were absolutely necessary. Never was there yet that time when the people d••d not apprehend their burthens to be ex∣tream. It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King, which they got not but with pain, nor do injoy in any great plenty. But it is without cause, for that the impositions were necessary, and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures. Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon, were unavoidable, cannot be doubted; because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration: In consideration whereof, those Charges im∣posed, where absolutely necessary. They were ingaged to allay the factious in∣solency of the Hugonots, to succour Allies, to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria, who after the invasion of our neighbours, would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State.

This being so, who can deny them to have been necessary? which admitted, the Impositions could be no lesse; and I may safely add that those very factious spi∣rits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes, by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont, by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long; besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot, purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs. Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand, and the same pace; poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder; if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge, it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their ene∣mies. The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country, where a good Harvest puts them, in statu quo prius; but it is not the same in the advanta••es▪ which the enemies of France are permitted to have, there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War. I assure my self they question not these truths, but besides that those expences were absolutely

necessary, do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom? The glory will remain for ever, but the incommodity is already forgotten. What reason is there to complain? I shall onely make this answer, the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys, had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars, and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct, to have made such carefull provisions. If the Impositions were thus necessary, the money which did rise from them, was no lesse carefully expen∣ded during those times of which they speak; in which it may be said, much was done with little money. Can any one deny, that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King, to the shame of his enemies, at an easier rate then others have done, who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities, but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us? It must be confessed, that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion, but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed; the Possessors, and Raters were faulty, and deserved to be punished, because they oppressed the weak, and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship.

Politique Observation.

JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince, to force a contribution from his Subjects, towards the urgent necessities of the publike. No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a King∣dom in order, be it in Peace or War. That Prince is easily surprized, whose Exchequer is exhausted; for he that wants money, wants wherewith to levy men, and he who is defective of men, is to be vanquished without difficulty. Now as to matter of War, every one knows, that Monies are its principal Nerves, where∣upon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute, said in the Emperour Otho's Councel, where the means of carrying on a War, were discussed; that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army. Hath not Thucydides recor∣ded to us, how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War, was by convincing to them, that they were in a capacity of so do∣ing, because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions, from that abundant Treasure, of which they were Masters? War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums: What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince, who finding himself ingaged in Wars, and the Revenue of his Crown un∣able to furnish him with necessary conveniences, not to compell his Subjects to con∣tribute towards the publike Concernments? Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes; who according to Plutarch were forced to a War, with∣out monies to support his Souldiery, was compelled to flie into Egypt? If there be any thing of Prudence in it, there is as much of Justice too. The common Axiom is, that every one may make use of his own; now is it not, I pray, most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences? It is a right so undubitable inherent to them, that the most able and sincere Divines, assure us, that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it, they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar, and the example which himself shewed. Herein con∣sisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods. I shall moreover adde, that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes, but doth oblige Kings to require them, for the preservation of its lustre, and to demand them, as a debt due to the State, as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it, it being but just, that particular and private persons should suffer some in∣commodity for the preservation of the publike good; and better it were a Nation were impoverished, then a kingdom lost.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous, that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them, especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse. Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State, as the Queen mother her self once said, to some who complained of her Agents▪ during her Regency. Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct, because Man is naturally an enemy to Government, and propense to judge the worst of his Governours, whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours, but not the causes, inducements and circumstances of them, they remain lock'd up in secret. Revilings are the rewards of their watchings, and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good, yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes, as well as that of the publike. Never was yet Minister other∣wise rewarded; and for this very reason, whatever was said against the Cardinal, was regarded by wise men; but as the effect of a furious faction, who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct, which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests, without consideration of the Kings Honour, so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular dis∣course.

Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure, the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them, was well inform'd that divers abu∣sing that Liberty accorded unto them, did carry Letters under the notion of Offi∣cers, and packets of correspondency, for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot. Whereupon, his Majesty to suppresse that disorder, ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons, or else to confine themselves unto their own houses, inhibiting any one either to go or come (the time once expired) without his particular licence, under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace▪ of being punished with confiscati∣on of their Estates, and the ••osse of exemption from payment of Tributes, which they then enjoyed; it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offi••es, others might without com••trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom, which cost so dear to extinguish,

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions, such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions, after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom, so to do, were to leave fire in straw. Although ••ome may be mindfull of their obligations, in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other, yet undo••btedly, many there wil be, more affectionate to their own interest, who will become spies to give intelli∣gence and agents to draw others into their opinions. It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent; but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth, if not so? better it were to preserve the publike tranquility se∣verity, then to inda••ger it by lenity. Never was there yet Law made for the publike good, which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons; and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed, will but deceive himsel•• for want of penetrating into the consequences. The best course which can be followed, is ever to prefer the universal be••ore a particular good; remembring that wise saying of Tacitus, that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them; but the injury they do particular men, will be abundantly recompenced by the pub∣lick advantage.

Prosecution of the History,

THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts, which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used, during this year, contrary to their allegiance, the Kings Authority, and the tran∣quility of the Kingdom. You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs, which ended in the ruine of the Complotters. The Cardinal used such care, addresse, and Prudence, that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds, which vanish with the first breath of Wind: they were like Bullets shot at random, like blows in the air, and like pictures in the water, which the waves do as soon deface as designed. The Pilot seems sufficient∣ly employed during the Tempest, if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds, and fury of the Waves, his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices, and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his hap∣py successe; so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much em∣ployment as humane wit can undergo, when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too, from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal fa∣mily, seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders, and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts, whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests: True it is, the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to, is to avoid shipwrack. Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on, and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity, yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below, or neglect the protection of Princes, Kingdomes and particular persons; so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage, addresse, and prudence enough to undertake such en∣counters, a thousand other noble enterprises, besides the conservation of the State. Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal, who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it, under which any other but himself would have sunk, not only rendred them successelesse but re∣established the Duke of Mantua, and defended the Princes of Germany, whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up? a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire, and of which I find my self obliged to say something, that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States.

Affairs of Germany.

I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes, concluded with the King of Sweden in January, at which time, these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister. We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden, entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria, who were allied unto him, as al∣so to this Crown, and who were not only driven out of their Principalities, but al∣so reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live. We have likewise seen, that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour; particularly, when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly in∣terpreted, when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours, to make War upon him in Prusse, when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes, formerly landed in the Towns of Germany, when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours, and denied them answer, but com∣manded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire; and when he refused by way of scorn, his proffer of Peace, in confidence of destroying him, not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew, that

a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies, then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours, and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany, in so impor∣tant an occasion. He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions, and to revenge any injuries offered unto them: Hence it was, that having taken order for the interests of the Ca∣tholick Religion in Germany, he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden, the conditions whereof, had been concluded about three or four moneths before. His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money, as he then did, and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns, of which he might possibly become Master; our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice, which led him to secure those Princes from oppression, unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety; so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King, without precaution for the interest of the Church, that those violences, which are the usual effects of Arms, might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp.

Politique Observation.

THat War is just, saith St. Ambrose, which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them: St. Augustine teach∣eth us, that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries. The defence of Confederates, is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory, and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse. Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity, then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak, the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties. He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one, ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence. They who do otherwise besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance, do withal render them∣selves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities▪ There is not any Prince who is not a••med at in his turn, or able alwaies to subsist by his own force; many times they are necessitated to stoop under the armes of an invader, for want of the assist∣ance of their confederates, who forsake them, as they were before forsaken by them. If a King may with Justice defend the weak, and his confederates, doubt∣lesse he may as justly imploy his power to revenge an injury. God who hath in∣trusted the Scepter in the hand of Kings, hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Soveraign Majesty be violated by any other Prince, as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience. He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns. There is not any one above them, who is Arbitrator of their quarrels; they are legal Judges of their own differences, and in this Independency God hath gi∣ven them power to take up Arms to carve their own right. It is enough to ju∣stifie their War, if the Princes against whom they fight haue given them occa∣sion, and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Souldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field. A King∣dome would be very defective (as Aristotle observeth) if the Soveraign had not Authority to ch••stise with his Arms him who hath injured him; in like manner (saith he) as the body of creatures is not perfect, if unable to re∣pell those objects which offend it: So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be; if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it.

The Justice of the Kings Alliance with the King of Swede.

THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede, for the defence of their common confederates was very just, seeing the War it self undertaken by the King of Swede was just, and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War, is in it self justifiable: Yet there was no device un∣assayed by the house of Austria, to induce the World to condemn it. The first reason by them alledged in discredit thereof, was, that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretick Princes; but what reason was there, so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion? After Charles the Fifth, had joyned the Imperial Crown to his Kingdomes of Spain and Italy, with the Provinces of the Low-Countries; he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries, which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperour, he might with justice attempt it; as if Kingdomes were the division of force, and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition. Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty, as Henry the Second, King of France, writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year, 1552. he resolved to over-run it, concluding that having once mastered it, he might with ease invade France, England, and the rest of Italy. The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was, seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellour to the King of Spain, he particularly nameth it the foun∣dation of the Authority of the House of Austria. Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches, that it is alone able to entertain Armies, and those, great ones, for ever; nay, to supply the very Indies in case of a defect. This is the true ground of the War, and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it, although the Spaniards pretence was, the rooting out of Heresie. It is long since, the great St. Leon, writ to the Emperour Theodosius, that men palliate their Passions with Reli∣gion: but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes (as Mariana hath well observed in his History, that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people. The World sees by experience, how advantagious it was to them, when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Neece; they them∣selves have seen, that it wanted but little of putting our Scepter into their hands, during the League. It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies, where they have put to death not only lawfull Princes, but at least fifty Millions of people, with such cruelty, that they have died the earth with blood, and made Heaven to groan with horrour, and well will they now make use of it to despoil the German Princes of their estates. But who is ignorant of their injustice, seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires, so force cannot deprive him of it, to whom it falls by succesion.

Politique Observation.

HEresie doth no more dis-ingage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity; but this being a point of Doctrine, peradventure some mean ca∣pacity will make a scruple to believe it, if only proved by the verity of politick maximes. I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Pri∣mitive Church, which the Fathers taught in their Precepts and Examples, and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest per∣secutions. Did not the Apostles, St. Peter and Paul, write to the christians in their Epistles, at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them: Let every one be subject to the higher powers. For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God, and those which now are, are by his gift, Whoever rebelleth against them, opposeeth his Commandment, and they who in∣deavour

to shake off the yoke of their obedience, expose themselves to damnati∣on. A Prince is God's servant, it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword; it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer: He ought to be obeyed, not only because he can punish, but for Conscience sake; neither are these the on∣ly exhortations left unto us upon this subject, their Epistles are fraught with di∣vers others so frequent, that I need not recite them, le••t I play the D••vine, and forget the Historian. Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood, notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes, who were as so many firebrands to Re∣ligion, and sworn Enemies to our Faith? S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch, to perswade them to serve Justin•• the Emperour, and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apologie▪ that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods, who in all other things would render a full and intire subjection to their Em∣perours. Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings, and confesseth that their commands tie the soul with a strong knot. Origen writing upon the Epi∣stle to the Romans, though born under a Pagan, saith, there ought to be no diffe∣rence in obedience due to Princes, of what belief soever they be. God hath ad∣vanced them above man, for reasons unknown to us. I could easily add the restimo∣ny of others, but that I fear I should act the part of a Divine. I will only add the exemplary loyalty of the Primitive Christians, who without any sense of being hunted, beaten, persecuted, imprisoned and burnt, did yet continue so constant, that the horrible diversity and excess of torments, to which the fury o•• Tyrants did daylie expose them, could never make them do any thing repugnant to that obedience they ought their Prince, no more then against the Faith they had sworn to God. It were to be wish'd that the Spaniards would follow these glorious Tracts, whereby the world might remain in Peace, and Princes might be unmolested in the enjoyment of their estates; but their Designs being different, no wonder if their faith be dissonant.

An Answer to the Spaniards who blame the Alliance between France and Sweden.

THe second reason which they alledge in condemnation of the Alliance of France with Swede, was, that it was contracted with an heretick King, an enemy of the Church, and one who exerciseth great cruelties against the German Catholiques: But this scruple of Conscience which they pretended, aimed at no∣thing else but to force our Arms out of our hands, that in effect they might the easilier despoil the ancient A••••••es of this Crown, who are only able to curb their Ambition. It is a very frivolous objection, and I do the more wonder at their condemning the Alliances of Hereticks, it being their practice time out of mind, not only to admit them, but Infidels likewise into their confederacies Do we not know how in the time of the Florentine Counsel, and of the Emperour H••nry the second, who designed to make Spain Tributary to him, that King Ferdinand con∣tracted an alliance with the Moors, that he might by them be assisted against the Emperour, against the Councel against the Popes Leon the ninth▪ and Victor the second, his enemies? Do we not know that they have attempted all possible means to contract alliance with the Turk, and that they have already effected it with the Persian, who is of the same Religion? Do we not know that they are allyed with the Indian King, who openly worshippeth the Divel? Do we not know how Charls the f••••t ••eagued himself with the Lutherans, that he might the better make war upon us, and that by the advice of the Theologians, as Bannes rep••rteth it, who about the second of his Commentaries saith▪ It is no more inconvenient to make use of Infidels, then of Elephants and Horses? Do we not likewise know how Aurelius King of Spain, who slew Troila, leagued himself with the Moors

and Saracens, and paid them yearly a Tribute of an hundred Catholique children, as Mariana reporteth it? Do we not know how Alphonsus sir-named the grand, leagued himself with the Moors, on condition that he should deliver his Son Ordo∣nius to be brought up amongst them? They who have taken the pains to read their Histories, may meet with divers such examples. We are not ignorant of the an∣cient alliances which they have had in Germany, the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburgh, and others, and which have been but lately renewed, though they are all Protestants.

Now what reason can there be to blame alliances with Heretiques? Were it not to plead against their customs? And why should they alone assume this Liberty, seeing they only object it to authorize their own ambitious Designs, and for our parts we only designe by it the preservation of our Allies in the lawful possession of their estates? It is a right which our Kings will the hardlier relinquish, seeing the holy Chair is so much concerned in it, who ought the more be defended from the oppression of the House of Austria, because they have too to much disco∣vered their Designe, of setting on foot their ancient Titles to the Empire, for the recovering those lands which the Popes have heretofore received from the bounty of our Kings. We are not ignorant how he contrives to invade Italy, which af∣ter the reducing of ••ermany would easily be brought to passe. Our Kings who have alwaies undertaken the Churches Protection, as having the honour to be her eldest Sons, cannot endure it; because after the temporal is once subdued, they will soon be intermedling with the Spiritual, which would produce an immediate Schisme. This one, was the weightiest affair which hath a long time befallen the Church; and that alone consideration were enough to vindicate the alliance with the Swede. If in processe of time any disorders have succeeded upon this Treaty, well may they be imputed unto the proseperities, which had made a Prince become insolent, but not unto the effects of his Majesties alliance with him, who had no other designe besides the establishing of the German Princes. Religion was not interessed in the least in the Articles of agreement, it having been expresly conclu∣ded between them, that no alteration should be made in any of those places, of which his Arms should make him Master. Those disorders which he committed against the Church were accidental, like unto those medicines which weaken Na∣ture, yet cure the disease; in regard of which, no one ought to be deterr'd from assisting his Allies: As the weaknesse caused by Physick ought not to fright us from receiving it, because strength and health will the sooner return after it.

The King hath already given satisfaction for some of those injuries suffered by the German Church, and he will be glad to establish the rest, after the ambitious madnesse of the House of Austria shall be somwhat more reasonable. But admit∣ting Wars could be unjust by reason of injuries done unto the Church, how would the Spaniards save themselves? What could they sayd for themselves in that expedi∣tion of theirs against Monsieur de Mantua, where the Lutherans by them introdu∣ced, omitted no kind of Sacriledge which could be perpetrated against the Church? This reason therefore cannot be right for their turn, it will only serve to lay their own injustice before them, which is but too notorious, from many other conside∣rations. It cannot then be hence concluded, whether a War be just or not•• There are moreover another sort of people ignorant of affairs, who alledge the King might have made a Catholique League, which would have wrought the same ef∣fect. To which I answer, his Majesty would have been very glad to have found it so; and the reason why it was not effected, was, because it was never propos'd. Some Religious persons indeed, more Devout then Prudent, did make some over∣tures, but they were the more suspected, because made by those who were Sub∣jects to the House of Austria, and such men who are una••quainted with the reach∣es of the Spanish Ministers, and are as commonly deceived, as frequently dis∣owned by them. These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men, in matters of Pro∣positions, being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory, and somtimes what they say is contradicted; so that in fine, themselves conclude themselves to have been de∣ceived; which is all the satisfaction to be had by them.

Politique Observation.

IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with He∣reticks or Infidels, either for their own defence, or the preservation of their Al∣lies, in the possession of their just Rights; The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines, though Spanish. The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another, of what condition soever. Those who doubt it, would I send to the School of creatures void of reason, who would make them ashamed of questioning it. The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature: Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain, and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques, when profitable or necessary, may not justly be blamed. Do we not see in holy Writ, how the Patriarks, and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example? Did not Abraham ally himself with Abim••l••ch, both for himself and his Successors, as also with the Canaanites? Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater? Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infi∣dels, excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce? Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom, and did he not go to war with him? The Macchabees (though zealous in the observance of their Religion) did yet confede∣rate themselves with the Lacedemonians: God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's, and so blessed their alliance, that they obtained vast riches by it; nay, he was likewise well contented that the Tem∣ple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels. To pass by these examples of Antiqui∣ty, let us descend to later times, where seeking for proofs of this Truth▪ we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians, to be at peace with all men, and not refusing his proper de••ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him, by the assistance two hundred Archers, and seventy Horsemen, all Infidels▪

What can be objected against this Reason? It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours; and it may not be doubted, for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves: The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title, especially when they are of advantage unto us; as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samari∣tane; and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded, that alliances with In∣fidels, and so with Heretiques, are permitted to Princes, and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty, that they abuse it not.

The Affairs of Italy.

THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes: But who will not admire that at the very same time his Maje∣sty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy, for the setling them in peace? It is good to see the Sun after a long storm, dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose, clear up the Ayr, command the Winds to be still, to gu••••d the mountains▪ and make his Rays shine in our Eyes; but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King (whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes) allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled, for the three years last past, compel the Forces to retire into their Countries, establish the Li∣berty of commerce and re-estate Italy, Savoy, Piedmont, and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace? Europ beheld all this about the end or this year, at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of, were agitated in France, and which we come now to consider; for the more orderly describing those things which hapned. Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace, I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation. The King having learn'd about the end of the last year, by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon, in which his Majesty was inform'd how the

Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace, and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua, in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne, commanded him to return to Vienna; and as••ure him, that he would contribute his utmost to effect it, and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy, whatever he had got∣ten in his Dominions, although in his just possession by the Laws of War; provi∣ded the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed, and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke. His Majesty ingaged himself in this War, only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace; and consequently, would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy; provided, that the Emperour, the King of Spain, and Duke of Savoy did the like, relinquishing their designs, which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes esta••e. Where∣upon, they having resolved to leave him in quiet (though the Spaniards did not speak very freely) the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne, not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should ob∣tain, or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont, but he easily con∣descended to suppress his own interest, that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs, and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one, or to trouble the peace of Christendom, but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right.

Politique Observation.

DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a for∣raign War. He ought to resolve to sit still, when he shall have obtained his pretences; for, as Thucydides saith, it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction, and willingly submit to reason. No War is just, but that which is necessary, and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms, which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded. He who con∣tinues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy, instead of glory acquireth ha∣tred▪ One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice, was, That he never undertook a War, unlesse compelled by some im∣portant reason. Xenophon saith, that a wise Prince forbeareth what ••e can to make War, though sometimes pressed unto it, and that he is obliged to prefer Peace be∣fore War, where his honour the interest of his State or Allies, are not totally con∣cerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of their rage; but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms, when those three grand causes do cease, which are the usual occasions of War. The Philosophers say, the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act, which ought not only to be understood of the efficient, but also of the final cause, it being reasonable to abstain from such actions, when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us; besides he is compelled, as it were, to make peace abroad, when any intestine War calls him to look home. The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his ex∣ample, when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body, then those which only appear upon the skin. Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power. Now, as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable, he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within, it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other; in fine, ••e ought to make peace, after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct. The successe of War is not alwaies the same, and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies. Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence, Fortune hath her share in them. It is not to be avoided, but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm, maugre the Prudence or the Pilot; so likewise, it is impossible, that after divers advantages obtained in War, some misfortune should not happen. Hannibal

was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy, yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath indu∣ced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage, lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained.

What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards.

THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow, that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them un∣der Ferdinand: Charles the Fifth, and Philip the Second, but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do. They made it apparent in this particular, where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace, unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined, they testifying by their actions, that their chief design, was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States. They per∣swaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed, and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy; and withall, as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would, in fine, attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction, they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience, which his discreet conduct kept safe from them. Montferrat, of which Cazal is the strongest place, is a Country of small extent, yet of great importance to the design, which they have a long time had upon Ita∣ly. Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds, Naples and Millan; and true it is, this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest, could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power; they would soon be Masters of the whole, therefore have they indeavou∣red it for so many years, but without Cazal all their attempts are vain, that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan. This is indeed, that which makes Cazal so considerable, the not having whereof is the more important, in regard, their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes; which being so, they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf, an artifice full of injustice, but which ceased not to be very proper for their design; for that he not being party to the Treaty, it will still be free for him to break it, by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest▪ However, as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs, they would not own this Arti∣fice, and the Cloak with which they covered it, was, that fighting under the Em∣perours Colours, there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs, but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded; they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence, and that their true design was to hinder the peace, that they might make new attempts upon Cazal.

Politique Observation.

THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe, hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises, though unjust. It is an errour to think Fortune is blind, because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast; for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun, is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind. Well may she be painted without eyes, when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extra∣ordinary successe. A Prince accustomed to conquer, proposeth no law in prose∣cution of his Will, though that right be inherent in God alone: Little doth he con∣sider the condition which his birth hath given him, and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence, doth so transport him, that he thinks he hath right enough, if he have but power to conquer them; he flatters himself in the

belief, that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice, are ground∣ed upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them. The desire of Dominion which transporteth him, rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood, if he may but subjugate more people to himself, and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms, if he may but get a new addition to his authority. It makes him forget that he is a man, and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death, and equally liable with the meanest Cottager, to render an account of his actions; that the usurpation of anothers right, shutteth the gates of heaven against him, and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth, augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their pow∣ers. Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy; that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure; that those Princes who will subjugate all men, are hated by all men, and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus, just when they think to ex∣tend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost; That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince, then to commit murder; That God who is the Judge of Kings, taketh pleasure to abase their insolence, and to cast them down when they think themselves highest? To be short, the most sure and agreeable Dominion, is that which hath justice for its Basis.

That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour.

THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon, of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him, concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy. He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection, which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire, seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him: He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions, who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman, and there∣fore odious to the Spaniards; to deprive whom of his lawful Succession, were to commit an insupportable outrage, and to force the most Christian King to protect him. At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him, to the end they might employ the power of the Em∣pire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy; whereupon from a Scholar, be∣ing made Master of the Affair, he resolved to put an end to it; and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France, upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne, and to establish an happy peace in Italy, promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him, his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy. These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution, yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it, for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany, and done great ex∣ploits; so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy, he would soon have over-run the whole: He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him, for the defence of his Confederates, and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war, if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity, whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power; they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them; somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it, especially when it thwarts their ambition, yet it cannot but be thought happy, when it forceth their arms out of their hands, and leads them to a fair accomodation.

The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws, in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth, a good excuse in the greatest faults; somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory, by ob∣liging them to attempt it when they least expected it; at other times it is content to settle them in peace, by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war. In fine, they must subscribe to its pleasure, for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them, but receiveth none from them, they being in this respect in the same con∣dition with meaner persons. Hence it was that ••hal••s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature, answered, Necessity, because it surpasseth all things. Are not Castles (in themselves impregnable) forced by necessity to surrender? What saith Quint•• Curtius. Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms, then reason it self. Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaci∣ously? There is no power which is not obliged to re••der it obedience.

Prosecution of the Subject.

WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace, when it was the only means to re∣establish them in their States? It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter, covered with Ice and Snow, and over-spread with torrents of waters; But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his S••ates in the possession of others, his people oppressed by the burthens of War, his Towns and Villages forsaken, hi•• Fields unmanured, and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him, that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts, and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year, the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection, to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service. He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences; and that on the contrary, his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies▪ then to usurp their estates, had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance; whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates, to keep a fair correspondence with France, then to follow the interests of Spain.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any condition more to be pityed, then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates. The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insup∣portable▪ by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly pre∣sent it self unto him; and his Poverty is the greater, in regard of his former plen∣ty. Such great ••alls do carry some shame with them, especially to such who have been the Authors (in some sort) of their own miseries. We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers, as to be content with what Fortune hath left, or that they would live in any other condition then their former; they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates, for that they know Authority if once degraded, falls to ruine, if not quickly re-instated. The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest, his Masts broken, his Sails rent, his Cordage torn, and his Ship leaky, bends all his thoughts how to get into Port; and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies, his Revenue sequestred, his Country forraged, his Subjects fugitives, and his Forces reduced to an impossi∣bility of securing themselves from a total ruine, is in perpetual trouble, until he finds himself restored by a Treaty o•• Peace.

The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace.

THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year, of the several Prin∣ces who had taken part in the War of Italy, or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua. The Pope▪ who is the common Father, did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass, both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios, who resided near them, and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo, who had alwaies continued in Piedmont, or thereabouts, endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out. His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace then the rest, because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed, nor indeed regarded, but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissentions, and who in con∣sideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies, and upon whom the House of Austria had designed, as well as upon the rest of Italy, as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Ro∣man Empire, and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover, through the whole extent of it. Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year, as to the best qualified, and most just Arbitrator of Christendom, whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure. His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace; whereupon the Mareschal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment, worthy of their abilities, to meet at Suze, a Town near Qu••rasque, where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire, and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies, to confer of some conveni∣ent means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne. The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testifie by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the ••e••ling of Peace between Christian Princes. The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperour, came shortly after, with full power from his Master, whom the progress of the King of Swede made impa∣tient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty, to return into Germany, where∣by to give a check to his proceedings; not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him: This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go di∣rectly thither, without the Mareschal de Thoyras, who was not as yet come, though he arrived shortly after, to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace, then courage in War, when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it. The President de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference, and Guichardus Chancelour of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua, though he had given an absolute power to his Majesties Ambassadors, to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit. Cavac••ia was sent thither by the Common-wealth of Ve∣nice, but it was only to reside near his Majesties Ambassadors, whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair, and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done, for they assisted not at the Conference, no more then the Comte de la Rocque, extraordinary Ambassadour of Spain; for he had no power, as we have already declared, and came thither only to hinder the accomodation. These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this im∣portant Treaty; amongst which (I may safely say) that those of his most Christi∣an Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque, and Galas, that the French Na∣tion are no less prudent in counsel, then couragious in arms; that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans, yet they have no less Flegm to de∣bate such Propositions as were made to them; the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs, but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary; their solidity sustained the assaults of others, their pru∣dence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprize them, and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason. They came last to Que∣rasque,

and at all meetings stayed till the last, to let the world see they were not in haste, and that they desired no an end of the Treaty, but by the way of Honour, and for their Master's advantage; They well knew that the Emperor's, the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough, by reaso•• of the ill condition of their Masters affairs, and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage.

Qualities necessary for an Embassadour.

PRinces though they are great, yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs, in their own persons. Necessity compels them to imploy some of their Officers, and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with strangers Prudence forbids them so to do; they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied, by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with; but also, committing their autho∣rity to the contests which happen at all conferences; and what is most considera∣ble, is, that they have more liberty treating by their Embassadours to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them, without being obliged to declare their rea∣sons: Withall, they have more time to weigh their resolutions, either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel, then when they are in publick Assemblies; they may likewise judge with more judgement, because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party, which their Embas∣sadours present at the Treaty, cannot but successively discover, although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation. Treaties of Peace are the more important, seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States, the life of the Laws, Order, and Policy, and the plenty of all Prosperity, so that able persons ought to be employed in them. The necessary qualities which he who is imployed on such occasions, ought to have, cannot be laid down in few words. I shall content my self, to name some few which are the chiefest, and to say, that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates, as also of his Masters interests, of theirs with whom he treats, and of their Allies, for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal. Next to this chief quality, prudence ought to be as his eyes, to inform him what to resolve, and what to evade, to fore-see the consequences of those propositions which are made, to countermine them who indeavour to blow him up to know how to chuse means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth, and to wave those reasons which are prest upon him. This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain stayednesse which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution; he ought to be more phlegm••tick then cholerick to check his hasty design, of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs. He ought let others wrangle, without being moved from what he hath solidly resolved, and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him, without receding from those fundamental propositions, upon which the main chance is to be decided. Irreso∣lution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him, not only because it gives great advan∣tages to the opposite party, but because it allays that vigour of spirit, with which his advice ought to be accompanied, and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service; not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty, unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent; for experience hath evinced unto us, that they who are only craf∣ty, do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts, and follow such expedi∣ents which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies, then Truth or Solidity. Such ruine affairs, by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them, like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals, and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains. Secresie is a quality the more need∣full in him, because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined, and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body; besides,

as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation, he ought to have a Soul strong enough, and wel adjusted to disguise his designs, & to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend, though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance, for the most part, behaving himself with great free∣dom to beget the reputation of being sincere, which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths, by reason he useth them so seldom. In fine, it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse, both for the well dedu∣cing of his reasons, as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation, and which might render them as effectual, as faintnesse renders them uselesse, when they are therewith accompanied.

A Treaty of Peace at Querasque.

THe Deputies were no sooner arrived, but the conference began, yet not un∣till after the order of their sitting had been concluded. It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table, which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place, the Baron of Galas on his left hand, the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand, the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas, the President de Banies over against him, and the Chancellour Guichardy, at the lower end over against the Nuncio. At first indeed, and before the beginning of the Assembly, there was some difference upon this score, because the Baron de Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient, the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas; for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient, did likewise pretend to take place of Galas, they being too much con∣cern'd in their Masers glory, to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminu∣tion, which must have been, if representing his person they should have given place to him, of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place. The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas, because he was only qualified as a Comissary, pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries, though not of his Embassadours. In fine, it was adjudged, that for this once, the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary, unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours. To conclude, they went publickly through the Town, the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas, and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next af∣ter him; their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace, concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone, in order to that which concern'd Italy; for as to the rest, the Most Christian King would never ratifie it, his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions. There were two chief causes of difficulty, the first, in regard of the eighteen thou∣sand Crowns rent, accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat, for which the Town of Trin was left him, and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes, which did amount to that sum: The second was, about the manner of restoring the pla∣ces both of Mantua and Montferrat, as also Savoy and Piedmont; the contests of either party were hot, and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April, when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat, valuing the Crown at eight Florins, in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him, which was con∣cluded by the Assembly; as concerning the restitution of places, it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished, that each party should withdraw his forces; and lastly, that the places should be restored at the same time, and that for assurance of the restitution, hostages should interchangeably be given, and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne; neverthe∣lesse, it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons▪ seeing the possession of them, would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan; it was concluded by a secret Article, that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane, should be delivered into the

hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons, allied with France and Savoy, to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name, untill such time as the Forts and Passa∣ges held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted: This general Treaty being concluded, there were particular indea∣vours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy, for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects. It was not long uncon∣cluded, because there was nothing of difficulty in it, only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year. These two Treaties being thus finished, were signed to a general satisfaction of all, except Monsieur de Mantua, who was something troubled to pay the charge, and the Comte de la Rocque, who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever; all the rest, thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy, which for three years last past, had been the Theatre of Sorrow.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is the Prince, who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars, can at last settle it in Peace. He will find this great Mistris of Arts, to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglect∣ed during the troubles. He will see Religion, upon which (as an Emperour once said) dependeth all the good or bad fortune of States, to re-assume its former lu∣stre, which ••requent disorders had destroyed. He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers, re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes. He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility, traffique free, commerce open, voyages secure, the earth loaded with rich harvest, all things restored to their first splendour and order, the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution; justice established in her Throne, re-assuming her authority, and terrifying such as before scorned her; in fine, his estate putting off its mourning apparel, and cloathing it self with magni∣ficence, mirth, contentment, and joy.

The second Treaty of Peace.

THe Articles of the general Treaty, had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity, that all those whose intentions were just, could not but rest abun∣dantly satisfied, though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs, made the Emperour beleeve, that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised; insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat disconten∣tedly, that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power, and withall, refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace, though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne, that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages, if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit. This difficul∣ty was enough to have undone all, if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were; but their thoughts being alto∣gether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on ei∣ther party, they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto. The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June, on which day the second Treaty was signed, by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed, excepting only that of the secret Article. The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days; or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon, or the Bishop of Mantua, both re∣sident with the Emperour: So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands. He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy; as for the rest, it was concluded as in the first Treaty, that for the assurance of the resti∣tution of places, Hostages should be consigned on both parts, to wit, on the Em∣perours

part, the Signieurs Pi••olomini, Chisa, and Vileben; and on the Kings part, the Sieurs de Tharanes, de Nerestan, and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands, upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse, not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty, and not to assume any Au∣thority but as Depository: In prosecution whereof, the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient, obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy, Brigueras, the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage, should quit the Forts, and the Passages of the Grisons, withal, that Suse, and Avigliane, with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy, as Porto, and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua; and that lastly, Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy, the same day that Galas should restore Man∣tua to its lawful Lord, that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time. This Treaty was signed both by one and the other, the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it; The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July; the new•• of which being once arrived, the rest of the Articles were put in execution; the Hostages were delivered to Cardi∣nal Pallotta, appointed for that purpose by the Pope, who received them; exce∣pting what concerns the Forts, and Country of the Valtoline, Grisons▪ and Comte de Chiauenne, with which his Holiness would not intermeddle, the Inhabitants be∣ing Heretiques, and not acknowledging him; but in exchange, the Baron de Ga∣las delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua, for performance of his promise. Brigueras, with the other small places of Savoy, were delivered to the Marquis Ville, in behalf of the Duke, and the same day the passages o•• the Grisons to their lawful Lords; the places of Mantua, except Mantua it self, Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua, the fifteenth of Sep∣tember Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy, Porto and Ca∣nello to the Duke Mantua, and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol▪ and the German Mantua. Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes, and each one established in the possession of their own. Cardinal Pall••tta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf, having received notice thereof dismissed them; and this great storm which had troubled all Europe, gave place to an happy peace; leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies, in despite of the Emperour, the King of Spain, and Monsieur de Savoy; and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence.

Politique Observation.

IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties be∣tween Princes, that some security be given, especially where there is any diffi∣dence between them. Some have received places in deposite, as Charls the eight going to N••ples did of sundry Italian Princes; others have contracted Marriages, as the Historians of most Wars have recorded, and it is a custom as ancient as com∣mon to give and take Hostages. It is very hard for those who have been exaspera∣ted during the Wars, to believe interchangeable promises only, especially when they are to be executed at divers times, and in divers places; besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive, if he will break his Word, To alledge some particular examples of Hostages; St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon, offered for assurance of their agreement, the Comtes de Po••ctiers and Anjou. Thus Charls King of Navarre, son in Law to King John, having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed, who was Constable of France, and extreamly be∣loved of the King, would never return to the Court, till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son, for hostage, whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux, under his Brothers custody: Thus the same K. John ha∣ving been four years Prisoner in England, was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part, and given hostage for the assurance of the rest, who were

Lewis d' Anjou, and Jean Du•• de Berry his children; Lewis Duke de Burgoigne, Peter Comte d' Al••••son, John brother to the Comte d' Estampes, all Princes of the Blood: Guy brother to the Comte de Blois, the Seignieurs de Montmorency, de Hangest, de St Venant, d' Andresel, de la Roche-Guyon, and the Comtes de St Pol, de Coussii, de Brenni, de Harcourt, and de grand Pre. This is so usual, that it will be needless to add any more.

The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque, followed by that of Mire-Fleur.

ALthough all these places were restored, yet the Spaniards (whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them) could not resolve to with∣draw their Forces from Italy, or to send the Emperours into Germany; they stay∣ed them whiles they could in Milan, and thereabouts, pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons, and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare, to transport the rest into Naples. Those whom the Duke de Feria had pro∣mised to disband in July, were on foot in September, and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded; Besides, the King was certainly informed, that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture, they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour, which they caused to be published in the Im∣perial Chancery, by which it was nullified, in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed; although concluded in express terms, that it should be given without any limitation. Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty, if they could but find any favourable opportunity, seeing parti∣cularly that this Declaration was a firebrand, for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions, which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty. Neither was this the only Index of their minds, the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria, com∣mitted all sorts of violence in the Grisons, as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach; moreover, the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier, who were more careful of his money then papers, left no cause of doubt to them who saw them, of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, to such an height as should be irreconcilable, that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtain∣ed against them. They likewise raised new Troops in Milan, as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs; and lastly, they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua, whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places, and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize, whereby he might be so disabled, that they might with ease over-run his Country; which be∣ing so, and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year, what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assu∣rance of Peace and Liberty, by other means then that of a Treaty? Should he not have so done, he had thrown away his charges in vain, and the lives of so many French to no purpose.

This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies, and to inform the Duke of Savoy, that he himself was in no greater assu∣rance them others, considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him, and how much discontented with his late proceedings. On the other side, the Cardinal re∣presented to his Majesty, that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger, and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy, to obtain some one of his places, which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy, if occasion should draw them thither a third time. His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just, apprehended the importance of this advice, so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient, who was yet with the

Duke of Savoy, to desire him to put Pignerol, Suze, Avigliane, or Savil∣lan into his Majesties hands for some time, that he might keep the Spaniards in aw, and prevent them from making new attempts. This Proposition indeed was some∣what strange, but did not exasperate him as it happened; for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes; he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations, the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war, & the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy; which if once effected, all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops, when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates. The Sieur de Ser∣vient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes, made him loath to part with a place of importance, and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger, but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately re∣stored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions, and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory, by the defence of his Allies, he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace. This Treaty was con∣cluded and signed at Mire••leur upon the 19 of October, and presently put in executi∣on. It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan, and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy, and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage, how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince, and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other, since his bounty had restored him to those States, of which the War rai∣sed by others had despoiled him.

Politique Observation.

THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent, who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him, and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility, deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch, whose power can secure him from all misfortunes. He who assures himself of the prote∣ction of a potent King, secures in it his Crown, and peace to his Subjects, strikes a terrour into his enemies, and makes them afraid of falling on him. These advan∣tages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited; whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm, and imitate the wise Pilot, who fearing a total shipwrack, throws part of his goods into the Sea; ••e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times, and he ought to think himself happy, if by the losse of one Town he can se∣cure the rest. It is advantage enough for a Prince (saith Augustus in Suetonius) to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him. One City indeed may increase his Revenue, but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed, as the power of a great King with whom he in∣trusteth it. Ferdinand King of Naples, did wisely, when he found himself without money, destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate (of which we French had despoiled him) in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians, who made a scruple to admit him, unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante, Bronduze, and Trave with Monopoly, and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats, for their expences in his occasion. Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us with∣out producing other examples, that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest, then by preserving it, to endanger the losse of the whole.

When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy.

PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations, because they are more ma∣turely considered then ordinary mens, and their drifts are more secret. This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy, did set many heads on work, and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth. He granted the City and Castle of Pig∣nerol to the King for six moneths only, and that for performance of his promise, to give him free passage through his State, and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts, as much and as often as need should require, for defence of his Allies in Italy. However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King, and besides, that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque. It was said, that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January, and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him. But that being never de∣clared they did rather guesse then know it, for knowledge is grounded upon rea∣sons certain. All that can be said, is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands, for the conservation of the rest of his estate; in so doing, he did very prudently, as we shall hereafter declare, had the King procured this advantage to his Crown, it had been but just to recover an an∣cient Demeasne, which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors, he had raised a Trophy to his glory, obtained by his Arms in Italy; he had conser∣ved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War; it fine, he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains, and curbed the Spanish Ambition. These reasons were so full of Justice, that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King; for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories? That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reser∣ving somewhat for recompence? That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies, after the experiment he had made of those difficul∣ties in the Passages? And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to pro∣secute their Usurpations? There could not be any reason for it, and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done: On the other side, that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty, if indeed there were any thing was, that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences, and kept as a secret till this present; neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence, who well knoweth that the great∣est designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy, and that counterfeit pre∣tences cannot but be commendable, provided they be advantagious and free from injustice.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes, in regard their de∣signs ought to be kept more especially secret. The discreetest Princes never look that way they design, and though they alwaies effect their thoughts, yet they sel∣dome speak what they think; they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes, seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits: They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious, and do oftnest attain their ends; hence it is, that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion, hath work enough to look about him. Who knoweth not, that if all truth were necessarily to be told, nothing would remain unknown, which if so, the highest enterprizes would be successelesse, it being most certain, that the discovery of an affair, is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest opposi∣tions?

It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves, or our friends, and cannot injure any one. It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects, and absolutely to disown it to all others. Thus Lewis the Moor, Duke of Millan, having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth, to give him passage into Italy, and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples, the Pope, and Peter de Medicis, although the report of it was common, and some signs of it almost indubitable: Whereupon, he denying it so confidently, they remained a good while in suspence, without knowing what to conclude. The denying of a design with asseveration, doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it; and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief, yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised, and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them.

The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris.

VVHilest the Cardinal's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs, there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit, especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things, tea∣cheth by his conduct divers maximes, very necessary for all Ministers. The great expen••es made the last four or five years in the Wars, having exhausted the Trea∣sure, and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out, there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time. This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects, which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel, used some expedients to ease them; but necessity, whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes, forced his Majesty to defer them, until such time as his af∣fairs were setled in a sure Peace; neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them, but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris. Men∣sieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much, they fell into such disorder that they all departed, thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them, so that, Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there. This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority, and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous, in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile, which draw all the inferior Orbs after it; so their motion might be capable of ma∣king the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King, and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessi∣ties of the State, as we have formerly said. Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary; they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices, and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs, Masters of Requests, and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms, and to determine those affairs which were depending before them. This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-pri∣sions of his Majesties will, which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces, seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means ne∣cessary to preserve them in their beauty:

Politique Observation.

THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish, then those which are accompanied with dis-respect; for as he who is much respected doth easi∣ly retain his Subjects in their obedience, so being once fallen into disesteem his com∣mands are little regarded. The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority. The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth

people to regard it with the more reverence; and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience, which if violated by disrespect, remaineth inconsiderable; His Ordinances are laughed at, his Will not regarded, and attempts are often made against him. I think for my part, that scorn is more dangerous then hatred; for peradventure a King who is hated, may yet be feared, and fear is of it self sufficient to keep sub∣jects in obedience; but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem, is neither hated nor feared; so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder. Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections, but dis-respect is more effectually so, because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease, but adds confidence to it. Now of all dis∣respects, none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it, by with∣drawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command. No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate; and on the contra∣ry, men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them. Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority, because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission: They ought rather to comply obedi∣ently with their Soveraigns, then by denying him to show an example of Rebelli∣on to his Subjects, their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs, and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust. In fine, they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him, then justice to his Subiects. They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity, if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power, seeing it was only to supply his presence, and perform his will. All their power vanisheth at his presence, as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth; neither ought they to take notice of his Commands, fur∣ther then he gives them liberty. Now that liberty which he gives them, is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances, not absolutely to deny, and that with disrespect, the execution of his commands; especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity, or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts, but that they might be executed with more submission, and to discharge them from those commands which the importu∣nity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties, without regard of Justice, or the good of the State.

The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria.

IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces, in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes, and the designe of retaking Moy••n∣vic, with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal (whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent un∣to the King, that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways as∣sist him in his enterprises against France, and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire, then the Duke of Ba∣vier and the Elector of Tr••ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us, it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them, that they might hinder his Forces, or at least, that they might not joyn theirs with his. The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence, and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Allian∣ces, his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them. There was con∣cluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere, good, and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers, in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot, two thousand Horse, Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions, leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot, and the rest, such

monies as might defray the charges. The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, and Ammunitions of war necessary, for the defence of his Dominions, in case of an Invasion, with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers, so much money sufficient to pay them▪ Besides they interchangeably promised not to b••a•• Arms one against the other, directly or indirectly. Thus was France assured on that quarter, and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or h••∣zard, the Emperour not being able to hinder it, by reason of the King of Swede's diversion, without the Duke of Bavier's assistance.

Politique Observation.

DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes, how great soever. Few can subsist by themselves, and if any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies, it cannot be without danger, and somtimes loss to their Coun∣tries; whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful, no one will think of invading them. Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body, yet it standeth in need of those others; and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs, hath so established them, that they have all occasion to make use of one another. This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Allian∣ces, but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them, when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms, that he begins to be terrible. On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces, as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent, to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors, because contracting an Alliance with such, they not only augment their own Power, but weaken that of their enemy, and make him incapable of further mischief. It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy, to take a care that he hath not two; for their power being united, will be more terrible. Thus the Comte de Cha••olois, son to Philip Duke de Burgogne, was ve∣ry sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy, only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third, and the less able to hurt him.

His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco.

THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land, but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea, by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out, and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen. In order hereunto, the Sieurs de Moleres, de Razilly, and de Chaalar, were sent to the King of Morocco, that an Alliance might be contracted with him, and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Bar∣bary. He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs, that they were well received.

The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron, and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral; At ••heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides, and two Companies of Souldiers: The King gave them present audience, and with as much honour as they could wish; so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers.

Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions, whose liberty was presently granted, the King of Mo∣rocco not taking any thing for their ransom, to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty: It is true indeed, he accepted a Present of Stuffs, worth an hundred thou∣sand Livres which the King sent to him; ••et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Ma∣ster would send unto him, to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspon∣dency with him. The next thing under consideration, was, the articles of alliance

for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries, which was presently accorded; the substance of it was thus, that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass, should not in future be made slaves, nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods, according to their usual custome; that for the better continuing their correspon∣dence, Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent, and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States, but on condition not to exercise their Functions, unless only to the French. The Treaty was signed; and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls, at Morocco, Male, and Saphy. In fine, The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country.

Politique Observation.

IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom, without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable, the gains being greater and more just: That of the Land, how advantagious soever, seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury; whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent, and somtimes more, and that without giving the least cause of complaint. Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable, and great States vastly rich, and abounding with all sorts of commodities: There is another reason which rendreth it the more important, and that is, Princes being bound to make themselves powerful, as well by Sea as by Land, which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness, for it renders them the more redoubted. It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea, unless a pro∣vision of Ships be made to secure them, otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats; and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element, is the more feared by his Neighbours, in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land, in case they should presume to offend him. Cosmo de Me∣dicis first Duke of Tuscany, and the ablest Politician of his time, said, That a So∣veraign can never gain an high repute, unless he joyn both those Powers together, which are to a State, as the Arms to the Body. This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable; were they but deprived of it, they would soon grow weak and poor; but maintaining that Power as they do, in a good equipage, by a long tract of time, they want nothing, but are capable of undertaking great ex∣peditions. Hath not this enabled the Hollanders, though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men, to sustain the whole power of Spain? What makes G••noa so rich, but this power by Sea? And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy? Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories; and we know that our late King Henry le grand, whose Prudence was no less ad∣vantagious to this Kingdom, then his Courage, was extreamly desirous to settle it in France, after he allayed those storms of Civil War; to which end he gave order unto the President Janin, when he was treating with the Hollanders, to learn of them what was necessary in that particular.

The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris.

AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised, against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Mon∣sieur out of the Kingdom; his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instru∣ction of their Processe, and to chastise those who were found guilty, was not wil∣ling to let it fall into their cognizance: He well knew that Kings ought not to ex∣pose their authority to be dis-respected, as his would have been, if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders, should neglect to prosecute them, as was much to be feared they would. Those reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion, were, their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as

they desired, and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's; and besides, the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's, and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them. It was likewise considered, that di∣vers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings, it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude; Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice, composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity, who should have full power to judge, seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary, for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money, of which there were store in the Nation, the toleration of which did much endamage Trade; so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges. The King to carry on the busi∣nesse with the more sweetnesse, was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Good∣nesse, to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament, and to appoint their meeting in the Palace, the common Seat of Justice: But the Parliament little con∣sidering this grace, raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment; which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal, and to compose it of two Counsellors of State, six Masters of Requests, and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel, all chosen for their extraordinary merit, who began to sit the tenth day of August.

Politique Observation.

THe King is the Head of Justice, and may commit the administration of it to whom he will. The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth, by subterranean passages unto all Fountains, neither bath any thing right to controul her distribu∣tion; the Sun, that inexhaustible source of all worldly light, communicateth splendor unto the Stars, as God hath ordained; neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others. So a King, whom God hath endued with Sove∣raign Authority to distribute Justice to his people, may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit, and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State; usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments, but they ought to remember, that he who hath given them this Authority, may like∣wise take it from them, may bound it, or give it to others as he pleaseth. The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities, cannot be al∣tered by any Princes, because it partakes of Authority with them, and is establish∣ed to confine their Prudence; But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies, where the Mag••strates have no other glory but that of being Ministers, to execute Justice in their Master's behalf; they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth, which are by him refined, to represent his Image; not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others, to whom he may impart the same favours: Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority, without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality.

Judgement given against several Persons.

THis Chamber of Justice being thus established, they began to act with as much zeal as integrity, to the punishment of the Coyners, and those who had brought the State into trouble. Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished; and a∣mongst the factious, Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies, the Duke Rouannez, the Marquis de la Vi••ville, and the Marquis de Fargis, were beheaded in Effigie, the rest were remitted till the next year. Now as he who con∣demneth the Body, confiscateth the Goods, so those of the condemned did un∣doubtedly belong to the King; whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged, his Majesty being at Troyes, established a Chamber of Domain, composed of Counsellors of State, and Masters of Request to attend the Court; who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret, the Dukes d' Elboeuf, de Bellegarde,

and de Rouannez, the Marquis de Boissy, de la Vi••ville, and de Sourdeac, and of the President le Coigneux, to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown: In fine, they who had any Governments or Offices, were deprived of them; the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf, and bestowed on the Duke de Che••reuse; that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde, and Monsieur ••e Prince appointed in his place; the King's Lievtenance which the Mar∣quis de la Vieville had in Champagne, was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre, as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux, and conferred on the Sieur de La∣mognon, and so of divers others. Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height, of finishing the Process of these factious persons, and of confiscating their Goods and Offices, was, a discovery of their de∣signs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom; They had gained the Marquis de Valençay, who promised them Calais. La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel, and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres: The Captain du Val was hanged, for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune; Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon, that he would raise a party in Sedan, one of the Ports of the Kingdom, and that he would let in Forreigners that way, when thereunto desired; There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon, raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom, and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain, England, and Holland, and to all Neighbour Princes, to procure what Souldiers they could for him. What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpu∣nished? Such a patience had been unjust. That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance, which commanded to execute af∣ter six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason, who had been condemned by Out-lawry, in regard of an ancient Ordinance, might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes, but surely not in the behalf of Traytors, such as these were, who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family, who had attempted against his Authority, who had endeavoured to surprize divers places, who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom, who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory. What reason (I say) could there be, that such men as these should longer continue unpu∣nished, by confiscating their Offices and Goods, seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons? And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed, and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns, that of making Laws is one of the greatest marks of their Authority. God entrusting them to dispence Justice, hath not only appointed them to chastise the people, but likewise to make Laws and Statutes, which may serve for a Rule of their Government. Hence the Lawyers say, That Princes Will is Law. Democracy ascribeth this power to the People; but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only, and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties. Now as the power of making Laws is in them, so is that of changing and adding, according as they shall think fit; if they had not this power, we should have no other Laws then those of Nature, imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason, or such as were made by the first Fa∣ther of Mankind. All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt, and those of our Kings too, as so many attempts against the liberty of the people, because they have been but of late Creation, there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty. Were not this to put the people into an extream li∣centiousnesse, and to shut our eyes against reason, which teacheth us, that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old, who in their Laws have

included what-ever they thought necessary, and which could not tye up their Succes∣sors hands from following their examples left unto them. It is a vulgar error, to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous: Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done, but when there happens any such to be, the alte∣ration of them cannot but be advantagious; it being impossible that the first Law∣makers should foresee all inconveniences; which being so, their Successors have power to change or abrogate them, as occasion shall require. Absolutely to re∣ject Laws because they are new, is but a Cynical humour, seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been or∣dained; neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use. Ʋlpian saith, Kings may change any Laws into better: and Cicero pleading against Verres, very boldly saith, That the ancient ought to be left, and the new received, when there is a probability of advantage by it. All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown, and sti••l will appro••e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster.

The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France.

THe King having established all things so firmly in France, that none of the fa∣ctious Caballists could trouble the Peace, and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Quera••que, it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour, in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels. No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due, seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer; which as the French History relates, is either to govern the Affairs of State, or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order, or else to command his Armies. Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared, that all Strangers were no lesse terrified, then the true Frenchmen rejoyced? His Majesty (who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius) having made the greatest experiments of him, was not defective to confer this honour upon him. His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him, which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation, it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth, and after so many glorious acti∣ons. They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty, but with high eulogiums, and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France. In fine, he went to take his Oath at the Palace, on Sept 15. ac∣companied with Monsieur le Prince, the Dukes of Montmorancy, Chevreuse, Rets, Crequi, Vantadour, and Montbazon, the Mar••schal d' Estree▪ Vitry, and d' Effiat, and many other Lords who desired to follow him, to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services, which rendred him worthy of so eminent a qua∣lity. The Chambres were all assembled, and coming into the great one, he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully, in his highest, greatest, and most im∣portant affairs; to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich, and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous, most generous, and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France; and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes. Amongst these great honours, I cannot omit one remarkable passage, that as the greatest Genius are the most modest, and scorn inferiour men, who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour, , so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace, where many thousands attended him, but by a private door, where he might not be seen, because he desired not to be publikely commended, as the custome alwaies was on such occasions; and indeed, the most eloquent of the Bar∣reau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it, his Actions and Qua∣lities being above expression.

Politique Observation.

A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services, with marks of honour; for glory is the Nurse of Vertue, and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour; so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true, that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any, then those that do honourable actions; seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects, only in consideration of their ordinary Actions. Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War, and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority. In this sence the primitive Gauls took it, and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word: Those are the Offices which Just••nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a per∣son of this Quality. Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour, until Dioc••esian and Constantine, in whose time the Gover∣nours of Provinces and Frontiers, and Generals of Armies, were called Dukes, and Masters of War; as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus. Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane, called Generals of Armies Dukes, but it was only a temporary Quality, which lasted no longer then their Commands. It was under the later Emperours, and our first Kings, that this qualification was annexed to any particular person, and made permanent, as may be seen in Gregory de Tours, the most ancient of our Historians; where it is observed, how King•• ••••ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus. At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed, but that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed, seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time; and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity; yet commonly it was given for life. As for the Dignity of Peer, that is not so ancient, but very eminent; for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom, as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne, who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother, at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew, by reason he was a Peer, which his brother was not. The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Char••em••gne, but with∣out other proof then this, that History maketh no mention of it before his time, and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs, which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence: That great Prince esta∣blishing this Order in the Kingdom, to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it, by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasu••es. T••ere are some ancient Titles found, which make ap∣pear, That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte, who were Peers, and did astist them in great Ceremonies, and the Decision of chief Af∣fairs. In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Ju∣stice; but although they partake of the Name, yet are they but Images, and those very imperfect, in regard of the greatnesse of those of France, who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King, to serve him, and receive his Oath at his Consecration, and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State.

A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton.

THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year, to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France, for the maintaining of their Order and Belief. The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton, because being within his view, they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as

they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc. This Order was followed, and the Sieur de Galland, Councellor to his Majesty, was sent to be President in the King's behalf; his Loyalty was not to be suspected, and they were obliged to accept of him, in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear, that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Pri∣mitive times, which they professed to honour. The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline; to silence them in his Majesty's name, in case they should discourse of any other affairs, and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed ne∣cessary to keep that Sect in submission; To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty, he perswaded them to enact, that there should not any more National Assemblies be made, but in the presence of a Commissary from the King, who might (by testifying their obedience) be a means of continuing them in quiet; besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers, this being intended of all that were not natural French, and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence, by this means to prevent all intelligences, associations, and correspondencies with the enemies of the State, according to the Laws of the Kingdom, and his Majesty's particular prohibitions, in fine, he used so much prudence, that they required their Ministers not to inter∣meddle in any affairs Politique or Military; and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous, because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinan∣ces there made for the subsistence of their Sect, it not being the Designe of my History: It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going, which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom, and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence, who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's ser∣vice, broke their correspondency with strangers, and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence.

Politique Observation.

REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe, to conspire unanimously to the Publike good; neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them, then the diversity of Belief; it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis, which separateth the most mode∣rate minds; hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisi∣ons among their subjects, that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute, by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt; and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships: Some of them adored a Crocodile, others an Eagle, this a Dog, that some other thing, as himself fancied; thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie; But besides that this maxime is impious, and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ▪ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians, because the diversity of Belief being re∣duced to two or three parties, is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince: France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it▪ and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity, as the wise Pilots, who in a Storm let their Sails go, they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack; they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes, could they have prevented it in the beginning. Now what better advice can be taken, then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt; which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers, their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious, their being able to make Assem∣blies at their pleasures, and there to deliberate what they think fit, without in∣forming their Prince of any thing? He who depriveth them of these Liber∣ties, striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace, and after despoiling

them of their Arms, which never ought to be allowed them▪ he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it. Besides, it is necessary to repress their in∣solency, the inseparable companion of Heresie: They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse, which makes them alwaies discontented; and the only way to tame them, is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion; That resistance which they meet in the soul of a ge∣nerous and vigorous Prince hindreth them, whereas if they find him weak, and ••asie to be wrought upon in condescending to their commands, they are never at quiet, but do alwaies take the liberty of making new request••, in hopes of a like success: This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience, to support their quiet, without which they will easily revolt; it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness, and cutteth up the root of their rebellions.

Affairs of Lorrain.

ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom. They had chosen him for their Brave, and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men, which he had raised about Spring, were the chief of their hopes, when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom; they were so inconsiderate, as to believe that these Forces entring into France, would be like Rivers falling from great mountains, increase as they go; as if the King (assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal) were not able to ruine all their Souldiers up∣on their first taking the Field; It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble; the cause was either Fortune, or peradven∣ture the Cardinals prudence, which so wrought, that the Emperour finding him∣self oppressed by the King of Swede, commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions; so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths, he addressed himself to attend the Emperour, and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies, but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares, takes neither, he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised; and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded, and were scattered, whether by a Panick fear, or by some accident which so disordered them, that it was impossible to rally them again. It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder, after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur, and to make a recruit, which the Emperour pressed him to do. The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity, to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King, as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty. It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes, not only of raising a potent Army in his Country; but withall, of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries, sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires. It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family, by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroi∣lers; that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour, after her disgrace as his chief correspondent; that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France, and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented, that he would with him hold a particular friendship, and all this without considering, that building without a foundation, his superstru∣cture would soon fall to the ground, and that his Majesty would effect as many ge∣nerous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary sign••, which were ever successelesse.

It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices. His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him, which was not confor∣mable to justice, the rule of all his actions, and in this he took the sweetest course,

he might with justice have seized on Barr, because he had neglected to pay his fe∣alty and homage, and have invaded his Countries, in revenge of the injuries he had received. But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Met••; in particular, whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy, he on∣ly seeking occasions to incense France, that he might render himself the more consi∣derable to the House of Austria, induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic, and to give it him in keeping, the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets; and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards, was glad to have it, and for∣tifie it, though against reason, by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown, and his Majesties reputation, who was Protector thereof. The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs, seeing the Peace of Italy concluded, and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany, perswaded the King to retake it, with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France. The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in que∣stion, did easily resolve upon it, and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lor∣rain under the Marshal de la Force, defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars, who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom, he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic. Vic presently yeelded, but Moyen∣vic did not. For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out; he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place, and the little hopes of long holding it, if not relieved; but he was answered, that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place, should be so carelesse of it, that him∣self was now upon return, and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief. In conclusion, the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it, after it had been fortifi'd at his charges, and that with such passion, that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach. He addressed himself to the Duke; but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself, durst not openly assist them, but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men, Ammunitions, and Victuals, yet these succours were too weak, is likewise the place, to resist the Kings power; whereupon a parley followed, and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place, if with∣in six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear. No Army appeared, the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will. The garrison marched out, ma∣king it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War, when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction.

Politique Observation.

NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice, but for a mean Prince to at∣tempt it, relisheth of meer imprudence. It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans, that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another, if he can make himselt Master of them, but that so doing he follow∣eth the most ancient Law of the world, which gives leave to the strong to take what∣ever they lay hold of. This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity, which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes, although birth and succession in States at this present, are bars enough to defend them. Usurpa∣tion was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism, but he who professeth himself a Christian, ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ. It is true in∣deed. Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable, because never to be totally eradicated, and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him, in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country, and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood, and destroy the

lives of his people. It were to be wished, that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time, who be∣ing to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion: they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition, it being most certain, that the usurper of anothers right, pulleth his Arms against his own State, and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-for∣tunes.

ANNO 1632.

EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable, who, that they may inlarge their habitations, do build and make incroach∣ments upon the Banks of large Rivers, whose Waters upon the first great rain, break out of their Channels, and by a thousand re-infor∣ced Waves, carry away whatever opposeth their violence, it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands. Who will not in like manner conclude, the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain, who that he may gain some repute, and make himself considerable, offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch, whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties, and to over-run whatever resisteth his power? Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic, in the Emperors name, and fortifying it against France, when as his Majesties Forces, if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings, break his designs, and render all his endeavours uselesse. His Majesties recovery of it, quickly shewed the whole world, how vain his attempts were▪ Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there, for the Marshals de la Force, and de Schomberg, forthwith besieged Moyenvic, which ren∣dred upon composition, and also invested Marsal a place of importance belong∣ing to the Duke, and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke, though mastered by ambition, and filled with hatred against France, was not however so sencelesse, but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications, wherewith he had encompassed it, he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance; in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy, rather then his own forces or power. Hereupon, he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace; but in effect, he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs, which he would be sure to re-inforce, whenever any favourable opportunity, or an ex••raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard, should afford him the means, such deep root had the hatred, which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom, taken in him. It is also true, that finding him∣self straitned in point of time, and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places, he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets, that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissi∣ons, and hinder the progresse of his Armies, by a pretended Treaty of peace. Had this resolution been frank and sincere, the visit had been commendable; but such was his malice against his Majesty, that those things were the least of his thoughts. Not but that he was particularly, and I may say, strictly obliged unto the King, who was very carefull of his education during his, youth, which he spent in this Court; who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr, whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death, for non-performance thereof; who had passed by the several troubles and

intreagues raised by him, and his, against this State and Kingdom. But all these things wrought not upon him, and he continued insensible of them. He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him, and to give him al satisfa∣ction; accordingly, he came to Mets upon the 26 of December, with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse, for his late misbehaviour. The King being in∣formed of his approach neer Mets, sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches, who met him half a league from the City, and conducted him to his lodging, where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences. The Duke after a short repose, went to see his Maje∣sty and shewed himself very submissive, protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge, but his Majesties goodnesse; in order to which alone, it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him. The King received him with all the de∣monstrations of kindnesse, which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use; and shortly after being entred into discourse, freely told him, that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour; the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself, but he could not alledge any other reason, then only his being disconten∣ted with the Sieur de Bret, Conseiller d' Esta••, for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country, in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France; and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac, that his Maje∣sty had resolved to invade and ruine him. Unto this the King replied, every one might justly enquire after ••is own Rights, so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice; and as for matter of invading him with hostility, there needed no other proof to assure him of th•• contrary, then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him, in case he returned to his devoir, whereas he then might easily ruine him, it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils, to afford him any succour or re∣lief; whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him, from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King, who was upon the point of entring into his Territories, and to take revenge for some injuries, which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency, that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant, that his Majesty had just rea∣son to be discontented with him, and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him, then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction, would be a strong obligation upon him; and lastly, protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces, hereafter he should not desire it. Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him, and treat with him. His Majesty could not but be jea∣lous of his fair promises, for that chastisements, though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted; whereupon, he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him, for an assurance of his world. The Duke agreed thereunto, and in fine, the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Vi••, by which, the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences, Leagues, Associa∣tions and practices whatever, which he had, or might have with any Prince, in prejudice of his Majesty, his States and Country under his obedience or protecti∣on; or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty, the King of Swede, and Duke of Baviers, for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League, the defence and protection of the Prin∣ces in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France: Moreover, he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever, contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation, to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States, as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance, and in fine, not to give them any passage or protection, nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service. The King on the other side, to testifie his true and sincere affection, promised to protect his person and defend his States with, and against all men; and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to sur∣render Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January; Monsieur the Kings Brother, being then at Nancy, depar∣ted;

and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace, and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds, either in regard his Majesties clemency was such, that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels, or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word. But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spi∣rit, over-mastered by ambition and hatred, the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men, and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance, as also that to observe the performance of those Ar∣ticles, was the least part of his resolution, as we shall hereafter declare.

Politique Observation.

ALthough it do much concern little Princes, not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours, who exceed them in power; yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto, unlesse compelled by meer force. Though they want power yet they have a good mind, and want no ambition to instigate them; on the contrary, as Passion increaseth by opposition, so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities, addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits, which their debility hath prescribed, and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune, which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes; whereas, they who are truly wise, make a great vertue of this necessity, knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their con∣ditions, and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth. Admit their minds to be of what temper soever, yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves, who forceth them to stoop under his Arms, and to be at Peace, it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity; to alledge his power with whom they treat, as a pretext to cover their dissimulation, is frivolous; indeed the power of an unjust U••urper, may give a Prince leave to dissemble; yet the case is far otherwise, in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince, who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms, may lawfully, according to the custom of War, give the Law to the vanquished, and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them. A private person indeed, who is forced to promise any thing by con∣tract, is not obliged to the performance thereof; but otherwise it is, when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince, or of compl••ance for fear of just Laws. Thus a petty Prince oppres••'d by a Ty••anical force, to promise any thing, is not ob∣liged to act with integrity, or to perform any part of his agreement; but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war,, and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty, con∣trary to his Inclinations and desires, it is far otherwise; for there he is obliged to proceed with reality, and is fully bound to perform his agreement: If it were not thus, all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War, for that usually one party finding himself the weaker, is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse. A Prince is a lively Image of the Di∣vinity, and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof; Whereupon God being Truth it self, he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties, Antiquity having esteemed them sacred, and not to be violated. He ought not to run into any promises, which are not first discussed with mature deliberation; but having once passed them, he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity: Ad∣mit it be to his disadvantage, he ought to complain of himself only, seeing he first gave the occasion of War; and it is unreasonable to term that violence, which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries. The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal, unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient, and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver, which they under∣took to do, that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City; but

resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country, to make use of the first advan∣tage against him; whereas he (provoked by their Trechery) return'd to besiege them a second time, and forc'd them to surrender, upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat, and no Arms, the women with their wear∣ing habits, and in this equipage to go live where they best liked.

The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain.

THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain. The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke, to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a conditi∣on to defend himself from the King of S••ede. The Baron de ••••e••de came to him from the Infanta, to give him the like assurance, and to beseech him to believe, that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal, when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns; Nay the Queen-Mother too, though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests, resolved by perswasion of Cha••teloupe, to send a Letter unto the Parlia∣ment of Paris, to engage them (if possible) in a Revolt, which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self, with divers other Cities of the King∣dom, and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain, that he might extinguish the fire nearer home. That Enemy of the publike Peace, took occasi∣on from the Parliaments discontents, for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets, to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the con∣firmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year. There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his, then the bare reading of it: Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty, could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination, though signed with her hand, but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator, who in peace be∣ing inconsiderable, would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles. He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness, who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal, would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him. Hereupon he made her believe, that this propitious Genius of France, was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain; That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries, and that in fine, the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France, seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country, pillage the Towns, rob the people, pull down the Churches; That Religion would be laid aside, the Nobility ruined, The Royal Houses errazed, and the French Nation exposed unto death, or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts. This was the purport of the letter, and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it. Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that ho∣nourable company in a revolt, which hath ever been the main support of this State, It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes, although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King, were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory, as was apparent in the relief of Casal, and Treaty of Pignerol. They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State, whose pru∣dent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom, and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt, annihilate the ambiti∣ous designs of the House of Austria: But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany, though it was sufficiently apparent, how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed; that relaxation having afforded oppor∣tunity unto the Emperour, to take those advantages which he obtained in the Pala∣tinate, and upon divers other Princes.

I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter, viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her

giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths, and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France, and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman, or loyal Subject. But the blame of this defect, as likewise of the whole Letter, was laid upon him as the true Author thereof, who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it, whose goodness (like that of the Sun) cannot do any hurt, unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality; Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto, but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards, who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency, were appre∣hensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany, and be∣gan to look about them; when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies, and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns, whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers, although he would never be induced so to do, having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Trea∣ties of peace with integrity, then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours.

Politique Observation.

ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to se∣clude women from the Government of States, is, their being easily circum∣vented, either by their own passions, or the ill advices of others: If the person enterprising any thing, be but in discredit with them, that is cause enough to mis∣like the whole affair, or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy: Their pas∣sions are extream, and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure; and on the contrary, they are apt to approve of de∣fects and faults in them whom they affect▪ They are born with such inclinations, that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions; their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree; and on the contrary, when they pass from one passion to another, they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved; whereupon the wisest of Kings, and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost, said, There is no malice like that of a Woman; Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted, which clasheth with their inclinations, as all War doth work upon their Fears, which are natural unto them, there cannot then be any War, how just or necessary soever, but shall assuredly be condemned by them. In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war, or to carry that war into a Forraign Country, which is designed to be brought into our own; it were bootless to represent unto them, how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Coun∣tries, and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses, as know∣ing their own to be the next in danger. It were but time and labour lost, to offer unto their thoughts, that it is better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State, then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine. To conclude, it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom, is less then the inconvenien∣ces of an Intestine War. The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabi∣tants a sufficient livelyhood, neither can want fall very heavie upon them, not∣withstanding any Taxes, though great, imposed upon them, in case they have freedom of commerce, and work. But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them, for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation, though they daylie find the enemy at their gates, their Ci∣ties lost and plundered, their Farms burnt, their Grounds untilled, and they who are never so little worth, taken and forced to a ransom, besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions. There need no other allegation to prove this Truth be∣sides the People themselves, who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums, and the noise of Guns and Trumpets; whereas they despair if they

once see the enemy at their Gates, who encompasseth them with confusion, ma∣keth them fly from their own houses, and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity, and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways. These reasons are so apparent, that one must either be prepossessed with Passion, or surprized by some sinister advice, to imagine the contrary; and they are so much the more considerable for France, in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discour∣sing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects, said, That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur, that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince, if not diverted by some Forraign im∣ployments. To be brief, one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace, is, their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts; whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars, because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it, unto which it might send abroad its people. Which being so, the best course that can be taken, is to vent them in the service of our Allies, so to do, is to follow the example of Scipio, who find∣ing the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness, rigg'd out two Gal∣lies, and lead them (to shew proofs of their courage) against the Persians; and of the Romans too, who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy, re∣solved to invade him in Affrick.

The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite.

THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King, but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness; neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues: and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations, had sent unto the King of Swede (then falling upon his State) to divert that storm, yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France. In conclusion, it is found, that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic, he, at the same time, brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi, who was then come thither to wait upon him; and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty, he shortly af∣ter executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister, and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans, whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and device••. He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars, as have terribly afflicted the State; the Courage wherewith they are born, not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding; nei∣ther was he ignorant of Monsieur's discontent, conceived against the management of the present affairs, although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers, who found France daylie increasing in glory, but at their cost and charges; Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage. The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it; who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable, so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions, whom she perswaded she would marry, in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite, where∣by besides the honour of marrying with her, he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master. He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance, in regard it was very honourable; and the King being childless, it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France, which could not but be a great prote∣ction to their Family, who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France. The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty, as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered, but by arming one party against t'other, which this match would infallibly bring to pass; by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King, and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army, which would undoubtedly

divide the Nobility, and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom, that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes. The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing, having discovered this practise. forth∣with acquainted his Majesty therewith, who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of L••rrain. But the Duke, well prepared how to make his excuses, en∣deavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation, con∣firm'd with deep Oaths, how that he never would attempt any such thing; upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty, as to that affair; but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs. Notwithstanding all this, no sooner was the King departed from M••ts, but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent, and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof. This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him, and raise suspicions in his head, for that he knew no stran∣ger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France, without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers: So that he proceeded herein with the mo••e circumspection, and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father, and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister, who had not either of them much to lose.

The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France, marry without the Kings approbation.

THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'•• consent▪ If it be demanded where that Law is to be found; I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the Publike Regi∣sters; where in one of the chapters of Royal R••ghts, it is expresly so recorded. But this Register being but of four hundred ••eats standing at most, whereas this Cu∣stom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self, I would fain ask them, where the Salique Law is to be found, which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom, above twelve Ages together? Thus it was established by the Custom, to which often∣times there must be recourse had, and which must be admitted for a Law, carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing, and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof. Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not em∣brace it for a Fundamental Law, when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy, and then established for the Kingdoms good?

Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage.

THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages, and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have, been constantly punished by their Kings. The example of Merouee, son to Chilperic, ninth King of France, will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Mo∣narchy, who assuming the boldness of marrying with Bruneh••ut, without his Fa∣thers consent, became the object of hi•• Iustice, and was punished according to his desert, and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage, was im∣peachel in a Council held at Paris, of that very thing, as a great Crime; he in∣deed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular, and ac∣cordingly was he chastised for it. Saint B••ru••ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne, accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent, alledged, it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire. Thus Philip Con••te de Namur, bro••her to Baudouin Con••te de Flandres, being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces, daughters to the said Baudouin, engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty, that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent, which one of our Historians

saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right, which our Kings have over such persons, whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom. Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters, an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth, which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Re∣bels, disobedient or enemies of the State? One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment, was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dut∣chesse of York, an English Prince's daughter, without approbation from Charles the Seventh. The same Charles the Seventh, would not look upon his Son, Lewis the Eleventh, though of Age, for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Sa∣voy, without his knowledge, though it remained unconsummated until his per∣mission, first had and obtained. Doth not an English Historian, though an ene∣my to France say, that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche, unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken, in regard the King had not consented thereunto? Now if any one imagine that this permis∣sion cannot avoid a marriage once consummated, I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary, by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne, who having married Ausgarde, without her fathers consent, was in conclusion, forced to quit her, though he had children by her, and though he was his eldest Son, and to marry Adelaide, and his son by her, was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown, by name Charles the Simple. I shall add this one more, of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld, who having (though a Widdow to the King of England) mar∣ried Comte Baudouin, against her fathers Will, saw her marriage disanulled, by Pope Nicholas the first, together with the Bishops of France, and was com∣pelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married, as she was, at Auxerre.

Monsieur's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain.

ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage, yet (Princes Families: being often divided into facti∣ons) the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd; but on the contrary, took oc∣casion in the t'others absence, whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spa∣niards for aid, to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts. He was not to learn, that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Mar∣guerite, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg, himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had; he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince, when she is once passionately beloved by him: Besides, he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite, because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg, who would, in fine, rule all; lastly, he doubted there was no way left to break off this match, which would be imputed as his fault; by reason of the place he held with Monsieur, so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour, or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices. These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage, and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein, although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse, and the good of his affairs. He one day took the boldnesse to tell him, that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him, seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour, which this marriage would assuredly hazard, nay utterly destroy; he layed before him, how that though Princes are sometimes excusable, for doing such acts in their heat and passion, which are displeasing unto their Soveraign, yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour. If may sometimes

peradventure turn to their own advantage, to run out into discontents, as the in∣creasing of their stipends, or the obtaining of some other gratification; but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach. All the lustre which Princes have▪ and which rendreth them venerable, is the effect of their Soveraigns favour, just as the light of the Stars, is derived from the Sun their Fountain. But these Councels of Coigne••x being known, drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him. And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon M••nsieur (seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King) had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lau••e••s prevented it, who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours. This new Favourite had gotten so great an influence over Monsieurs affections that he easily countermined and blew up al the others reasons: neither could Monsieur possibly guard himself from the sub∣tilty of his insinuations: He perswaded him to believe that the King would doubtless at length agree unto the Marriage, especially seeing his first Lady was altogether of his Majesties choice, and a person totally adhering unto the Interest of Lorrain, and in regard there was not any inequality between the former a••d this, divers Kings of France having matched with the Princesses of Lorr••in, and the Princesse Marguerite her self, being daughter to a daughter of Fr••nce▪ He represented unto him, that he could not chuse but follow the same steps which H••nry the Great had trodden out unto him, who did not stick to marry his late sister unto the fami∣ly of Lorrain which only consideration were sufficient to induce his Majesties con∣firmation of this marriage; and lastly, that in case it should please God to set the Crown upon his head the whole Family of Lorrain, a thing of no mean conside∣ration, would be inseparably tied unto the interests of France▪ These reason at first glance seem specious enough, yet could they not have made any deep impres∣sion upon him, had he represented unto him, as indeed he ought, how the late King was forced to marry his sister unto the House of Lorrain, that he might there∣by reclaim them from thwarting his designs; how that the late Madam, had in that small time of her being married unto Mon••••eur raised such a fire in the Court, as was not easily extinguished; and how that the Alliance of H••nry the third with the House of Lorra••n, had only served to incourage their boldnesse, and give them opportunity to prosecute their design of pulling the Scepter from him. But these things entred not into his thoughts the passion which he had for the Princesse of Falsbourg having blinded ••im, and left him no eye-sight, but only how he might incompasse the consumnation of his Masters marriage. That Princesse her self whose Soul is very active, om••••ted no invention to facilitate her designs, and be∣ing not to learn how powerfull young Beauties are to captivate the greatest coura∣ges, there needing no other device to render them beloved then the bare letting them be seen, she used her utmost indeavours to draw Monsieur unto such places where the Princes••e M••r••uerite was, that in fine, the flames of her Beaut•• ad∣ding new forces to the Si••ur de Puy-Laurens his reasons, might compel Mo••sieur to submit unto the Laws of Love. Accordingly it succeeded, and the marriage was performed in presence of a Religieux of the Cistercian Order, who had not any authority from his superiour, but only from the Cardinal de Lorrain. Bishop of Thal, though he had not any jurisdiction over him to impower him to administer Sacraments, for that he was exempt from the Diocesse of Lorrain, as all the rest of his Order. The Abbesse of Remiremont▪ with whom the Princesse Marguerite was brought up, was assistant at the Ceremony, as also Monsieur d•• El••oeuf, and Monsieur de Puy- Laurens who were witnesses; besides these, there were not any other present, excepting only two Bernardines, to assist him who married them, and all this secresie was used to prevent his Majesties knowledge thereof, and es∣cape the punishment which they could not but expect would fall upon them, as a reward for such attempts, and not only so, but likewise because they much doubt∣ed the validity of the marriage, which was thought such, that Monsieur de V••ude∣mont could not forbear saying, that in case his daughter were not fit one day to wear the Crown of France, yet she would alwaies be good enough to make an

Abbesse of Remiremont, suspecting belike the weight of his Majesties prohi∣bition.

Politique Obseruation.

AMongst the divers Prerogatives of Princes, that of hindring marriages, is not of the least importance. The right whereof may be proved from the Autho∣rity of some Canonists, whose reputations stand clear in the schools of all Divines▪ and who affirm it in expresse terms. But not to quote their testimonies, me thinks we need no other proof to evince this truth, then common custom. For were not the Emperours the first who determined the conditions and qualities of those who might marry? Were not they the original institutors of who might, and who might not marry? Hath not the Church extracted her decrees from their Laws? Besides those decrees of the Church, have not our Kings eftablished new Orders, as is to be seen in the Ordinance of Blois, where Henry the Third declared all Mar∣riages void, wherein the Banes were not published, which however are not so ad∣judged by the Church? And what hath given credit to the Decree of the Councel of Trent, but our Kings Declarations? Now if the validity depend upon their Seal, how can it be denied, but they likewise have authority to inforce this new prohi∣bition? And have they not likewise Ordained, notwithstanding the Decree that Heretiques should not be obliged to contract their Marriages in presence of the Curate of the Parish where they live, which cease not to be valid and in force? Besides, is there not likewise another Ordinance, which impowered by our Kings only, and the custom of Bretayn, which maketh the marriages of Guardians with their Pupils to be void, then not effected by the permission of the Justice, where∣as the Church is of another opinion? These are reasons which do evidently main∣tain and prove, that our King•• have a disposing power in the marriages of their Subjects. And indeed, what reason were there that they should be denied this priviledge, seeing the whole power is principally conferred upon them, for the preservation of the publique Peace and private Families, which depend exceeding∣ly much, as is not unknown unto any one, upon marriages; which besides, that it is so granted by the chief of Divines, is likewise deduceable from common expe∣rience. Let not any one therefore make a question of it. But if any one demand, in what manner they may hinder and obstruct marriages, I shall make use of a di∣stinction in my answer, and say, that for the making of a general prohibition, it is requisite to Ordain a publique and universal Law, to signifie their Will unto their Subjects, as was done in the Ordinance of Lewis the Eleventh, which inforced the publication of Banes. And in case of a particular marriage there need only a parti∣cular inhibition, to be signified unto the particular persons, intending to contract themselves, so that they be duly informed of the prohibition issued out against their further proceedings therein.

The Catholique Electors of the Empire, propose to become Neuters.

During our Kings abode at Mots, the Catholique Electors were in such disor∣ders, that they were forced to make addresse unto his Majesty, for his pro∣tection. The King of Sweden prosecuted his Conquests in the lower Palatinate, with such extraordinary successe, that they look'd on themselves as all undone, if his Majesty did not assist them, the Eperours Forces being reduced to such an ebb, that they were not able to secure themselves. They well knew, our Kings have ever been the Churches Refuge, the Scourge of Heretiques, the Protectors of the Holy Sea, and that all Ecclesiastiques have ever secured themselves from those storms which threatned their ruine, by retiring themselves under their Power; nei∣ther were they ignorant, that he who now welldeth the French Scepter, hath de∣stroyed Heresie in this Kingdom, and made his Actions illustrious, as well by Pie∣ty as Justice. Hereupon they sent their deputies unto him to implore his assist∣ance.

The Bishop of Wittsbourg was chief of the Embassie, on whom that im∣ployment was more especially imposed, in regard he was most concerned to ani∣mate their complaints, by the report of the great losses himself had sustained; the Baron de Te••iff accompanied him from the Elector of Cologne, and the Sieur Ru∣ter from the Duke of Baviers, neither of them was backward in laying before his Majesty a large description of their miseries, of the increase of Heresie, of the ca∣lamities whereunto the Catholiques were exposed, of the Swedish Kings Ambiti∣on, of the Churches Interests, of France's concernments; and all this they fre∣quently did at large in their Audiences, that by this means they might infuse some jealousie into the King's mind, which might draw him off from the Swede, and in∣still some Ambition into his Soul, which inducing him to pretend unto the Empire, might ingage him in their protection. But his Majesty, informed by his Embassa∣dours of the Swedish proceedings, and that their Victories were not extraordinary from others, but conformable to the Treaty of Alliance, presently apprehended, that the losses they had suffered, together with the fear of totally losing the re∣mainder, if they continued to countenance the ambitious designs of the House of Austria, had perswaded them to make such pittifull complaints. He could not be perswaded to change a War of State, into a War of Religion, or to believe the King of Sweden intended the ruine of the Church, being fully assured his intents were only to abase the Emperours pride, and to curb his Ambitious designs. Yet the Compassion he had at the sense of their miseries, would not permit him to dis∣patch them without some satisfaction, and the using his intercession with the Swe∣dish King for their safeties, and the securities of their States. Having kissed his Ma∣jesties hands, they visited the Cardinal, whose zeal for the Churches interests gave them a most kind reception, and ample assurances, that his advices should second their requests unto his Majesty. In future comming to discours the means, how to secure them, he ingeniously told them, that the King of Swede striking directly at the Imperial Party, it would be impossible to mediate any Treaty in their be∣halfs, unlesse they withdrew themselves from that association; that this was it they were necessarily to resolve upon, unlesse they would totally disable his Maje∣sty from making any interposition with the Swedish King, who no doubt, would never be perswaded to spare them, whilest they indeavoured to give a subsistence unto the Imperial Army, both by assistances of men, money, and provisions of all sorts. This discourse, although equally tempered with Prudence and sincerity, seemed very harsh unto them, in regard of their affection to the House of Austria. But as no interests are neerer then particular, so they shewed a great deal of readi∣nesse to submit unto the Kings Will and Judgement, to do as he should think most proper, whereby they might the more strongly ingage him in their protection and defence. Whereupon it was thought fit that his Majesty should deal with the Swe∣dish King to permit them to continue Neuters, they hoping to pick out some way or other of accommodation hereby, at least to gain some time which might produce an overture to avoid the storm which threatned their present ••ine.

Politique Observation.

PRinces are not in any thing more industrious, than in making their demands seem plausible; now no pretences make a deeper impression on mens minds, than those of Religion; whence it is, that if they can with it cloak their designs, they think they have done sufficiently; under this veil have they often palliated their most vicious and ambitious devices, and they who treat with them, if truly wise, do not easily believe, whatever is proposed under the notion of Religion: The Faith which they professe, maketh them zealous for the Churches good, but this very Faith teacheth them, that somtimes Wolves cloath themselves in Sheep∣skins; and that as the Tree is known by his fruit, so there is no safer way to judge

of Princes Proposals, then by reflecting on the government of their actions, the true fruits of their designs.

King Achas, that he might deceive Isaiah, played the Hypocrite, and did at first refuse the proposition made unto him of craving a Miracle from God for assurance of his promise, pretending himself to be respectfull and fearful of offending God, that he made a difficulty of tempting him by an extraordinary belief. Many there are who use such like slights, when they find it may conduce to their advantage; in a word it is great Prudence, not alwaies to believe those who cover their designs with the Church, but maturely to examine their Proposals, and to observe them by their former conduct and proceedings.

The King sendeth the Marquis de Breze, towards Gustavus Adolphus, Kign of Sweden.

THe Cardinal informed his Majesty of the Propositions of Neutrality, to which the Embassadours of the Catholique League seemed to incline, and his Ma∣jesty having cast his eyes upon the Marquis de Breze, as a person capable, by reason of his Prudence and Ability to give a happy successe thereunto dis∣patch'd him unto the King of Swed••n to obtain his assent in that behalf. He de∣parted from Mets not long after, and arrived at Mayence, accompanied with above fifty Gentlemen Voluntiers, ambitious o•• seeing that King, whose victories were so publiquely famous over the World. The Marquesse of Breze comming neer unto Mayence, was met upon the way by two Cornets of Horse, and the King of Swedes own Coach to receive him the was conducted unto his Audience; where after he had made his respects unto that victorious Prince, he told him▪ the King his Master being so near had commanded him to wait upon him, and to assure him of his joy for his victories. The King of Sweden returned those Civilities and Ho∣nours due unto the Ambassadours of France; which passed over, they began to dis∣course of affairs: He represented unto him, how his Master being eldest Son and protector of the Church, looked on himself as obliged to make a request unto him in behalf of the Catholiques of Germany, and to beseech him to permit them to become neuters, they being readily disposed to fall off from the interests of the House of Austria, and not to uphold his forces by any way or means whatever; how that his Master was the more willing to second their desires, in regard he thought it very advantagious for the design which invited him into Germany, for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him, the Electors of Cologne and Treves, the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes; that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms, and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength; that in conclusion, he believed his Majesty of Swede was ob∣liged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still, provided they did totally de∣cline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged; that hereby con∣vincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion, a thing much ta∣king with the people, it would evidently follow, that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution. The King of Sw••den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze, with a great deal of honour; but being a Prince of great understanding, he forthwith ••ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises, and made apparent unto him, that their Proposals were not real; that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions; that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them, of forsaking his enemies, and injoying their estates in quiet, under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them. He likewise declared unto him, the resolutions of the League, con∣cluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat, which were directly repugnant to these proposals, as also the Duke of Bavi••rs Letters, who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility, did not however cease to raise forces, forti∣fie

Towns, and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies; by all which it was evident enough, that his designs tended only to linger out the time, whereby he might take better aim in future. The Marquesse de Breze, replied un∣to him, that in truth, the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be exe∣cuted in regard of he time pass'd, especially after sight of their Letters, yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly, if there were a Treaty concluded with them: That the King his Master was far from countenan∣cing their unjust pretences, but that in case they should be reduced to reason, as his Majesty well hoped, and themselves had fairly promised, he should then affecti∣onately desire they might be permitted to sit still; in order whereunto, he request∣ed there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days, in which time, some reaso∣nable end might be concluded. The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France, without which he should hardly have been perswa∣ded to passe over the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, after those affronts received from them. In fine, it was no more then he might have desired, he being too prudent not to observe, how by granting them to become Neuters, he did much weaken his enemies, and how that satisfying the World, he inten∣ded not an invasion of the Church, the Emperours Forces would not be so zea∣lous in his service, by which means, he might the easilier perfect their destru∣ction.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War, not to declare himself against Religion, a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it, for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof. They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becom•• partakers; so that if a Crown of Laurel, proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games, could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists; how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens, animate the courages of the Souldiers. They are informed how the death with which they meet, is not so much a death, as a happy passage from death, which leadeth them from the grave to immortality, from unavoidable miseries, to infinite goods, from tears, to unspeakable joy, and from a fight, to triumph: Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards; it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage. The most fearfull, are stout and bold in defence of their Religion, of which, the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples, seeing women and children have for the conservati∣on of their Religion, tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours. He who never thought to go out of his own house, willingly taketh up Arms, when the Churches Liberty is in question. The Jews (saith Tacitus) were not much concerned to die in their wars, because they believed another life: And Gaesar saith, The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field, because they believed the Transmigration of Souls, and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again. What resolution then would the Ca∣tholique have, amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life? The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength, as the resolu∣tion of his soul, and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart, which infuseth an universal heat, and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties; Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is, to re∣plenish the soul with an heavenly fire, and to infuse it with power, for the destru∣ction of what ever resisteth the glory of God? No passion doth so encourage, as the zeal of Realigion, it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings, converteth stripes into pleasures, causeth labour to be delightful, and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious.

A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede.

THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters, and consented to a cessation for fifteen days; there were Articles drawn up, and those the most reasonable that could be wished, they implyed

• 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests, and relin∣quish all Intelligence with him.
• 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army.
• 3. That the Palatinate should be restored.
• 4. That the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, should return un∣to the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them, since the year six∣teen hundred and eighteen.
• 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States.
• 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands, for their performance of the Treaty.
• 7. That in consideration of these agreements, the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them, or exact any contributions from them.

There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these, where∣by to settle the Princes in neutrality; for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour, the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them, and relinquish those which his Armies had lately acquired: There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them, yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them. About the same time, the Sieur de Va∣rennes, then near Sarbruck, carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty, and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers. The King having received them, sent the Sieur de Charnce, unto the Duke of Baviers, the Electors of Col••gne and Treves, the heads of the League, to induce them to con∣firm the Treaty. He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates, and hopelesse of repelling them; and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg, tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swid••, and in the interim to strengthen themselves, and then to make use of their advantages. This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing, and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs, had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them; yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him, that he was very pressing upon them, to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation: Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof, seeing the League which uni∣ted them, was called Catholique, and two of them were Feclesiastiques. But the first Article was the stumbling block of all, for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests. The Sieur de Charnace, represented unto the Duke of Bavies, how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests, ought to prefer the preservation thereof, both in his own and his Neighbour States, before all other considerations whatever, and that being now the thing in question, he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other. Notwithstanding these reasons, he could not find the least in∣clination in him, so to do; but rather on the contrary, the Duke publiquely de∣clared, he could not conclude upon it, in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him, unto which he replied, that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith, see∣ing

every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever, and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede, was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine, which else was unavoidable. However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety, could not prevail upon him. He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne, unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty; neither here could he effect any thing considerable, so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria, before those of the Church; as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses de∣molished, Altars profaned, Sacred things plundered, Priests and Religious men de∣spoyled, provided they might not see the House of Austria abased, or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong un∣to them. It was a bewitching blindness, not to be enough admired, that these two Electors (by embracing the Neutrality) might preserve themselves, their Religion and States, and yet would by refusing it, expose all to assured ruine. But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment, when he shall understand, That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated, should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault? As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it, could be blamed for their non-acceptance, and ruining it: For my part, I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves, for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end, can complain against no one but himself, if he miss of his Designe. In fin, they desired a prolongation of the Treaty; the fifteen days being expired, that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement. The King, that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors, as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Chur∣ches good; dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany, for that purpose. But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality, by them refused; and that delays, (which was but Truth) gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him, he desired to be excused: And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests.

Politique Observation.

IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned, if they stand off, and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine: They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves, for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions, and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger. But much greater is their fault, who without any detriment to themselves or Interests, may by sitting still make their Peace. Caesar (one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients) advised to agree upon what condition soever, provided it were sure, rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self. Thus of evils, the least is to be chosen; neither is the Pilot to be discommended, who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack, parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea. Humane hopes are deceitful, so that it was the choice of a wise man, rather to secure himself from an evil, then to assure himself of an uncertain good; it often hapneth, That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him, li∣veth to repent his non-acceptance thereof. Thus the City of Tyre was sorry, but too late, that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions, by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege; which refu∣sing, did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd, part of their inha∣bitants kill'd, and the rest brought into captivity. But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King, if their continu∣ation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion; nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law; The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof, that they never encroached upon it. And indeed, what reason can be

alledged to prefer any mans State, before Gods? And what reason is there to en∣dure the profanation of his House, who is Lord of Lords, for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests ? Which being so, Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God, by preferring Religion the only mark of our service, before the Ambition of any Soveraign, unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship? Should they do otherwise, what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn, but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon, for not preserving his contracts with him, nor observing his Commandments, viz. That he would pluck away his Crow, and give it to his servant.

The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection,

AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers, and Elector of Cologne; his Success with him was better then with the other two, because he found him in a great Alarum, The Swedis were at his Gates, and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen, with divers other places of his State, insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal. He had then sent the Sieur de Sco••k, Gentleman of his Bed chamber, unto the King of Sweden, to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him; but his reception had been none of the best, in regard he had not only fur∣nished his own State with Souldiers, and made great contributions towards the sup∣porting of the League, but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg, and slain a young Comte de Solms, with two of his Trayn; and his Letters too were none of the most respectful. All the answer this Gentleman received, was, That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided, to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country; That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France, which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates▪ who should accept of the Neutrality, which he should not fail to perform, when the Elector should adhere unto the con∣ditions of the said Treaty, which obliged him to come off from the Emperors par∣ty; the which if he refused, he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof, as all the rest of his Associates. This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable, seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter, and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France. Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility? Now the Elector being naturally fearful, was so surpriz'd, that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates; and the same usage from them as the Bishop o•• Witts∣bourg had already received; so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms, who undertook to make his peace with the Swede, and to protect him from all violence. Not that he wanted (to say the Truth) any affection for the House of Austria, it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks; but because he knew in cases of Necessity, no one is obliged to assist another to his own preju∣dice, especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine. These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter him∣self under his Majestie wings; and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France, yet they were such as were too important to be refused; viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom, unto his Majesty, That he would retire himself unto Trives, and there deliver his person as a gage of his F••delity. These Proposals were the more considerable, in regard his Majesty having him in his power, and the Electors of Saxony and Bran∣debourg at his disposal, it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crow∣ned King of the Romans, and King of Hungary, and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection, and to perswade him to sit as Neuter, in relation to the King of Swede.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it, it being frequently observed, that he who becomes Neuter, seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror; yet the case is much altered, when his Neutrality is counte∣nanced by the protection of a great Monarch, who being his Neighbour, secureth him from all danger. I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him, because in case of an Invasion, his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him; and if they come at all, it will be unsea∣sonably, and too late for his defence. Every one knoweth, that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self, and those few who hold out to the end, have more need to rest then fight; Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy, find such ill success. Lewis the XII. undertook the protection of John and Hannib∣al Bentivogli, who vere both thrust out of Boulogne, when it was least suspected, neither was there any means to prevent it.

Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection, but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa. Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French, but was deserted, it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it. Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Mo∣narch; nothing is so easie as his assistance, and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince, with and against all men, that no inconveniency betide him. The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it, to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender, and that with such submission, that in case he recede from his devoir, it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State; and on the contrary, his Protector ought to undertake his defence, and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever. That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid, and full of safety, doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected, as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality, which are neither to assist or provoke either party; in so managing his affairs, he giveth no occasion of offence; and if the prevalent power attempt against him, his Injustice will appear the greater, because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself, when his ruine is in danger. His Conduct indeed cannot please either party, neither can it reasonably offend either; which if so, neither can with reason attempt against him: whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State, his utter destruction will be unavoidable.

The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat into Germany.

THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters, but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory, advised his Majesty to send a strong army into Germany, to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country, to secure them in a case of need, and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr, if the wheel of Fortune should turn about. This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men, commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat. The Elector of Treves, adhering unto the Neutrality, under the Kings protection, it was thought requisite for his greater security, that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power, for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs; and consequently would force the rest (as they had already done part of his Towns) out of his hands; which if they should effect, what were it but to run upon one Rock, by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice, which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities.

During these things, the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty, in order to his promises, which he seemed but coldly to receive, having already been assured from the Swedish King, that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him, whilest he was under his protection. They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him, it was dishonourable for their Master to re∣ceive him into his protection, and that others should hold his Towns from him; whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands, a place consi∣derable, both for its Form and Scituation, which is such, that it may block up the River Rhine, at the foot whereof it is seated. Twelve Companies of French march∣ed into it, under the command of Saludie, who had long treated with the said Elector, as well as the Sieur de Charnace: The like he would have done with his chief City, had it been within his power, but the Chapter being gained by the Im∣perialists, had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg, who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence: The next thing he did, was to de∣liver Philipsbourg into their hands, but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands, in receiving the Garrison, protested he would not deliver the Places, unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint. Hereupon the Spaniards ap∣prehended (the Elector being in this humour) that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty; to prevent which, they found means to clap a Garrison into it. This place was more important then strong, is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle, where they joyn their waters; so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard; which had been enough to have kept them at peace, had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out. The King was engaged to project him, neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury, which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion re∣quired, which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together, without engagements on either party; and their emulation had increased, had they conti∣nued their Neighbourhood any longer together.

The City of Treves besieged, and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces.

THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspon∣dency between the two Crowns, neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time, which he did, by the King of Swede's interposition, who perswaded them to march forth from thence, and divers other places. The Design was concluded, and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence, with eight thousand Horse, and six score Companies of Foot, all well appointed. The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens, before which he came about mid- June, invested the place, and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition, which once delivered, he restored unto the French, having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege, and his march thither. The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards, that they resolved to quit divers others, at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal; only they made some difficulty in relinquish∣ing the City of Treves, which they hoped to keep by the means of some new forti∣fication they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it. The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it, but whilest he was drawing his Army thi∣ther, Death, which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars, deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein, but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence, both in his Councels and Embassies, with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries, and with an illu∣strious courage in the command of his Armies. The King received the news here∣of with grief, and there being no time to be lost, in preventing the Spaniards for∣tifying themselves, his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place,

whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions, and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France, ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army, where he found the Vicomte de Ar∣pajon, and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp, who had undertaken the com∣mand, of the Army, since the Marshal d' Effiats death, already advanced near Tre∣ves, which they had summoned to deliver; the garrison refused, being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place. Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon, made his approaches with the Army, and gave orders to invest the place, which was per∣formed with such expedition, that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day. The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it, but quartered at Grafeumacher, neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men, which considering the French power, he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it, together with a good convoy of Ammuniti∣on. In order to which, he made his approaches, but the Marshal d' Estree com∣ming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design, he took such course that they could not effect it; for he no sooner received the news, but he commanded the Comte de la Suze, and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place, by which they were of necessity to passe; thither they went, and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis, and twenty light horse, who advan∣cing further then was requisite, were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse, who forced them to give ground, but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants, by the Companies of Luzern and Roche-Britant, and in fine by that of the Cardinal, led by the Marquis de Mony and Co∣eslin, so that the skirmish became very hot, and many Charges pass'd on both sides, untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only, so long, that in conclusion, the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled, and falling in upon their own foot disordered them, so that the French had the pursuit of t hem, untill the night concluded the businesse, and favoured the enemies retreit. The Imperialists left four score Nobles, forty prisoners, their Convoy, and two Cornets behind them, which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezel∣les Bautru. After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree, looking more strictly into the siege, found some things in disorder, which he quickly rectified, and brought all things into such method, that the garrison was soon forced to surrender. The Chapter were sensible of their Treason, and acknowledge their lawfull Prince, and thus the Town was taken by composition, of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour. This piece of service thus happily effected, the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands, was not long in agitation; the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues, by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France, which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings, the defence of those who desire their protection, is one which addeth very much to their glory, and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse. Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity, then the defence of the weak and feeble; and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour; it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King, not to deny those who sue for his protection. The defending of them who request it, is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King, who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown, so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge. This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs, who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch, who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice. No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth

them invincible, it being most certain, that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities, ingageth so many serveral defendors, whenever his oc∣csions shall require it. To be able to subsist alone, without the help of others is very honoursble for a King, yet his glory will be imperfect, if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities. Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights, whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed. And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State, it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies, under his protection, or in revenge of injuries offered unto him.

The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede.

THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria, now unable to divert the storm hanging over them, that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome, and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms, that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did, upon the like pretences. The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither, in order thereunto, where being come, he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris; his Holi∣nesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks, for the suppressing of Heresie, and establishing the Church in its former splendor. There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes, the disasters of the Church, and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse, but not a word to be heard, how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question, but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family. He indeavoured to perswade the Pope, that the King of Sweden, like another Attila, had resolved to besiege Rome, and force his Holinesse from his Seat, but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France, and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio, to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church. The Duke de Savelly, his Imperial Maje∣sties Embassadour, and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him: Car∣dinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party, by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill, did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals, but in the open consistory did violently exclaim, in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria, and in it, the Church it self, highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion, and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions.

Now divers of the Consistory, being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany, and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes, was the only effect of their own faults, were at first divided, and the Spanish Partisans became so stout, that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings. But his Holinesse in∣forming the Consistory with the true state of affairs, made it appear unto the Car∣dinals, that the War of Germany was a War of state, not Religion, and the mat∣ter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce. The Popes answer to their party was, that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured; that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy, the Sacking of Mantua, and threatning of the Holy Sea, would better have served to hinder the Swedes, and put a stop to their conquests; that the Remou∣strances of his Legats and Nuntioes, had been deluded, Germany neglected, the Swedes slighted, Italy invaded, and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it's Treasure, in the preservation of it self, and St. Peters Patrimony; that in fine, his Govern∣ment might possible be traduced, not blamed, that his indeavours already used, and which he resolved to continue, were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good, that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power

which was but small, having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy; And lastly, that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church; and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy, he proclaimed an universal Jubile, exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers. The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith, but departed from Rome, unsatisfied. They might easily have obtained, as heretofore, thundring Excommunications against France, and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine, had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive, but we do not now live in those times. The Masque of Religion where∣with the House of Austria use to cover their designs, is now taken off, and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friend∣ship was not backward, both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom, to in∣form his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria, for the over∣running of Italy, and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection, that themselves might overaw the Censures, Decrees and Excommunications of the Church; so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof, was not possibly to be surprized, but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries, in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria; and on the contrary, commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse, to protect the Church and those very Princes, in case they would recede from their wicked designs.

That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome.

IT was not without great reason, what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great, viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage, would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth, if to their natural valour, the favour of Rome, the mastery of the Sea, and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned: These three things make a Prince truly great: And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them, viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea, which I may well say is necessary, partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approba∣tion to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State. The Empire of Souls, is both great and tickleth, if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes. One of the most conspicuous church-lights, said, and that with great judgement, that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared, how unjust soever; and indeed so they are, because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar, are of great efficacy before God, who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands, and also because of the terrours they strike into the people, who concluding a Prince reproved by God, as soon as by the Holy Sea, do not only lose their respect, due to such rulers, but even run into disobedience and insurrection. Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League, kindle the flames, which did long con∣sume this Kingdom, what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands, but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second? Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome, is security from such like misfortunes; it is no lesse an advantage to a State, in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterpri∣zes, This is it which holdeth the people in quiet, which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie, which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds; and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity, the more support∣able; and in general it may be said, that there is not any thing how bad soever, which they will distast, if approved by the Holy Sea, so great a respect doth Reli∣gion produce in the minds of men. King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome, then by telling them, he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria, who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him. No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome, in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Em∣perours designs and undertakings. Could then any more likely way be invented,

both to justifie their undertakings, and incourage their Souldiers, then by telling them the Gods approved of them? Neither can it be doubted, but the Pope's ap∣probation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet, and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live. But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France, which hath ever been their Refuge, their Asylum, their Prop and Protection? Besides, their Interests are the same with ours▪ seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards, and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria, who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church, to subjugate the holy See, and to over-awe its Decrees; whereas the French en∣deavour only to preserve every one in his own Right, and to be contented with a good Pope, an honest and stout man, who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies, but shew himself a common Father to all, without procuring any ditriment to one, by the suggestion of another.

The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers.

NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain, the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers, which had made a great noise for sundry ages together; The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See, pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess, without permission from the Bishops; and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject, by common right, did perpetually thwart that pretension: They could not down with the Friers Priviledges, alledging they ought to be decla∣red void, as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church, which ought to be preserved in the same model, for the continuation thereof in its pri∣stine splendour. This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year, by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques, which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats, and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary, at least more useful to the Church then the ordi∣nary Pastors. To say the Truth▪ these Propositions were bold, and without offence to any one, may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate. But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences? Was it probable that the whole Socie∣ty of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See? On the other side, What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little au∣thority over them in Administration of Sacraments, and the Word of God, see∣ing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity, and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands▪ or those who executed their charge? No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences, there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction: neither did he wave the trouble, but willingly took it upon himself, though he was even at that time im∣ployed in the most important affairs of Christendom; yet such was his indefatiga∣ble zeal for God's glory, and the Churches good, that he undertook the business. He cause the Superiors of the Orders to come before him, one by one, well know∣ing, that to negotiate such a business in a Publike Assembly, would be a labour in vain, and equally difficult as the breaking of a cable, whose particular threads are easily to be forced asunder. He was a person well vers'd in all Antiquities, and ac∣cordingly he represented to them, how that in the first Institution of Monks, they were consecrated unto God by the mediation of Bishops, who received their Vows, instructed them, and directed their Consciences: He laid before them the original of the whole Affair,, and shewed them, how that the Sons of God had subjected all those who sold their goods, and followed him, unto the Apostles, whose Suc∣cessors the Bishops are; whereupon they making a strict profession of leading an Evangelical life, were more particularly obliged to observe the order established in and by the Gospel; not that he would question the validity of those exemptions

granted from the holy See, unto which he owed much more respect and obedience then to debate the Ordinances thereof, yet that he must needs inform them, that they could not be dispensed with from following the order established by Jesus Christ, or his Apostles, in administring the Sacraments and Word of God; That it was not alwaies proper to use the utmost of a mans power and that the wisest per∣sons are usually the most moderate; that in fine, themselves could not deny but they were obliged to relinquish some part of their pretensions, for the avoyding of trouble to the Church, which was likely to ensue upon this account, and whereof the Heretiques discoursed with much freedom and joy; That this Peace would be more acceptable to God, then all the advantages it could otherwise procure unto particular persons; That it would tend unto their Honours, by testifying unto the world the moderations of their minds, and humility of their Spirits▪ the two wor∣thy ornaments of a Religious person, and that consequently the world would esteem the better of them; That he hoped it would be the more acceptable before God, in regard they did exemplarily set forth the merit of obedience and submission to their Prelats in ordinary, unto whom God hath with his own mouth committed the leading of men unto charitable works; that he should not willingly propose, that the Bishops should have ordinary jurisdiction over their persons, or power to visit their Monasteries, but that leaving them full liberty to execute their Monasti∣cal functions, it seemed fit unto him▪ that they should not refuse to be dependent upon them in matter of administring the Sacraments, of Thanks-giving, Penitence, Preaching the Word, and to admit them to have power to repeal this priviledge which was derived from them, according as the Council of Trent hath prescribed, all whose Decrees are true, and ought to be observed. These Reasons were or themselves strong enough, but much more powerful, when animated by the charms of his discourse, which hath so great an influence, that it is impossible to deny him any thing, if all they who have had the honour to know him, may be credited. Accordingly each one addressed himself to observe his directions; and although some unreasonable persons began at first to create some difficulties yet his Pru∣dence soon prevailed over them, insomuch that they could not be thought the same men, who had so lately and so stifly maintained their absolute Independencies upon their Ordinaries. He caused a Declaration to be drawn, wherein they acknow∣ledged themselves uncapable to preach without examination, licence, and approba∣tion from their Bishops first had and obtained, and that the said Bishops might at any time revoke the said Licenses; withal, that they neither ought nor could bear the Confessions of Secular men, without approbation, which the said Bishops might likewise repeal, in case of any incapacity, or publike scandal. Every one sub∣scribed thereunto. The Bishops dispatched Copies thereof into all parts; and thus his Eminency ended a difference which had made such a noise so many Ages toge∣ther, and in which there was but little hopes.

Politique Observation.

THe credit and esteem which an eminent person obtaineth in a State, have ever been reputed sufficient to appease any embroyls what ever. His Judgement will work the minds of men to what form he pleaseth, and every one regarde••h him as a person bless'd from heaven, and indued with so extraordinary an under∣standing, that no one dares deny him any thing: They give so absolute a power over their very wills, that there is no appeal from his resolutions; they permit him to command any thing without contradiction, to rule them without resistance, and to determine all things without, exception. The esteem of a Physician doth oftentimes as many cures as his Physick; and this same perswasion is so powerful that somtimes the very sight hath been a Cure. And is it not likewise most certain, that the credit which a great person acquireth in the opinions of men is more pow∣erful then any other means to reduce them unto reason? Nay, Doth not his very presence somtimes appease great seditions? The Authority of a Phocion at Athem,

and of a Cato at Rome, hath often wrought wonderful effects. Was not the only appearance of the Philosopher Apollonius Thyaneus sufficient to appease great dis∣cords between divers Cities of Asia? When Julius Caesar was in Affrick, his ve∣ry presence alone asswaged the Roman Legions, raging in a mutiny; nay he redu∣ced them to such a pass, that having cashiered them, it was not without much en∣treaty that he restored them to the Army. The Consul Popilius Menas was able by his meer presence to appease an Insurrection of the common people of Rome against the Senators. It is (to speak the truth) very strange to behold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 people mutined, raging and foming like the billows of an outragious Sea (which over∣throweth and destroyeth what-ever opposeth it) slighting the force of Arms, en∣treaties, threatnings, and all things else, yet on the sudden becalmed at the pre∣sence of some great person, who by his worth and services hath acquired an extra∣ordinary reputation amongst them. But to him who knoweth how powerful Cre∣dit and Repute are, it will not seem incredible; for he cannot be ignorant that opinion will sooner procure a good proposition to be admitted, or an ill advice re∣jected, then any other means or devices what-ever. A good opinion will make any impression on mens minds, it will more their hearts, tongues, hands and lead their wills and affections as it were in a string. Credit and Esteem do inscribe I know not what attracts of Majesty on the faces of those who have once acquired them, so that a man is forced as it were to subscribe unto their inclinations, and most men think it a rashness to resist their Wills in any thing what-ever.

Monsieur arriveth at Bruxels.

THe Duke of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty, neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom: But the sky cannot long continue without clouds, neither can a Peace be so established, as that no troubles should at any time arise, which now fell out accordingly: For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels, began to prepare himself for his journey, that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lau∣zens towards the invading of France, and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer. Monsieur at his departure from Nancy, made a small days journey unto Remiremont, where the Princess Marguerite then was, that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages; From thence he went unto Besançon, whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxem∣bourg. Passing by Thionville, he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him, having taken his Seals from the former, and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi•• in place of the second. I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure, conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage, whereunto he had alwaies inclined him: for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them; and such was his Love and Ambition, that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House, who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure. The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles, gave order for his reception according to his Quality: At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness, but from the Spaniards too, who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs, endeavoured to give all imaginable content. Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January, attended with two hundred Horse. The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name. The Marquis de Sainte Croix, with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders, met him a league from Bruxels, with a Troop of Gentlemen before them, armed from head to foot: All the Companies of the City came to salute him; Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother; He dismount∣ed at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen; She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her, and those so obligingly, that they

were extraordinary great in persons of her age. She came to meet him at the first Hall, where she intended him his audience, and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview, because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother: Whereunto Monsieur reply∣ed very handsomly, that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quar∣rel, then for the great obligations which he owed unto her: After some other Ci∣vilities, she lead him into a Hall, where were the Grandees of Spain, together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece, who saluted him, being all bare, himself being likewise uncovered some little time: After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose, th' Infanta in that on the left hand, and Monsieur on the right; where after half an hours entertainment, Mon∣sieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies, who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball, This complement pass'd over, he went to visit the Queen his Mother, who consi∣dering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel, force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court, and establish her in her former power in France, received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness, though she for∣bore to discover all her thoughts, the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them. The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May, when he departed from Bruxels, and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions, both within door, and abroad; which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court, and the Queen-Mothers.

The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom.

IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State, in hopes to support a revolt by their means. No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent, and to incourage any attempt▪ but it is wisdom to mistrust them. Is it not a mad∣ness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself? If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society, any disorder∣ly irreligious persons, any Plunderers, such as take all they meet, these are the men with whom they shall be furnished; Now were it not (I pray) a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified? To say the truth, such men as they can∣not affectionately ingage themselves, so will they not readily endanger themselves, but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people, until they come to fight, and then nothing is so pittiful and backward. Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers, it is more folly to confide in their Commanders, who if persons of no courage, what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them? And if they be persons well qualified, and fit to command, there is then more cause to fear then trust them, for doubtless they will hardly for∣sake any Hold they once take in a Country, but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance; which if it be not suddenly to be effected, yet certainly they will designe it, and bring it to pass, when opportunity inviteth them. The Carthaginians (according as Polybius relateth) saw their affairs run from bad to worse, when their Army became full of Strangers, Gauls, Spaniards, Greeks and Fugitives, and Tacitus tells us the true cause, why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them, but disband upon the least blow or loss, because they want affection. Th' Emperour of Constantinople having call∣ed ten thousand Turks unto his assistance, soon perceived his own folly; because they finding themselves the strongest party, would not return back again, but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire. But that we go no further then France it self, which hath more indangered it, then the calling in of the English and Spaniards; and doth not every one know, that when Ci∣vil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers, they soon fortifie themselves so strongly, that they are hardly to be removed, but after long and sad Wars? It is great prudence in a Prince, not to engage in any revolt, but if he be so ill

advised, as to take up Arms against his Soveraign, let him beware of calling in stran∣gers to his assistance.

Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with Goncales de Cordoue.

MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on, and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer, resolved to leave Bruxelles, and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue, who expected him at Treves. Before his departure, he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience, who, after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings, sent him a Present to three Coffers, which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind. The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred, the Lock, Key, and Arms of Gold, enamelled, within were two suits very rich; the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered, fill'd with very fine linnen; and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats: She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses, fitter for shew then use; neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentle∣men of his Retinue, some with Rings, some with Diamonds, and others with Chains of Gold, having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them. Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels, made his usual speed towards Tre∣ves, whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced, with design to fall upon the Palatinate (as he pretended) and there to establish his Masters affairs, which the Swedes had much disordered; but in truth, to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable. The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court, about the beginning of January, with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate, and Order to go into France, as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany; and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess, who should give him instructions for his further procedure. Accordingly, he came to Paris, and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare, about mid March▪ the King being then there. His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour, and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him, that he might see, how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army, and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom. The next thing he did, was to visit the Cardinal, by whom he was very civilly receiv'd; but having never seen him before, he thought to surprize him, and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany, to make him swallow shadows for real substances▪ But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known, and that it was but a trick ••o perswade the World that the War of Germany, was a War of Religion, and not of State; so that in conclusion, he saw his devices were eluded, and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence o•• that grand Minister. Hereupon, he made no long stay at Court, his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities; yet in going off, he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours▪ viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds, which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns, sent unto him from the King for a Pre∣sent, shewing by this Action, that having left Spain, to trouble France, he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will▪ Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin, and that by the Sieur de Guron, who was the presenter of the Sword, for Dom Gonçales his Secretary, coming to him, and offering him some Present from his Master, was told, that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain, who had refused the Liberalities of his Master, and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris, as at Cazal.

After he had continued some few days in this Court, he departed towards Bruxels, and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta, went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur, who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour, went to meet him with the Spa∣nish Nobility, entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splen∣dour;

and in fine, left his own lodgings unto him. Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales, of the Comte de M••rode, of the Comte de Emb∣den, had he not been diverted. Monsieur was in consultation with them, hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France; but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much, and performing little, to such as expect relief from them. The King indeed had, by the Cardinals perswasion, taken a good course to divert their designs, viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries, so to keep them off from invading their neighbours: For just at that nick of time it was, that the Hollanders by his advice, went and besieged Maestry, with so potent an Army, that the whole force of Spain and the Empire, could not possibly relieve it. Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither, that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force; so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared, and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain, there to negotiate a greater assistance; in the interim, he advanced towards Nancy, ho∣ping to supply this defect, by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State, having once discovered that the de∣signs of a Forraign Prince, are to foment and support Revolts in his State, to cause an enemy to encounter him, that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions; for most certain it is, every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house, then to kindle a fire in his neighbours. Pre∣vention, and Diversion, are too great advantages in War (saith Alphonsus de Arragon) thus did the Syracusians, procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans, whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily: Thus Hannibal advised An••iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip; to the end, that finding new work for his Forces, he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him; and thus Avitus a Roman Captain, invaded the Country of Tentari, to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces. To provide great Armies for the defence of a State, and for the suppressing of an insurrection, is not all, no, there ought to be prudence, and discretion in the management of affairs, and to make a strong diversion, is as necessary as to fight well: Besides, Prudence is of so much the more advantage, in regard by such di∣versions it weakneth those who revolt, reduceth them to exigencies, and inability of doing any thing considerable; and in fine, maketh them easie to be overcome, wheras without it, it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence.

The Indictment of the Marshal de Marillac.

IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned, having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust, in the year, 1630. as hath formerly been de∣clared. The Cardinal knew, that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated, left that which is indeed the effect of Justice, be thought the hand of Revenge, whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time, and only to follow the usual course though the further way about, for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges: Besides, he was not ignorant, that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions; so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men, ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice, then other men. I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men, not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State; but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him, which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities, then for any reward of his deserts, which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto

so eminent a degree. Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King ad¦vance him to that dignity, openly saying, that the extortions he had used in his im¦ploiments were his most remarkable actions, they accused his courage, nor could they dissemble their opinions, that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper. The late King, H••nry le Grand, did ever slight him, nor did he ever appear at Court, but under the Queen-Mothers Regency, who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia, before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family; and who besides the honour of his name, had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions. Running at the Ring war then much in fashion, where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen. The first command he had was under Mon∣sieur de Angoulesm, were he was Commissary of the Victuals, which he dischar∣ged so untowardly, that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him, but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf. The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care, but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours, that some particulars thereof al∣ready proved, besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious. The Garrison being once established, he robb'd the Souldiers, as much as the Builders; and being Liev∣tenant of the Country, he went on to that height, that he exacted from the Villa∣ges, whatever was necessary to be spent in his house, divers Towns payed him year∣ly compositions, raised by compact, that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers; others agreed to provide necessaries for his house, which however, for the most part, were delivered but once in kind, and then altered into sums of ready mony. If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling, the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers, who knew they should not be cal∣led to account for it, but rather that they should be countenanced for it, by him who set them on work. This trade did he drive, and that so publickly over all the extent of his power, as if the King himself had approved thereof; neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal. In the year 1627. he was im∣ployed at Rochel, where the credit he got was so little to his advantage, that the Commander de Valance, who calleth every thing by its right name, talking one day unto the King of a man without courage, openly said, that he was no more a coward then Marillac. About that very time was it, that he indeavoured by his Letters, and the designs of those of his Cabal, to sow the Seeds of discontent be∣tween the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal, which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom; and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished. During the Kings abode in Italy, the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother, procured the command of the Army in Campagne, to be conferred upon him, where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse, that he sometimes exacted a third, frequent∣ly a quarter, but never miss'd a fifth; and when he was commanded with his For∣ces into Italy, he delayed the time with excuses, either that he might crosse the Kings designs (which they of his Cabal much desired) or because he would not divide that command with another, on t'other side the Mountains, which himself injoyed alone in Campagne; insomuch, that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder, had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy. Succeeding Ages will hardly be∣lieve, that such excesses were put up so long together, especially if they compare it with preceding times, where the Marshal de Gie, descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom, and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings, where the Admiral Chabot, one of the most valiant of those times, and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency, where the Marshal de Biez, the Chancellour Poiet, Jean de Montaign, Grand Maistre de France, Pe∣ter des Essart•• & Semblance, were severally punished for the same, and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure. But these things were all connived, at in∣consideration of the Queen-Mothers, whom the Cardinal would not provoke,

and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears: But at last, his seditious in∣••reag••es, together with his Brothers, and their Faction at Court, for to destroy the Cardinal, and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height, which they did, as appeared in the Battel at Dupes, did so provoke the King, both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal, by whose only means it was, that he injoy∣ed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty, and also because they indeavour∣ed to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal, by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the me∣mory of man, that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice, to receive the punishment of the law, for the oppressions he had committed upon the people.

Politique Observation.

THe Oppression of the poor, is a crime which reacheth high as heaven, and crieth for revenge unto God. The Poor have this advantage over the Rich, in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many par∣ticular Members of his Body, and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished, in regard he taketh it as acted against himself. He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves, which having denied unto the poor, himself becometh their Protector; and he strictly requireth all Kings, the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them. Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded, which severely punish (like the Roman Laws) all such Gover∣nours and Commanders, as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse, and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom, the Objects of their Justice, whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence. What reason is there, that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life, who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers, and in effect, bear the greatest but then of War, should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General? Were not that to bury them alive, or to force them to despairs: Despairs the more dangerous, because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents, to raise divisons, and beget civil dissenti∣ons? Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever? Is he not truly the head of his Subjects, the heart of their lives, and fountain of their souls? Which being so, is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance, without weak∣ning and destroying him? Besides, in case any sudden necessity befall, where shall he look for assistance? And in case of an invasion, will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt, upon hopes of more gentle usage?

The Marshal de Marillac's Death.

THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality: he was first conducted to St. Menehoust, thence to V••rdun, the Theater of his Crimes, and where the proof of them would most easity appear; from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel, where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges, elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities. His kindred solicited for him, as often, as many, and with what liberty they pleased. They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life, nay they threatned them, partly by recommen∣dations, partly by menaces, sent from persons abroad, the most potent that could be interessed in his protection. The discussing of the Informations, Interrogato∣ries, and Pleas by him used to save his life, too up two moneths times in the Court. All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding, it being per∣mitted them, to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence, unto those who solicited in his behalf. He was so favourably dealt withall, that one of the Commissaries, who had drawn up the information, was not received as Judge,

nor divers others against whom he excepted, at which the King was not a little of∣fended. It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren, nothing but reasons of lenity, and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him, was admitted to sit as Judge, though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded. The King himself proceeded with so much Clemen∣cy, that there was not any one appeared on his behalf, to solicite his condemnati∣on; but on the contrary, his Majesty called all the Judges before him, and that he might give them free liberty to act, told them, he expected no other Justice from them, but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject. To be short, before they proceeded to judgement, he was twice demanded after the lon∣gest Interrogatories that ever were heard (it having lasted three whole days) if he had any thing to say for himself, unto which he answered, no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed, as possibly could have been desired, towards a person designed to be saved. But what likelihood was there to defend him, from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament, which declareth, that whoever purloineth the Treasure, shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods? Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Or∣dinance de Blois, which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Compa∣nies, found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages, shall be punished with death, without hopes of pardon, with this additional clause, that though his Majesty should by his favour, or the importunity of others, be induced to pardon it, yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it, and the Judges required not to regard it? Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law, which tieth up the Kings very Mercy? Moreover, what could they find in the Prisones, or his Crimes, which could invite them to favour him, who had not made himself con∣siderable in any his imploiment, wherewith the King had honour'd him, but by the extortions he had imposed on the people? Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care, in defence of the poor, who have no relief but Justice? Whereas his Robberies, accompanied with such, endlesse impositions, made him worthy of death, and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him? The State could not receive any losse by his death, who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country; but who on the contrary, was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand. Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor, should use his power with the King to beg his pardon, who had con∣sented and peradventure proposed to destroy him, at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action? Can it be denied, but that after such strong and weighty reasons, it had been injustice to afford him any favour! Whereupon, twelve of his Judges, conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law, ad∣judged him worthy of death, declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure, or publick extortion, exactions, falsities, counterfeits, cheats, over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects. Two days after, viz. upon the 8th. of May, he was beheaded at la Greve, wither he was carried from Ruel.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed, was the saying of an Antient: and it ••ay truly be called Happy indeed, because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good, cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof; for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it, and in the enjoyment of those things which con∣tribute to its advantage. When the Laws are despised, then are the people oppres∣sed, then the Usurpation of another's Right, Disobediences, Revolts, Violences, and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation; where∣as

as Justice on the other side, consisting only in the due observation of Law, cutteth off these enormities, and secureth every one in th'enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of Lacaoni••, as is to be seen in his Institutions: A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence, whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observa∣tion of the Law: All things (saith he) which pertain to the well government of a State, we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings; whereupon who so would walk wise∣ly, shall never fail, if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions. A King is called the living Law of his Country; implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws, and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them. Whatever severity he useth in this particular, is commendable, because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good; and though he should be severe, he cannot possibly be though violent, because it is only in conformity to the Laws, unto which violence is absolutely contrary. It were to be wished, that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State; but on the other side, he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem, especially those which keep the people in obedience, and which serve to secure them from oppression. Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them, unless Justice putteth them in execution? Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn. It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue, a Chimera, which only serveth to fright people in Ballads, or to still little children, but vanish at a time of need, without effecting that for which they were established in the world.

The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War.

THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic, with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity, did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time, considering how affairs then stood, and how Monsieus was inclined; whereupon he began to raise men▪ and to fortifie some of his Towns. The King was fully inform'd of his Designs, by divers intercepted letter, the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will, and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King, to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom. Some there were written by his Father, others by the Princess of Falsbourg, which did not only assure Mon∣sieur of Forces in Lorrain, but withal, did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests, and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France, which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands. Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg, in which he assured her, that certain designs of great importance then contrived, were infallible. Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight (which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabi∣nets) had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom; his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain, to to•••• out that Duke, and to over-run his Countries; But the Cardinal, who never advi∣seth the making of a War, unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace, was opinion, That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guro•• un∣to him, to complain of his unjust proceedings, to endeavour to disswade him, and to make a more full discovery of his intentions, and the order he designed to pro∣secute. This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well, and the Sieur de Guro•• was dispatched towards the Duke, who salute him from the King hi•• Master, and the•• represented to him, that he could not sufficiently admire, that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since, wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother, as also the enemies of France, he should so quickly (contrary to

the Agreement) sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy, and invade the Kingdom of France, and not only so, but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose, knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France. This Discourse ground∣ed upon undeniable Truths) touch'd the Duke so to the quick, that he was at a non∣plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself, but by adding new impostures, which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions, and peradventure more to the life, then a confession of his disloyalty. But that was not the only time they discoursed together, nor were those the only reasons where∣with the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him; no, he laid before him his Majesties clemency, particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic, where his Majesty found him at a loss, in great distress, without hopes of relief from the House of Austria, and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State; yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had: Then that he might somwhat terrifie him, he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to be∣lieve, that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the King∣dom; which once effected, he for his part would be exposed to an ine••••••able m∣ine; for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever, to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State. That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy, and the English at R•…•…, his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's ••••dry. These reasons were so just and weighty, that a wiser Prince, and less p••ssio•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣gainst France, would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War; But such was his blindness, and so great his vain hopes, that he could not be drawn to any thing: Not that he did then openly declare himself, but putting off his answer from day to day, delayed the time so long, until Monsieur came to enter into the King∣dom with his Sword in his hand, and not so only, but continued to make warlike preparations; from whence it was easie to be seen, that he was little inclined to peace and quietness. The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did, was to com∣mand the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain, where be in∣tended to be in his own person; well knowing, that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France. His Majesty likewise ordained, that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers, and there expect, until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment, which then called him away; The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary, the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal, and engaged to serve him and his Interests in any thing: That Town is of no small consideration, it having for∣merly given the English, when, and as often as they desired, an uncontrouled en∣trance into the Kingdom; and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelli∣gence at this very time. This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older, yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King; for Calais as it is far removed from Paris, so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain. But his Majesty, whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories, did easily en∣dure the troubles of the Journey. He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Me∣dail, the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe, contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands; intimating, that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world: In order whereunto, he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom, which he did not readily en∣counter in his own person, upon the least assurance that he might take them unpro∣provided, who had contrived any thing against his State or person, and thereby overcome them with less trouble, and more ease.

The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May, and not long after came to Calais, where being arrived, he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel, commanded the Sieur de Va••ance to re∣tire himself to one of his Houses, left the Sieur de R••mbures to command it, until

his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it, and having stay'd two days, he depart∣ed towards Lorrain; that he might let the Duke know, his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness, which two things he was come to cha∣stise by the force of his Arms.

Politique Observation.

GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power, doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty, then the crimes of their Subjects. To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice in∣trusted with them, unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries? He who hath so little courage as to pass them by, will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn, every one will trample on him, and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead, will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him. God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them, then the Justice of their Soveraigns, whom he hath commanded to right them; but other∣wise it is with Kings, unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them, be they of what quality soever. There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences, themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights, and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Ju∣stice shall think fit. The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion; and Kings (those primary causes of a State) have no superiour authority over them, to direct them in point of War. It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms, have given them cause so to do. Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just, which is undertaken to revenge injuries: And Archidamus in Thucydides saith, Every War is just, which is made to revenge any groundless injury. Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms, that of raising Forces to in∣vade his Kingdom, of violating Treaties, and recommencing old Quarrels, are most justifiable. The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as law∣ful, against them who come and besiege Towns, and commit disorders in another State; no, they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm, but it sufficeth to have only known & discovered their designs and malicious intentions: for other∣wise it were a very great imprudence, the ablest Commanders having ever con∣cluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade, then to expect him in our own; In fine, The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes. Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word, and Princes may not put it up, if it be of never so little con∣cernment, without making war upon it, With the Spaniards indeed it is prover∣bial, Wind carries Words and Feathers. The wisest Politicians do tell us, That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed, is to scorn a Prince, and Homer saith, He who promiseth one thing, and intendeth another, ought to be reputed for an Enemy.

Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms.

THe King being at Laon, was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force, that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour, a little Village between Verdun and Mets, and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's; and by another near the same time, that Monsieur no sooner arrived, but he began the war, having cut off a Troop of Carabines, sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace, the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage; and in fine, that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in ••ast towards the Army▪ which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germa∣ny,

and commanded the Duke de Chaune, and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers. To make short, he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June, ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain, in case he offered to stir a foot, or send and Forces with Mon∣sieur into France, but he was better advised, as it fell out, then so to do. The Ma∣reschal d' Effiat without more loss of time, presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson, which so terrified the Inhabitants, that they opened their Garet with∣out resistance: The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished, and now beginning to foresee his ruine, desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat; where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy, protesting it was not by his procurement, and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity. The Ma∣reschal acquainted his Majesty therewith, who thought it not best to pardon him a second time, without some kind of revenge, especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises, after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France; whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt, to enter upon Lorrain. In the mean time having Intelligence brought, that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse, commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt, was not far from Rouuray, that he might teach him to be another time more wary, he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse, his own Musquettiers, thirty of the Cardinals Guard, two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes, all mounted upon small Naggs, and to go charge them; which was effected accordingly, with such cou∣rage and success, that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place, many wounded and taken, besides five Cornets, and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease. The King's loss was not great, there being only seven killed, and some few hurt, amongst whom the Duke d' Hal∣vin, Commander of the light Horse, and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant, raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service, but he was hindred by thirty of the King's light horse, and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg, who by his Majesty's order charged them so home, and so suddenly, that they had not leisure to make any defence, but were all brought away Prisoners. The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain, and took divers places one after another. Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons, Saint Mihel did the like, into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph, accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray, and his whole Army, to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants, who were not used to behold so great a Power. He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City; and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, he prohi∣bited them to exercise their Offices, and appointed others in their stead; hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain, that his ruine was inevitable, as often as he durst attempt any thing against France, or recede from his devoir. In earnest, I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly, then unto the earth, which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations, and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds, from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail, to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty, and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing. For just thus, who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance; the prepara∣tions he hath made, and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Duke∣dom, must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms, which have in the end fallen upon his own head, to his great loss, and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder.

Politique Observation.

NO War is just but that which is necessary, according to the opinion of the wi∣sest Politicians: So that a Prince never ought to undertake it, but upon just considerations. War is know to be the source of all misfortunes, it filleth a State

with impieties, violences; extortions, and cruelties, it destroyeth the innocent, in∣commodateth the rich, and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor, what reason therefore to commence it, unlesse upon good ground, and when ne∣cessity doth even inforce it ? Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity, then those who build de∣signs disproportionable to their powers; such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces, or of making a Peace upon dishonou∣rable conditions. Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power, and glo∣ry; but in conclusion, they are driven to exigencies and confusions, which had never befallen them, bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires; that he had before our births pre-ordai∣ned, what condition we should here injoy; that our lives and our fortunes are both limited, and that notwithstanding all our care, all our indeavours, we cannot in∣crease the one, or protract the t'other one tittle, unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts: They find by experience, that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men; that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls, do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others; and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others, are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded. To conclude, they who are truly wise, do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be, and do re∣fer the management of affairs unto their Judgement, without following the impe∣tuousness of their emotions; they know, that who so is master of his passions, is master of his Fortune; and they imitate Caesar's Prudence, who never took the Field, until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory.

The first whereof is, To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force, of his Advan∣tages, and of his Wants, before he encounter with him.

The second is, To have an Army in readiness, if possible, before he hear of it.

The third is, To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a rea∣diness.

And the fourth is, To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command.

These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Con∣quests with success, and to bring great exploits to perfection, in a very small time. He who would imitate his Victories, ought to imitate the example of his Prudence, otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory.

The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service.

IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence, who ushered in by the morning, darkens them at his only sight. In vain do the great Ri∣vers (which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters) endea∣vour to contest with the Ocean, which forceth them to pour all their store in∣to his Bosome, as a Tribute due to his greatness: And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces, in presence of those of a great King, before whom he is only esteemed as a small star, which hath neither light nor luster, when the Sun comes in view. The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much, though against his Will, both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces, and loss of his Towns: In fine, he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty. The King amidst the greatest Victories, was ever wont to prefer peace before war; yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust, he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war, his Word and Actions being disconsonant: Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy, and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun, which is only two Leagues distant from it, and sent an∣other part of his Army within half a league from it. The Duke well perceived

that the King was resolved in good earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs a∣gainst France, and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army, sent the Sieur de Ville, chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber, and Janin; Secretary of State, once more to offer him all manner of content, giving them likewise full li∣berty to treat. They testified unto his Majesty, that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur, They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir; That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar; That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France, particularly offering to joyn his For∣ces with his, to be employed in any expedition whatever; and withal, that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands, as a gage of his perform∣ance. The King received them very curteously, knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies, confessing themselves vanquished, then to destroy them, despoil them, and insult upon them; and then, as if he would set no bounds to his clemency, he promised to pardon him a second time, and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired, provided there might be any assurance of his promises. But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement, then what had formerly been, whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs, his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough, wherewithal to be contented, yet some there are, who pursuing their ambitious Inclinati∣ons; sooner then the Laws of Prudence, do daylie engage themselves in new De∣signs. They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess, covetously to be∣hold what they have not; and to quit the true and solid goods of peace, that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War. Their Designe of growing great, feedeth them with discontents; and that they may not bound their pretensions, their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties: Oftentimes it falleth out, that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities, by which means, when they imagine themselves to be highest, they fall lowest. God (that he may punish them) seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires, but trouble and vexation; and that those who endeavour to rise highest, should have the greatest falls. To conclude, a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone, will not so soon fall, as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power; for the child finding himself unsupported, begins to fear, to lay hold on any thing, and not to stir a foot: But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion, being too too confident, doth inconsiderately run into every danger, attempteth things above his reach, and in fine, sheweth by woful experience in himself, that he who feareth no man, is soon to be destroyed. Better it were that they bounded their affections, and that considering 'tis not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment, but the moderation of his de∣sires, they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action, and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason.

The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain.

VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty, when the Cardinal had the management of it? His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France, raised several Trophies to the King's glo∣ry, and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty; wherefore it was not to be doubted, but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know, that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors, who have ever forced

their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms, in despite of the House of Austria, the Supporters of their hopes, not their State; and that there was no conclusion to be made with him, without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises. To this end tended his very first discourse, that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him, and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words, or protestations of fidelity. Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him; First, An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation, or of ruine to their Master's affairs: And secondly, That in re∣gard it was to be doubted▪ that in case these effects did not oblige him, he would resolve, notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him, to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes, wherewith the House of Austria entertained him. This latter was so improbable, that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts; yet because he somwhat suspected it, he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King, that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War, without his utter ruine. The meeting was at Liverdun, where after divers con∣tests, it was at length concluded, That the Duke should deliver the Town and Ca∣stle of Stenay within six days, and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets, with the Arms, Ammunitions, and Victuals therein unto his Majesty, for four years times, as gages of his fidelity, upon condition that the said time being expired, the said places should be restored, in the same condition they then were: That during the said term of time, it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased; That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Al∣legiance unto his Majesty, and swear, not to attempt any thing contrary to his ser∣vice. That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands, the City and Fortress of Clermont▪ which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him, by Process of the Parliament of Paris, who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof, paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties, in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence. That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year, unto the King. And as touching all differences moved, or which hereafter should be moved between them, that there should be Commissio∣ners of either side appointed to sit at Paris, when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit, to make a fair end between them. It was likewise concluded, that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic, which should be confirmed without any exception what ever: That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests: That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties, and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever: That his Maje∣sties Forces should have free passage through his Country: In consideration where∣of, the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf, to surrender the City and Ca∣stle of Bar unto the Duke, as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel, Pont-a-Mousson, and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him, to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain, and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to con∣firm these conditions, which could not be well misliked, they being advantagious for the glory of France, and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them, who abusing Monsieurs name, had set the Kingdom in an uproar. And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June.

This Treaty being thus concluded, the King went to Pont-a-Mousson, where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him, and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises; in order whereunto, Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie, Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis, who entred with their seve∣ral Regiments into them; and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sech••pre, whither the Duke came to wait upon him; testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent, and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd. The King re∣ceiv'd

his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness, assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd, and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter. The Duke was not back∣ward to make many protestations, though he little intended to perform any part of them. In conclusion, his Majesty returned into France, and so to Paris, chu∣sing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness, then of distrust, which he had however cause to return.

Politique Observation.

IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jea∣lousie, especially if it be not to his disadvantage: whereas on the other side, Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited, and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences. It is equally bad▪ to believe no man, and to believe every man; and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect▪ so it is a signe of courage, not to fear where there is no cause of distrust. It somtimes hapneth, that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy, reduceth him to his devoir, and forceth him to relinquish his Designs: For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends, so confidence hath such charms, that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies. Mens passions are not unconquer∣able; somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence. A soyl, though bad of it self, and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles. yet when cultivated and manured with industry, may bring forth good grain: and spirits (though naturally deceitful and false, yet) may be reformed by reason, and generous dealing. The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof, when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner, who extreamly much slighted them, and had sworn their ruine, they not only restored him to Liberty, but withal, made him General of the••r Armies; and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence, layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them. And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna, accused for having designed to murther him, so absolutely wrought upon him, that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service.

Monsieur goeth into Burgogne.

WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lor∣rain, Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces; The sight of his Majesty's For∣ces hindred him from making any great stay, as also from carrying the Duke of Lor∣rain's Troops along with him, which he intended, and was a thing very necessary, in order to his designs, because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected. From Lorrain he went into Bassigny, and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June, where they who abused his favour, and made use of his Name, published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard; it was fraught with in∣finite protestations of doing his Majesty service, their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State: As if to trouble the whole Kingdom, to besiege Towns and Cities, to op∣press his Subjects, to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer, to engage the Nobility in a Revolt, were to do his Majesty service, and all this expresly a∣gainst his Majesty's command and inhibition. Were not these Protestations a spe∣cious veyl, wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits;, when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements? That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal, with such absurd exaggerations, that they made them incredible; so true it is, that slanders of excess, and contrary to any probable appearance, make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason. Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of

the Publike peace, an enemy to the King and Royal Family, as they published in their Manifest, who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct, so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain? What probability was there to per∣swade the world that he would make himself Master of the State, as they endea∣voured to convince unto Monsieur, who had used such great industry to cause his return into France, when he first left the Kingdom, and who never stirred towards Piedmont, until his return was certainly concluded? And in the end, he forced them to dis-own that imputation, by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency, and such extraordinary magnificence, to oblige him to a second return. What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt? They had not any the least just ground for it, which is evident to all the world; neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever: But rather on the contrary, as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure, by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter; so all their slanders proclaimed against him, serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation, which his Services and Qualities (more then hu∣mane) had acquired unto him: That I may say somthing touching his own particu∣lar resentment, it is most certain, his soul was more affected with compassion for France▪ then concern'd for his own Interests, amidst all those Thunders, which did not much trouble him. All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his courage; all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his con∣stancy, which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year: In fine, all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him, served only to manifest, that his services had made his favour inexpugnable.

Politique Observation.

IT cannot but be an unjust reward, to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies. If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return, what reason can there then be, injuriously to attaint his honour, who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good? It is faith an Ancient, a great mans misery, when he seeth himself appayed with slanders; yet notwithstanding, the most famous men of Antiquity, and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services, have found themselves ingratefully rewarded. Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy, and take a view of those who have served our Kings, hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed, accused condemned. We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places; at present I shall insert this only, That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him, and the Glory which they obtain by their ser∣vices, are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred; so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes. Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Mo∣narchy; No, it is of longer standing, and more universal: For did not the Atheni∣ans banish Themistocles, the greatest man of his time, and one who had done them unspeakable service? Was not Coriolanus hated, accused, banished by the Romans, whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault? And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses, who had how-ever done so many mi∣racles before their eyes? A thousand other examples might be produced, were the universality hereof a thing questionable. Surely a deplorable thing it is, either in respect of its injustice, it being unreasonable, that a person who hath done the State good service, should be therefore ill requited: or else in respect of the ill conse∣quences, it being frequently seen that it begets troubles, to which only end such defamations are spread abroad. Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in R••me against Camillus, after he had secured the City from the French, who had surprized it, then by raising of scandals upon him, and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure. But what? may

it not I pray, in general be said, That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Re∣volts which ever hapned in France, and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby, except shame, hatred, and confusion.

Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne.

IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon, as when she is at her full, and shineth brightest; and true it is, that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour, did never spread abroad more as∣persions against the Cardinal, then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard, the English, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain. Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time. But as the fair star which ruleth the night, ceaseth not to prosecute her course, notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath; so likewise this grand Minister, whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs, and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France, as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds, where∣with the hatred and envy of the French, indeavoured to eclipse him, did no•• dis∣continue his Career, nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted, out of a sence of fear, either of the one or the other. All their attempts served only to re∣inforce his diligence, that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption, which was de∣signed to burn the whole Kingdom. Monsieur was marched into France, with about two thousand Horse, Liegeois, Walloons, and Germans, commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves, and des Granges of Liege; at first he fell in∣to Bourgogne, because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters, acquainted him, how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service, which made him resolve to spend some time there. Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon, he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs, as also unto the Parliament, to induce them to favour his stay, and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance, thinking with himself, that in case they should condiscend thereunto, he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City, and become Master thereof. But as it fell out, they were not inclined to give him that content; ra∣ther, on the contrary, having received his Letters, with great respect, they sent them all unto the King, and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein, to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions, they might follow his instructions in that particular. In the mean time, they raised the whole City, and mounted their Canon, in case need should require. Whereupon a Bo∣dy of Monsieurs Horse, comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas; the great shot gave them so hot a welcome, that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men, whom they lest upon the place, amongst whom was a certain Captain, a Liegeois, much esteemed by Monsieur, who departed the next morning. Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster, that they resolved to be revenged. In conclusion, they committed such disorders, that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned, being first of all plundered. But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country, the Marshal de la Force, who followed him at hand, was the chief cause of his removal from those parts: For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France, knowing no time ought to be lost, in preventing a Revolt, and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces, and seize upon strong places; he commanded the Marshal de la Force, to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces, and to attend upon his motions, to pre∣vent any further inconveniency, so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once con∣cluded, Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country. His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design, with fifteen hundred Maistros, Gensdarmes, and Light-horse, as also nine hundred Musque∣tiers mounted, which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard; so that ha∣ting these two in his Rear, he was forced to march with the more speed. His

Troops being all composed of strangers, committed great insolencies, where-ever they went, which thing, besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty, obli∣ged every little Town to stand upon their guard. Some of his Forces, attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules, neer Corcone; but the Inhabitants fal∣ling upon them, beat them back, and saved their Mules, but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place, which so incens'd his Highnesse▪ that he resolv'd to be∣siege the Town, and make them pay dearly for it: But the Bishop de Mande, whose Loyalty and Courage was well known, hearing thereof, raised a hundred Gentlemen▪ and four hundred foot, and with them got into the Town, and resol∣ved to defend it: Whereupon, Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place, marched off, traversing the whole Kingdom, without any considerable thing done, untill he came to Languedoc, such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Ma∣jesties Authority.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence, not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts, but to cut them off in the first growth. Some are so fatally blind, as to perswade themselves, that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them. But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience, that mean begin∣nings, have sometimes had dangerous ends, and that insurrections, are like Ri∣vers, which the further they run, the more they increase their Channels, and in∣large their Banks. They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs, and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain. They know, that to dis∣regard an enemy, giveth him a great advantage, for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces, and to fortifie himself; so that in conclusion, it will be as hard a task to subdue him, as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design. One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so in∣considerate, as to slight the Caldeans, being thereunto perswaded by some emi∣nent men of Tunis, who told him, that for a Prince of his birth, descended from a stem of ancient Kings, Lord of a large Country, and esteemed by every one, as the Arbitrator of War and Peace; to fear so inconsiderable an enemy, would be injurious and dishonourable to him; but he was not long unpayed, for the Calde∣ans invaded his Country, assaulted his Cities, and ruin'd his Kingdom, they mee∣ting with no opposition at all. The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers, and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power, were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth. There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire, and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom, if there be not some preventive Force used. Do we not see how the greatest Storms, begin with a little Gale of Wind; and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds; so do we likewise often see, the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings. A State is seldome without, I think, I may safely say never, some discontented persons, who would be very glad to joyn their forces, with those of any Re∣volted Prince, if they could have but a small opportunity: And some, indeed, too too many Rans••ckers, who would be extraordinary glad, to be under any protection, where they might be permitted to forrage, Pillage, and Plunder. The surest remedy in such cases, is, to prevent them betimes, and to wait up∣on the first appearers in the field, with such power and force, that they may not have time to know where they are, and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them.

Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents.

THe Duke of Montmorency, was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc, giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts, and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his be∣half. He had been much discontented from the year, 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern, was the Creation of those new Officers unto him; for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States, and especially the Governour. Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share, which losse he could ill brook, by reason he was used to make great expences: It is true in∣deed, the Sieur de Emery, Intendent of the Treasuries, being sent into Langue∣doc to execute the Edict, about the year 1631, found a means to content him, which was to levy the said Contributions, by certain Commissioners, from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus, and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States, and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits: But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-in∣tendent of the Treasuries, could not approve hereof, either by reason of the dis∣gusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont; or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces, should raise such sums upon the people, already too much oppressed, and that without any benefit to the King: So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent, rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use. Besides, he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies, which would have conferred upon him, almost all the Functions of Constable, which he could not obtain, upon just considerations, he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct. The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him, in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables, perswaded him that he deserved it. These were the chief causes of his discontents, which ingaged him to revolt; whereunto may be added, his Wifes perswasions, who being an Italian born, for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her, she so dealt with him, that he im∣braced her interests; and consequently, Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother, for to ruine the Cardinal. For most certain it is, she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs, unto which, he was of him∣self sufficiently inclined, having naturally more fire then earth in his temper: Be∣sides, he verily believed, that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Gover∣nours of that Province, for a long tract of tis••e, had left unto him, together with what himself had acquired, would enable him to dispose the Cities, the Nobility, the States and people, as himself pleased, whereby he might raile the whole Pro∣vince as one man, and being then countenanced by Monsieur, that he might force the Cardinal, and suppresse the Edict of Esleus, and to obtain for him what ho∣nours he should desire. In order to this design, he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc, to oblige them to him, well know∣ing, that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament, which having no particular motions of themselves, are guided by the higher Orbs. This his design succeeded according to his own wish, yet not without much detriment to his glo∣ry; it being most certain, that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Pro∣posals, was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt. His Majesty and the Car∣dinal had particular notice of all these Passages, it being impossible that such con∣trivances should long be kept secret. The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them; but the Cardinal, consider∣ing that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs, untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person, to set him right again in his former duty, and not only for that reason, but

because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince, to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack, which had not fallen upon him, but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury. He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles, and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him, to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition, that he should have a care of himself, that if he regarded his duty, he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit, such power being only Regal: That if the good of the Province were in question, War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof. That if he designed to raise his Fortunes, Revolt was but an ill Foundation, and would be his infallible ruine, seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors, and would doubtless do the like by him, when-ever he should begin to stir. That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal, seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests; And that he could not but injure himself, if he should eclipse the glory they had left him, by actions contrary to theirs. These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs, had he never so little considered of them; but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul, that he had not the power to reflect on them; rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty; yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe. Oh what blindness and strange re∣sistance was this! But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness, which cannot without great reluctancy, perswade his Majesty to any rigorous pro∣ceedings, how just soever; who would not accept of this resistance, but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular, unto the Sieur de Sondeuil, thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other, be∣cause he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence? The King caused him fortwith to set forwards, as soon as he had received the Cardinal's di∣rections what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency, to disswade him from his de∣signs, and to keep him off from that Revolt, in which if he ingaged, be would even force his Majesty to destroy him. When he arrived to him, he used all his Rhetorique, his utmost care, affection, and address, though to no purpose; his Resolution being fixed, and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons.

Politique Observation.

IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design, and to be deaf to their counsels, who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof. Those great men, who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense, are commonly the causers of great evils; they beget disorders, and ha∣ving fallen into any adversity, do ruine not only themselves, but their friends and partakers. Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success, yet was he blame-worthy, for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians, who counselled him not to go into Babylon, for that they found by their Art he would there die: For despising their opinions, he went thither, and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician. Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions, especi∣ally such as are unjust or rebellious. It is only proper to Mountains not to run back∣ward, but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct, if evil, and to steer a contrary way, which may be more propitious; to change from bad actions to good and better, though never so often, cannot be accounted Inconstancy, nei∣ther will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design, as to persist in it. A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy, and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth, knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be: He had much rather confess his indiscretion, then persist in it; and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished, is to be victorious. In fine, Stubborness is then especially inexcu∣sable, when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his

Soveraign. No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince, upon what pretence soever. God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings, nor may any of their subjects draw it, unless by their Princes authority. Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles, by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace. They who raise seditions, and think to hide them∣selves under a pretence of the publike good, do but deceive themselves; for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account; and every one knows, that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests. But admit the State were in disorder, it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Sove∣raign, then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart, those chiefer parts. Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness, said, Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers; but be they what they will, they ought to be loved, honoured, feared. This was the opinion of an Heathen. But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others, it is doubtless the Christian, whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings, to be respectful unto Superior Powers, nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies.

The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc.

MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc, the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise, and divers strong pla∣ces open their gates unto him, upon his first appearance in the field, he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other; until then he fed the King with fair words, having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another, and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity: But it was no more time to dissemble; whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him, to reduce their pro∣mises into action, which was follow'd by several open meetings, contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service. Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name, and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General, against the present Government. The Cities of Alby, Bagnols, Beziers, and Lunel, the Castles of Beaucaire and Al••ts, with divers other places of less consequence, re∣volted. There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Nar∣bone, sent by the Spaniard: There were many false Publications made, inveighing against the disorders of the State, only pretended so to be, whereby to raise the people. There was a practice had with many of the Prelats, Barons, and Depu∣ties of the States, who were engaged so far, that by a Result of the States, they con∣cluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province, with all its Dependencies, to assist him to re-establish the State in better order, and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed, of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head; and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him, and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests; and particularly commanded, that nothing should be regi∣stred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery, concerning the Edict for Fsleus, but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd. Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen, and o∣thers, in his own name, to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses: At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty, to invite them to approve of the said Commissions, and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions. He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, from his Majesties service, proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately, and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own let∣ters. He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone, President of the States, and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested, because they had ever opposed his Designs; He not only

raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces, but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain, with the Sieur de Farg••, to nego∣tiate there for a supply of men and monies: To conclude, he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs: and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither, questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State, as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature. The Parli∣ament of Tholose (which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions) taking notice of these his undue proceedings, issued out seve∣ral Inhibitions, to hinder his further progressions; First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature, should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions: They con∣demned the Result of the States, as rebellious: They prohibited any monies to be levied, paid, or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name: They made a De∣cree against all the Officers of the States, who had any way procured the said Re∣sult, enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned, that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment; and particularly, the Bishop of Alby having de∣livered the said place unto Monsieur, they seized upon all his Goods and Reve∣nues, inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them, under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons: By which their generous exam∣ple, they left a pattern to all other Parliaments, that they ought not to regard any man what-ever, when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question.

Politique Observation.

SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings, that they might preserve the obedience due unto them, and the people in their Dues and Rights, it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Re∣volts, those known destroyers of Royal Authority: If they be deficient on such occasions, they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties: The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace; To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant, when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed? In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep them∣selves within the limits of their duties; which example may peradventure be suffi∣cient to contain the vulgar sort in good order, but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them, for the preserva∣tion of their Soveraigns power, which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered, if not totally destroyed▪ Doth not every one know, that Parlia∣ments are living Laws, and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands, wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles? If they should be backward in restraining such disorders, were they not equally culpable with Souldiers, who re∣fuse to fight when occasion requireth? Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude, & that in the highest degree, for that all their Honor and Pow∣er is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns. The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde, whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his; so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves, for which they are only beholding unto God: But otherwise it is with Magistrates, who upon stricter enquiry into them∣selves, will find, that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is depen∣dent upon their Soveraigns; which if so, do not the Laws of gratitude, as also those of submission, enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories? And is it not likewise true, that by upholding their Princes Power, they preserve their own, seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them, and depending on their good Will and Pleasure; and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities, but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first

flowed. Their Princes are like their souls, from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated, the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist. Rivers cease to run, when their Springs are stopped: The Body ceaseth to have life or motion, when deprived of the Soul; when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority, they labour to sustain themselves, and their own Powers; and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them.

The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince, to Com∣mand divers Provinces in his absence.

AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the In∣surrections which a Rebellious party may make, especially in the absence of heir Soveraign. His Majesty before his removal from Paris, thought good to commit the Government of that place, and the adjacent Provinces, unto the ma∣nagement of some Princes of the Blood. Accordingly he dispatched his letters un∣to Monsieur le Prince de Conde, to impower him to command in Nivernois, Berry, Bourbon, Tourain, Poictou, Aunis, Zainctonge, Haut, and Basse, Marcke, Limosin, and Auvergne, to preserve them in peace and quiet, which he intrusted with him especially, in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service, as also his Prudence and good Conduct, would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever. The Letters were accompanied with an ex∣traordinary and unlimitted power, which did a little surprize some people of small understanding, who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood. But indeed it was an effect, and that a very remarkable one, of the Cardinal's Prudence, who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee, where there is any assurance of his being discreet, The Laws of Gra∣titude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory; and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular, by preserving their Kings Authority. Whilst the Duke of Mont∣morency was disposing all things in order for the war, Monsieur marched into Albi∣gieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands. He rested there some time to refresh his Army, and from thence he went, leaving five hundred horse behind him, unto Carcassenne, where he held some intelligence; but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties, he passed on Beziers, and gave order for a new Fortification. From thence he designed to march to Narbone, and make sure of that place, by the help of some Intelligence which he there had, which would have been a Port at com∣mand, to have received any assistance from Spain, as likewise to retire unto, in case of necessity. But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop, and some other of his Majesty's ser∣vants, who under pretence of assisting him, got into the place, and so mastered it. Now the King being informed of all these proceedings, The Result of the States, she Revolt of Cities, and of the inclinations of some Lords, thought his presence would be necessary about those parts; The Cardinal was of the same opi∣nion, and assured his Majesty, that if he would undertake the trouble of the jour∣ney, all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time, as it fell out accordingly. Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition, and before he left Paris, caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form, against all those who fol∣lowed Monsieur, or favoured his designs, proclaiming them to be Rebels, guilty of high Treason, and Disturbers of the Publike Peace; commanding all Officers to proceed against them, according to the Rigour of the Law, yet with so particu∣lar a testimony of affection unto Monsieur, that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty; but its the Declaration published, That he would totally forgive him, if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof. His

Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose, to pro∣claim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason, degraded from all honours and dignities, the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct, and re-united in the Crown, and all his goods confiscate, enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Pro∣cess, and requiring all Prelats, Barons, Consuls and Deputies of any Cities, who had assisted, subscribed, or assented unto the Result of the States, to appear be∣fore the Parliament at Tholose, or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses, with∣in fifteen days after publication thereof, to dis-own their Actions and Consents; and in case of non-obedience, to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors, degraded from all honour and dignity, prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes, by vertue of any order from the said States. Moreover, his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg, to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together, but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance. These things thus setled, he departed from Paris the eleventh of August. The very news of his march out of Paris, so encouraged his Majesties servants, and disheartned the Rebels, that all their contrivances did forthwith be∣gin to fall. The first thing which befel them (but which was a great good Fortune for France) was a division between their Leaders, which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur, and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War; whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them. Moreover the Duke d' El∣boeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency. pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General, which however the Duke would not admit off, in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted. Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them, it was thought requisite to part them, and to assigne every one what he should command, who being thus divided by and amongst themselves, were easily overcome by his Maje∣sties Forces.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts, and in general all enemies, then the division of their Commanders and Forces; if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder, fortune is to be thanked; and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto, it ought the more industri∣ously to be attempted, in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious: All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing. Coriolanus warring against the Romans, destroyed the possessions of all their principal men, but saved those of the people, that so he might provoke the one against the other: Hannibal on the contrary, he preserved those of Fabius, but burnt all the rest. The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians, that the rest might be jealous of it: And Cleomenius the Athenian, assaulting the Fraezenians, cast certain darts into the City, with Letters fastened to them, which served to raise a sedition amongst them, in the heat whereof he fell upon them, and became Master of the City. To prevent this disorder, the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper▪ that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power, unlesse every one so commanded in particular, that there should be only one at one time to be obeyed. We see if it he otherwise, jealousie takes place among them, and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advan∣tage which may procure him greater honour then himself; insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another; so many men, so many minds: This approveth one Counsel, he another; and in this diversity of opinions, the thing commonly is left undone: Was it not to prevent this inconvenience, that the Romans, having two Consuls, would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority, but that each should take his turn? Did they not also Or∣dain,

that they should not both together command the Armies, but each in his day? And yet notwithstanding that care, some divisions happened amongst them. A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man, whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries, which enable him to move them according as he listeth. And thus to prevent divisions, it were ex∣pedient, there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces, accor∣ding as he shall think fit. Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians (though one of the greatest men of Antiquity, yet) that he might countermine Lysander, and discredit his Authority, abrogated his sentences, and acted quite contrary to his advises: And usually it happens, where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs, then hatred, envy, and obstinacy, ••ri••g all things into disorder, which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize. For this cause was it, that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace, should act joyntly with their Magistrates, but in War should have Soveraign authority, and that all thing should depend upon their Wills.

Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons.

AS in times of revolt, and the Soveraign's absence, the insurrections which Re∣bels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris, gave the like power, to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris, and the Isle of France, as also over the Army in Picardy, with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require. By this means, the Pro∣vinces thereabout remained in great quiet: But that I may say somewhat concern∣ing that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy; and in that particular, evince the Cardinal's usual prudence, I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs. It cannot be doubted, but that it was the securing of those Provinces, and the awing of such factious spirits, at were inclinable to foment the troubles; for in case the least insurrection had been, that Army had soon fallen in upon them, and buried them in their own ruines. More∣over, it was neer about that time, when the leading men of the Low-countries, weary of the Spanish Tyranny, insupportable to the common people, layed the design of shaking off that yoke, and setting their Country at liberty: The had recourse unto the King, to implore his protection, and made divers overtures un∣to him, to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders, which belonged to him by a just Title. But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects, more then in his own, made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them, or of passing his word to assist them in that design; though the Spaniards, being less religious in the observation of Treaties, and who preserve the greatnesse of their State, only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours, were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt, and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc. His Majesty did not totally refuse them, but kept him∣self in a condition of sending them forces, in case the Spaniard invaded France, as they had promised: Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing▪ they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries, and doubting if they entred France, the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt. It is likewise true, that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards, that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries, Hainaut and Artois, which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch, whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour, as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army, in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals.

Politique Observation.

THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight, yet sometimes they are designed for other ends, wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great ad∣vantages by them, without striking a blow. The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy, obligeth him to stand upon his guard, who otherwise had design'd to assault some place; and in case he have assaulted it, to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts. This effect is not of mean consequence, because it divideth an enemies force, and consequently, rendreth him more easie to be conquered: Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel, their torrent is more impetuous, their force the greater; and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them, runneth no small hazard; whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets; their course is more slow, their depth lesse, so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded: Thus an enemies Army may some∣times be so strong, that he is to be feared, and then nothing better then to divide him, and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions. How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own de∣fence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers, just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours? Besides, what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War, they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security; either as to Forreign∣ers, who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts; or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom, who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence. To preserve Peace without making war, is an effect advantagious enough, and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot; A thing, in my sense, of the more use, in regard War ought not to be made, but in order to Peace; and withal, it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War, then by War it self, that common Usher of Fire and Sword. For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army, when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom, or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt: No, He ought to prevent both the one and the other: and the bare sight of an Army is sufficient to deter them from the boldness of any enterprize.

The Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg charge Monsieur's Army.

THe Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg being arrived with part of their Forces in Languedoc, were not men of that temper, as to stand with their hands in their pockets, and to let the Rebels play their game, without defending themselves, or indeed, without assaulting them; their courage redoubled when they saw the principal Cities stand firm in his Majesty's service, and that divers chief Lords of the Country, dis-abused of their first impressions, gave assurance of ser∣ving his Majesty against all men. The Mareschal de la Force thought it time to shew himself to the Enemy; and whilst he was yet at Pont-Saint-Esprit, expecting the coming in of sundry other Troops, be deemed it proper for his Majesty's ser∣vice, to send part of those he had into Vivarest to defeat those Souldiers which the Vicomte de l' Estrange had there levyed; He commanded part of the Regi∣ments de Vaubecourt, and de Saut, with four Cornets of Horse, led by the Sieur de la R••cque Massebout, to march thither; and their courages having soon trans∣ported them, they found most of the Forces in a Body near the Vicomt's quarter, who commanded them in person, and very near Privas. The Officers having cal∣led a Council of War, and consider'd the State of the Enemy, resolved to fall on them in their Trenches, whereto they were retired; and having made their appro∣ches,

the Combat was very hot, and the defence couragious; but after three hours dispute, the Vicomte de l' Estrange was forced to tender himself Prisoner, and be∣ing delivered over into the Sieur de Machault's hand, a Master of Requests, was convicted, and beheaded at l' Estrange, for in example to other Rebels, and ••o oblige them, if possible, by the just rigour to return to their Duties. Not long after this defeat, the said Mareschal de la Force had Intelligence that the Baron 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Peraut Governour of the Castle de Beautaire, and the Sieur de Rostide, Captain of the Town, wrought upon by the Duke de Montmorency, employed all their en∣deavours to gain the thief Inhabitants, and perswade them to receive Monsieur with his Forces: But such was the course he took, that all their attempts were to no purpose. It was impossible on the sudden to prevent Monsieur's getting ••nto the Castle, there being a particular Gate to receive any in, without passing through the City: But having instructed du Pay the King's Atturney, and la Roche chief Consul, with what they should do in their own defence against the Castle, in case it should declare it self, and that Monsieur or his should get into it; they shewed such courage and good conduct, that they preserv'd the Town in his Majesty's obedi∣ence; and instead of furnishing them with any considerable Force, which might have much weakned the Army under his command, which he kept in a posture to fight the Enemy assembled in those parts, he thought it most proper to desire four hundred men of the Army under the command of the Mareschal de Vitry in Pro∣vence, might cast themselves into the City. Mean while Monsieur gets into the Castle with store of Horse, and the Mareschal de Vitry having Intelligence there∣of, dispatched thither his own Regiment, who himself followed in person; and there were such strong Fortifications raised against the Castle, that it was impossi∣ble for them within it to force the City▪ without great loss to themselves. Yet such was Monsieur's courage, that the Assault was resolved; whereupon all his Forces were commanded to prepare themselves to fall on, and accordingly were disposed in order: But the Dukes de Montmorency and d' Elboeuf both there, were so exasperated by jealousies between them, that they could not resolve upon pre∣cedence: so that their strife hindred the execution of the design, and changed their assault into store of Cannon shot discharged against the City, to batter and ruine it. The Inhabitants were no whit terrified hereat, rather on the contrary, as if their fidelity had receiv'd new vigour from those violences, they resolved to undertake a Siege against the Castle: In fine, some got upon the Towers, others into the Steeple of the great Church, from whence they found a means to shoot into the Castle, which did ••ot a little disturb the Garrison; They likewise invested it on the other quarters, by the help of those Troops which the Mareschals de la Force, and de Vitry had sent unto them; so that the Garrison was much incommo∣dated, having not Ammunitions necessary long to subsist, or to sustain a Siege. The Duke d' Elboeuf having got out, provided to send a Convoy with provision of Vi∣ctuals, and Ammunition of War into the place: But the Garrisons placed by the Mareschal de Vitry, both in Vartabregues and the Castle de Saint Romain, prevented his Design, having twice or thrice intercepted the Mules; and besides, the Marre∣scal de la Force inform'd that the Duke d' Elboeuf did gather together store of Am∣munition at Monfrein, to clap them into the Castle, marched on the second of Sep∣tember from Pont-Saint-Esprit, and presently forced the Duke d' Elboeuf to retire with his Forces from those Quarters; and having commanded the Sieur de N••ual∣les to seize on Monfrien, upon the Governours promise to receive him, he march∣ed into the place, and carried off all the said Ammunitions, together with the Duke d' Elboeuf's baggage, which did not a little refre•••• the King's Army. This once effected, they in the Castle despaired of relief, and surrendred upon composition on the sixt of September, The courage and fidelity of the Inhabitants giving the Lye to that Proverb, Who so is Master of the Castle, will soon be Master of the City; and the King to reward them, and incourage other Cities to do the like, bestowed on them divers Favours and Priviledges.

Politique Observation.

IT is an error to believe it impossible to preserve Cities, their Castles once ta∣ken. Divers examples have evidenced, that, as there is hardly any force e∣qual to their courages who are stoutly resolv'd to defend themselves; so there is not any thing which can compel a City to surrender, when it may be forti∣fi'd against the Castle, and whose Inhabitants are men of courage. The order which the Commander of such a place ought to follow, is, first to inform himself whether the people be divided, whether some party among them be not well-wi••h∣ers to the Castle; and in case there be, presently to send them packing; then ought he to animate the rest, both by discourses and example, to give proofs of their fi∣delity: It were good that the Inhabitants did forthwith raise Barricadoes from one street to another, and place Guards to defend them. He is likewise oblig'd to use extraordinary diligence in raising Fortifications to secure it against the Castle, to guard the Ports, and all Avennues, with Souldiers sufficient to make good any as∣sault against those of the Castle, in case they should attempt it. To this end, if there be not sufficient Force among the Inhabitants, trained up in the Exercises of War, he ought not to be defective in procuring them from other places; He shall do prudently, if he visit the main-guard every hour, to see that all be in a readiness. If the City be weak on any quarter, whereby it may be liable to a surprize, he ought to be dexterous in Fortifying it? and in conclusion, having once brought the place into a posture of Defence, he then ought to resolve on laying siege to the Castle: for as an assault addeth more courage to the Assailors then the Defendants, so doubtless his will shew more valour, then if they were reduced to the necessity of their own proper defence. But that which I esteem most considerable, is, that those of the Castle once surrounded and besieged, date not attempt any thing up∣on the City, having enough to do to defend themselves: He ought so to invest the Castle, that there may be no way left for the carrying of men or provisions into it: which once brought to perfection, unless they are excellently provided, the Garrison will soon be straitned: If there be any Hill which doth command it, it were proper to raise a Battery thereon, whereby to play upon the Castle: as also to fill the highest Steeples with Souldiers, who by often shooting at them where∣ever they appear, may in the end tyre them out. Neither is it less necessary that he have Souldiers abroad upon all Avennues, to prevent any relief; and thus the prudence of a Governour animated by his Courage, may secure a City after the loss of its Castle.

The taking of Monsieur de Montmorency.

THe Mareschal de Schomberg who commanded his Majesties other Army, being advanced near T••olouse, sought all occasions which might afford him any means of testifying his courage: He resolved to besiege Alby, but was first obliged to relieve the City of S. Felix de Carmain, whose Castle had been surpriz'd by four Brothers, called the Judges, then in Monsieur his service: In order whereunto, he sent thither the Marquis d' Ambres with some Forces, and himself followed with the residue of his small Army; But before his coming thither, he was acquainted how the Marquis d' Ambres, who held a particular correspondence with those four Brothers, had offer'd them a considerable sum of money, which they thought themselves happy in accepting of, and so to deliver up the place unto him on the first of October. Now Monsieur then upon his march to clap some Forces into the Castle, hearing of the surrender, was so much the more desirous to encounter the Mareschal de Schomberg, because he it was that had deprived him of that place; as also because his Highness Army was of the two the more numerous. He was re∣turned from Beaucaire, having left the Duke d' Elboeuf there to secure the Castle if possible. The Duke de Montmorency was come with him, who animated him to

fight; The Baron de Linieres offered himself to go and discover the state of the Mareschal's Army, which that he might the more easily and securely effect, he went in he habit of a Cordelier, which only served to render him suspected, so ap∣parent was it that he had seldom used to wear it. The two Armies met near Ca∣stelnaudery and the Mareschal de Schombergh having intelligence that the Duke de Montmorency, who led Monsieur's Army, had a design to fall upon him, he ac∣quainted the Marquis de Breze therewith, who commanded the rest of his Majesty's Army, in the quality of Mareschal de Camp; and after some discourse together▪ they concluded and prepared to fight. The Marquis was the first who discovered Monsieur's Army, within two Musquet shot of the way, at what time he was pas∣sing the King's Army over a little River, in the Valley. Now conceiving by the Enemy's countenance, that they design'd to let him pass over a small narrow Bridge with one half of his Army, which consisted only of a thousand Horse, four Com∣panies of his Mjesty's Regiment des Gardes, and six of that of Chamblay, that they might the better fall upon the Rear-guard, and break it, being in a condition not to be relieved; he gave notice to the Mareschal de Schomberg, how he thought fit to pass the Army by a good passage about two thousand paces higher, by which they might get over before the Enemy could discover their intent. The Mareschal approved his advice, as very judicious; and having signified as much to him, he put it in execution, and whole Army passed the Brook, before any of the Ene∣my advanced towards them. They presently saw the Army in Battalia within a great Meadow, and withall, to give the Kings Army leave to passe, they drew off a little neerer Castelnaudary: But had they taken their stations, when the enemy in hast passed the River, who were payed in their own coyn; for the Marshal de Schomberg discovering their Forlorn Hope, sent to charge them before they were all passed over; the foot made their shot, as also the enemy's, and the Horse ad∣vancing, were at first impeded by certain ditches, though the Sieurs de Loriers, and de Beauregard Champreu, found a way to passe through with twelve or fifteen of their followers: And Monsieur de Montmorency, who was advanced onely to discover them, came on presently, and charged them with an hundred Gentlemen, they met with all possible courage, but with great losse on Monsieur's part; for the D. de Montmorency was wounded, the Comtes de Rieux, and de la Fucillade slain, four or five hundred slain upon the place, and amongst them the Comte de Moret; for the Kings Musquetiers having discharged upon their Horse, beat them out of the Field, insomuch as Monsieur de Montmorency, was on a sudden forsaken by all, saving four or five of his followers. His courage was neverthelesse so im∣petuous, that he was not moved at it; but on the contrary, suffering himself to be transported by an inconsiderate rashness, as if his wounds had bereft him of sense, he advanced from the place where he was, with those four or five others in his com∣pany, into the Field, where meeting the Mareschal de Schombergh's company of Gendarmes, he gave and received some wounds, both of Sword and Pistol, without any more consideration of the danger he ran, then if he had been immortal: He charged up to the very Guards, and Chamblay's Regiment, where they discharged so thick on him, that his Horse being wounded in divers places, fell down, and his Master under him, by which means he was taken Prisoner by the Officers and Soul∣diers of the Regiment des Gardes; which yet was so far from incouraging Monsieur's Army to endeavour the fetching of him off, rather on the contrary, they were so astonish'd at it, that they kept their stand, as if fear and grief had equally surpriz'd them. Hereupon the Mareschal de Schomberg, and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger, and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs, they judged, that having fought so luckily, slain so many persons of quality, and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebelli∣on, it would be improper to run a second hazard; because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency, the residue of the revolt would dissipate of it self, with∣out necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieur's Army afresh, by a strait Bridge, where but few could march together, and that within Cannon-shot. How∣ever

they made a stand about and hour in the field, to see if the enemy would de∣mand any thing, but perceiving them not to advance, they drew off the King's Ar∣my to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary, where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time, until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security, and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known.

Politique Observation.

IT is usual with Souldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight, to prose∣cute their Victory to the full; but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness, and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation; The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear, ought not to blind him, but he ought to make use of Prudence, and not to run the hazard of losing a cer∣tain Victory already obtain'd, in hopes of a greater, but uncertain; He who can∣not be contented with an indifferent Victory, endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten. Briefly, It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities; for, to reduce them to a necessity of fighting, doth often expel all fear from them, filleth them with courage, raiseth up one to be as good as four, and redeems the Victory they had lost. What, but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so couragiously, that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thou∣sand of their enemies? Was it not the same necessity, as History observes, which made the Romans, when so hotly pursued by the Lacedemonians, that they had not time to retire to their Vessels, to turn again, make a stand, fight like Lyons, kill two hundred of them, and take as many Prisoners? The Consul Manlius, that not a man of his enemies might escape him, set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat, but the enemy perceiving it, and knowing the impossi∣bility of saving themselves, fell upon him, slew him, and became so furious, that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces, had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them. For this very reason it was, that the French retreating from Na∣ples, the ablest Italians were of opinion, to let them have free liberty of depar∣ture; and which is more, if occasion were, to favour their retreat. It is always glory enough to vanquish, in what measure soever; but who so contenteth not himself, renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten.

The Sequel of what hapned at Castelnaudary.

THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency, was received by Monsieur's Army as the greatest misfortune that could befal them, though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for, either in regard of Monsieur's person, who (had the Engagement longer continued) could not have been kept from it; or else in regard of the Interest of France, by this means secured from the enterprizes of a Faction, exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violen∣ces. Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieur's Army, who had too much courage, and too little conduct; and to his Souldiers, who shewed no courage at all. But to omit the causes of this happy defeat, I shall say. The King received notice hereof at Lyons, from whence his Majesty resolved to depart, upon the Cardinal's assuring him, that his only presence, after such an advantage, would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc, as accordingly it hapned. Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory, be could not set forward, so apprehensive was he of Monsieur's state, without dis∣patching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection; who de∣parted upon the ninth of September, with order to tell him, that his Majesty touch∣ed with the same affection he always had for him, was ready to receive him, to en∣tertain him favourably at Court, and to perform the contents of his last Declarati∣on; that he should be restored to his Goods, Pensions, Annuities, and Govern∣ments,

in case he would acknowledge his fault, and relinquish all his correspon∣dencies, both at home and abroad, who had engaged him in that Revolt: that if he had rather live in any other place, his Majesty would assent thereunto, Provided it were a place free from suspicion; That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf, and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates. Could more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the Kings heart, then what was here shewed, which cannot be denyed to have proceeded from a bounty truly ex∣traordinary?

The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur.

BUt that I may say somthing of the event of this Treaty, I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur, found him much discontented, not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken, but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him; which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens, and those of his Faction, no less sollicitous of their own, then their Master's interst; who then began to misdoubt their being taken, and made ob∣jects of his Majesty's Justice; for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebel∣lion upon their persons, they having been the chief contrivers thereof. Neither were they less afflicted for having miss'd of those advantages which they fancy'd to obtain by the War. But on the other side, considering the preservation of life is to be preferr'd before all other Interests, they had already concluded, that Mon∣sieur wanting Forces to carry on the War, should seem to desire Peace from the King, the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoydable misfortunes, and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage, which might give them hopes of better success. Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice, in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War, and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would im∣pose on him; so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Ma∣jesty, to testifie unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent; and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyaltie for the fu∣ture; beseeching him to forget what was past, and by the affection wherewith he had ever honour'd him, to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceedings: Withal Chaudebonne had order to beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom, his re establishment in his Goods and Offices, and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde, with all other his Adherents, or the Queen-Mo∣thers. To demand a place of Security for Monsieur, That the Queer-Mother should be recall'd; That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorrain should be re∣stored; That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur, to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorrain; and that the Ar∣rest issued out against the Lady du Fargis, should be repealed. All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival; so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcom, all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer; and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty.

Politique Observation

AMongst the divers marks of Good-Will, Compassion (the Mother thereof) is the most assured; it being certain, that none is sollicitous to set a person indifferent to him, or against whom he hath some cause of anger, reduced to ex∣tremity. Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others suf∣ferings; and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather then sadness. A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemies Vessel beaten by a Tempest, with his Masts already broken, and Sayls torn, ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves; but otherwise is he affected if the Ship

contain any person who is dear unto him; at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief, his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven, and he would pre∣sently addresse himself to send him assistance: In the same manner is a great Prince touch'd with compassion for those who relate to him, or are esteemed by him, when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition. The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments, it being most certain that true generousnesse never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost ex∣tremity of misfortune. A well-grounded courage will rejoyce to obtain a victory against his enemy, but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his afflicti∣on, and beareth some part of his sadnesse with him. Thus a noble Roman Cap∣tain, having defeated the Macedonians, began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him, and rising from his seat, went to receive him with all honour, as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune; and when he cast himself at his feet, would not suffer it, but raised him with a sence of compassi∣on for that estate, wherein he then beheld him. In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae, and brought them into slavery, would not enter into the City of Capua but by night, as if they would compassionately hide the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darknesse: In conclusion, pittying their distresse, they re∣stored to the Consuls their dgnities, their fasces, their Ushers, with the rest of their Train, and thus entring into Capua, both Magistrates and people came to comfort them. In the same manner, the ruine which befalleth persons of eminent quality, deserves the more pity from the greatnesse of their fall, and in regard their confusion is exposed not onely to a family or City, but many times to all Europe.

A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur.

MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency, whilest he was yet at Castelnaudary, and though his present extremity caused him to re∣ceive them with a great deal of satisfaction, yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing, untill he had in∣deavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty: He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne, to be exceeding sensible of his Majesties goodnesse, besee∣ching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him; that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future, and never to thwart his pleasure: In brief, he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf, as himself most humbly did, to grant, according to his usual clemen∣cy, those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne, particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency. That he respectfully accepted his Majesties offers, but that, adding that one favour to the person who he loved, and one who had not ingaged but for his sake, he should be infinitely much more obliged, and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit. The Sieur de Aiguebonne, returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King, being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit, but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne, who had set forward the day before; by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne, and conjur'd him to accept of them without making other pretensions, his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesties dignity, the good of the State, nor his own proper interest. Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur, his Highnesse was not a little troubled to see the diffi∣culty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was; but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, not forgetfull of those jealousies which had been between them, was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts, and pressed Monsieur to with∣draw himself from the Precipice, by laying before him the obsolute necessities, as his affairs then stood, either of ruine or accommodation; neither did he much

care, as every one observed, to let the D••de Montmorency to be cast away, provi∣ded himself might be safe from shipwrack. Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution, though he was somewhat staggered, but sent Chaudebonne a second time, to make new instances upon his first Proposition•• and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces, which, however quartered there∣abouts, but neither the Governour nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter. This was the cause that he made no long stay there, but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torch-light, having received an A••arm that the Kings Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry, and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him. Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit, and came to Nismes, where Chaudebonne, who but three days before, had returned towards Monsieur, came again to meet his Majesty, and re-inforce the former Propositions, and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party. But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions, whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be perswaded to submit, in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty, for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to perswade him thereunto. By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity, that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat, his forces being many of them disbanded, and those of Beziers it self, now in his Majesties obedi∣ence, and who, after his departure from them, had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him, refused to receive him; and in conclusion, had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty, who commanded them to receive him, but with his Train onely, and to render him all the honour due to his quality. The King approved of the overture, and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers, sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury, and the Marquesse de Fossez, Governour of Montpellier, but without any other conditions then those, proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne: At their first arrival Monsieur declared, that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency, who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake, no more than the rest of his adherents; that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty. They replied, that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable, neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature; and besee∣ched his Highnesse to consider, that if he had any interest in their concerns, the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him, or to grant, by way of compulsion, any grace to such Rebellious Subjects, who had de∣ferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice. They represented to him, that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns, and that Princes though of his quality, had no other way to obtain grace, but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults; that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse, seeing, his Majesty had of his own meer motion, and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour, sent to in∣vite him; that after all this, to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious; that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency. or any other his Domesticks, having no order but the former; but that they might safely tell him, that in case it should stand with his Majesties service, to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired, his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto; that in fine, his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt, as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State, to maintain his Majesties au∣thority, to deter others, and to chastize this Rebellion, which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice, unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate. These reasons were urged with such addresse, moderation, and prudence, that Monsieur was from that time, almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will, yet some time he desired to consider of it; which was in effect, that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, who

finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in, induced Monsieur to resolve to treat; he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it, in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage, and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagi∣ous terms; and in fine, he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution; they took his word, and the Articles of accom∣modation were concluded, by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty:

First, That he would forget and forgive him: He promised his Majesty to re∣lapse no more; that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners, and with the Queen-Mother, during her abode out of the Kingdom, contrary to his Majesties Will.

That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe, and live like a true Brother and Subject.

Moreover, Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him; nor complain, if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment.

To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family; and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty.

Briefly, It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels, which had ingaged Monsieur in the War, should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past, by which the State might receive any prejudice, and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal, and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure.

These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented, an assured testi∣mony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely: They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance; and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex, promised him in his Majesty behalf, that his Majesty should receive him into his favor, establish him in al his goods and pensions; give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses, as should be thought fit, and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf, and all others then residing neer his person, without ingaging any thing for the rest.

His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez, and according∣ly ratified them; and thus was this desired agreement concluded, which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse. No∣thing was discoursed of but Peace: the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon, who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another, received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them. Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours, seemed to be satisfied in his very soul, and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions, disowning those aspersions publi∣shed against him under his name, assuring him, that he had never consented to them in a though, and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him, not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King, but also for his eminent vertues, and the great services he had done the State. And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated.

Politique Observation.

AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt, as shall hereafter be declared, so ought they readily to pardon the rest, Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies, that Hannibal for his harsh courage. It was his usual saying, that nothing

was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things, than willfully to persist in enmities, which oftentimes cause those forces, which were design'd for great atchievements, to be made use of in a mans own defence, and to secure him for the ambushments of his enemies. Clemency ought to shut a Soveraign's eys, that he may no more behold their faults, who beg his favour in matters of revolt, ha∣ving first layed by some of the chief, for examples sake. And is it not then a gene∣rous revenge to pardon a man already overcome, especially if he be of the same blood? Pardon is sometimes as difficult to be supported by Grandees, as the con∣fusion of a defeat; some have chosen rather to perish then to beg it. Withall, a King is so far from receiving any detriment in his government by granting it, the rather on the contrary, Clemency is a spell which charmeth every one to love him; it is one of the strongest Pillars of his State, besides the glory which it carries with it, whose splendour is not small, generosity having no stamp more venerable then Clemency. And Experience evidenceth, that all good courages have a natural sweetnesse to cure wounds, without leaving any scars behind them. The Herb, called by Homer, Nepenthe, presented to Helen by the Queen of Egypt, was much esteemed of for the allaying of all griefs, for causing an oblivion of offences, and for restoring the same sentiments of affection, which had been before the breach of friendship. The Grecians were esteem'd very wise, who, when they could find no other expedient to redresse the many crimes, during the time of the thirty Ty∣rants, published a Decree by them called the Amnesty, commanding they should all be buried in Oblivion; and the valiant Scipio took the same course with his re∣volted Souldiers, telling them, he desired Oblivion might efface their fault, and in case that could not do it, it might at least be smothered in silence, to the intent it might not be cast in their teeth. All that Princes have to consider in communi∣cating the effects of their Clemency, is, so to pardon, that they leave neither the courage nor the liberty of relapsing into a second fault, by making sure of those who may occasion it. Those who humble themselves, they ought to set free from the rigours of their justice; yet the favours they grant ought to be managed with such prudence, that whilest they forget those crimes which they pardon, the other may forget their ways of offending them.

The Cities of Languedoc, return to their Obedience.

AS a Tempest usually giveth place to the Sun so divers the revolted Cities of Lan∣guedoc, upon his Majesties approach to their Province, returned to their obe∣dience; and among others, Bagnols, Alby, Lunel, Villenene, Maguelonne, Fron∣tignac and Beziers. But the Calm did intirely manifest it self, after Monsieur's accommodation had been signed and confirmed, every one then returning to his duty; yet because the Peace of that Province, and the peoples safety were necessa∣rily to be secured, his Majesty commanded, that Brescon, the Castle of Pezenas, the Cittadel of Beziers, and divers other places should be eraz'd; which not being any Frontiers, could onely serve for a retreat to Rebels: Withall, he gave Com∣mission to the Sieur de Muchaut, Master of the Requests, assisted by the Marquess de Tavannes, Marshal of his Camps and Armies, to chastize divers partakers of that Rebellion, both in their persons, and the razure of their Castles. And in con∣clusion, that he might draw a general acknowledgement of the Rebellions commit∣ted by those of that Province, and leave some better settlement behind him, he as∣sembled the Estates at Beziers, upon the first of October, the next day the Session began, himself being personally present. He appeareth with that splendour where∣with he is usually inviron'd when he sitteth in his Throne of Justice, being accom∣panied by the Cardinals, Princes, Dukes, and Peers, Marshals of France, and other Lords attending him The first sitting of the Court was in his Majesties pre∣sence, and the Keeper of the Seals, having represented to the Bishops, Gentle∣men, and other Deputies there present, how hainous the crime of Rebellion, which they had committed in the late Commotions, was, he was most humbly beseeched by

the Arch-Bishop of Narbone their Speaker, that he would pardon the whole Pro∣vince; in whose name he promised him a most inviolable fidelity. Whereupon, the King that he might fully make to appear the effects of his Clemency, not only pardoned them, but suppress'd the Esleus, and confirm'd their priviledges; yet, he made a new order for the imposition of monies, which were at any time to be le∣vied in their Province.

Politique Observation.

IT is not enough to beat Rebels out of the field, and to force them to their houses; a Soveraign is moreover obliged to establish such an Order in the Province where the Rebellion hath been, that it remain not exposed to the danger of a second storm, after he shall withdraw himself. He ought judici∣ously to imitate the Prudent Physician, who having rais'd his Patient out his bed, indeavoureth to re-establish his temper, and to restore him to such a condition of health that he may not fear a relapse. It would be a great rashnesse to punish all that are guilty; so to do, would assuredly raise a greater revolt, and which instead of troubling one single Province, might indanger the whole Kingdome. It is in∣deed proper to assemble some of them, that he may receive and acknowledgement of their crimes, their submissions, and their repentance; that once past, his Cle∣mency ought to pardon the multitude, his Justice having reserved some of the Ring∣leaders for exemplary punishment. Thus Aristides having received intelligence in the War, how some the noblest of the Athenians, finding themselves oppressed by poverty, and discontented to see themselves depriv'd of that Authority they had formerly injoyed in them management of affairs, had conspired against the peo∣ple, and resolved to deliver the Common-Wealth into the hands of the Barbari∣ans, rather then live in the estate whereunto they were then reduced, satisfied him∣self with causing eight of the principle to be taken to punishment, and exhorted the rest to behave themselves with such courage, that their generousnesse might efface the memory of so ignominious and enterprize; which one thing wrought more effectually with them, then if he had severely punished them. It is only fit for inferiour Judges to raise informations against all the particular accessaries to a crime: Kings, who Clemency maketh far more glorious then Severity, ought to wink at the disorders of the multitude, seeing they had not ingaged in a Rebelli∣on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault then all the rest. I will moreover adde, that it were proper they did a little swee∣ten those Orders which clash with the peoples sence, and which have served for a pretence to their Rebellion; for it is exceeding dangerous to be obstinately reso∣lute in any thing that goes against the hair of the multitude; not that I should think it Prudence to admit of what ever they desire, that were too base a conde∣scension, and would imbolden them too too much; a mean ought to be used, and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends. The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose, by such windings as may best convey us to it, though it be the further way about; and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yeeld to Time and Necessity, and to sit still with effecting, though not all we would, yet what we may without exasperating the people. A King may lawfully, without all peradventure, establish that which is right, and which carrieth with it any advantage to the publick, but Prudence ought to pre∣cede all his Decrees, and he ought to be carefull that there happen not at any time more evil then good by his commands.

The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency, his life and liberty.

ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry, yet the Duke of Mont∣morency being their chief Ring-leader, there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency, without due punishment, unlesse it were purposely to give all other Governours free liberty to rebell as often as they pleased, consi∣dering how it was by the chance of War, and his own only rashness, that he fell into the hands of his Majesties Officers. For this reason it was, that the King comman∣ded him to be carried to Tholose (whither his Majesty came not long after) im∣prisoned in the Town-House, and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him. He was examined, witnesses produced face to face, according to course, neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death; he having been taken with his Sword in his hand, against the King, as himself confessed (adding with tears in his eyes, as is usual with all persons of quality, when they find themselves convicted; That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life, he would not desire to obtain it unlesse to lay it out in his service, and that he might expiate part of his Crimes, with his Blood. Sundry persons of quality, and amongst others, the Princesse of Conde his sister; the Cardinal de la Valette, and the Dukes d' Espernon, and de Cheureuse, were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon, and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot, to cast himself at his Majesties feet, and to Pe∣tition in his behalf. But what likelihood was there, of passing by so hainous an offence without chastizing it? What reason was there to give life unto him, who had indeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom, with whom he had the least acquaintance, who had used his utmost to ingage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion, who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France, that he might the better countenance his designs, who had introduc'd the Spaniard, who had had the boldnesse to procure the States of the Province to authorize his Rebellion, who had raised all the Souldiers he possibly could against the King: briefly, who had left no stone unturn'd which might any ways contri∣bute to the advancement of his pernicious designs? What reason can there be al∣ledged sufficient to excuse such a crime? It was not a fault committed by mistake, or rashly, but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed; for the effecting whereof, he had bent all his wits, and set all his Engines on work, for above seven or eight moneths together. His name was indeed honourable, in regard of his Ancestors, but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty, was his family illustrious, his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality, especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferr'd upon them, and the punish∣ment of his offence ought to be exemplary, to warn the Nobility to contain them∣selves within the bounds of their duties, and within the limits of fear of his Maje∣sties Justice. He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions, but not such as were any way considerable, with that of this his attempt, which strook at the root of the Kingdom, which forced the people from their obedience, which tended to the destruction of his Majesties authority, and the ruine of his Subjects. What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency, far diffe∣rent from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplifie unto us, upon the least commotions in their own Countries? Had it not been a wilfull blindnesse in matters of State, and the establishment of the publick quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to passe unpunished? To say truth, he must have no lon∣ger been a King, had he tied up the hands of Justice, and hindred her from prose∣cuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions. Thus the Marshal de Chastillon, going to wait upon the King, with intent to join his request with

others in his behalf told him, that the countenance and eys of those who supplica∣ted him, did sufficiently declare, that his Majesty would oblige very many persons, if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life, but was answer'd with a Prudence well-becomming his Majesty that he should not be King, if his sen∣timents were such as those of private men.

Politique Observation.

A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State, if in all his actions he did not regard the publick good, before the satisfaction of divers persons. Good Emperours even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church, have preferr'd the State before their Fathers or children; and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them, seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills, when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof. Were it not a madnesse to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th hazard of Ship∣wrack, by indeavouring to save one particular man? Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered, when as the publick good is in agita∣tion, of what weight then ought anothers life be to him? The object of Princes is the civil good, and is folded up in that of the people in general. No one can doubt▪ but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people, to prefer the common good, before that of any particular man, who hath run into any hainous offences. So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all, then of any one criminal, and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions, will commit a manifest oversight, if he dotq••not follow the like example. He deserveth not to wear the Crown, if he permit the oppression of his Subjects, and the Revolt of others to go unpunished; God Almighty ha∣ving intrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands, that he might preserve them in obedience and defend them from oppressions. Kingdomes (saith Plato) are then well governed, when the guilty are punished. The Lawyer saith, that the chief∣est care which a Governour of a Province ought to have, is to dreseree Peace; to which end, he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles, by punishing them according to their demerits; in a word, private men propose the well-ordering of their families, for the end of heir businesse, and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes. It is the property of private men, to be solicitous of private concernments, and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good.

Mosieur de Montmorency's Death.

THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose, after processe made against him withall legal proceedings, to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October. But before I proceed to the execution, I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death. The Cardinal de la Valette, fore-seeing no probability of saving him, beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor, the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament. His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof, being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul, by making his body an example of Rebellion, which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted, before their sentence be passed, yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze, to conduct Father Arnoux, Superior of the Jesuits, particularly desired by the Duke of Montmo∣rency, and to charge him to assist him, day and night, for so long time, as he should thing fit and requi••te for his consoation. The Father went to him, and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him, in order to his well-dying; to which end, he desired to make a general Confession. One thing did somewhat trouble him, which was this, he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty; there

would be longer time required, then was probably left for him; he supposing, as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning where∣upon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux, and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him, that he might the more deliberately and without molestation, look back into his Conscience, that he might make such a Confession, as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind, and that he should take this for one of the greatest fa∣vours he had ever received from him. The King condescended thereunto, and his Pi∣ety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice, he readily granted him that liberty, commanding, that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day; and also permitting him to communicate, although contrary to the use for persons in his condition. He ended those holy duties, which once passed over, he employed the afternoon in making his Will, according as his Majesty had permitted him, wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal, one esteemed for the rarest peece of France, being a Picture, representing Saint Sebastian dying, and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant. The morning following, he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations, such submission and generousnesse, that he discovered no other fear of death, but with what is natural to the greatest courages; and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber, the whole Court (the Lord Keeper being President) con∣demned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin, as guilty of High Treason, in the highest degree. The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Ju∣stice, which when he heard he told the Commissaries, how he thanked them, and the whole Company, beseeching them to tell them in his behalf, that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice, as a sentence of Mercy from God. After this, his thoughts were altogether taken up, in disposing of himself to die like a Christian. And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying, he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed, though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him.

Politique Observation.

TO pardon every one, is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one; this only injureth the nocent, but that the innocent, seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes. This only destroyeth particular families, whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars, which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency, but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom, by their second eruptions. Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd, the chief heads of a Revolt, ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet, which were but accessaries there∣unto: It is the order prescribed by Justice, and in effect, it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil, then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions. The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainous∣nesse of their Crimes, although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates. On the contrary, if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions, it likewise rendreth, them much more culpable, and consequently more deserving of punishment, then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome. Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects; but they are the more no∣torious, by how much their quality is more conspicuous, because their exorbitan∣ces are of a more dangerous consequence. Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun, then those of other Stars, because such are commonly attended by sad events; so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation, are more to be regarded, because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men. The revolt of a mean Gentleman, is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in

a Kingdom, but that of a Governour of a Province, or some chief person in the State cannot happen, without carrying great misfortunes along with it.

It is great Prudence in such occasions, to follow the councel, give by Thra∣sibulus to Periander, who sent his Ambassadours to him, desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State: He carried them out into a large field, and discoursing to them of things indifferent, he cut of the highest ears of Corn, and then told them they should acquaint their Master, with what they had seen him do, and how that was the best advice he could give him: Periander understood the meaning, and well concluded, that the only means to rule in quiet, was to cut off their heads, who might any ways trouble the State, and that Prince who follow∣eth not this Rule, when Justice requireth it, shall quickly find himself necessitated to sustain the inconveniences of a Civil War. He who cherisheth that Serpent which hath formerly stung him, exposeth himself to the danger of a second wound; and that Prince who once pardoneth the Ring-leader of a Rebellion, giveth life to a man, who may in time find an opportunity to raise a second and more dangerous revolt, because he may then better provide in prevension of those evils which cau∣sed his first ruine, whereas him death were a Quietus est. In a word, a Prince cannot but be commended for sacrificing the life of a Rebel, to the quiet of his State.

A Design to surprize the Dutchesse d' Esguillon.

THe news of Monsieur de Montmorency's taking, being brought to Bruxels, the Queen-Mother and Spaniards, received it with no less sorrow then asto∣nishment; concluding, that seeing the strongest Pillar of the Rebellion by them raised in France, was surpriz'd and carried to a place, where he was onely in a condition of suffering, the whole contrivance which they had so finely spun to force the King to stoop unto their Wills, would now vanish into nothing. The Queen-Mother in particular, who had ever a great kindnesse for the Duke of Montmorency, was in great fear for him, lest the King should make him the ob∣ject of his Justice, for an example to others, as he had well deserved. But Father Chanteloupe, who never wanteth remedies, at least imaginary ones, for all acci∣dents, which do never so little provoke the Queen-Mothers passion, knowing that in Womens affairs, a Man is ever acceptable to them, in case he do but sooth them in their affections, advised to surprize Madam de Combalet, and to bring her away to Bruxels; assuring themselves, that having that Lady in their hands, who being the Cardinals Neece, and indued with such qualities, as rendred her not only the most amiable, but the most deserving person of the Court, was the object of his affections, that grand Minister would be compelled to obtain his pardon, for very fear lest she might find some harsh usage, in case they should put him to death. I may safely say, that the important services of this favourable Genius, ought to have hindred the Queen-Mother, who knew him better then any other person what∣ever, from consenting to so unjust a design when it was first proposed, for that consideration alone, ought to have been an inviolable security to all his relations. But I will only say, the merit of that Lady was sufficient of it self, to oblige her to punish the Authors of such rash Councels, seeing she is the Ornament and Glory of the Court, the honour of her Sex, a miracle of Virtues, and replenished with exemplary Piety, not precise or disagreeable, but attractive and taking; that she doth (as it were) force a respective love in the Souls of all who behold the ma∣ny Graces wherewith Heaven hath inriched her. But what reason was there, or indeed what reason could there be alledged to expiate the Duke de Montmorency's Crimes of Rebellion, upon a person whose acquired Vertues and innate Graces did oblige all Man-kind to pay her all imaginable honour and respect? Yet Passion having no eys to behold any truth which thwarts it; the Queen-Mother approved of Chanteloup's design, thought good to command the execution thereof at Beçan∣çon, writ unto sundry Gentlemen whom she intrusted, to assist the attempt, and

took care that for the safer bringing her away, horses should be layed ready upon the Road between Bruxels and Paris. But God who is pleased to defend Justice, and willingly protecteth such as are by him indued with any extraordinary qualities, discovered the Plot by one Rouure, one of the chief Conspirators, who acquain∣ted Madam de Combalet with the whole contrivance; and moreover, furnished her with the means of taking nine principal Agents therein, by the Chevalier du G••••t, who were all carried to the Bastille. It was not long before there were Commissi∣oners appointed for their Examination, and their design being proved, by many undeniable testimonies, they could not have escaped the reward due to such crimes, had not Madam de Combalet, of her own good nature, whose charity shineth among her other virtues, hindred the execution, by her humble Petition unto the King. It was satisfaction enough for her, that she was safe from the danger, and she was more solicitous of rewarding Rouure, who had been instrumental in her escape, then of causiing them to be punished who would have acted so outragious a violence.

Politique Observation.

ALthough besides the injustice, it be an impudent boldnesse, to injure Ladies of Quality and Honour, their Sex and Merit having ever secured them from all outrages, even in the hottest times of War, yet they receive no little glo∣ry by pardoning such rudenesse, if any be offered unto them. It is not the same thing in matter of forgiving wrongs, between private persons and Princes, the latter being often obliged to follow the rigor of the Laws for the good of his State; whereas it is alwaies honourable for the former to forgive, especially for Ladies, sweetnesse being a becomming Vertue of their Sex, although cruelty be a usual in∣gredient in their constitutions. It is a most assured mark of Generosity, then to par∣don injuries when one is able to revenge them. None but great Courages are touched with pitty; for those who have shewed themselves most inhumane, they only convert their Anger into Compassion, whereas they might justly enough take exceptions against them. Julius Caesar, whose Vertue is not only notorious, but admired by all the World, was hardly to be moved to anger by the common fry of men, thinking them (belike) beneath his Passion, and too inconsiderable to dis∣quiet him. In a word, it is one of the highest points of Moral vertue, but Chri∣stianity inhanceth in somewhat further, obliging us to forgive those who have of∣fended us, for Gods sake, who invites us unto it; an advantage it is, and that much more advantagious against offenders, then punishing of them, seeing there is not any thing wherein we can more lively resemble the Divine Bounty, then in par∣doning of injuries. Kings themselves are not more considerable for their Justice then their Clemency. Many there have been ingenious enough in punishing the guilty, but few are the examples of Clemency, it being rarely seen, that a grand patience cohabits with a Soveraign power; though the Sun be the most worthy Ornament of the Heavens, yet he is only respected by men, in regard of his benigne influences, which he sendeth amongst them; and true it is, that let a Lady be never so great, yet nothing can so much recommend her, as Clemency, especially such as carrieth her on, to do good unto them who have made themselves unworthy thereof, by their indeavours to do her a mischief.

Monsieur leaveth France, and goeth into Lorrain.

MOnsieur's accommodation being concluded, and his Majesties prudence having disposed of every thing, which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France, every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Mon∣sieur's Revolt, had been so clipp'd, that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders. All good Frenchmen, were touched with such joy, as they who having been long weather-beaten, by a Tempest at Sea, do at length safely

arrive unto their wished Haven. But those joys were short lived, the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down, which threatned France with a furious storm: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens, and some others, who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels, had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King, with design to ingage him in some new Revolt, as occasion should pre∣sent; and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions, then they had done in Languedoc; they were not long with∣out a pretence to palliate their intentions, Monsieur de Montmorency's death, should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom. They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life, who was a person of such neer concernment to him, he could not think himself over se∣cure of his own freedom, in case there should be any suspicion upon him, that how∣ever it was a strange affront put upon him, in the sight of all Europe, seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman, who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests. At the same time they gave out, that his life had been promised un∣to Monsieur upon his accommodation; whereas on the contrary, the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez, did never give him any such assurance, that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour, his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France. Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome, yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him. The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg, proposed Lorrain, the place where his heart was, and advised him to retire thither, it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite, and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place: The rest found but little safety in Lorrain, by reason of the Dukes weaknesse, unable to secure their retreat, or stay there; but were of opinion, that Monsieur should retire into Cazal, where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras, would re∣ceive his Highnesse, and where he might live secure from all fear. The little assu∣rance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain, did somewhat touch him, but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles, in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain; in consideration of him, and how that he would alwaies be re∣ceived there, his birth rendring him considerable, swayed his former resolutions, and made him incline to that side, so powerfull was his credit with him; although the rest represented to him, that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards, then in any other place whatever; that they might perchance entertain him with honour; but that it was to be feared, he would not long continue Master of his own liberty, or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it. The resolution of departing being concluded, Monsieur went into Lorrain in November, and for the more specious pretext of their relapse, they presumed to write unto the King, persisting to abuse his name and pen; how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life, and the procuring of his liberty, having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose, the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him, was so publique an affront, and slight, that he could no longer indure it; and withall, that it was impossible he should longer continue in France, without giving cause to suspect, he had made his own accommodation with other intentions, then of ob∣taining that favour, of which he was still fed with great hopes: Besides that, he could expect little satisfaction for his own person, seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him, whose life was equally dear to him, with his own, and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor. This was the substance of the Letter, whereunto there need no other answer, but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom, for a Crime which could not be let passe without pu∣nishment, unlesse to the very great detriment of the State, especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity, after he had conspired

with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom, after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces, after he had been taken in the head of an Army, with his sword died with blood in his hand, actually fighting against his Majesties service, after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family, and committed several other enormities as hath been declared; there was little reason to expect his pardon, and as to the other part, that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers, only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's par∣don, when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto, having not forces enough to defend himself. Such was the reply which the King sent unto him, wherein he testified to the whole World, how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood, to separate themselves from him, or to be deficient in paying those respects, unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King, yet he rendreth him∣self inexcusable, if his Passion transport him beyond his duty: He ought to recollect unto his memory, how that no one, in a well-govern'd State can im∣pose the Law on his Soveraign, but that every one ought to submit his own private, to his Princes Will. There are in a State, as in the Soul, superiour and inferiour powers; and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way un∣to the stronger and more able; so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince, and to comply with his Will, without any the least contradiction. What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head? And what can be looked for from a State, where the Nobles flie out, and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees? This were repugnant to the Order of Justice, nothing but misfortunes could attend it. It matters not whether they al∣waies meet with their particular satisfaction, seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good, not the requests of his Grandees. The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth, as we would have him, but as he is obliged in order to the universal good, so he withdraweth himself at cer∣tain hours, and who so should be discontented herewith, would it not appear un∣reasonable? Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State, to with-hold their favours, and to deny their pardon for certain crimes, which otherwise they would not scruple to grant? And were it not too too little submis∣sion, upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off, and to flie out into extremities? Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent, that there need nothing but a pri∣vation of passion to behold and force a confession, that it were imprudence not to prosecute them; but admit there were no such evincing arguments, yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign, in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret. Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious, which was this, they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples, to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions, such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities, from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored, it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things, then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition. I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces, to teach men of all conditions, to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience, cheerfulnesse and submission, without examining the reasons of them, which ought by them, though unknown, to be esteemed for good and just, especially seeing at last, their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects, and that it is a kind of Rebellion, as it were, to contradict it. For my part, I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives, reasons or in∣ducements of their Wills, because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths, not proper to be known, as happened at Florence, in the time of Cosime

de Medicis, who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason, why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill dis∣charging it; at last told him, after many importunities, that he did it, because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former, letting him see by this answer, how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope. So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee, who had in∣gaged him in a Rebellion, and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor, might be answered, that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares. It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents, and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will, then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust, to raise suspicions and spies upon their acti∣ons, and to hinder their receiving of any more favours; whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied, they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion, and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages: And Guichardine in his advices saith, that he had oftentimes obtained his ends, by dissembling his discontents with those, who else would never have served his turn, and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them, as he could not have expected had he discove∣red any dislike.

Certain Bishops of Languedoc, deposed from their Charges.

THe Duke of Montmorency, had acquired so great credit in Languedoc, that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service, but several Bishops also, and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States; some recanted what they had done, and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration; but othersome stood out in their Rebelli∣on, amongst whom were those of Alby and Ʋsses, who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands, of Nismes who would have done the like, of Alets and Saint-Pont, well-willers to the Rebellion, either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted. The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States, had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession, which tended to pro∣cure Peace, and to shew examples of obedience unto others. And why Gentle∣men (quoth he, one day, in a full Assembly, speaking unto them) and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province, or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State, or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people, to assist those who contrive wickednesse? Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies? Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged, tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court, to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition, in the blood of our Diocesans, and to fight out their quarrels up∣on our very Altars? Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome, and ready to invade us? Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil, in case they obtain any little successe? And shall this Province become a Conquest, where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will in∣title them unto? Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars? Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned, your Goods destroyed, your Church Ornaments plundered, the Portions of the poor rifled, and the Priests of the whole Country, flying from their Cures into places of Safety? And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you, how can you countenance the revolt of this Province, where his Majesty hath de∣stroyed Heresie, restored Peace, Liberty, and Glory to the Church, of which she had so many years been deprived? Can you forget how his Majesty came per∣sonally into those very places, wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence, what dangers he attempted, how often he grap∣led with our enemies, and to what hazards he exposed himself, that be might re∣establish

us in our Functions, and the free injoyment of our Goods? Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him? Be∣hold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us. It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission, by him so often recommended unto his Apostles, whose successors we have the honor to be. This is it, unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you, yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse, and more then that too, if you will do me the honor to believe me. This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs, had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion, that alone pre∣vented it, insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion. Hereupon, the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obe∣dience, both by exhortation and example, to excite them to Rebellion, could not put up such disorders, but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks, to receive their Revenues, and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses, and Episcopal Seas, and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal perso••s, he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bi∣shop of Arles, the B••shops of St. Fl••ur, and St. Malo, to draw up their process against them. His Majesty might have made use of his own power, and have pu∣nished them, by his ordinary Justice, inasmuch as it was Treason, from which there is no exemption, neither could it have been thought strange by themselves, seeing Jesus Christ himself, and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel, refused not to be judged by the Laiety: Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men, would not commit their judg∣ment but unto persons of their own Coat, who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only, death preventing the Bishop of Ʋssez from receiving the like punish∣ment; the rest they restored to their Bishopricks, having not evidences enough to condemn them, although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour, yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority, seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pe∣lagius to Childebert, one of our first Kings, and St Gregory to the Emperor Man∣ritius, acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority. It is moreover true, that Bishops are more especially obliged, beyond any other Subjects, to live in an exemplary Loyalty, and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace. Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity, the take a new Oath of Allegi∣ance, which as it were a second Chain, tieth them to the yoke of obedience, but admitting that were not so, yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother, which is a spirit of peace, are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given, and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention. Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exaspe∣rating an insurrection in Florence, against the Medicis when he publiquely preach∣ed, that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established, to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some, and the Libertie of others. They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts, do render themselves the more unworthy of their cal∣lings, by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood. We should think it very strange, if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God, to inlighten the World with its stars, to produce nourishments, by its influences for the preservation of all creatures, to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers, and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits, should in a sudden alter its nature, and only fill us with darknesse, terrifie us with Thunders, and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns: And would it not be more wonderfull to behold (the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing, then to

be obedient, and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind) Bishops, their Successors, indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood, to divert people from their duties, to arm them against their lawfull Prince, and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority, which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns? This were absolutely repug∣nant to the Orders by him established, and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed. If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties, the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them, in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed, and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine, ren∣dreth their example of a more dangerous consequence, and their discourses more powerfull to perswade, whatever they are disposed to inculcate. For this very reason was it, that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes, was deposed by Childebert, that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen. In the time of Chil∣dery, that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis; upon this score it was, that Lewis the Debonair, forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties, Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims, Volsphod Bishop of Cre∣mone, and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans, accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy. Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Trea∣son to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims. It is the ancient politique custom of France, a Right belonging to our Kings, and which Pope Zachary himself advi∣sed Pepin to put in execution, without any scruple, when and so often as occasion should require. And what probability, I pray is there, that the Bishops and Church∣men of a Kingdom, should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion, and not be punished for so doing, to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men, and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it, or depose them from their fun∣ctions, after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them, by their evil deport∣ment.

Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise.

THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc, Monsieur le Cardinal invi∣ted him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence, where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion, and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency. The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment, for at least a year before, had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province, in consideration of other recompences offered unto him; and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court, that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him, without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking: It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty, not to proceed unto the extremities of ri∣gor, but when he should be, as it were, inforced it, by the extremities of dis-obe∣dience. But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence, being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court, and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling, whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty, he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise, to beg leave of his Ma∣jesty, that he might passe away two or three months time at Rome and Loretta. The King was very glad of it, and readily granted his desire, as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love; yet was it neverthelesse upon condition, that after his return, he should come to Court, and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct. But instead of returning back from Italy, he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre, one of his Domestiques, to beseech his Majesty then at Vic, to bestow some employment upon him, amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy, for the safety of his Allies: His Majesty denied to grant his request, conceiving that he ra∣ther aimed to palliate his disobedience, then to do any real service, and thereupon renewed his former command, that he should come to him, and justifie himself as

to divers particulars whereof he was suspected. But he being never inclined to obey this command; and on the contrary, living out of the Kingdom, without his Majesties permission, against the inhibition contained in the Law, which declares such Princes as violate it, guilty of High-Treason; withall, residing there to en∣tertain intelligences to the King's disservice, of which he had particular advice, there was no other way to look on him, but in the quality of a Rebel, and to de∣prive him of the Government of Provence, which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy; he being further to be suspected, in regard the House of Lor∣rain layeth some ancient claim, although upon weak pretences to this Province; whereupon the King (provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government, and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry, whose valour prudence, and affection his Majesty might rely on, with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State, which would not as quickly be repelled; and withall, caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day, that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur, though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt, who hath declared his discontent, or hath any pretence to the place in his charge. The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction, rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment, and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him, is to deprive him of all imploy∣ments, it being a thing of great concern, exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences. The punishment inflicted on them, serveth for an example to others, and keepeth them in their duties, whereas impunity incoura∣geth others to run into the same faults. Besides, he who hath once had the impu∣dence to imbark himself in a rebellious design, will be ever ready to put it in exe∣cution, when a fair opportunity invites him. Great sicknesses administer suspici∣on of relapses; and the wisest Kings, having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance, have ever distrusted him, and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill. Small things may be hazarded, but amongst such, the Go∣vernment of a Province, one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned. It is likewise equally dangerous, to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented; it were to be ignorant of the usual consequen∣ces which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them. There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured, then to study revenge, and to use his utmost indea∣vour to retort it. To give such a man authority, were to impower him to satisfie his Passion, which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual. The great im∣ployments of the Marshal de Marillac, did only serve to render him the more culpable, neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor.

But above all, it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces, to such as have any pretensions unto them, how old or ancient soever. This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof, in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur, who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some preten∣ces as antient as frivolous. Doth not every one know, how much the late King was troubled to get him out? And was not the deceased King blamed, for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm, his son-in-law, who in processe of time, was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof. Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences, it teacheth Grandees disloyalty, and maketh them like Moles, alwaies undermining; it ma∣keth them slight their quiet Life, Health, Laws, and Religion it self and all, that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire; nay, it sometimes so puffeth them

up, that some of them have carried in their hearts, the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads. Mark Anthony made a discreet Order, when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria, his native Country, whose inhabitants had as∣sisted him in that design, whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country. How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right? If Ambition be to be feared, though without a pretext, how much more is it then to be suspected, when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it? If the Province be divided into parties, he need then onely adhere to the strongest, and then much may be done; but if it be united, he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt, if he once get the affections of the people, which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it, and makes it his businesse.

The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris.

THe King having setled all things in Languedoc, in such a posture, as there re∣mained nothing to be feared; his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October, to return towards Paris•• Now having formerly understood, that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation, he intended to march thither with all speed; to which end, he would only be attended with some Light-horse, certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback. The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul, could not resolve to make such speed, especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages, and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth, had much decayed his strength: Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen, but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose, when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse, which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux, where is pains so increased, that France was like to loose him, who in the conduct of his Majesties Arms and affairs, had estab∣lished her in the highest point of glory she had ever yet been. His Majesty was not only tenderly affected thereat but exceedingly afflicted; far otherwise it was with strangers the most ambitious of who were perswaded to beleeve he was dead. If they apprehended any joy thereat, much more did the factious spirits of the Court begin to lift up their heads, perswading themselves this Sun once set, they might rise with more lustre; and among the rest, le Garde des Sceaux de Chasteauneuf, instead of bewailing with tears of blood, the losse of him who had obtained all that honour for him which he possessed, and who had preserved him maugre the malice of his many enemies, suffered himself to be so vainly puft up with the hopes of succee∣ding in his place, that he began to act the chief Minister, to issue out Orders which concerned him not, and to ingage himself in Cabals with such persons, who not onely hated Monsieur the Cardinal, and passionately wished his death, but had evill designs against the State. The Cardinal had ever prevented him from inga∣ging very much among them by the strict hand which he kept over him, and by curbing in his vanities, but being once got out of his sight he lost himself, by setting too forward in affairs, and inconsiderately precipitated himself into disgrace by as∣piring unto too much honour.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more ordinary with men then to be bewitched to great imploy∣ments. This was one of the chief reasons, that the Ancients painted For∣tune blind, for few persons there are who can keep a medium in great Offi∣ces. There are none but eminent genius's who can secure themselves from certain ebullitions, which do (as it were) naturally arise from extraordinary pro∣sperity, and do cause most men to fall from favor to ruine. Ambition and Vanity do every day ingage those whom Fortune smiles upon in new designs to rise higher.

and in case they want lawfull ways, they refuse none which flatter their Passion, when they find themselves most fix'd in their power, then do they most despise that of the law, and assume the licentiousnesse to advance themselves by any means whatever; the higher they are mounted, the sooner they forget those who have exalted them, and they are industrious to destroy their Benefactors, that they may injoy their honours. That which is most deplorable, is, neither age nor time can cure this Court-sicknesse; but on the contrary, it doth dayly acquire more force and deeper root in ordinary spirits who are the more apt to esteem their own deserts from the time of their experience. Hence it is that they can nerver be suffi∣ciently rewarded. This is that which hath ever been a maxim with me, a g••eat rise is commonly the first step to misfortune, especially to a man who is not indued with an extraordinary conduct to curb his Passions, and preserve his soul in modesty neither did I ever think any man the happier for being in great Offices, he hath more trouble for the time to come, then satisfaction for the present; the super∣abundant cares, the troubles and discontents which accompany him day and night, and his insatiable passions which do incessantly solicite him to aspire unto more, force him to deny himself, the enjoyment of what he hath▪ that he may arrive un∣to what he hath not. Happy is the man who is content with his own condition, he is Master of more injoyments and tranquility then those who afflict themselves in their greater pretensions; and on the contrary, there is no person more unfortu∣nate then him, which knoweth not how to bound his desires, nor to acknowledge his good fortune.

ANNO 1633.

The Arrival of the Cardinal at Paris, after his sicknesse at Languedoc.

IT is reported that the people of Thule grieved with the Sun's long absence, who for the space of 40 daies leaveth them in an absolute darknesse, did here∣tofore go up to the tops of the Mountains, when first they saw the morning Usher him in, to welcome his approach with a thousand shouts of joy, and offered sacrifices to him. It should likewise seem that most men of quality, at Court, or in Paris the beginning of this year, impatient of once more seeing the Cardinal, who every one considered as a most propitious star, on whose Pru∣dence the King hath often said the happinesse of his State depended, would imitate the like actions at his arrival. Heaven which is frequently pleased to mingle some evills with the prosperities of this life, had sent this grand Minister, together with the joys of those happy successes which his Counsels had obtained for his Majesty in Languedoc and Lorrain, a very dangerous sicknesse, to the great grief of all such who were any whit desirous of the good of France; but Passions changing with Objects, joy succeeded their grief, when it was once known that he was returning indifferent well, and the desire which all considerable persons had to see him invi∣ted them out to meet him, so that they rode from Paris to Roche-Fort, a small Village belonging to the Duke de Montbazon, where he was to rest before he came to Paris, which was covered with Horses and Coaches f••ll of Nobility. Divers went to meet him as far a Estamps, and others to Orleans; but who will not be surprized to hear that the King himself was pleased to honour him so far, as to visit him at

Rochefort, and to shew him the testimonies of so particular an affection, that no∣thing could be more visible or obliging: Hardly had the Cardinal alighted, when the King arrived. His Majesty impatient to see him, went up into his Chamber by a back-stair, which was the nearer way, whil'st this grand Minister hearing of his comming, went down the great stairs with more diligence then his strength would well bear; so that instead of meeting, that agility which is natural unto the King, caused him to go down again, and after some hindrance by the presse of the Nobility, they at last met in the Castle Court. The Cardinal approaching his Majesty cast himself at his feet, but the King presently raising him with one hand, imbraced him with the other so tenderly, that most of the beholders could not forbear tears of joy, each one professing that it was impossible to see testimonies of a more cordial favour from a Master or more respectfull affection from a ser∣vant. Such were the sentiments both of one and the other, that at first they were speechlesse; but having recovered the liberty of their tongues, the King told him, that he received as much joy to see him in so good plight, as the enemies of France had at the false report of his death, that this testimony of their hatred was a new instigation to augment that esteem he ever had on his services, and that he should not recommend any thing with more earnestnesse unto him, then the being care∣full of his own health. The Cardinal answered, he desired not to live but to serve his Majesty, that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life, and that his health would soon be recruited, since he found his Majesty in so good condition. After this they retired two hours in private together, to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him, after which his Majesty returned to Paris.

Politique Observation.

EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State, as the only lustre of their fair attempts. The joy of their return from a long voyage, hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them, and to render them all imagi∣nable respects. Thus Pompey returning, after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse, the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City, the ways, the Port and the streets were so full, that there was hardly any Passage. Some were offering sacrifice for his health, others feasting and ma∣king merry in sign of joy; some march'd before him with Torches, and others strewd the way with flowers. Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits, every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome, that they might render him the glory which he deserved, yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates, the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it; but on the other side, it is observed in History, that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome, as at his return either to see him, or to testi∣fie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him. I will passe a little further, and add that justice and prudence, do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions, and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers, either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands, or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service. Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people, and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince, then to his Subjects, he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude, if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him, himself receives no mean advantage thereby; because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour, will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service, and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands. It there any thing more glorious (said the great Chancellor of Thiery, King of the Goths) then

to deserve praise and approbation, who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery? Surely no, the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his acti∣ons, and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation. Which if true (as doubtlesse it is) there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility, then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants, nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince be∣stoweth upon him; they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers, then their stamps do on their monies.

Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the import∣ance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will, when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace, at such time as they came to sup with him, and waited on them back again when they took their leaves.

Ferdinand King of Spain, the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained, was not to seek in it, when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains, returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one, he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest. Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable, for he seldom spake to him but bare headed, and sometimes received him upon his knee. He well knew, that the honour where∣with he acknowledged his services, did animate others to follow his example, and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands, that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him.

A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty.

IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty be∣tween the Spaniard and Hollander, his Majesty bent his chief care to take or∣der accordingly: Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concern∣ment, that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend there∣upon; and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use, in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard, who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries, to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders, and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it, gave great cause to look about, lest they might be induced to assent thereunto: Neither was it unknown, how that he designed (the League once concluded) to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army, as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France, and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour, the better to curb the Swede, and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them. The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions, was indu∣strious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty; in order to which, he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becom∣ming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit: He committed the manage∣ment of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace, who was newly returned from Germany, where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes, that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment, could not be any ways suspected. I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions, onely this, the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Car∣dinal, to whom nothing was impossible, but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it, so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired. After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange, the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland; he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League, which may con∣clude their differences in an happy peace, but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to

their interests to send him unto them to communicate such thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth. He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it, was enough to render it suspected, that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy, connot be but with design to advantage himself, that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it, that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies, in Germany, in Italy, in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security, did not a little incline him thereunto: He further represented to them, how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment, not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling, and made it easie to be con∣cluded, that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition, would be the more prejudicial to them, he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable, than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded; neither was he backward to represent unto them, that admitting these his reasons should be invalid, yet they did abuse themselves, if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it, in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries, a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July,▪ 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them, and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty, 1609, yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted, and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience, as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions; seeing on the contrary, upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others, and that admitting the Trea∣ty should be once concluded, yet they must ever be renewing of it; and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby, but the losse of a fair opportunity, whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb. He moreover, forced them to con∣fesse, that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace, the State of their affairs, and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it, that their Provinces were never more flourishing, that Learning, Husbandry, Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish, were with them freely exercised in times of War, that their Disciplines were so carefully improved, that the Athe∣nians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might, that their Pastures and Plains, were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers; that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords; and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick, as the Province of Zealand, and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty. Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years! yet it could not however but be advantagious to them, because the Flemings and Walloons, would in that interim forget their warlike ex∣ercises, and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria, that there would be no more cause of fear; but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes, and represented to them, how little reason there was to be∣leeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty, would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons, because the Spaniard would not leave them idle, but find employ∣ments enough for them in other parts: and that on the contrary, undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany, which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries; by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power, to receive the Law from him, and to lay down their Arms, and which once effected, that he would bring back his Forces from Germa∣ny recruited with a far greater strength, which had for many years supported the House of Austria; and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland

unto slavery. This Answer was the more to be considered, in regard it was so convincing, contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty; nor did he forget to add that on the contrary, it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces, both in regard of the Division it would raise among them, or the dis-use of Arms, and their Traf∣fique in the Indies, so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power; that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the In∣dies; the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the re∣ceiving so great detriment as he had from them; but that in case they concluded it, they would thereby blast their fairest hopes, diminish the stock of their riches, and cut off their right hand, their power by Sea, without which they were not consi∣derable among their neighbors: As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War, he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them, as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions; and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace, which had received it's birth and being from War, and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor. He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them, as experience had evin∣ced in the late 12 years Treaty, during which the Spanish Plots, Gold, and de∣vises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do; besides, the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises, would loose much of their valor, by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages, and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh, when it is seconded by glory; that he might excite them, he proclaimed aloud, that there never yet was Common-wealth, so like the Roman, as that of the Hollander; adding withall, that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War, as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time, but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus, so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace▪ and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them, when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty, their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies, not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution; but the more, in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours, es∣pecially those of Germany, who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged, could not for the future be so assisting to them, as formerly they had been. He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies, injureth it self; and that in fine, if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty, there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted, who openly said, Pompey knows not how to overcome. This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull, which the Sieur de Charnace im∣ployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty, so dextrously did he manage them, so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange, who for some particular interest was indiffe∣rent well inclined thereunto, and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse, that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spa∣niard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country, in a Treaty of Peace, wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof, neither satisfied with this resolution, he assured them according as he was commanded, that they might the more readily take the field; how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men, to be sent unto them from the Swede, who accordingly were con∣ducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander; so that about the be∣ginning of Spring, the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it, and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them, yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions. The first is, when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an ad∣vantagious Peace, for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the ob∣taining of a good Peace, and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means, it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it: The Olive Trees, true Symbols of Peace, bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries; and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace, are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars. I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth, nor wil I longer dwel upon it. The second is, when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty. There is not any cou∣rage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity, and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize, how just and glorious soever, hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame. War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory, which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country, it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall. The Gods themselves, saith an Ancient, do submit to necessity; there is nothing stronger then it, and the greatest vertue must stoop to it, neither is any valour or prudence obliged to op∣pose it. The third is, when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy, whom at that time we despair to overcome, and that either by sowing some division among them, or by effeminating them by the discontinuati∣on of their warlike exercise. The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest, when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised, but letting fall the Sails, run∣neth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor, untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again: Thus is it an effect of discre∣tion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War. The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded, when it will afford the means of taking more ad∣vantage. War is a kind of sicknesse in the State, and as sick people are permitted to rest, the better to recover their lost strength; so I think it cannot but be com∣mendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time, the better to refresh his forces, to recruit them, and to raise monies necessary to maintain them. If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty, it will then be very improper to conclude it, when a Country is flourishing, and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace. Most certain it is, that sometimes so it happens, and Hannibal well knew it, when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans, at the end of the second Punick War, he reproached them, as Livy observeth it. Ye had much more reason, quoth he, to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers, that was the would which killed you. The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it, it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms, unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires, perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse, which opening the door to delight and luxury, might in a little time dul their courages, and make them easily conquered by their enemies. This if true, among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War, nor can be preserved but by War. It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit. Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans, he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did, as Livy recor∣deth, which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him, for having suffered himself to be surprized by them; for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War, of which the Romans were altogether unpro∣vided;

so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him; besides all these considerations, if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace, it cannot but be esteemed for disadvan∣tagious. For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power, and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself; when there is not an as∣surance that it will end in a peace of use and profit? So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse, neither can any one so act, unlesse an enemy to his own interest.

The Marquess de St. Chaumont, sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves, to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns, and to establish him.

IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders, he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves, in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him, Fumay and Reveign, scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse, had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord; but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master, had clapp'd a garrison into them, designing to fortifie them, to secure the Commerce of that River, and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne. The King could not put up such an injury offe∣red unto the Elector, since he had taken him into his protection, but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers, with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them. The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort, and the Comte de la Suze, were made Marshals de Camp, who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places. His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition, whereby he might obtain the more glo∣ry to his Masters Arms; but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison, notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night be∣fore without sound of Trumpet, so that instead of fighting, all he had to do, was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy, who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector, did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay, and that of Normandy into Reveign. The Marquess de St. Chaumont, finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will, by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army, setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers, that they never took any thing without paying for it, but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie. The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time, and indeed the season of the year was such, in regard of the Snows and Frost, that he could not march without difficulty, so that his Majesty sent him Order to return, and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier. He returned to spend some time at the Fort, whereupon the 10th. of February, he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel, the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do, took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves, and to do what they pleased; but the King, and the invitation of the Spring, per∣mitting his return, he carried the Army back again, and without much ado forced them to quit the Field. The next thing he resolved, was to assault Freidembourg, upon which they had seized, whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Tra∣vellers, and the adjacent places. The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be in∣vested, and comming in person before it in the moneth of June, he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden, and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it. The Town was won with little resistance, and the Castle forced within two daies after, there being not above three or four men slain on both parts. Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession; neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the

Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof, caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City, about the beginning of October, by the Sieur de Bussilamet. The Arch-Bi∣shop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards, he desi∣red him to stay with him and command his forces, and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him, he presently returned them, saying, I beseech you keep them for his Majesty; his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year, commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord, to assist him in his interest, to receive his Souldiers into their Cities, joint∣ly to defend them, and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford.

The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection.

DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another, unable to subsist by his own force, but though it is honourable, yet it is not without care, if this protection be to his advantage, yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him; and in fine, fairly to restore it. To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse, or want of courage, or an ab∣solute breach of promise in the first assumption. He that for fear of the charge, the successe of the War, or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him, but doth likewise cloath himself with shame. Moreover, what expences soever he is at on such occasions, yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince, he being only, as it were, a Depositary; and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self, the restoring of them, will be as honourable, as the detaining of them will be un∣just. Ptolomy King of Egypt dying, committed his son heir to his Crowns, then a child, unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome, who professing a particular observation of their promises, were not deficient in resigning the King∣dom into his power upon his first being capable of Government. Thus Archa∣dius, seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians, so played his Game with Indigertes their King, that he un∣dertook his protection; and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands. Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour, and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire. That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples, Philip of Austria, King of Castile, leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age, requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian, and to take the Kingdom into his prote∣ction. The King accepted thereof, and in prosecution of his charge, was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it, that he preser∣ved his States against France it self, nor would usurp the least whatever provocati∣ons Maximilian gave him. In fine, notwithstanding all restitutions or expences, which a King is obliged unto, yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries; because besides the glory whereof he de∣prives himself, he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some one as powerfull as himself, who may raise advantages by it, and peradventure to his prejudice.

The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to the Queen of Swede, and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns.

THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland, his Majesty resolved to provide ac∣cordingly, and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown. The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments, rendred him no lesse deserving of this, then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delive∣red unto him; and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair, in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition, who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States, who were feared by their neighbours, and would have been a terrour to France it self, could the have prosecuted their advantages. His Orders were chiefly three; the first was, to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede, daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern, and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic; what care his Majesty took in their interest, the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates; and how rea∣dy he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victo∣ries. The second was, to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance. And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars, that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action. The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar, to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent, and there it was where the foun∣dation of all was to be layed. The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of Fe∣bruary, that he might the sooner get thither; but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion, unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason, perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them, the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union. He receiv'd Orders accordingly, nor was it of small consideration, because he could easilier dispose them one by one, then in a multi∣tude, nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron, to prevent those whom he had not yet seen, and to confirm the others in their resolutions; and being arrived, the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good, and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion. The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part; what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders; the strong diversions he had made in Italy, in Lorrain, and other places, the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require, the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies, tending only to their advan∣tage. Having thus recollected things past to their memories, he clearly represen∣ted unto them the present State of affairs, how needfull it was that they should preserve their union, and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies. This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular, that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death, and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour. He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on, and therefore clearly evinced unto them, that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany, and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable, if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire, and the ejected Princes to their Estates, there would be no means to ob∣tain it but by their strict union, which the Emperour not finding any means to break

would in time despair of being able to support him against their power, the far grea∣ter of the two, whilest their confederacy lasted. He had not much ado to con∣firm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany, they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth, neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their uni∣on failing would weaken their party, and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure. In fine, the found themselves forc'd to con∣fesse they had no other way left but to be firm, and to strengthen their confedera∣cy by a new Treaty. This advice conduced much to the end of his design, which having happily obtained, he lost no more time, but entred upon the new Alliance, between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part, and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other part, which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern. The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance, which was for the defence of their common friends, for the se∣curing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea; for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Em∣pire, by which every one might be restored to his rights. The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot, and 6000 horse, that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War, that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries, that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished; that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take, in the same manner as she found it; that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catho∣lick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality, if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy; that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates, that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded, which if bro∣ken by the enemies, the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one ano∣ther. The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes, who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour, yet this was not all, it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Prote∣stant States of high Germany; to obtain which, the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost diligence. The Articles agreed upon were, that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede, and the Electors Princes and Prote∣stant States of high Germany; by vertue of which, they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another, untill Germany were setled in its first liberty; that the Laws of the Empire should be in force, that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions; that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expences of the War, and that a good and lasting Peace should be setled. More∣over, that the Chancellour Oxenstern should have the management of affairs, who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him, composed of qualified per∣sons; some Officers of the Crown of Swede, and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire; that none of the Confederates in particular, should treat of Peace with∣out the joynt consent of the rest; in which, if any one failed he should be decla∣red an enemy; that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Ar∣mies with Victuals, Ammunition, and Artillery; that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes, and the Confederates; that the President with the Counsel, should take great care to retain the Souldier in good Order, and to secure Trade: In a word, that all the States and confederate Princes, should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany, untill the War were ended, and that they were duly satis∣fied, as well as the confederates, for the losse which they had sustained. This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties, which were looked upon to be so advantagious, that they were the substance of those great Armies, which during this year check'd the House of Austria's proceedings. Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it, who by his continual Instructions and Orders, gave

life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions; glorious for him it was indeed, and the more, seeing he had for witnesses of it the, four Protestant _____ _____ of Fran∣cony, Swave, the upper and the lower Rhine, Amstrudel the English Embassador, the Chancellour Oxenstern, the Chevalier Raches, Embassadour of Swede; Le Sieur de Pau Embassadour of Holland, and divers free Lords of Germany, who en∣tred the Treaty of Alliance, and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Councel.

That great Enterprizes ought to be prosecuted to the height.

THe glory of great enterprizes dependeth upon the end, not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height, without suffering him∣self to be stopp'd with any obstacles whatever. I do not mean such incoun∣ters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace up∣on what condition soever, to secure himself from an absolute ruine. It is then in∣deed Prudence to comply, and to take in the Sails, untill a more favourable oppor∣tunity permit him to put to Sea; but abating this one exception, a Prince is abso∣lutely obliged to stand immoveable, as a Center, whiles Fortune the Mistris of War, raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof. The timorous must in∣evitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs; but they who are couragious, raise Trophies of glory to themselves, so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind. Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth, but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent; and a Prince truly generous, is not only excited by his valor to great designs, but likewise to van∣quish all difficulties which oppose his glory. I may adde, that this Element would be inconsiderable, without this second quality, nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours, unlesse he testifie a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties. The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm, but keepeth on his course toward his Port, nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design up∣on every obstruction which thwarts him; but whetting his courage, and stirring up his valour he will bend all his indeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed, well knowing, that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and re∣solute in affairs. Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferiour to Pompey, as to number of Souldiers, yet was he never backward, during the whole War between them, to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Souldiers, long trained up in those exercises. Fabius Maximus was no lesse confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal; for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swoln up by fresh waters, whose course is hardly to be stopp'd at first by any obstacle whatever; he quitted not the resolution of over∣comming him, but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him, without any hazard; he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty, where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage, and by this means he dull'd the edge of his Armies valour, newly puff'd up with their late victory, and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution, Hannibal's Forces decayed. To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself. Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course, intended for the ob∣taining of his design, but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design, though he incounter some obstacles in the execution; rather on the contrary, they oblige him to prosecute the end, otherwise he discrediteth himself, and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness, offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory.

The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth, to congratulate him according to custome, and to compose the differences with the Venetians.

IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland, unlesse those of Italy were likewise considered, unto which the Cardinal had dispo∣sed his Majesty since the beginning of the year. Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Embassadour to the Pope to render him obedience, nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Complement. That this Embassie might serve for more then a bare ceremony, the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to imploy some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference be∣tween him and the Venetians, and to work his Holinesse to favour the interests of France, as occasion should happen. To this end, he proposed the Duke de Crea∣quy, as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expence suitable to his honour; but withall, who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy, and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing, which would be reasonably desired. His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice, and concluded the Duke de Crecquy, to be a person very proper for that employment, nor was he ignorant that one of the greatest points of policy, is to proportionate ment to business. His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings, his Prede∣cessors, gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope, and making use of his usual Prudence, commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians; and withall, to take occasion from the troubles of Italy, to unite his Holiness to the interest of France. The Duke de Crecquy accep∣ted this Embassie with joy, having ever been of the humour to spend his mony up∣on his honour and pleasure. The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome, obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May, the bet∣ter to set forth his equipage; which ended, he went by water that he might re∣gain his lost time by the help of the Winds. Being come to Rome, he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King, and eldest son of the Church; but the garb in which he appeared was such, that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours, nothing hath been seen like unto it. I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof, seeing other Hi∣stories relate it, intending only to observe that which passed of most considerati∣on in the management of affairs. All I shall say, is, he had above five hundred persons to attend him, Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries, his Offi∣cers, and among his whole equipage, as if he had been Master of the Indies. His first reception and audience was very stately; but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie, he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name, and pass'd some Complements of Civility, next them the Sieur de B••issieu, Lievtenant Gene∣ral of Grenoble, who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator, made the accustomed Oration of obedience, in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence. He represented unto the Pope, that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy, for his promotion to the Papacy, but that he might likewise send with it, the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the ene∣mies of the Church, together with the proofs of his obedience. Next of all he observed to him the great benefits, protection, and assistance, which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France; in consideration where∣of, the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church. Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories, and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest, would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces; and in conclusion, that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie, he told him, that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion, then his

Holiness had heretofore had at his birth; that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors, he prostrated himself at his feet, and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him, and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar, the Successor of St. Peter, and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation, with caution however, that this submission was done out of Christian civility, not duty, to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal depen∣dance upon the Holy See. One of his Holinesse's Secretaries, answered him with Complements and terms of honour, that his Holiness did receive with great joy, those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him; nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content; but the Duke, who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters inte∣rests, as occasion should require, did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences. He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions, particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians; well knowing, that nothing doth more effectually ob∣lige a Prince to the interest of another, then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him. The difference between them, was con∣cerning the Confines of Gorre, and certain Islands of the Country besides; some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara, which was suspected would be get an absolute breach. The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace, was fearfull of it, so that he willingly accepted of his interposition, and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest; in prosecution whereof, the Duke parting from Rome, went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair. The Sieur de la Thuylerie, his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth, so ordered affairs, that both parties did forbear their Arms, by which there was hopes of an accommodation. But before he departed from Rome, and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him, by mediating in this affair; he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France. He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany, and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion, but meer State, the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes, in the en∣joyment of their estates, and those indubitable rights which belong unto them, that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons, though they were not so bad as were represented to him; which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Trea∣ty which is Majesty had made, and by the fault of the Catholick Princes them∣selves who would not become Neuters; and that in fine, those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse, with which he remained very well satisfied. He further con∣firmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Au∣stria's designs upon Italy, which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See; and as∣sured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him, and never forsake him. In fine, designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for pro∣tection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians, or for security of the Prin∣ces of Italy. His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards, could not be induced thereunto; alledging for his excuse, that he resolv'd to con∣tine a common Father between the two Crowns. He was not backward to repre∣sent unto him, that a father doth not at all act against his relation, if he support him∣self by one of his children, against the violence of another; but the Popes humour, which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches great∣ness, or the liberties of Italy.

The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse.

THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope, have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions, to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual, to assure them of their obedience in that quality, and to recommend unto them the French Church, their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them. There are ancient examples thereof, and withall, instructions yet extant given to Embassa∣dours sent by our Kings, which declare this obedience to tend only to congratula∣tion and Complement. The truth of this is evident, in the Letters which Philip le Bel, sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh, by the Sieur de Mercueil, Messieur Guillau∣me du Plessis Cheval••er & Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche, Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors, to offer this obedience to his Holiness. Lewis the Eleventh indeed, for some particular consideration, would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second, by the Cardinal d' Alby, but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom. The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it, both by word of mouth and writing; besides the three States of the Kingdom assemb∣led at Tours, complained to him of it, as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Ma••stre Jean Durety, Doctor of Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy. Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protesta∣tion of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance; but the truth is, they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds: For to what end should our Kings have, in temporal things, any dependance upon the Pope; seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects, and confessed it in their wri∣tings? As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pelagius the First, in his pro∣fession of Faith, sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings, and St. Gregory the Great, to the Emperour Mauritius. The like is to be seen, in that of Pope Inno∣cent the Third, in one of his Decrees, where he saith, the Kings of France in tem∣poral things depend upon no one whatever. But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church; the Luminaries of our Faith, especially of ••er••ullian, who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone; and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet, Against thee only have I sin∣ned, saith this great King, useth these terms, purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings? I could easily adde the testimonies of many others; but I think I shall say enough, if I conclude, that this Protestation of obedience is offer∣ed more out of Christian humility, that for any civil obligation or duty, as divers Popes have upon their promotions, sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form, together with testimonies of their affections. Boniface the Eighth, sent his seal'd up in Lead, like unto that of Pelagius, Adon observeth in his Chronicle, that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him, sent two Legats to Charlemain, to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession, and the Standard of the City of Rome. Stephen the Fifth, upon his pro∣motion, sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair, with great Presents, as Pledges of his friendship. There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records, several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King, to acquaint them with their Conse∣cration, and to assure them of their good Will, whereupon Charles de Lorrain, Cardinal de Guise, performing the obedience to the Pope, in the behalf of Henry the Second, Anno ••547 amongst other things said unto them, that the Popes were or∣dained by the Laws of the Church, presently after their assumption, to dispatch Le∣gats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship be∣tween them.

Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France.

AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf, of which we spake about the end of the last year; experience having taught his Majesty, to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper, but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues; he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer, one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris, to bestow it upon him, as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments. His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux, as is commonly done, but expedited Letters Patents, to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France, after Monsieur de Halygres death, well knowing, that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road, though such was the modesty of that great Minister, that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse. This choice added much to his Majesties glory; it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement, intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand, who had ever maintained it by his integrity, nor wanted any of those quali∣ties requisite in an able man. His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief pla∣ces ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth; because men of mean descent are more envied the respected; neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour, from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages; that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris; and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known, who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe. It was said of the Emperour Co••stan∣tine, that the moderation of Augustus Caesar, the vertue of Tra••ane, the Piety of Antonius, were all united in his person, to render him worthy of the Empire; and true it is, the integrity, sufficiency, knowledge, elocution, zeal, and fidelity for his Majesties service, which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Ci∣vil his father, and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name, were all uni∣ted in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice. Besides, if he were honourably descended, his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him; but that like the Cedars, who though they grow on the tops of Mountains, cease not how∣ever to raise up their heads; his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men. He was in the common opinion of men, reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice; and indeed, he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity, that neither the noise of greatnesse, nor the sight of riches, could ever so blind or affright him, as to surpize him. His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand then his. The great Re∣venues he possessed, rendred him incapable of that corruption, which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune; yet this happy incapacity, conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office, in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money, who abounded both in riches and vertue. If his inte∣grity made him immoveable in point of Justice, the solidity and penetrating viva∣city, of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise, these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth. Disguisements and Artifi∣ces could never form any Clouds, thick enough, to hide any thing from his judge∣ment. Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences. Withall the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree, had added no smal perfection to the natural endowments of his mind, for that his family were both learned and honest. When age had first given him the use of Reason, his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence; that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life, but refine him, furbish him, and make him capable of all things, more sweet, more civil,

more courteous, more venerable, and more worthy of honour; and in fine, when he came to a riper age, whereas common spirits satisfie themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations, he dived into the secrets of all, and became very accomplished in them, there being nothing so high which pas∣sed his capacity. He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity, the Law was his usual employment, the Mathematicks his diversions, with History he was familiar, eloquence was natural to him; for before he had learned the rules of it, his discourses were so replenished with the strength of rea∣son, with the purity of words, the sweetnesse and elegance of expression, that his language was bewitching. These things were not a little considerable in the ele∣ction of a Garde de Seaux, who being his Majesties mouth to express his intenti∣ons in all great Assemblies, is bound to speak royally, that is, in terms becomming the Majesty of his Master. I will not say any thing of his Piety, though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman, as it is the foundation of a Kingdomes happinesse; because it is a subject too large for me to ingage in; my discourse of his merit being by accident, nor will I trouble my self to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Councellour, a Master of Requests, Judge in divers Provinces, and President au Mortier; his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known: only this, these things concentring in him, seemed, as it were, to conspire to force his Majesty to chuse him Minister of his Justice; I shall adde, that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man; the King well saw the graces had indued his body, with all that could render him lovely, or acquire him respect and authority. He was alwaies gravely modest, his discourse serious, his conversation agreeable and profitable, his pati∣ence in all affairs and all pleadings invincible, the complaisance wherewith he an∣swered, was truly admirable, yet such, that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesties service. There need no more to love him, but only to see him, the charms of his words rendred that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use, so taking, that none could be offended at it. I would adde more, if the Laws of his Majesties History would permit me, though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation, seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesties wisedom, then the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers, his noblest creatures.

Qualities necessary for a Chancellor, and Lord Keeper.

SEeing the Chancellor, and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chan∣cellor, executeth that change, and ought to succeed him, as the chief Officer of the Crown, the eyes of his Majesties Justice, the Depositories of his Seals, the Mi∣nisters of his Councels; the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his inten∣tions and pronounce his judgements; doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable. It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay, be dextrous; because what∣ever he spoils is of small value; but otherwise it is, with men who are in the chief Offices of a State, none of their faults are little, and their actions are of consequence; and for this reason ought they to bee replenished with all sort of perfections. France hath ever had, as other States, certain families supporters of its glory, who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness, and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces, the puissance of its Kings, and the glory of its Crown, against the injuries of time. A chief Minister of the Kingdom, when descended from such an house; hath a notable advantage by it, seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it, which Plaineth out the way to all great actions; at least I think it fit that his vertue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood, seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart, how prudent or vertuous soever, will hardly ac∣quire, but after the shewing of many proofs of his deserts. If Nobility without Vir∣tue

be but a subject of reproach, in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors, it cannot be gain-sayed but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it; but where Nobility and Vertue meet in one subject, they ad∣vance that man to an high degree, and render him worthy of all eminent dignities. Among the rest of those virtuous qualities, or indeed in the Front of them, which ought to set off a person of quality, this I account the chiefest, that he be indued with an high natural ability, and that clearnesse of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities, discovereth truth, and going before Justice, ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun. Learning ought to go hand in hand with this ability, seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous, in re∣gard they are subject to failings, and like the fruitfulnesse of a field, which if not cultivated, serves only to produce the more Thorns. Amongst the Sciences, those of Justice and Policy are most needfull, for that they are the true Objects of Chan∣cellours and Lord Keepers; those are the Fountains, from whence they man de∣rive the maximes of Government, the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy, the Sta∣tutes and Customes, and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates, the Office of Judges, and art of Lawyers. To this Doctrine, I may adde Experience, a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor, that without it, the very grea∣test lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them, are as little usefull, as the instrument in the hand of a workman, skill'd in the Theory, but not the Practick. Integrity ought to accompany him, being the Mother of Loyalty, and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges. The Integrity of a person of small ability, will indeed so far carry him, that the publick good will be the end at which he aims, but he cannot contribute so much unto it, as willingly he would, whereas he who is destitute thereof, doth most frequently look after his own interest. It was not the want of capacity but fidelity, which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece, to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars. Ne∣ver was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers, Ora∣tors and great Statesmen, as when it first began to decay; but that unbridled Pas∣sion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern, hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man; where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the indi∣vidual parts, digesteth it onely for it self. Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions, where they are obliged to pronounce judgements, and declare their Masters Wills; it elevateth a man so much above others, saith the Roman Orator, as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures. If it be befit∣ting and usefull to any, it is particularly to Statesmen; for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick, then good elocution. For my part, I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them, in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth, what Prudence resol∣veth, and what Justice requireth; without it, the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual. I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dig∣nities; because riches if lawfully acquired, do give much credit to vertue, serve to excite it, and execute their just and generous designs. I think them very ne∣cessary for a man who is to serve the publick, experience teaching us, that without them, vertue is often weak and languishing. Though vertue alone merit before God, it is unactive, unfruitfull, and inglorious among men. To be short, where the Goods of the body, co-habit with those of the mind and fortune, in eminent persons; it adds no small authority unto them, seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage, to inforce respect and reverence, and to perswade men to what ever they please; infomuch that the an∣cients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires.

His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request.

THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops, whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven. The State receiveth no small advantage by them. Hereupon, the Car∣dinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick, but upon persons well-deserving, who might be capable of serving God and the State, es∣pecially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life, or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced; so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered, being replenished with persons of abi∣lity and virtue. This was put in execution in all vacant places, after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery. I shall forbear to speak of it, till the History of this year, because it furnisheth us with many examples. The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty, to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc, whose Pastors had been deposed, Le Sieur Cohon, for Nismes; the Sieur Grillet for Ʋssez; the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu. His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice, which rendreth him venerable to all his people, being well satisfied of their merit, concluded them fit for that honour. The were persons who for above ten years past, had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris, to the great admiration of their auditory; and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life; their conduct had testified for them, that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service, to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him, as Gods Lievtenant on earth.

That the right of presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most ancient Privi∣ledges of the Crown, and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State.

AMong the Rights of this Crown, that of the presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most signal, as most ancient. The Primitive Bishops of the French Church, who have been the most shining lights of our Faith, have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy, in the fifth Councel of Orleans, where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop, without his Majesty's consent, the practice whereof is so frequent in History, that nothing but ignorance can question it. Gregory of Tours reporteth, that Bishop Quintianus being dead, Gallus was substituted in his place, and created Bishop of Overgne, by his Majesty's means; and that after Gallus his decease, there was some design to elect one Cato, but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King, and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death, was constituted Bishop in his place. He likewise re∣porteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes, in the room of Felix, by the Kings Order; as also Vitus in that of Vie••na, that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris, Clodomir, Omatius, Bishop of Tours, Clotair St. Medard, Bishop of Vermandoi••, and Euphronius, Bishop of Tours. History is pregnant with the like examples, so that to cite them were but vain, those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it, which who can question, seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things, which concern the good of their Kingdom, and tranquility of their people; and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical, but as much reflecting on the good of the State, as the Salvation of Souls? Bishops have a great influence over the peo∣ples sprits, to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion, unto what they please, as experience hath evidenced, in the time of Lewis the Debonnair, who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him, and as was afterward seen in Lan∣guedoc,

where five or six of them fomented a Civil War. The Empire of Souls i•• wonderfully potent, and its Arms though spiritual, are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets. The Soul once mastered, the body will soon yeeld, the one is the inevitable consequence of the other; and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings, and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those imployments, who may, indeed, be able to edi∣fie the people by their Doctrine and example, and altogether incapable of ind••n∣gering the publick. The happinesse of States dependeth much upon Religion, and the splendour of Religion, doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bi∣shops, next to the blessing of Heaven, the any other thing whatever. May they not indeed be called the foundation of it? Who doth more effectually fix the peo∣ple in the fidelity which they ow their Soveraigns, in obedience to Magistrates, in reverence to Parents, in respect to Justice, the rule of their conduct? Doubtlesse it is then very considerable in Government, not to chuse such persons as are inca∣pable of bringing these advantages to a State. I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to shew to Magistrates; but only it is necessary that they be honest men; because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good, and to neglect the restraining of the people, not that I shall approve of chusing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal; for such persons designing to do too much good, do oftentimes raise great disorders, which themselves are unable to redresse. Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion, because the function of preaching, was primitively reserved to the Bishops, who communicated it unto Priests, only by way of priviledge, and that at sundry times in sundry places. The Bishops of the East, did first grant this power to Priests, as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and Chrysostome, who while they were yet Priests, Preached one in Alexandria, the other in Antioch, a thing not used in Affrick before St. Austine, who during his Priesthood, had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him, by Bishop Valerius, a thing without President; and in Gaul this custom was introduced, about an hundred year after the Councel of Vaison.

The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers, two of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the Chamber of Accompts, from their Charges.

SHortly after, Monsieur le President Seguiers, promotion to the Seals, the ill conduct of President Cogneux, the Sieur Deslandes, Councellor of the Parlia∣ment, and the Sieur de Monsigot, Master of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris, forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices. I have inserted in the History of the fore-going years, the Rebellious acts in which they ingaged themselves; and in this I shall adde, that it being a shame for his Majesty, and unbefitting the repu∣tation of the affairs of France, to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Pa∣ris, and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accompts in the Kingdom, to live abroad in Forraign parts, avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion, and with the marks of their authority still about them, as if they had been innocent; his Maje∣sty resolved to depose them; for the more orderly doing whereof, he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice, and publish a Declaration, with expound∣ing the Ordinance of Blois where it is said, that all guilty of High-Treason, par∣ticularly, his Majesties Officers, should never be restored to their Offices; Decla∣red, that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Trea∣son, as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Tryals; there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesties service, to injoy their dignities, those rays of his Majesties power; and moreover, that the twenty eighth Article of the Or∣dinance of Molins, more ancient then that of Blois, where it is specified, that

those who are condemned by default and contumacy, may have five years time to acquit themselves, should not be interpreted in favour of them; his Majesty requi∣ring, that judgement once pronounced against Traitors, though condemned by default or contumacy, should after publication be put it execution, as to the con∣fiscation of their offices only, without being restored either by Letters or other∣wise. This very Declaration suppress'd the offices of President le Cogneux, and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason, whereof they were condemned by contumacy; they were unworthy of any favour, in regard his Majesty had given them a moneths time to recollect themselves, and to return into the Kingdom, which they had neglected to do. Besides, the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices, and conferr'd that of the President a•• Mortier, upon the Sieur de Lamoignon. formerly President of the third Chamber of Inquests; and pla∣ced the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay, Councellor of the grand Counsel, in that of Counsellor of the Parliament. His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence, and then to take their places. Monsieur le Comte de Soissons, went in his Majesties behalf to the Chamber of Accompts, to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot, and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues, was established in the office of Master of Accompts. Thus his Majesty ou∣ted three Rebellious Officers, and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure, they should be sure to be deprived of it, if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts.

Politique Observation.

VVHen Kings create Magistrates, and communicate part of their power to them; it is not to exempt them from obedience, but to fix their Crowns by new supports, and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection. To this end only it is, that Kings confer their power upon them, who as they command their people to make their addresses to them, to decide their differences; so do they no lesse oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds, by the example of their submissions, and the integrity of their judgements. If Magistrates ow the second to the people by their places, they are no lesse indebted to their Kings, in the first, with this distinction of obli∣gation, that the good of the State invites them to it, the Order of Monarchy re∣quireth it, and Justice it self commandeth it. What presumpion were it, for the Stars to indeavour to eclipse the Sun's light, when their own, is but the effect of his? What a disorder were it, if the inferiour Spheres, should oppose the moti∣ons of the Primum mobile? And what likelyhood is there, that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns, and con∣firm their Subjects in their obedience, should flie into Rebellion, and indeavour to draw them to follow their examples? They ought to beware that their disobe∣dience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade, and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care, to render them more beautifull to the French, and more respected by strangers, indanger them by their ill examples, and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them. Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements, is the foundation of the peoples submissions? The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at; in regard it may not be tolerated with∣out putting all things into disorder. The People are like clay, without form in themselves, but easily wrought by the Potters. In fine, they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates, and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions; they dislike what the other reject, and if they should rise against their Soveraign, they would make no difficulty to follow them. In affairs of this nature, Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun, who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his, and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light, and turneth her Christaline into a dark bo∣dy King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice, which formerly they

had intrusted with them, and to punish their Rebellions with severity. They who are the most mild, are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice, to prevent the eclipsing of their power, to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands, and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing.

Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year.

THose were not the only Changes which happened this year, there were divers others in the governments of Provinces, some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence, and others for a recompence of several per∣sons of quality which have deserved them, and which I cannot passe by unobserved. The Marshal de Thoyras, Governour of Cazal, had given some cause of jealousie, though indeed his fidelity was invincible, as hath since been seen; however, that place is of such importance, that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservati∣on of it. The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place, and gave the Mar∣shal permission to slay in Italy, upon some difficulties which he made upon com∣ming to Court. Le Sieur de Malissi, Captain of the Regiment des Gardes, was at the same time, made Governour of Pignerol, the Duke de Vantadour, was gra∣tified with the Government of Limosin, and having surrendred into the Kings hands, the Lieutenancy of Languedoc; his Majesty divided it amongst four, and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon, the Vice Comte d' Arpajon, the Marquesse d' Ambres, and the Vice Comte de Polignac. Le Comte de Joncac was made Go∣vernour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong, Angoulmois, Aunis, and the City of Rochel, the Baron de Pont Chasteau, Lievtenant General of Low Brittain, Le Comte de Palisse, Sieur do St. Geran, was made Governour of Bourbonnois, le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay, le Sieur de la Serre, first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets, le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets, the Duc de Chaune of Picardy, le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc, and the Cittadel of Montpellier, le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois; insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government.

That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places, into the hands of trusty Persons, in times of danger.

IT is very important, when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions, to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity. I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule, who often changeth his Governours. A man must be altogether ignorant of History, if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master, in the Kingdom of Naples: How∣ever, that wise prudent King, would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him; for fear, lest in processe of time, he might keep it to himself. The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar, incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty; whereupon, remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding, as that continuation upon his return to Rome, after the Affrick War, he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Of∣fice, above one year, nor no Consul above two. The Governour who hath long resided in a Province, may make creatures, contract frienships; an so play his game, that he may act the little King, and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt, if Ambition, which great men seldom want, should once inflame him. This made the Dictator Mamercus, say, the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick; besides, the liberty of changing of Gove∣nours,

after some few years, and substituting others in their places, is of great ad∣vantage, for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs, then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places. The memo∣ry of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull, and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection: Great men long accustomed do so habituate them∣selves, that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne, without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him; whereas he who is but lately pos∣sessed of them, having the favour fresh in his memory, indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection. This maxime, I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men; but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambi∣tion then reason; I may likewise adde, that it is little considerable to their For∣tunes, seeing if they acquit themselves, as they ought, of a place, their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others. It were to be wished, that such men in their own concerns, were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour, who having been five times Consul; and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office; and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family, was very earnest with the people of Rome, to divert them from conferring that honour on his son.

The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost.

THe King had for many years, receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility, that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders; and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour, resolved to grant them this honourable reward. He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal, who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service, by any stricter Banes then those of honour, and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity, which they had as often as occasion required, discovered unto him; so that finding him∣self at leisure about the beginning of the Spring, and without a necessity of being over early in the field, he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, and to fill up all the vacant places. It is impossible in such affairs to content all men, because there are never so many places vacant, as men who think their services worthy of that honour. All that can be done, is to prefer those who are most considerable, either for their birth, their services, or the par∣ticular inclination of the Prince, who in such things ought to have his own liberty. His Majesty took this course, but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution▪ he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon, great Alm∣ner of France, and Commander of the Order, to inform him of their Religion, Life, and Works, who were proposed, and to send him his informations seal'd up. The next thing his Majesty did, was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau, where the Ceremony was performed, and where all the Knights met, and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion, Lord Keeper of that Or∣der, that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights, to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf, and the Marquess de la Vieville, who being fled out of the Kingdom, and having born Arms contra∣ry to his Majesties service; and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order, had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood, and deserved to be degraded; the Sieur de Bullion, adding that his advice was, to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne, towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin, viz. to erase their Arms, and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation. All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper, excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel: So that the judgement of their degra∣dation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation. In prosecution of this judgement, his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud, and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the

proofs of their Nobility, Life, and Manners; and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers, and those who were only Dukes, concerning their order and place in the Ceremony; it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation, be∣cause the Peers hold no place in Assemblies. It was likewise decreed, that if any of those who were name to be Knights, did not appear at the time of the promo∣tion to receive their Order, it should not be sent unto them. The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony, and his Majesty being there punctually follow∣ed the Statutes of that Order, and conferred it upon

• Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu,
• The Cardinal de la Valette.
• The Arch-Bishop of Paris.
• The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux,
• The Arch-Bishop of Narbone.
• The Duc de Longueville.
• The Comte d' Harcourt.
• The Comte d' Alets.
• The Duc de la Trimouille.
• The Duc de Vantadour.
• The Duc d' Alvin.
• The Duc de Brissac.
• The Duc de Candale.
• The Duc de la Valette.
• The Comte de Tonnerre.
• The Mareschal d' Estree.
• The Sieurs de Vaubecourt, & de Sene∣terre.
• The Vicomte de Pompadour.
• The Marquis de Nesse.
• The Marquis de Gordes.
• The Comte de Lannoy.
• The Marquis de Varennes.
• The Mares••hal de Breze.
• The Comte de Brassac.
• The Comte de Noailles.
• The Sieur de Popanne.
• The Marquis de Fossez.
• The Marquis de Bourbonne.
• The Vicomte de Pollignac.
• The Vicomte d' Arpajon.
• The Marquis d' Aluye.
• The Comte de Saulx.
• The Comte d' Orval.
• The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer.
• The Baron de Pont-Chasteau.
• The Sieur de Pont-Courlay.
• The Sieur de la Messeray.
• The Marquis de Mortemart.
• The Sieur de Villequier.
• The Comte de Teurnon.
• The Sieur de la Mailleraye.
• The Comte de Tianges.
• The Marquis d' Ambres.
• The Comte de Parabere.
• The Sieurs de Montcaurel, &
• ...De Liancourt.
• ...De St. Simon l'aisne.

I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony; it is be∣yond my design; only for conclusion, I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour, shewed that he did as well acknowledge, as know the services of his No∣bility.

Politique Observation.

THe reward of Services, and the punishment of Crimes, are equally great suppor∣ters to a State; whereupon Socrates being demanded, what Estate could be esteemed the best governed, answered, that where honest men are rewarded, and knaves punished. Xenophon likewise thought, that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull, should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory? For this reason it was, that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks, would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War, should be gratified in all reasonable things, nay they were permitted to mar∣ry divers women, the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men.

This licentiousnesse, I must confesse, is contrary to the Laws of Christianity, and Experience hath told us, that it is seldom seen, brave men beget children like them∣selves; but in the main, the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things, is

conformable to the rules of all politick States. Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct, doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army, honoured with an whole Chine of Beef, being the greatest rarity among them. Upon the same example, Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts, who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties, and the best Wines; and by singing of songs in their praise, to invite others to imitate them. To speak the truth, if the flame dies for want of Wood, generosity languisheth if unrewarded. All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards. It should seem the greatest courages are, as it were, benum'd, where the splendour of honour, the reward of handsom actions, doth not incourage them. All that can be fur∣ther observed is, that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons. Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour, and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly. The Nobility on the other side, are better satisfied with honour, Let them have it. This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take, after that memorable battle of Tar; they exalted the Mar∣quis of Mantua, from that government, to be general of the Army; and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously, they increas'd their pay. They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain, Dowries to their daughters, and good Pensions to such as were maim'd. The Romans did much more esteem the rewards of honour, then any other; and indeed they are more to be esteemed, because Honour is more excellent then Wealth. There was no Crown more esteemed among them, then the obsidional, which however was made of Turf, that of Gold inlaid with Stones, was beneath it, because lesse ho∣nourable; there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph, which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher; for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently, he was obliged to live in the City, in the quality of a private person, without other reward then the glory of their actions. Cneus Ovillius, thought himself more highly rewarded, after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War, by the Common-Wealths per∣mitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him; and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown, then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them.

The Institution of the Parliament of Mets, after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience, divers Cities and Places of Lorrain.

AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bi∣shopricks of Mets, Toul, and Verdun. and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships, heretofore pulled from it; he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace, and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice, which should have full power to Judge, without further Appeal, all matters both civil and criminal. His Majesty was the rather invited unto it, by the earnest intreaties of all the Or∣ders of the Cities and Provinces, in prosecution of the promise made unto them, by the late King Henry le grand; especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice, in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates, as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation, who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places; and upon persons depending on the Crown of France. It was resolved about the beginning of the year. The King ordained a Soveraign court, with the Title of Parliament, in his Bishopricks of Toul, Mets, and Ver∣dun; the seat whereof he founded at Mets; both in regard of the commodious∣nesse of the scituation; as also the populousness of the place, and confluence of the people, which came from all parts; and besides, that place having been formerly

the Metropolis of Austracia, one of the best Flowers of this Crown. His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President, six other Presidents, forty six Coun∣sellors, of which six should be of the Clergy, the rest of the Laity, one Attorney General, two Advocates General; and to brief, all Officers usual in other Parliaments, to execute Justice, without Appeal, every six moneths, upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks; as also upon Mouzon, Chasteau-Regnaud, and its Appurte∣nances; notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim: Lastly, desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament, he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign, and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier, Blundeau, Pinon, Tres∣lon, Vignier and Chanteclair, all men of worth; that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris, Master of Requests; those of the two Advocates General, to the Sieurs de la Gresliere, Remifort, and Fardoil; they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request, and five or six who were created Counsellours, to esta∣blish the Parliament, which they did about the end of August, to the great happi∣nesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets, glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour; and true it is, the industry they used to preserve his Maje∣sties right, and the people in their obedience, did not a little conduce to the esta∣blishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre.

That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered.

AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings; so Kings ow them Justice and affection. The debts are mutual, and two incumbent duties, which com∣pose the most agreeable harmony in States, upon the accomplishment of which de∣pendeth the good fortune of both Prince and People; which being so, a Prince can no sooner conquer a country, but be is obliged to do them Justice; nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges, and to change the old Ma∣gistrates. Caesar and Nero knew it well enough, by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate, at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able abso∣lutely to depose them. In a word, the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince, and that of Magistrates, to force a country out of the hands of another Prince, and not to change the Magistrates, were to be but half Master of it; for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them, they cannot but preserve some affection for him, nor wil they ever fail to serve him, so that great inconveniences may thereby arise; for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign, they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him, from whom they have received their imployments, and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection. A Seat of Justice though without a Sword, with the Purple onely, and those other marks of its dignity, doth oftentimes cause that which they favour, to be more respected and obeyed, then the force of an whole Army, so much are the people us'd to sub∣mit to its judgements, and to follow its motions; therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured, untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affecti∣onate and loyal to his service. That once done, let the people mutiny, make un∣lawfull Assemblies, and be factious, it signifies little; especially, if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them. The people do commonly re∣turn to their duties, at the only sight of their Magistrates, and they quickly calm themselves, as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux; but if they find any to second their insurrection, they rage more and more, and flie out into all kind of extremities.

Alpheston and Chavagnac, executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament.

THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets, executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac, was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State. Alpheston a notorious Assassinate, came to Mets about the end of September, with Sausier and Bellanger, who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard. These two Souldiers touch'd with repent∣ance and horrour for the crime, wherein they had been ingaged, made their ad∣dresses to the Sieur de Mommas, Governour of the City, for the Duke de la Va∣lette, and discovered to him, upon what design they were come from the Low Countries. The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three, which being signified to the chief President, they were examined, and Processe made against Alpheston in the usual form; it was proved, that Alpheston having murthered a certain Cou∣rier, called Clairbourg, for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier, which he had intrusted with him, fled into Flanders, where having made some stay at Bruxels, he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup, and one la Roche, intendent of his affairs, who had ingaged him, together with Sausier and Bellanger, to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu, passing through Chaallons, where they were to lodge over against him; that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup, how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning, and adjudged it might be ex∣ecuted with a safe Conscience; that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sau∣sier, as many to Bellanger, and a hundred crowns to Alpheston, with promise to reward their services better; that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair; that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queens Stable to be given him, which was afterwards known to be the same, by the Sieur de Villiers, one of her Querris. All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger, and confessed by Alpheston himself; so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September, to be broke on the wheel for his offence. The Sentence was executed, and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States, to pardon those who discover things of this nature; Sausier and Bellanger were ac∣quitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases. Nor was this Assassina•• the only Monster which Chanteloup, sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt; not long after Blaise Ruflet, was discovered under the name of Chavagnac, and con∣victed in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister, by causing him to read a poysoned Letter; an action so black, and full of horror, that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition, bad it not been formally proved, and withall confessed by himself, who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged. The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abhominations, without declaring what he was; whereupon they drew up his indictment, and con∣demned him by default to be broken alive. Thus did God, by his Providence, de∣fend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies, who before they could effect their design, had the impudence to publish in divers places, that it were a piece of conscience to murther him; that the merit were greater then the crime; that it were an act of Justice, and that divers having already contrived, the design was only deterred by fear. Thus did they indeavour to infuse the poison of this abhominable Doctrine, into the minds of some melancholy men, and to per∣swade them to Dye their hands in the blood of a Cardinal, a Bishop, a chief and incomparable Minister of State. This in a word, is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into; but that which was more wonderfull, was to see the Queen-Mother, whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicu∣ous, suffer such persons as were about her, not only to publish, but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims, and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister, who made it his businesse to cut the thread of his life; whose

whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums, that he ascribed the happy successe of all his enterprizes to his only counsels. This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers, to return into France, and to make her Peace with his Majesty; however they who had the honour to know her, did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness, knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine, as heaven is from earth, they only wish she had not so easily suffered her self to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence.

How abhominable assassination hath ever been, and that great men never ought to be drawn into it.

TO murther a Cardinal is a detestable sacriledge, not onely because it injureth a particular person, but the sacred Colledge of Cardinals, the Pope, and the whole Church. He who murdereth a Minister of State, is guilty of high Treason, as I have heretofore made appear, and generally of all others, it is the most hor∣rible Crime. Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested, that pri∣vate men were allowed to destroy them, if the Magistrate did not; nay, he who had killed another by accident was in such abhomination with them, that he was ba∣nished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge, under penalty of being slain, without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death. All nations have chastised it with grievous pu∣nishments; those of Brasil in particular do so detest it, that if the murderer save himself by flight, yet his children, sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kin∣dred of the party murthered. Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it, when he saith, He who killeth his Brother shall dy by the sword. History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats. Plutarch though having the light of nature onely, writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free, the divine providence so ordered it, that his statue fell upon him in the publick place, and crushed him to death; but if mur∣der destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame, surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy; because they do an act contrary to that mercy, justice, generosity, and greatnesse of power which they are obliged to have. Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Common-Wealth, permit their enemies to be thus kill'd; and Tacitus reporteth, that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Catti his Letters, in which he under∣took to poison Arminius the German Captain, provided they would send him poi∣son, return'd him this answer, that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies, openly and not by treachery. That I may shew this true va∣lour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages, Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant, offered Alphonsus King of Naples, to kill the King of Castile his enemy with his own hands; whereunto Alphonsus answered, think not, I pray, upon such an acti∣on; because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castile, but of the whole world, yet would I never give my consent unto it.

The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorrain against France.

VVHilest his Majesties prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs, the Duke of Lorrain, setting by the Laws of honour which obli∣ged him to keep his promises, suffering himself to be transported by an unjust ha∣tred against France, took all opportunities to discover his ill will; he was oblig'd by the last Treaty to send his Forces to his Majesty; but hardly was the Treaty sig∣ned, and the Marshal d' Effiat, one of the Generals of his Majesties Army in Ger∣many,

received the command of them, ere he sent Order to their Commanders to disband them, that he might give Mont-Baillon Lorrain opportunity to gather them together, and lead them into Alsace for the Emperours service. Hereupon it was not long before they vanished, excepting the Regiments de Guerquoy, to the Commander of which he had forgot to make known his intention. Nor did he forbear to testifie that this very Regiment, abiding some while in his Majesties ser∣vice was displeasing to him; for upon the return into his Territories, after the Marshal de Effiats decease, he disbanded them, that he might bestow them upon Vervane a Subject of his, and Souldier of Fortune, who led them into Alsace, where he got into Massenal, and was defeated by the Swede. He was oblig'd to hinder any Levies in his country, made without his Majesties consent; but he gave way thereunto, at the same time that Ajax the Italian indeavoured to get into Brisac. The Treaty ingaged him not do any thing against the Allies of France; and he past his word to General Horn, not to countenance any design against Haguenaw, which place he under-hand assisted with fifteen hundred men; and without regard had to his word, gave forces to the Cemte de Salme, under pretence of discharging them, which afforded him the means and opportunity of taking in that place; nor did he afterward contribute to preserve the place, by sending Victuals and Souldiers to fortifie that Garison. Every one knows he gave leave to Montecuculi Benti vog∣lio & Nassau, to raise Forces in Lorrain, for three or four moneths time; the two former pretending all that while they would desert the service; but did indeed send them to fight against the Swede; and the last of them, did openly lead his forces into Alsace. Moreover, as weak courages do easily passe from anger to cruelty, the passion he had against France, and its Allies, transported him to many unworthy actions: For more cruel deeds, then those of Nassau, could not be conceived by the wit of Man, who sometimes was with his Forces at Sarguemine, robbing and killing all such French Merchants as he could meet with; he caused a murther to be executed upon Collonel du Bois, who had very worthily served the Swedes in Germany; he committed violences in the Territory of Strasbourg, in the Dutchy of Deux Ponts, and the Comte de Hanau; he highly injured the Comte d' Halberstein, taking him in his shirt out of his bed, and plundering his house with∣out any other difference, but only because he had alwaies been affectionate to France; he kept barbarous cut throats, at Saint Hypolitus, to rob and kill all such Swedes and French, as passed by, but weakly attended. That he might the more absolutely declare himself for the House of Austria, against the Allies of France; did he not proclaim, in his Army, by sound of Trumpet, that no one should pre∣sume to call it any other then the Emperours Army? And did he not cause it to march under that notion, unto the Fort of Gerbaden, to beat off the Swedes who had besieged it? Did he not frequently entertain discourses and correspondencies with the chief of his Officers, with the Comte de Salm, Montecuculi, Merode, and the Marquis de Celade? Did he not receive the monies brought by the last of them, to pay his forces, with the same satisfaction and facility, as the Souldiers sent by the Valsfeign, and the confiscation sent him by the Emperour, of all his Neighbour Princes, and Allies of France's lands, who were in the Assembly of Hailbron? Did he not likewise make a League with the Emperour; whereby Ha∣guenau, and the other ten Cities of the Imperial Provost, together with Sclestat and Colmah, were delivered to him for their most strict intelligence, though at that very time he was obliged by Treaty with the King, not to ingage himself with any Prince, without his Majesties knowledge or consent? Nor satisfied with that alone, he caused the Marquis de Ville, to tell the Swedes contrary to all likelyhood and truth, that he might make them jealous of the King, how he acted nothing against them, but by his Order, and sent ten thousand men to force them from the siege of Haguenau. Indeed he was the Author of his own punishment; for they fin∣ding themselves forc'd to leave their Trenches, march'd out, cut off a party of them, and took his Canon and Baggage. This Procedure did sufficiently discover his Passion, but he stayed not there, rather as if he had delighted to break all Articles

of former Treaties, he would not be perswaded to do his homage for Bar and though after infinite delays, he did at last send Commissaries to estimate the Demesnes of Clermont; the Propositions they made in valuing the buildings and fortifications contrary to the Treaty, which imported that he should pay after the rate of fifty years purchase in hand; for the Revenue only, did sufficiently testifie that they came not to perform the Treaty, but under that pretext to break it. Nor was he more exact in observing that Article, wherein he was obliged not to give any har∣bour or passage to his Majesties Subject, who should be out of France, contrary to his Majesties pleasure, nor to entertain any correspondence with them, seeing he continually treated with those who abused Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his cre∣dulity and favour. In general it may be said, that hatred and choller had gotten so transcendent a possession over his Soul, that they forced him to recede from all kind of honour, nay, and to neglect his own interest, and all to revenge himself against France, which he hop'd to effect by the Spaniards means, who when he had concluded the Treaty with the Hollander, then in agitation and probability, had ingag'd to assist Monsieur with all his Forces, to invade the Kingdom, to force his Majesty to such conditions of Peace, as himself pleased, to compel him to rati∣fie Monsieurs marriage with the Princesse Marguerite; and finally to surrender to him such places as he had made himself Master of.

That Soveraigns are obliged to moderate their Passion, principally in point of War.

IF Choler be blamable in private persons, it is no lesse dangerous for Soveraigns, then pernicious for their Estates; Prudence ought to be the guide of all their actions, without which they will be inevitably reduc'd to troublesom inconvenien∣ces. Who knoweth not that Choler is incompatible with this vertue, and an ene∣my to all good counsels? A Prince may sometimes make Choler as usefull to him as Souldiers, and may be thereby drawn to a generous impetuosity to surmount al∣most incredible difficulties; but there is a difference betwixt that gentle heat which increases courage, and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason; and there∣fore a Prince must be carefull that he let not his passion pervert his judgement, to precipitate his reason into base resolutions. He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise, saith, It is better to moderate choler, then to take a City. Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage, because it pretendeth to vanquish all, and to subscribe to no man, yet really it is a weaknesse, which whoever surmounteth, is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage, then he who suffereth himself to be transported by it. It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Polititians, that cholerick men are no waies fit for government. Curo∣palates Commenus, Emperour of Constantinople, did sufficiently declare how inca∣pable he thought them of it, when being on his death-bed, he sent for the chief men o•• his Court, and told them, he thought his eldest son Isaac, lesse fit for the Empire, then his younger son Manuel, in regard of his inclination to anger, which oftentimes hindred him from being Master of his own reason. A Phylosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with publick affairs. Not, quoth he, that I fear them, but suspect my self; intimating, that his naturally cholerick humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs. Amongst those mis∣fortunes wherein choler may ingage a Prince, the provoking a Potent King to de∣clare War against him, is one of the most dangerous; War is never to be under∣taken in Passion, but to be entred into by the Gate of Prudence, else it turneth to the Adventurers ruine. Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies, without preparing means necessary for his defence, or obtaining an happy end, and without any thoughts of desisting, or of making any advantagious Peace; but having hastily taken up his Sword, he is of∣tentimes seen to let it fall with repentance, though too late, because such heady

resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state. He that hath once set a fire on a Forrest, is no more able to extinguish it, but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all, nay hardly will it be quench'd upon the borders, and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure, nor can he pre∣vent the ruines, which by little and little attend it, or keep it back from doing all manner of out-rages in his own country. Well may Passion ingage the weakest, but being once heated, it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it. There are many Princes, saith Polybius, who egg'd on by an impetuous violence, either to revenge themselves, or grow great, do attempt many things; but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their enterprizes to obtain an happy end, or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune.

The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron, to treat with the Duke of Lorrain.

THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour, provok'd the King to fall upon him, both with his own and his Allies forces, yet such was his Clemency which di∣verteth him from all proceedings of rigour, unlesse at the last extremity, that he sent to the Swedes after the battel of Haguenau, to intreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorrain, and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesties protection, assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertakings. The truth is, it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induc'd his Majesty so to do, for he was not ignorant that the neighbour∣hood of great Conquerours, is alwaies to be feared; yet his Majesty had this de∣sign in preserving him, he well hop'd this present assistance would work upon him so much the more, because his danger was so eminent. The Swedes were com∣manded by persons, who amidst the prosperity of their Victories, thought no acti∣on glorious, unlesse just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King, where∣upon they made no difficulty to consent unto it, but pass'd their words not to at∣tempt any thing for the future upon Lorrain. The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection, seeing in the opinion of all people, though of never so little judgement, it prevented his ruine; yet such was his Passion, that he took no notice of it. The King sorry for him, as for a man who would destroy himself, presently sent the Sieur de Guron, if possible, to open his eys, and to shew him how irrational proceedings were; but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesties goodnesse, who could not resolve to ruine him, according as he deserv'd, hid himself, and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him. At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him, he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him, whereupon he was forc'd to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful, it seems, lest his Majesty should resent his dis-res∣pect of a person of quality coming in his behalf, sent to tell him that he was at Luneville; he had not Artifice enough to satisfie the Sieur de Guron in appearance, but on the contrary, suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion, which had gotten the mastery of him, that he gave him cause to suspect, he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty. The Sieur de Guron used his utmost indeavour to bring him to reason; in order to which he layed before him the little Justice of his Procedures, and the danger whereunto he exposed himself, if he should still drive on those discontents, which he had for some years last past given unto his Majesty. However, when he found his indeavours ineffectual, according as he had receiv'd instructions, he appli'd himself to make a discovery of his designs, which in the Dukes anger he often did. The Duke passed many Complements un∣to him, and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect; but when they came to the ground of affairs, his Passion would insensib∣ly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions, especially after that light which those of his Court gave, who were gain'd to give in∣telligence,

and the Sieur de Guron himself learn'd from the particular conversation of divers persons, during his stay in those parts, he having dexterity enough to in∣form himself of any thing he desired to know, or had charge to inquire. He was certainly inform'd that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy, were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force, and to defend the injustice of his proceedings, under the shelter of those bulwarks, instead of obtaining par∣don from his Majesties clemency, by a true change of his behaviour; that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot, whose Randezvouz was to be neer St. Michael, the first of July next following, and that those Forces were appointed to invade France, together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him. These designs were of great importance, of all which he gave his Majesty advice, as they came to his knowledge. The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour, presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardi∣nal, to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a passe, that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing, but what would make him be pitied.

That it is important to send Embassadours to such Princes against whom War is design'd, to discover their intentions: and how it may be done.

IF it be necessary to be well inform'd of an enemies designs, of his humour, of his Forces, of the succours he expecteth, and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him, as all Polititians are of opinion; it is no lesse usefull to send persons to him, who under pretence of some familiarity, may give advice thereof. Tiberius, one of the Roman Emperours, was so solicitous in this kind, as Tacitus observeth, that he was not ignorant of one of his enemies resolutions; so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems. Amongst all per∣sons fit for this imployment, none are so proper as Embassadours; because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy, to his Ministers and Statesmen, the may wel discover more then men of inferiour condition, who converse with none but those of their own quality. Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Embassadours of a cer∣tain King of the Indies, toward the King of the Assyrians, under pretence of ma∣king a Treaty of League with him, but in effect to discover his designs. Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferiour qualities, who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance, to inform themselves of all passages, and make their discoveries thereof, for such men give no small light to affairs. Thus did Scipio, as Plutarch observeth in his life, that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Siphax.

Merchants used to Traffique in an Enemies Country, are not improper for this purpose, in regard of their general acquaintance, as Xenophon, one of the ablest Statesmen of his time, hath declared; but one thing especially ought to be obser∣ved in employing such persons, that is, that they be men of understanding and fi∣delity; for if they be defective in the former, their advices will not only be frivo∣lous, but hurtfull; because they may ingage resolutions contrary to what is fit: and if they be deficient in the latter, it is easie to conclude how dangerously inconveni∣ent it may be. As to the means which all in general are to use for their informati∣on, none are better, then those which ingage men to talk much, and discover them∣selves: Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon, because it de∣priveth the use of reason, and giveth only the tongue liberty; and therefore it would not be amisse that an Embassadour should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince, or his Ministers, to drive them into this Passion; however this ought to be managed both with ingenuity and respect, lest he so far exasperate them, as to re∣fuse him any more audience. It will not a little conduce to this end, to visit such Grandees of State, who they find talkative; it being usual with great talkers, to let fall whatever is in their thoughts, just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose

them. Ladies are very proper to discover secrets, especially where a man may partake of their favours. For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemies Wives; and indeed, it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants: Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country, because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret, as love; but especially money makes the Mare go. That is it which discovereth all, and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus, to inform himself of all his Masters enemies affairs, during his abode in Naples, as was to be seen in his account after the War, where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns.

The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve, to seiz upon Bar, for defect of Ho∣mage, and to re-unite to the Crown all his lost Royalties.

THe King intending to be reveng'd on Monsieur de Lorrain, thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar, as the best remedy, in hopes that by letting him see his Majesties resolution, no longer to indure the effects of his hatred; he would, in fine, return to his duty without ingaging himself in greater extremities. Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris, to try whe∣ther the said Dutchy were not laps'd to the Crown for default of Homage, upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July. that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seiz upon it, and deliver it into his Majesties hands, together with its dependances, untill the said Duke should do his Homage. In prosecution of this Decree, the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve, one of their most ancient Counsellors, whose ability in learning, experience in affairs, and integrity in the Administrati∣on of Justice, together with his birth and manners, were thought capable enough to cause his Majesties name to be honoured in Bar, and to re-establish his Authori∣ty in that lustre, of which Monsieur de Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him. His Majesty approved of their choice; and the Sieur de la Nauve, going to take his leave of his Majesty, and receive the honour of his commands; he gave them another Commission, under the Great Seal, not only to execute the Parliaments Decree, but also to re-unite unto the Crown, the Royal Prerogatives of Bar, the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth, and Henry the Third, to the then Duke Lorrain, without mature consideration of the conse∣quence of such alienation. These things thus ended, the Sieur de la Nauve, bent all his thought towards Bar, together with such Officers, as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions. The Offi∣cers of the City receiv'd him with all honour, but not long after his arrival, the Ba∣ron de Couuonges, Bayliff and Governour of Bar, came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorrain, to intreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission, assuring him in the interim, that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City, to obey such commands as he had brought from his Ma∣jesty, it being the order of Soveraignty, that the weaker should obey the stronger. This discourse did not at all surprise him, he knowing, that such an affair could not be ended without some contest; and accordingly, bee answered the Baron de Couuanges without any alteration, that his Commission being to be executed in publick, and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers, as Bayliff of Bar, to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure, it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof, and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorrain, to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesties commands, seeing they having no other Soveraign but his Majesty, no one could have the power to ex∣empt them from that duty which they owed him. The Sieur de Couuonges, upon this answer, withdrew; and the next morning, the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled, took his place, and cau∣sed his Commission to be read unto them, which impowered him to seiz the Dutchy

of Bar for his Majesty, for default of Homage, and to re-unite unto the Crown, the rights of Royalty and Soveraignty, which had heretofore been alienated, and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly injoy; that to this end, he was in∣abled to alter the Titles of Justice, to ordain that all succeeding Acts should passe in his Majesties name, that they should be sealed with his Arms; that all the inha∣bitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty, for Letters of Justice and Fa∣vour of Pardon and Grace; that the money should be hereafter stamp'd with the Arms of France; and that in general, the same Orders should be established among them, as were observed in the other Provinces of France. Then he told them, he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty, seeing they were his Subjects born, and that it could not but be glorious for them, to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions; who for his Clemency, is beloved by his people; and who for his Valour, is honoured of all the World; that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the lesse strange unto them, in regard the Duke of Lorrain his Majesties Subject and Vassal, in relation to this Dutchy, which belonged in Fee to the Crown, had failed to do his Fealty and Homage, though by the customes of France, none but his Majesty could re-install him in it; that his Ma∣jesty had for ten years past, expected his submission, though he might lawfully have seiz'd it upon the death of the late Duke; and that this Law of Fealty, should be the more vigorously executed, as to the Dukes of Lorrain, in regard they had of∣ten failed to do their duties unto his Majesty. As to that which concerned the re∣uniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France; he added, that those Rights being, as it were, a Flower, extracted from that Crown, by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorrain, it was the more equitable to re-unite them, and deprive the Duke of them, because he hath so far abused them, that he wanted little of a total usurpation, without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal, and Homage, as so many marks of Soveraign Authority, not to be alienated, that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands, who had for so many years to∣gether delayed and refused to do homage for them; and indeavoured to perswade the World, that those perform'd by his Predecessors, were but so many visits and complements; especially considering, that bounty hath its limits, as well as Justice; and that it is taken for a dishonourable weaknesse in Kings, when it is excessive, or when it perswadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them. In fine, he ordered that the Dutchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesties hands, and that the Royal Prerogatives should be re-united to the Crown of France, by the Messengers of the Parliament, who accompanied him to be injoyed by his Majesty, untill he had receiv'd satisfaction in the causes of the seizure. This was the sub∣stance of his discourse at the Palace. In the following days, he cause his com∣mission to be read in the Bayliffs court, in the chamber of Accompts, and the Town-House. The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree, all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty, He did several acts of Ju∣stice, required the Clergy to make publick Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family, inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar, to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorrain, regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals, in the exercise of their Office; and in general, setled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesties service.

That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes, especially their rights of Soveraignty.

THough Liberality be so becomming Kings, that it is no lesse beseeming them to give, then to command, yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far, as to alienate their Demesnes. The Revenues of the crown, do chiefly contain two things, the rights of Soveraignty, and the lands which they have reserved to themselves, or acquired by any other way whatever. The rights

of Soveraignty, consist in the power of executing Justice, coyning of money, gran∣ting of Pardons, making Peace and War, establishing Laws, imposing Taxes, crea∣ting Magistrates, and sending Embassadours. As for Demesne Lands, as it is impossible to support the charges of State, without a certain income, Kings have alwaies reserved some of this sort, beside their Soveraignty, to serve their occasions. This Demesne, though of lesse honour, hath ever been esteemed so sacred, that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers. Indeed it is impossible, as Tacitus observeth, to keep a people in quiet without Arms, Arms without Money, and Money without Revenue or Tri∣bute. Hence it was, that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom, the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence, yet could not give their assents unto that; because the ruine of the Empire would be inevi∣table, when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed. If the alienation of ordina∣ry Lands and Tributes, be so prejudicial to States, those of Soveraign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous. These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun, inseparable from the Royal Family, and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom, without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which be∣comes it. That of the Law, which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives, ought to be understood more in relation of those, then of Lands; and thereupon hath ordained, that if any thing be alienated or dismembred, it shall notwithstanding be re-united to the Crown, as so many distracted members to their body, to restore it to its former strength. This hath been alwaies so exactly observed in this Kingdom, that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France, the Demesnes of the Crown are never a∣lienated, but with expresse reservation of reverting to the Crowns, when the Males fail, and that without any right of Soveraignty; so that to grant such royal Preroga∣tives to a Forraigner, were to treat them more favourably, then the Princes of the royal family; and withall, to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty. Ambition hath no bounds, and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties, may be easily wrought upon, at least his Successors, to pretend to them, without and depending upon others; so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality, what doth he but raise a power against his own, and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom. Besides, States be not so much for Kings, as Kings for their States, they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances, then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them; from whence it is, that to alienate such rights, or any notable part of their Demesne, is one of the causes of their deposing, in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws, as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject; and indeed, he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown, who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre.

How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry, where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite.

IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain, to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar, and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage, and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions; but fortune contriving to destroy him, had cast her Mantle before his eyes, so that the continued immoveable in his first designs. Whereupon his Majesty, about August, found himself obliged to go to Chasteau∣thierry, from thence to meet the Army, which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves, and to carry them before Nancy, the better to hinder the Duke of Lor∣rain's Levies; and in case he persisted in his late Procedures, to reduce him to such a passe, that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France, or interrupting the forces of its Allies. Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry, the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him, and after some complements and ex∣cuses,

beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him. He told him, that he did much condemn his brothers actions, and that he had never had any hand in them; both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty; as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious; that if his Majesty should con∣tinue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost, he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable, and that for his own particular fortune, he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty, beseech'd him to receive him into his protecti∣on, and to permit him to retire into France. His Majesty received him very fa∣vourably, and told him, that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions; that he was sufficiently inform'd, that he had no hand in his Brothers deport; and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will, as the interest of his affairs would permit; that he assured him of his protection; and that amidst his Brothers disgrace, he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection. The Car∣dinal de Lorrain, would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs, which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardi∣nal. The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain, went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal, assured him of Monsieurs marriage, proposed to him to break it, to put his sister, the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands, and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar, to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name. The Cardinal answered him, that the King could not give ear to any proposition, seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain; that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him; his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct, and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word; that his faltrings, had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies, to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects, which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War, that there might be no more trouble in it; that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State, as he had formerly done, even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match, which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty, be∣ing managed without his consent, against the Laws of the Kingdom, and to the countenancing of his invading France; and that the only means which could in∣duce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother, was to Deposit Nancy in his hands, that this was the best course he could take, seeing it would preserve his Country; and that Nancy it self, should be assuredly restored unto him, if he carried himself for the future, as did become him; that in case he intended fairly, he need not fear any thing; but if on the contrary, he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty, it would be to no purpose to treat; that his Majesty was positively resolved, to admit of no other conditions; and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto, in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates, excepting Nancy it self, the losse of which would be unavoidable, un∣lesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction; that this place indeed was strong, but that the Duke being unable to keep the field, and without Revenue, his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it, in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges; that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times, was a counsel very pernicious, seeing his Majesty was young, absolute in his Kingdom; and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe, as he had hi∣therto done. Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain, represented to him that this condition was so hard, that he could not advise his brother to accept of it; but at the last extremity, seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him, and forced to depend upon anothers Will; That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a De∣posit; but that the state of affairs being subject to change, his enemies might by

their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty; and con∣sequently, give him occasion to detain Nancy; that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the best places in the World, in the sight of all Europe, without resistance, and not being forced thereunto; that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great, and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it; and that finding himself between two great Princes, he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment, in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy, he should contract the Emperour's displeasure, from whom he holdeth his Dutchy, which doubtlesse he would de∣clare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire, with a resolution to seiz up∣on it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him; That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection, but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars, as not to be in a condition of assisting him, by which means his ruine would then be inevitable; and more∣over, that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy, un∣lesse at the last extremity of his affairs. Whereunto the Cardinal answered, that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire, and the power of the House of Austria; but besides that, the King did not consider such pretensions, he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it, he would find no great reason to build upon it, because he well knew that those whose inte∣rests he alledged, being the chief Authors of his evil conduct, had not been very solicitous to assist him: That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the P••otection of two Crowns; but that the Laws of the very protection, obli∣ged him to deserve it from the King, by his respects and good deportment; and to conclude, by the desires which his Predecessors had testified, that his preservati∣on intirely depended thereupon: That instead thereof he had provok'd his Maje∣sty, broken his faith by infringing of Treaties, taken part with Spain, run into all acts of Hostility, and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty, had ravish'd a son of France, and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister, whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries; and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour, then that of France, then at his Gates, he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force; but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine, which was inevita∣ble, he could not take a better course, then by depositing of Nancy, which would secure his States without any loss to him.

As for matter of his holding of the Empire, the King was far enough from ad∣mitting it, seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain, and that the Homage was due unto him; that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown, but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right, be∣cause great Princes, who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth, where they may claim their own, are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers, and to enter them by force; so that no time can cause a prescription against them; that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences; but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy, in its primitive greatnesse, Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence, if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown: that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind, at such time as he was running on to provoke his Ma∣jesty against him, but that now having done the injury, his Majesty could not dis∣semble his resentment: wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable: that his P••edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France, and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection, because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man: But in fine, that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy, seeing though he already had the

best places of Lorrain in his hands, they could not oblige the Duke to keep his pro∣mise, and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more soli∣citous for keeping it in future, after so many changes of his resolution: that his Maje∣sty chiefly desired this assurance, that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury, or be necessitated (to his great expence) to raise a new Army: a thing, peradventure, which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it, whereas the present conjuncture was such, that his Maje∣sty could not wish it more favourable, there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him; that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution; his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his af∣fairs; that that of France was such, that it was not only at Peace, but without fear of civil War, all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient, the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge; and on the other side, the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken, without the least hopes of being brought on again, and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies; that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them. As to Germany, that the Emperours forces had enough to do, to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede, who was not likely to be stopp'd. As to matter of Italy, that the Cardinal Infanta's forces; were not yet ready to march, and that admit∣ting they were, yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline, the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march; and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd, and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it, unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain, had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands. The Cardi∣nal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons, and being retired, all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty, to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother; and in the mean time, not to make any further progresse. The King not only refus'd it, but assur'd that he would march before Nancy, with the greatest speed that might be, resolv'd never to depart, until he had reduc'd it to its obedience.

That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an in∣cens'd Prince, who hath oftentimes broke his word.

IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words, from a Prince who hath often failed of his word, & especially, who is known to be incens'd, & passio∣nately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd. His apparent submis∣sions in matters of accommodation, are effects rather of his weakness then good wil; and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice, it will after∣wards make no difficulty to break its promises, if it find any overture to evade them, and re-assume its lost advantage. Asdrubal may serve for an example, who finding himself so block'd up in Spain, by Claudius Nero, that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches, or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel, sent him very fair Proposals of Peace, and in the interim, found away to escape his hand. Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized, for which he had been blam'd at Rome, made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery; but besides, that this was not without indangering his whole Army, yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy, under shew of accommodati∣on. Pope Julius the Second, that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth, sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace, and conclude it, that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him; but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity. Mark Anthony, held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days. Fraates sent his Embassadours to him, that it was thought a Peace might easily have been con∣cluded

between them. Mark Anthony gave them present Audience, and with∣all, sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it; but Fraates continuing his Treachery, made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony; and in conclu∣sions, added, that as often as he should withdraw his Army, from the place where∣in he was incamp'd, he would be content to make a Peace with him. Mark An∣thony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces, without breaking down his Tre∣ches, or carrying away his Engines of War, he had not march'd far from his Camp, before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe, mastered it, and destroyed all his Engines, which he had inconsiderately left there, though peradventure not with∣out hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them, in case the Medes u∣sed any Treachery. Besides, part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp, so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse, and by his example, taught all Princes not to be over-credu∣lous of an Enemies promises.

How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier, and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused.

THe Cardinal de Lorrain, took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August, to meet his brother, and the same day, his Majesty, who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes, advanc'd towards Nancy; but being neer St. Dezier, the Cardinal returned to him, and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name, to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands, in order to the dissolution of that marriage, and to surrender La Mothe unto him, one of the strongest places of his State. The King carried him to St. Dezier, and had two hours conference with him, at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc, the Sieur de Brassac Bullion, and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions; but they were thought im∣proper, because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-as∣sume his former designs; so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer, but this, that he was resolv'd to have Nancy, as a place without which he had no as∣surance for the performance of any Treaty; however, his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accom∣modation; he testified unto him, that his inter position was not only acceptable, but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest, notwithstanding the inju∣ries he had receiv'd from his Brother; and withall, offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality, if he thought good to reside in France. After this he returned to the Duke his brother, to acquaint him with the Kings re∣solution; and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty; the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands, hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Ma∣jesties just displeasure, yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother, to re∣store them unto him. He discoursed of it with the Cardinal, who having assured him, that he would therein do whatever could be desired; he beseeched him to return to the King, to tell him, that seeing he was so unfortunate, that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises, he had resolv'd to put his estates, into his Brother the Cardinals hands; and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment, whould the more readily consent thereunto, because then there was no cause of fear, and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him, then to see him re∣duc'd to the quality of a private person, by devesting himself from that of a Sove∣raign. The Cardinal de Lorrain, return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson, upon the 28. of the same moneth, and proposed this to him, renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands, and so to indeavour the dissolu∣tion of that marriage. The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal,

relying upon this grand Minister, whom he knew to employ most of his time in ex∣amination of what might be granted, and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions. The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him, and made the same Proposition unto him, and withall told him, that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity, and of his positive intention to keep his word; he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage, and to procure the Kings consent unto it, professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection, as a most certian gage of his good will, and a pow∣erfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour, and protested totally to im∣brace his counsels, and to have no other will then his, whereby he might abso∣lutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain. Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him, that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lor∣rain, he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it, seeing his parti∣cular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France, would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction; but that this was not to cure the disease, because M. de Lorrain, might repent of his surrender, and return into his states, either by open force, or under-hand dealing, and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again; wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient, and that the Deposite of Nancy, was the only secure way which could be taken. This was sufficient to let him know, that it was mistrusted, lest there were some collusion between them; but that he might not exasperate him, and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation, whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion, he would not harp any more upon that string. As to his demand of Madam de Combalet, he told him, that he took it for a very great honour, and did not reject it, but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time, to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lor∣rain with a great Army for his private ends, and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick, though for his part he was not waies averse from it. These words of agreement, were only an effect of his Purdence, which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will, but to preserve it to be made use of as occa∣sion should require, for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposi∣tion; he told them, that neither the present, nor the future age, should have cause to believe, that he had mingle his own interests in this affair, where his only end was the Kings service, and the good of the State; that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise, had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy, only upon an ambitious design of being Pope; but that for his part, he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest, and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite, he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof; any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion, seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution, because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty; but he told him, that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power, for that he was inform'd of what had past. The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant, and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her; but that only ser∣ved to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions, who knoweth, that in matters of Treaty, an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words. After this, they brake up their conference, departed each from other, and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King.

That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties.

It is the property of a wise Minister, to foresee the inconveniences of such Pro∣positions as are made in Treaties to surprize him, and to be carefull that an ene∣my who hath not been able to get any advantage by War, should not gain it by an accommodation. It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour, because the occasions of fighting are but sel∣dom in War, whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made, which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment, would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a de∣feat. To speak truth, this vertue is as needfull for him, as Art for a Work-man, and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance, which he pretendeth to form; so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State, if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences. Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end, preven∣teth his being deceived, serveth to regulate his counsels, guideth his actions, ma∣keth him speak in agreeable terms, conducteth all his motions, teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences, maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his ene∣mies, and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires. The Philosopher saith, it is a virtue proper to him that governeth, not that it is unnecessary for pri∣vate persons; but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers, that without it they are no more able to govern a State, than a Pilot to guide his Ves∣sel without Steer and Rudder. He who is Master of it, doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation; and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign, yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth; so saith the wise man in his Proverbs, The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his ser∣vant. To make a right use of this vertue, he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him, and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty. To this end, the wise Minister often retires in private, as knowing, that then he hath full liberty to dis∣cusse the Propositions made unto him, and is at leisure to consider them; a thing, saith Periander, able to overcome all things. He is not ignorant, that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration, is like those liquorish men, who charging their stomacks over hastily, do repent it as soon as they rise from the Ta∣ble; wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him, he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis, particular affairs, to general maximes; he re∣collecteth the Experience of things past, proportioneth the means to the end, ob∣serveth if by granting any thing, it may not serve the enemy to obtain his preten∣ces, examineth what assurance he shall find of performance, and generally all other circumstances: And lastly, being thus secure from all surprizes, he is not only in a condition of being not cheated, but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth.

The King besiegeth Nancy, and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain.

DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro, and the divers Propo∣sitions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle. The King gave Order to his Commanders, that they should seize upon all principal places, he sum∣moned in person the Towns of St. Michael, and Ponto au Mousson, which pre∣sently surrendred: Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force; Charmes to the Comte de la Suze, and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis; besides these, Halon

du Chastel, and the Castles de Conde, la Chausset, Trognon, Malatour, Pargny and Boucouville, received the Garisons sent to them; so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country, but he became Master of the Field; but that which was most of all, was, his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves, under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond, and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither, which so invested the City of Nancy, that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port. The Regi∣ment de Florinville, designing to get in by night, was led by M. de Lorrains Hunts∣men though Woods, and by unknown waies; yet they could not carry it so se∣cretly, but some French discovered them, which strook them into such fear, that flying back again through the same Woods, they totally routed themselves. On the other side, the Comte de la Souze, kept the Field with seven Cornets of horse, and some foot, so that nothing durst appear against him: and to re-inforce the Dukes fear, at the advantages which the Kings army took, his Majesty command∣ed the Marshal de la Force to pursue him, with 6000 foot, 1500 horse, and six pieces of Canon, and to invest him in any place where he should retreat; and withall, to treat those as enemies who should receive him, if they refused to deli∣ver him, as an enemy of France; so that he was constrained to retire about Espi∣nal, where he quartered with such Forces as he could get together, and to draw a little nearer to the Franche-Comte, where they who had perswaded him to take the Field, gave him incouragement to hope for certain Forces, which never came to him. To be short, that nothing might be omitted which might shake him, whom necessity alone was able to reduce to reason; his Majesty comming before Nancy, and quartering at Neufville, went in person to view the most advantagious Posts for his Army. The Cardinal likewise rid the round without Musquet shot of the City, the better of judge of the order of the Siege, and then his Majesty personally drew out the circumvalation, which was four Leagues about the Forts and Redoubts, and set the Pioneers to work. He digg'd first himself, and caused the work to be fol∣lowed with such care and diligence, that in five days time the Camp was finished, and his under shelter. At the same time, they began a Bank thwart the River Meurthe, which stopping the Current, would not only have drowned the neighbouring country, but in a little time have forced in into the City, and com∣pelled the inhabitants to quit it; insomuch, that the Duke seeing the unhappy con∣dition of his affairs, knew not where to hide his head. Every one, in the interim, admired the happy successes of those counsels which the Cardinal gave his Majesty, with so much the more astonishment, in regard they admired upon what ground his Majesty should resolve to besiege one of the strongest places of Europe, in a season somewhat forward, without any likelihood of taking it before Winter.

That an Enemy in disorder, ought to be pursued, especially after he hath received a Foil.

ONe of the best effects of military Prudence, is to know how to take advan∣tage of time, how to prosecute an enemy in disorder, when he hath recei∣ved some foil; and hath so much to do in several places, that he is, as it were, necessitated to submit and consent to whatever is desired. A Prince thus disorde∣red, will easily grant whatever is demanded of him; and assent unto conditions, which at another time he would not. Wherefore it is very expedient in such a con∣juncture, to fall upon him resolutely, and to pursue him so hard, that he may not know which way to turn himself. Had Hannibal known how to have played his Game after the Battel of Cannes, he had forc'd the Romans to receive such conditions as he would have impos'd, it being the greatest blow their Empire ever felt; but he trifling away his time to refresh his Souldiers, and injoy the commo∣diousness

of his Quarters, drowned his Fortune in delights, and made no advan∣tage of his good successe. A Prince never ought to let good Fortune so blind him amidst his happy successes, as to despise his enemies, or to forbear from prosecuting them to the utmost; not that I would advise to drive an enemy to extremity, who flies with a great Army, because it might make him couragious, force him to turn about, and as oftentimes it hath happened, to recover the advantage he had lost, rather he ought to set open the Gates, and make a Bridge for him to run away; but otherwise it is, if most part of his Towns he taken, if he cannot relieve those that are besieged, if his Forces be not in pieces, and routed in several places; and if he be so ill attended as not to be in a condition of defending himself if assaulted, then not to prosecute him, were a great oversight to be satisfied with half a victory, and to give him time to rally his forces again, were to break all the rules of War. Caesar by his example, shew'd all Captains how they ought to behave themselves on such affairs; never did any thing hinder him in the prosecution of his Victory; but as if Fortune had lent him wings, he flew after his enemies till he had quite de∣feated them, or obtained such conditions as he demanded. He cannot be suffici∣ently commended for his good conduct in Affrick, after the defeat of King Juba, Scipio and Afranius, where such was his good fortune, that he routed them all three in one day, and pursued them so smartly, that he left neither of them nor their Officers, who was not either killed or taken prisoner, nor any of his Towns, which he did not reduce to his power.

The Princesse Marguerite leaveth Nancy, and go••th to Bruxels.

THough the Cardinal de Lorrain had assured his Majesty that the Princesse Marguerite was in his disposal; yet it was well known that the Princesse de Falsbourg her sister, unable to indure the Propositions of delivering her into his Majesties hands, in order to the nulling of her marriage by Law, had found an invention to save her, which she had made use of with the better effect, in regard Ambition and Love make all things feasible to women. It was known that she had habited her self like a Cavalier with Boots and Spurs, well horsed; and in this equipage she left Nancy, about four of the clock in the morning, attended by a Gentleman, named Davise, who had heretofore belonged to Madam de Remire∣mont, together with two others, that she pass'd through divers Sentinels, and that at last being stopp'd by one, Davise made him beleeve that they related to the Marquesse de St Chaumont, and that by this means she had got thirteen Leagues on horseback; that meeting with certain Swedish Troops, she had been compell'd to hide her self in a very thick Copse Wood, where she much scratch'd her hands, and that the next morning she got to Thiomville, where at first they would not open the Gates, and indeed had absolutely refus'd her, But for the charms of her beauty, which mov'd great compassion in those who beheld her lying on the ground wrapp'd up in Clokes, whiles Davise treated for her admission; and that at last being got in, the Governours Wife of the Town had chang'd her habit. From thence she writ to the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, to intreat him, to acquaint Mon∣sieur with the manner of her escape, and that she should stay in those places to ex∣pect his commands; but afterward thinking it more proper to go to Namour, for fear lest the way might not be open after her escape, she resolv'd to advance thi∣ther. His Majesty receive this news with some regret, foreseeing that her flight might be succeeded with troublesom consequences, and make the dissolution of the marriage more difficult: He much blamed the Marquesse de St. Chaumont, for suffering himself to be surprized, especially after he had been advis'd by the Cardi∣nal, to have a great care of all those who should travel upon the Road, because

she might probably passe by him in some disguise; to which he return'd this an∣swer, that they should rely upon his diligence. Monsieur Duc d'Orleans, recei∣ved no great satisfaction from it, fore-seeing that this Princess would be a new Obligation to tie him to the Low-Countries; but the Laws of Civility, and the consideration of the Spaniards, who he was forc'd to content, perswaded him to seem very glad of it. He presently dispatch'd the Sieurs de Fontain Chalendre, de Rames, and de Lavaupot to Thionville, who were followed by the Duke d'Elboeuf, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens; they met her upon the way, and Monsieur, in per∣son, went with much affection to receive her, as far as Marshe, and accompanied her from Namour to Bruxelles, with all the honour and endearments she could de∣sire. That day that she was to go into Bruxelles, the Infanta, with the whole Court went to receive her, half a League from the Town, and meeting, they both aligh∣ted from their Coaches to salute her; the Infanta kissed her, and then taking her by the hand, led her into her own Coach, where she alwaies gave her the right hand. Comming to the Gate of Bruxelles, the Companies of the City gave her a Volley of small shot, and the Magistrates went to welcome her; she alighted in company of the Infanta at the Queen-Mothers, who testified much joy for her arrival, and kissed her, and after half an hours entertainment, the Infanta carried her to her own lodgings, which she had prepared two dayes before, with very rich Furniture, her soul being no lesse replenished with Magnificence then Piety. The Princesse Marguerite could not forbear the expressing her content, so sweet it is to attain any eminent point of honour, after the running of great hazards; but often repeated, that she could never have beleev'd what History relateth, concern∣ing fugitive Princesses, had she not her self experimented it. The Infanta did dayly indeavour to augment her joy, by her great care, and the Presents she sent her, in which the quaintnesse of her fancy, was no lesse admirable then her liberality.

Nothing is more ingenious then Women to attain their Designs.

VVOmen of all creatures are the most dexterous in contriving their designs, their natural sprightlinesse of imagination, furnisheth them with a thou∣sand expedients, and proposeth all kinds of overtures, with such probabilities of happy successe, that they are easily inflam'd with a desire of trying them. This desire maketh so great an impression upon their Passions, that in case any obsta∣cle present it self to divert them, they never want anger; which so disturbeth them, that they admit of no rest, untill they have surmounted it, and obtain the ends which they propose to themselves. This their violent apprehension, augmenteth the fruitfulnesse of their conceptions; and as the heat of the ayr doth every day disclose new productions in the bosom of the earth; so their ardent desires beget new expedients in their minds, carrieth all their thoughts, conducteth all their motions, guideth all their affections, and so disposeth of all their power, that they neither think, desire, discourse, or do any thing, but what tendeth to their ends; they sleep with the consideration of those means which may conduce to their own ends, the desire of executing them, awakeneth them in the morning; and as they have little diversions in the day time, they have no greater delight then to discourse with them, in whom they put their confidence. Men who are imploy'd in great affairs, have their imginary faculties more barren, and granting them to be as fertile as those of Ladies, yet the diversity of their imployments doth so divert them, that it is impossible for them ever to be ruminating upon the same Subject; but otherwise it is with Ladies, especially those of quality, who have nothing to do but to please their own fancies. I might likewise adde, that the defect of Prudence,

which is evident in most of them, is in some sort to their advantage, because it gives them more courage to execute, than the wisest of men, whose judgement makes them fore-see many inconveniences, which women do not at all apprehend. Besides, the respect which every one beareth to their Sex, seemeth to take away al•• ••ear from them, by perswading them that the worst that can befall them, is but to discover their Sex and quality; and that once known, not any person of quality will use them uncivilly. Amongst the many inventions which they have used to save themselves by flight, or to obtain their desires, that of changing their ha∣bits is one of the most frequent. So Laodice, the wife of Mithridates, unwilling to forsake her husband, when vanquish'd by Pompey, cloath'd her self like a man, and follow'd him a long time, as if she had had an indefatigable body and courage. Se∣miramis knowing most people impatient of the Government of women, left off her usual habit after her husbands death, and assum'd that of the Kings, the better to preserve the government in her hands, during the nonage of her son Ninus. Doth not History record the same of divers Persian women, who in the habit of Souldi∣ers followed their Husbands to the Wars, between the King of Persia, and Selim the Turkish Emperour? We read that divers Germans went to the Holy War with the Emperour Conradus, cloath'd and accoutred like Cavaliers, with as much valor as Amazons.

The Treaty made with Monsieur de Lorrain, and how after all his difficul∣ties, he was forced to put it in execution.

THe advantages which the Kings Army had obtained upon the Duke of Lorrain produc'd those effects, of which the Cardinal had given his Majesty great hopes. He dispos'd himself to grant all that could be desir'd, according as the Army made its progresse. He was forc'd to send to Cardinal of Lorrain to his Majesty at Neufville, to offer him the new Town of Nancy; but his Majesty being not ig∣norant that leaving the City in his hands, would give him the occasion and means to re-commence his imbroyls, when ever those who had ingag'd him, should send him a powerfull assistance, would not be perswaded to assent thereunto. He then sent again the same Cardinal, with full power to deliver him both the Towns of Nancy in Deposite, upon such conditions as should be resolv'd between him and Monsieur the Cardinal. This was as much in apparence as could be desired; but Monsieur the Cardinal, too too well inform'd of the Dukes wavering homour, to trust him, was not backward to tell the King that he thought it not fit to rely up∣on it, or to be certain of any thing, untill the Gates of Nancy were opened, that his forces might take possession of it; so that the works of the Siege were prosecu∣ted with all diligence; yet at last, the Cardinal having full power from the King to treat, entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions.

• 1. That the Duke of Lorrain, should renounce all new Alliances, it prejudice to that of France.
• 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King, with, and against all.
• 3. That he should not make any Levies of War, during the present troubles of Ger∣many, without his Majesties consent.
• 4. The he should disband, as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern, that he would not attempt any thing, but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries.
• 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy, both old and new, in Deposit to his Majesties hands, within three days, until such time as his good behaviour, or the pacification of the trubles of Germany, should take away all cause of suspi∣cion

• of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty, and his Allies, and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite, were declared null by Law; and that the differ∣ences between the King, and the said Duke were decided, each of them in the mean while, enjoying their rights, without prejudice of this Treaty; yet however, that in case the War of Germany should last four years, the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished, his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors.
• 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days; or at least, that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain, should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was, and to deliver her into his Majesties hands; and should so order the business, that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage.
• 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Ma∣jesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof.
• 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain, and the States thereupon depending, should be receiv'd by the said Duke, with all sort of liberty.
• 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy, during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms, without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain, in case he would make his abode there.
• 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants.

This was the conclusion, made in the Camp before Nancy, the 6. of September: Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke, to procure his ratification. He brought in, and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State, com∣ing to give his Majesty assurance thereof; there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty, and for his Majesties entring into Nancy: But the day be∣ing come, the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses, pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary, by a certain Gentleman, named Giton; so that the whole businesse was to be begun again. However, the Cardinal sen∣sible of his own power, and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain, would not totally break off the Treaty, but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy, to the Cardinal of Lorrain, with charge to tell him, as from himself, that the King found himself by divers reasons, forced to carry his affairs to the height, yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in executi∣on; because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endea∣vours for a reasonable accommodation. The Cardinal testified, that his good will was no whit diminished, & that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother, to induce him to adhere to the Treaty; in order whereunto, he sent a Gentleman to him, with such effectual expressions, perswading him to settle his affairs, then in a declining condition, that he at last hearkned to his advice, and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty, to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas. His Majesty granted it; but the morning following, thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him, for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas, that he might the better get away into Flanders, where once being, there was no l••k••lyhood of his depositing Nancy; it was signified unto him, that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty, which he accepting of, the Cardinal, and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal, came first thither, about five in the evening, accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette, the Popes Nuntio, a great many Lords and Gentlemen, and a good party of Horse and Foot. The Duke came not untill about eleven at night; so that finding the Cardinal in bed; and not willing to permit his people to wake him, according as he had command∣ed, they met not untill the morning following. That day they had two long de∣bates

without any conclusion; so that every one thought there would be no agree∣ment; but in fine, the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse, submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging, and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made, by his Order, without including any other condition, but this, that he might make his abode at Nancy, with all honours due to his quality; as also, the Cardinal his Brother; and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly, that which ingag'd him to de∣liver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands; his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy, without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications, if his Majesty should so think fit. Monsieur le Cardinal, did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles, in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason, not to extend the bounds of France, which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory, as his Majesty could desire; so that both of them having signed it, there wanted nothing but the execution of them. Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was, not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain, or to leave him to his own honesty, which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour. So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person, in order to the performance of his promises. He represented to him, that it would be the more glorious for him, in regard it would testifie unto all Princes, that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsi∣on; as also of great advantage, in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his, unto his Majesties Will: Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him, and surrender Nancy unto him, as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment. Such were the charms of his words, that they perswaded him to resolve thereupon, that upon the 21 they departed together to wait upon the King. Approaching neer Nancy, the Cardinal hasted to acquaint the King, before the Cardinal de Lorrains comming, with the se∣cret of the affair, and to advise him of such things as were most conducing to his service. All that appeared, was that Monsieur de Lorrain, saluting the King, bowed himself very low made his excused with a great deal of submission, assured him of the inclination he had to obey him; beseeched him to forget what was past, to pardon him, and to believe that he would punctually perform the Treary. The King imbrac'd him with a cheerfull countenance, and told him, that he willingly accepted those proffers of his service and friendship, that he should forget what was pass'd, and that he forgave him. Afterwards, he led him into his Cabinet, where the Cardinal was with the chief of the Councel. Their entertainment was for some time upon ordinary discourse, and many things were said concerning the Dukes courage and inclination to Arms, which he did not unwillingly hear. The King told him, I must confesse, I have had an ill opinion of you, and when I found you perform'd not the Treaties, made by the Cardinal your Brother, which your self had ratified, I shaid you had neither faith nor honesty; but now in confidence of the promises you have made me to perform all, I begin to be of another opinion, and shall be ready to testifie the desire I have to love you. Monsieur the Cardi∣nal took up the discourse, and said, Sirs, I shall willingly passe my word for the affection which Monsieur de Lorrain hath for you service; and for the desire he hath to live otherwise than heretofore. You ought to forget the occasions of dis∣content which your Majesty hath receiv'd, and to believe, that his deportment for the future will be satisfactory; he must fight under your Colours, and in the head of your Troops. Hereupon Monsieur de Lorrain made great complements, be∣seeching the King to receive him into his favour. The King re-interated the assu∣rances of his good will; and it being Supper time, his Majesty caused him to be conducted to Monsieur le Duc de la Valette's lodging, who his Majesty had commanded to entertain him. Notwithstanding all this, and these several prot••∣••tations made by the Duke of Lorrain, to live otherwise then he had for the future, yet the knowledge of his humour, oblig'd the King to cause him to be watch'd by divers trusty persons; nor was it without reason, seeing the very next morning

there were many probable conjectures that he intended to save himself without making good any thing that he had promised. The reverend Father Joseph, and the Sieur Bouthillier, went to wait upon him, to conclude upon the Orders for his Ma∣jesties entrance into Nancy; but he entertained the motions with so much coldness, that there could be no more doubt of it; however, because it was not absolutely certain, his Majesty did forbear to seiz upon his person. The course he took by an admirable piece of Prundence, not to break the Laws of Hospitality, yet to prevent his getting off which would be much to his Majesties damage, was the com∣manding of divers trusty persons to be near his Lodging, who without shew of mi∣strust, might watch that he escaped them not. Indeed it had been a shame for the King to have suffered the Duke to have mock'd his Majesty by an escape of that na∣ture; and it had been as much weaknesse as inconsideratenesse not to have stop'd him in his flight. It was absolutely necessary indeed to observe the promise of se∣curity given him, for his comming to execute the Treaty; which in case he refus'd to do, the King was not oblig'd to his word; and the Duke relying only upon the faith of his Treaty, might and ought to be stop'd; seeing the non-performance of it made him an enemy as before, and he could not be arrested untill he had open∣ly declare himself; but his evasion discovering him sufficiently, it had been im∣prudence to have suffered him to passe into Flanders, without securing his person.

That Prince who after a Treaty attempteth to break his promise, may be se∣cured as an Enemy.

THat Prince who after a Treaty made, either resolveth or indeavoureth to be worse then his word, declareth himself an enemy to him with whom he treat∣ted, and as such he may lawfully be accounted; for the breach of promise is one of the greatest indignities which one Prince can offer another. Amongst Gentlemen, it is a just ground for the cutting of Throats in Duels, and Soveraigns look upon it, as one of the most lawful occasions of War. By Treaties of Peace they are made friends, the breach of which makes them enemies; and consequently, they may freely be taken by the same Law, whereby it is permitted to secure an enemy where ever he be found. It is without reason that the infringers of them should alledge their security, seeing themselves have broke it. The Duke de Bourgogne who seized upon Lewis the Eleventh, in the Castle of Peronne, is commended for it in Hisstory, as an act of Prudence, because the King had provok'd him to it. They had appoin∣ted that City to treat a Peace, which was concluded between them; but Lewis the Eleventh, too little sincere in his proceedings, having sent Embassadours to the Liegeois, to perswade them to take up Arms against the Duke, upon a great many fair promises which he made them; and the Liegeois revolting upon his Majesties first motion, the Duke fully inform'd, that this rebellion proceeded from his indea∣vours, set guards upon him to hinder his escape. The truth is, if any mis-fortune befall those that break Treaties, they may thank themselves, and it had not been amisse for their own securities to have remembred the counsel of Ecclesiasticus, who faith, The sin of him which deceiveth his Brother, shall fall upon himself. He who dis∣se••••leth, sinneth doubly, and who so sweareth in vain, shall not be justified, but his house shall be filled with dishonour.

His Majesties entrance into Nancy, and the Orders therein established.

THe Duke of Lorrain seeing his Artifices availed little, and that he must think of nothing but performing his promise, did at last, upon the 24 of Sept. com∣mand the Gates of Nancy to be opened for his Majesties forces. The Mar∣shals of his lodgings went to prepare his Quarters, and the Garison of Lorrain being marched out, in number 2300 foot, and 230 horse only, which was not enough, by a third part, to make good the fortifications: His Majesties Army en∣tred

the place, and divided themselves into the several quarters of the City, accord∣ing as they were commanded. The 25 the King accompanied by the Cardinal of Lorrain, and all the persons of quality, who had followed him in that expedition, made his entrance. The people indeed at first, seemed but ill satisfied; but when they saw the admirable Order which his Majesty had prescribed, to prevent their receiving any injury, they made Bonfires before their doors; the morning follow∣ing, the Queen came thither to partake of the Kings joy, for having mastred one of the strongest places of Europe in so little time, and without losse of blood. The King went to receive her, at the Port of St. John, where the Regiment of Picardy was im∣battelled; and shortly after her arrival, the Duke de Lorrain, accompanied by the Cardinal his brother, and the Princess de Falsbourg, went to do their devoirs to her, with more civility then joy: And thus was Nancy the Metropolitan City of Lor∣rain, whom the force of her Bastions, and the largenesse of three great Motes see∣med to render impregnable, taken as soon as besieg'd. It might have held out at least two years; but his Majesty assisted by the sage advices of the Cardinal, as he himself hath testified, took it in fourteen days. The address of this grand Minister, forced the Duke to keep his word, and to Deposit Nancy for some time, fearing lest he might have lost it for ever. Hardly had fame published this siege, but she was oblig'd to make known the taking of it, confirming the custom of Poets and Pain∣ters, who represent victory with wings, to signifie that the actions of fortunate Princes, are as swift as the wings of birds. Conquests have been atchieved beyond hope, and the dispatch wherewith the King hath obtained, some rendreth those example of History now credible, which before were thought miraculous. Nor was the Order which his Majesty took to keep this place, the least considerable thing in this expedition: He committed the Government of it to the Sieur de Brassac, a Gentleman of quality, newly return'd from an Embassie from Rome, whose sweet∣ness and modesty was as capable of perswading the Inhabitants not to mislike the change of their Master, as his fidelity and vigilance of assuring his Majesty of his well keeping it. He assign'd him between seven and eight thousand men to guard it, chosen out of the best Regiments of his Army, with express command to keep them in such order, that the inhabitants might receive no discontent from them. He commanded the Magazeens to be stored with Ammunitions of all sorts, he converted the fortifications which served for a Communication between the new and the old Town into a Cittadel, where the Garison might be secure, in case the inhabitants should mutiny, for the preventing of which he disarm'd them. His Majesties presence being of no longer use in that place, he return'd towards Paris, not with that State and Pride, wherewith the ancient Emperours caused themselves to be ador'd by the people, at least honoured with costly triumphs, after the obtain∣ing of their victories, but with much modesty, though it was his glory never to have undertaken any expedition, so without acquiring new Palms.

What Orders ought to be taken in a place newly conquered.

THe affection of the people being the strongest chain wherewith a Soveraign can bind his Subjects to his Empire, it cannot be doubted but that the testi∣monies of his bounty and clemency, ought to be the chiefest Orders establi∣shed in a City newly conquered, seeing they do most of all serve to excite that Passion. If they be not affectionate to him, his Victory will be like a Plant without a root, and as a small wind doth easily blow down a Tree not well fastned, so the least occasions of revolt transport them to shake off the yoak of their obedi∣ence. Interest is the most potent charm to captivate their spirits; and if a Prince can but once win them into his government, by making them taste any sweetness or advantage more then in that of their former Prince, there is then nothing to be fear'd. The French in the time of one Vesp••rs lost Sicily; and in a small time the Kingdom of Naples, and the Dutchy of Milan, and all because their government was so rigorous, that the Princes had no incouragement to be loyal to them, or to defend them. The conduct of the Romans being full of sweetness and moderation,

begot them the affections of the Sagentines and Italians, after they had conquered them, who had preserved them in their Soveraignty, whereas the harsh usage of Hannibal caused him to lose them, almost as soon as he had vanquished them. I will adde some few particular Orders fit to be established in a City, or among a people newly conquered to hold them in allegiance. It will not a litle conduce thereunto, to render them exact justice in their affairs, and to pro∣cure them plenty of all kinds of provision, to countenance Piety, to caresse the Nobility, and to gain the learned. Religious men ought not to be neglected, they ought rather to be courted and honoured by bestowing Alms on them, and preserving them in the just injoyment of their priviledges; for they have the con∣science of the people in their hands, and the credit which they have acquired by their good life, procureth them so much authority, that whatever they do or say, is thought well done, well said, and fit to be followed. But especially it being not in the power of the best and wisest Princes, to work by all the testimonies of their goodnesse, upon the afflictions of a people naturally brutish, unreasonable, and insensible of benefits, there ought to be no small care taken in leaving a strong garison among them that may aw them, and curb them in case of insurrections; not but that their Commanders ought to be charged to keep them in such order and moderation that the Inhabitants be not oppress'd by them. Besides they ought to be disarm'd of all those things which may tend to insurrections by Arms, I mean souldiers, warlike Engines, such men as are capable of making parties, and the com∣mand of all Towers and strong places. Thus did Caesar upon the surrender of any City, he commanded their Horses and Arms to be delivered; and that all men of any valour or credit among the Inhabitants, should be given him in hostage, know∣ing that this was the true way to secure them from any insurrection, it being not enough to disarm them, unlesse they be depriv'd of men of credit and counsel, such as are able under hand to procure others, and all such Souldiers as are likely to be active. The Carthaginians made it appear by experience, when the Romans had totally disarmed them, they finding a way to forge every day in their City an hun∣dred Targets, and three hundred Swords, besides Darts and Engines for throwing of Stones, and to make ropes of their Wives hair for want of Hemp. To con∣clude, men of spirit and War, are more to be feared then Weapons, and there ought to be more care taken to secure such men in a City, then all the Musquets, Pikes, and Pistols.

The indeavours of Feria and Aldringuer, to secure Nancy, rendred vain by Monsieur the Cardinal's Prudence.

AT the same time that the King disposed his Armies, to hinder the unjust en∣terprizes of Monsieur de Lorrain; the house of Austria provided Aldringuer in Germany, and the Duke de Feria in Italy to meet neer Constance, and from thence to march into Alsace, and Lorrain, to secure him from ruine. The Duke had intelligence thereof; and for this reason it was, that he used many delays and indeavours to get into the Low Countries', hoping that if Nancy could hold out six weeks or two moneths, these two Armies might come in good time to defend his interest. Upon this score it was, that the Cardinal who knoweth how to reme∣dy inconveniences before they happen, pressed so hard upon him, that he forc'd him to conclude the Treaty, perswaded his Majesty to send the Swedes to come to meet Feria and Aldringuer to hinder their march into Alsace, and to leave the Marshal de la Force in Lorrain, with an army of twenty thousand men. He had order to hinder any insurrections or enterprises which might be made by the Dukes indeavours; as also to send such assistance to the Swedes as they should desire, the better to give a check to the proceedings of these two Generals. The strict intelli∣gence between the King and Swedes, obliged Marshal Horn to march towards Fe∣ria's Quarters; and as there is nothing seems impossible to Conquerors, he used

his utmost to get into Constance, a place by which the Duke of Feria must of neces∣sity passe into Germany; but the approach of his Army, and the irruption which he might have made into Wirtenberg; together with the strong assistance which the besieged had received; as also the improbability of cutting off their Commerce by the Lake, forc'd him upon the Duke de Rohan's, pressing him on the Kings be∣half to draw off; so that Feria and Aldringuer joyned their Armies together. In the interim, Bernard Duc de Wimar, to divert them from entring into Alsace, be∣sieged Ratisbone and took it, as also Stroubinguin, with some other places upon the Danube: However Feria and Aldringuer prosecuting their design, pass'd the Rhine, and march'd into Alsace, by the Territory of Basle. The Marshal Horn, and the Palatine de Birkenfield, receiving intelligence thereof, followed them so close, that having pass'd the Rhine at Strasbourg, they soon got before them neer Colemaer, with a resolution to fight them; but their Generals who had no other design then to assist the Duke of Lorrain, would not ingage, but drew off the fur∣ther, when they heard the Marshal de la Force, had sent to offer the Swedes some Forces. Aldringuer seeing there was no good to be done, re-pass'd the Rhine at Brisac; and the Marshal Horn without losing any time, repass'd it likewise, and pursued him so briskly, that he defeated part of his Army; so that finding himself too weak, he got into Brisac; where the Duke de Feria, who remain'd in Alsace, infested by the Palatine de Birkenfield, and the Rhingrave Otho, came to rejoyn with him, and both together pass'd over the Svave to seek a better Fortune, but found it not; for the Duke de Feria died some moneths after, without effecting his design, and the most of his forces disbanded for hunger, cold, and diseases: This was not the only advantage the King made of the Swedes, the interest of his Allies, being no lesse dear to him than his own; for he imploy'd them to succour the Duke de Wirtenberg, and the Comte de Hanau, who had put themselves under his prote∣ction, into whose countries those two Generals of the House of Austria, who take all for enemies that favour not their designs, had a great desire to enter to refresh their Souldiers, by giving them leave to plunder it, but they assisted them with such good successe, that they received no damage that year. They were not in∣deed alone imploy'd in the defence of those two Princes, for the Marshal de la Force sent by his Majesties order, part of his Army into some of their Towns; the Mar∣quesse de Bourbonne, one of the Marshals de Camp, marched with six hundred men into Morbelliard, belonging to the Duke de Wirtenberg, and secur'd it from all violence, by his valour, prudence, vigilance, and zeal for his Majesties glory, four fortifications able to secure any place. The Marshal likewise sent other Forces in∣to Buswiller, Suswiller, and Neuwiller, belonging to the Comte de Hanau, who knew how to defend them. Thus were the Allies of France protected, the Duke of Lorrain unreliev'd, and Monsieur le Cardinal, acquired the glory of having by his counsels and management of the Allies of France, stop'd the course of those two Armies, which were marching into Lorrain, to trouble his Majesty in the possession of his conquests.

That it is wisdom to assault an Enemy with the forces of allied Princes in his march.

A Prince who seeth his enemies Army resolute to assault him amidst his new conquests, doth a great deal better to prevent him by meeting him, than to expect him. I have in other place given the reasons. This course did the Ro∣mans take in all their great expeditions, excepting in the War with the Gaules and second Punick, which they could never terminate until they had pass'd the Sea and Alps with their Armies. He who would spare his Troops, or employ them in other designes, shall do it best if he send to stop his march, and so to divert him either in his own Countrey, or in the passages by the interposition of his Alleys, that he may not be able to advance. Thus Hannibal despairing to overcome the Ro∣mans

in Asrick with Antiochus to go fight them in Italy, which succeeded very fortunately. Thus likewise Gensericus King of the Vandals being routed by Basi∣lius Patricius in a great Sea-fight, perswaded the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, to in∣vade the Roman empire, by which means he secur'd himself from the imminent danger of being taken. To adde some reasons to examples, is it not true which Craesus said to Cyrus, when he exhorted him to assault Thomyris in her own Coun∣trey, if you expect your enemy to come to you, he'l commit a thousand deva∣stations, and in case you should loose a Battle, he will not be content with the Victory, but will prosecute it to the overrunning of your whole Country? Be∣sides there is little hazarded by causing him, to be assaulted in his march by Allies or in his own Country, for it preserveth an Army entire against a time of need. Besides if he be assaulted by his neighbor Allies, they will be alwaies better acquain∣ted with the waies and passages, and may easily be assisted with provisions and re∣cruits. An Enemies Army likewise marching through anothers Coutrey where he sindeth opposition, must necessarily diminish his forces by sickness, fighting and the like, whereas his will remain in its full vigour, and consequently the better able to resist him. Thus will he be able to obtain his design, which is to prevent his comming into his Countrey, a thing of the more advantage, in regard he may ef∣fect it without danger, and preserve his Army fresh to assist his Alleys, in case they are unable of themselfs to make good the passages.

Divers journeys made for the accommodation of the Queen Mother and Monsieur.

THough the Queen-Mother and Monsieur le Duc d'Orleans, had for the two last years run into great extremities, by the perswasions of some people, whose advices they too much credited; yet such was the Kings tenderness for them, that he took great care to bring them to themselves, and to perswade them to return into France. The Queen-Mother had been for some time sick, and the King to testifie how much he was concern'd in her health, upon his first hearing of it, presently dispatch'd the Sieurs Rioland and Pietre, very famous Physitians to use their utmost care and industry for her recovery; and also often sent several Gentlemen to visit her. The Cardinal did not a little contribute to those his cares, nor did he omit any opportunity to testifie unto the Queen-Mother the earnest desire he had to serve her, so that at last she was forc'd to yeild her self, in so much that it was verily thought she would quickly have re-assum'd her for∣mer sentiments of love for the King, and confidence in the Cardinal; but for those damnable counsels which those whom she honoured with her ear, infus'd into her, especially Father Chanteloupe who unable to make himself considerable, unless in broiles did alwayes prefer a storm before a calm. He could divert her from often∣times sending unto the King to assure him of the inclinations she had to be neer him, and of the passion she had for his, though he wanted no artifice to prevent the effects of it, glory and welfare. There need no other proof beside the instruction under his own hand, which she gave unto the Sieur de Laleu when she was sent to the King: nor was he deficient to second the affection which this great Princesse had for the King by his fair words, as also to suffer her to write unto the Cardinal to assure him that she would honour him with her good opinion, it being only the better to cover his designes; but he well knew the King unless he had lost his judgment, which rendred him so admirable in all affaires could not suffer him to re∣turn with her, to be of her counsel after the discovery made by Alpheston and Cha∣vag••ac, of his design to murder this grand Minister. He not onely confirm'd the Queen Mothers inclination by those of his cabal, in the resolution of keeping him neer her as a faitful very fit servant, and one whom she could not forsake without prejudice to her reputation and affaires; but the instruction which he gave the Sieur de Laleu obliged her to give security in that behalf. It is true indeed that thinking

to cover his malice with a specious vaile, he beseech'd the Cardinal to exclude him as unwilling, that his person should hinder a good accommodation, but that only serv'd the better to set him forth, seeing it was most certain that his exclusion would hinder the Queen-Mothers return, and that on the contrary it was only to make the Cardinal more odious unto her, whom he knew not to be so imprudent, or disaffectio nate to his Majesties service, as to suffer his return. He knew distrust to be the greatest obstacle in the Accommodations of Great men, who were never to be reconciled, but by a mutual confidence, whereupon he labour'd nothing more, then to infuse it, into the mind of this Great Princesse, as the very same in∣struction of the Sieur de Laleu testifieth, which required him to say, that her Ma∣jesties returning into France, would hazard all, that the Cardinal would destroy her when he pleas'd, without her being able to prevent it, or to hurt him, in case she had a mind to it, and that she doubted whether the Cardinal had not some-distrust of her, though he had above twenty times declared unto her, how passionatly desi∣rous be was of her return, so that it was easy to be known by this Procedure of Father Chanteloupe, that with one hand he did prosecute the accommodation, and with the other obstructed it, and that he could not better be compar'd then to him, who calling all people to quench a fire doth underhand endeavour to make it burn the more. This was not the only testimony that the Courts of Brussels made evi∣dent of the misfortunes, whereunto Grandees are exposed, when they suffer them∣selves to be transported by ambitious Ministers, who prefer their own before their Masters interest. There were no less eminent proofs hereof in the treaty, which was negotiated by the Sieur D'Elbene, whom the King permitted to come often from Brussels to the Court, to consider of the means to draw him out of the Spa∣niards hands. Had Monsieur known he might have been secure in France, that the King desir'd nothing with more passion, than to see him partake of his glory and recreation, and that his Majesty lov'd him like a Son; he would not have slaied 24. Hours in the Low-Countries, but would have forc'd through all obstacles to have got away, however the Sieur Puy-Laurens who had a greater interest upon him than any other, fearing belike to receive the punishments due, for his rashness in carrying Monsieur 3. several times out of the Kingdom, and unwilling to lose the advantages which he expected from his affection, had artifice enough to perswade him the contrary, and to transport him into extream-distrusts. He made him be∣lieve that there was no assurance for him in France, that he should no sooner he there, but he would be clap'd up in the Bois de Vincennes, or his house fill'd with spies, which would make it worse than a prison to him, that the King did not much care to withdraw him from the Spaniards, but only for fear lest he might enter with an Army into France, that his Majesty had no other passion for him; but that of jealousy, Soveraigns being not well pleas'd with the sight of their Successors, and that he never ought to permit the King to place any persons about him in his counsel, who might give an account of his affaires, making him to look upon all of that quality, as so many spies who would keep him in perpetual vexation, and to make themselves considerable, with his Majesty, would raise continual distrusts upon him, and would in fine so worke, that he must be laid up in some Castle, ••ill such time as he was to receive the Crown. He was not ignorant how importantly necessary it was for Kings, to be absosure Masters of the wills of the Princes of the bloud, and to be inform'd of all their designes of concernment; he well knew that if a person of understanding should have been placed neer his Master, he would in a little while insinuate himself into his confidence and favour, and with all that such a man might discover to his highness, how he had only brought him, and kept him so long in the Low-Countries for his own private interest, which would quickly expose him to an absolute mine. What likelihood was there that he would give Monsieur any counsel, ••ending to peace or sweetness, knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal, even to threaten him, as is well known to those who treated with him. To say the truth, if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup, consider∣ing

the extremities into which he had run, and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him; surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens, upon the score of his inclination, and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person, to raise another civil War in France, or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France, upon the least cause of mistrust. There was the less reason to trust him, because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition, a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing; and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour, as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd; so that thus to recall Monsieur, with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart, were to raise a fire in the bosom of France, which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union; in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages, from the divisi∣ons by them fomented, in the royal family. In short, what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur, unlesse he changed his procedure and humour, so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did, rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should re∣turn, and proposing others, as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign, presuming to drive on his own interests, instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet, whom he had so highly offended? Surely this could not have been done, with∣out a great blemish to the Kings honour, by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe, as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject, who de∣serv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice. The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences, seem'd to wonder that Monsieur, and the Queen-Mothers accommodation, could not be ended after so ma∣ny journies to and fro; but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it, could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence, in making use of that authority, which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents, when the interest of their State is in question, and in not precipitating their return; which, considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence, could only serve to trouble the Kingdom, and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition.

That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations, where there is any danger in the State.

IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State, It is most certain in general, that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels, that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them, and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant, because being blind and without foresight, it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious; but most particularly true it is, in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight, yet are they seldom of long continuance, by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are con∣cluded, which coming to increase by some new discontents, division presently re-as∣sumeth her first place, and thus instead of any satisfaction from it, there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance. In effect they ought to be the further from end∣ing affairs, because the easinesse of concluding them, hath often begotten more distrusts among great men, than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace. Hatred doth easily revive among Princes, and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received, which though for some time they dissemble, yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments, when they find opportunity proper for it. There were heretofore divers accommodations made be∣tween Lewis the Eleventh, and Charls Duc de Borgogne, which seemed to settle their States in peace, but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part, which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King; the main business was still to be begun anew; nor was any thing but death able to

give a period to their divisions. How often hath the house of Orleans and Bour∣gogne been reconcil'd, yet alwaies to little purpose, because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them, did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion. Henry the Third, wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him, for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambiti∣on suggested. They who are little acquainted in State-affairs, are not very solici∣tous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes, but think that it is enough so they are made friends; yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care, when civil Wars break out again, which they re-in∣gaging in may indanger the whole State, at least afford Forraigners great advanta∣ges. It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in dis∣cord and impotency, that in the Court or in some Province, where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion, which as Physicians say, replenisheth the body with many crudities, the cause of divers diseases; and it of∣ten happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences, serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars; so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time, than to precipitate them into a short continuance, and a production of new broils.

Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon.

ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between: Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon, Go∣vernour of Guyenne. The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of im∣ployments had charge during the siege of Rochel, of some men of War in this Pro∣vince, by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances; and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings, did not a little resent it, though for the present he dissembled it, expecting an oppor∣tunity to shew it with the more advantage, which did not so soon offer it self, the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court, and at Poiton in his Majesties service; but as he had no lesse memory then courage, he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year, at which time the Arch-Bishop return'd to Bourdeaux. The custom of this City, is that the Jurats go to wait on the Arch-Bishop at the Bridge as often as he cometh from the Country. The Duke to prevent him of this honor, sent for them that afternoon, that he should come to Town, and entertained them either upon some affairs which he was willing to conclude or by some other devices, until the Arch-Bishop was arrived at his Palace. The Jurats indeavoured to make their excuses to the Arch-Bishop for their not receiving him, but he was not very well satisfied with it, no more then with a trick the Duke put upon him, some days after,* 1.4 in the quality * Capital de Buch, who by virtue thereof may take the first Panier of fish, which he pleaseth, paying for it in the Market called la Clie, where all the fresh fish is sold, and is opened and shut by particular Officers who have the charge of it. Now the Master of the Arch-Bishops Palace comming to the Clie to buy fish, was refused to be admitted, upon pretext that the priviledge of the Capital de Buch, had not as yet been served. This affront was more prejudicial to the Arch-Bishops table, then person; however he complained of it with formalities of justice, which served to exasperate the matter. For the Duke moved at it, put the same af∣front on him some few days after, upon a time when he had designed to entertain the Jurats and other Officers of the Town, by sending his Guards to hinder the ope∣ning of the Clie, and the Arch-Bishops servants comming to force it were beaten. It was further reported, how that the Duke to prevent the Arch-Bishops receiving fish from any other place, had set guards upon the Passages which led to the Arch-Bishoprick, with order to search those who should go in, and to take away their fish if they had any about them. The Arch-Bishop provok'd at this procedure re-itera∣ted

his complaints to the Attorney General, and the Jurats, and made them sign di∣vers instruments protesting to complain unto the King accusing certain men cloth'd in Coats of sad green, with white crosses, but without declaring them to be the Dukes guards. These second complaints were no more to his advantage then the former; on the other side, the Duke commanded Naugas Lievtenant of his guards, to take an occasion to meet the Arch-Bishop in the streets of Bourdeaux, and to present his guards unto him, beseeching him to take notice of those who had dis∣pleas'd him, and assuring him that he had never given any command with design to offend him, or to stop the Passages to his Palace. Naugas wanted not a fair oppor∣tunity to execute what he was commanded, and going with twenty of his Masters guard, met the Arch-Bishop in St. Andrews Cloister, as he was returning from the City in his Coach. He stop'd the Coach-man, and took the Horses by the bridles; and told him confusedly in the uproar that was then made, that he came in behalf of the Governour Duke, to present to him those men cloath'd with a sad green, and white crosses, and to tell him they belong'd to him, to the end he might know those whom he pretended had offended them; assuring him in the interim, that he had not commanded any one to displease him. This passage made a great noise, being of great scandal to some, though others laugh'd at it. The Arch-Bishop seem'd highly ••o resent it, and having assembled his Clergy to propose the injury offered his person, and to take their advice upon it; it was concluded that Naugas should be Excommunicated; but before the Publication of it, to send two Canons, two Cu∣rates, and two men in Orders to the Duke, to complain unto him of his guards; and to understand if it had been done by his command. The Duke receiv'd his Depu∣ties with civility, but that he might not transgress in his answer, he desir'd that they would give him their desire in writing. The Arch-Bishop was acquainted there∣with, who thereupon assembled his Clergy the second time; and the result was to to publish the next morning, being All-Saints day, the censure of Excommunication against Naugas and his adherents. Naugas advis'd of this censure, appeal'd against it as an abuse, gave notice of his appeal to the Arch-Bishop, and the Duke having assembled in his house all the Professors of the Canon Law, together with a great many religious, to have their advice upon this censure, where he propos'd to them the matter in his own form; whereupon the most part of them were of opinion, that there was some exception to be taken against the censure; and said that all the forms being not observ'd, they thought that those against whom it was pronounc'd were not oblig'd by it. The Duke presently published their opinion by sound of Trumpet; at which the Arch-Bishop was so angry that without considering the impossibility for those religious persons, not to wait upon the Duke being sent for, that they had not given their judgement; but upon the fact as he had propos'd it unto them, and that this their advice was not definitive, only a bare testimony of their opinions, like those of Lawyers, which are usual in all affairs, and upon judge∣ments wherin his Majesty himself is concern'd, he resolv'd to chastise them withrigor. This advice was conformable to that which the Bishop of Nantes, a Prelate whose reputation is clear, his life without blemish, and whose conscience is without com∣pare, gave the Duke upon the same fact propos'd unto him by his Letters, sent to him for fear lest those Doctors and religious men, might be led by complaisance to incline too much to his interest; however such was the Arch-Bishops discontent, that he issued out a sentence whereby all those who had been of that opinion which the Duke had published, were condemn'd as guilty of his person and dignity, were inter∣dicted their charges and Ecclesiastical functions, prohibited to Preach the Word of God, to hear confessions, administer Sacraments in the Diocess of Bourdeaux, com∣manding the superiour Provincials, to chastize them, and expel them out of the Covents of Bourdeaux. The heat of his discontent was such, that it transport∣ed him so far as not to have any respect to the priviledges granted to Religious Orders, by the Holy See, by which all Prelates are inhibited to make any censures against them, upon penalty of drawing that Excommunication their own head, which they intend to inflict upon others. The Religious hereupon appeal'd from this sentence to the Pope, alledging that it had been decreed against them without au∣thority;

but the Arch-Bishop unwilling to put up the lie, assembled the superiors of the Religious houses in his Palace, to condemn that opinion which they had gi∣ven in favour of Naugas. The Duke having notice hereof, design'd to prevent this assembly; to which end, he commanded the Chevalier du Guet of the City of Bourdeaux to beset the Arch-Bishops Palace with his Archers, and to hinder any Religious person from entring in, pretending it might disturb the publique Peace, for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide. The Arch-Bishop was very sen∣sibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them, he went in person to the Religious, to carry them to his Palace, a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened, what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people, only as a gallantry of spirit. The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power, by any Ecclesiastical priviledge, went to meet him in person with his guards, and some other Gentlemen, at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister, and the Arch-Bishop coming thither, he went up to him, spoke some angry words, struck off his Hat and Cap, and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken, by authority of Parliament, put the end of the stick which he had in his hand, to his breast. This Procedure made a great noise in the City, and the Arch-Bishop losing no time, the very next morning, being the eleventh of November, assem∣bled those of his Clergy, and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants, interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac. The Parliament seeing this great trouble, did what they could to make an accommo∣dation; but it was to little purpose, all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel. He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd, whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction, and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac, which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux, to expect the Popes resolution, to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd, seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness, which hung in suspence about five or six moneths, nor was it ended untill the yeer following, till when I forbear to say any more of it.

That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops.

THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people, nay Emperors themselves, have been oblig'd to respect them. Plutarch alledg∣ing the cause, saith, it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends, but for all mankind. The Romans in the times of Paganism, did so much honour them, that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City, had a Lictor, and a cella curulis, and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome, for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest. Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed, that he was not of∣fended when their judgements were contrary to his; and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews, when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it, he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus, he was not only appeas'd; but as the History saith, worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence. All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests, and held it a great crime to offend them. If the light of na∣ture hath induc'd them so to respect them, Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more, seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church, for the Successors of Religion, and the Pastors of Jesus Christ; they ought to be res∣pected as the Law of well-living, as certain rules of good works, as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith, and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost; they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dig∣nity, who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things, to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things, as so māy bright stars, whose lustre is ne∣ver sullied by the Clouds of Vice, as heavenly men who have familiar converse with

God, as living books of the true Doctrine, as the true Organs of Christianity, and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives. Constantine the great, said, he did not consider them as common men, but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited; for which reason, he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly, and threatned those with death who offended him, as is to be seen in History, and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them. I shall likewise add, a particular care in punishing those who injure them. History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert. I shall only add, that Prelates to render themselves wor∣thy of this extraordinary honour, are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition; because as the shadow cannot be without the body, so it is un∣reasonable to pretend to glory, without meriting it by virtue.

An Edict to abate superfluous expences.

THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money, and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes, which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues; yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France, that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd. His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many, who notwithstanding the great ne∣cessities of the State, did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs, Embroide∣ries, gold and silver, Laces Bone-laces, and other like vanities, not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace. It was the more needfull to redress these disorders, because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities, there was a great deal of silver trans∣ported out of France, which thereby was much impoverished, whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions, or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really re∣quire. These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December, by which the wearing of any Stuffs, Embroideries, gold and silver lace, or any bone∣lace of above nine Livres the Ell, was prohibited upon pain of confiscation, and six hundred Livres to be levied on them, on them who should wear it, and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it. His Majesty knowing how power∣full the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people, taught the French by his ha∣bit how to follow this rule, and was so carefull in it, that this Edict was better obser∣ved then any of the like quality had a long time been.

That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences, are profitable both to Sove∣raign and People.

EDicts which forbid vain Expences, are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people, especially in times of War. Private mens plenty is the Princes trea∣sure, which he may make use of in time of necessity; and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality, which prohibiteth the use of unnecessary things; so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it, then to establish it by law. It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people, at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull. How should the people assist him at a time of need, if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth. They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them, but that must be by force, whereby not only their ill will, but a thousand im∣precations folow their monies. It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences, do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign: But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd, they contribute more then the people to the publick charge, and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality. Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires, but is forc'd to keep at home, whereas they who perserve their wealth, by the means of a well regulated expence, may put himself in a equipage to

appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour. Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries, nor can a So∣veraign permit the use of them without enriching him, from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own; which State, if it be an enemy, or powerfull enough to render it self suspected, it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him, but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt up∣on him. In fine, the necessities of man are satisfied with so little, that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use, and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience. Content your selves with that which is enough, saith St. Austine, the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom, instead of refreshing it from care, and superfluous expences, which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour, have very troublesom conse∣quences.

A Difference between the Bishops and Religious, decided by a Judgement from the Councel.

ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer, some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles, to which no man else could have brought them; yet so it was, that some troublesom spirits publish'd books, some for one part, and some for another. The main ground of the quarrel, was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange, and not in others. They who were for the Religious, raised this conse∣quence from it, That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism: Those on the other side, unable to salve the matter, maintained the contrary. All that the Laws of History permit me to say, is, that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious, was very dangerous; because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England, might be easily pass'd by, seeing all the exercises of Christianity, might be practic'd there by the Catholicks, excepting confirmation only. The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine, and to fall foul upon some Subjects, which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks, and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected, and disturb the publick quiet. The course at first taken was, to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature, with∣out leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery; but the Doctors of Divinity of Pa∣ris not satisfied therewith, ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond, made to maintain that word, should be re-examined; so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christi∣an peace and charity, which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks. The King took notice thereof, and not to leave it unremedied, commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it; who order'd that the books printed and published un∣der the name of Pere Sirmond, and Petrus Aurelius; the two chief of the parties, should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity, prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment, to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books, and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal. Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge, complain'd of this Arrest, pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church; but they were not long unanswer'd; for Monsieur le Gar∣de des Seaux, was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power, and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books, to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature, and determin'd them in order to the good of their State, and the continuation of the publick quiet.

The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs.

THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs. Though God hath chie∣fly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a tem∣poral power over their people; yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs. There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour. Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church, that writing to the Bishops, he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church? And in fine, he undertook the management thereof, with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion, as is to be seen in an ancient inscription. It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius, that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine, and that he prohibited the reading of his books. To shew that his procedure was without usurpation; every one may see in History that the Popes themselves, and particular Clergies likewise, have from time to time, made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hap∣ned unto them. The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church, and to suppress Heresies. Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril, to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius. The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree; and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Hono∣rius, in Ecclesiastical affairs, that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes. I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors; but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like: For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Chri∣stianity, made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church, as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France, to be seen at this present intire and un∣defac'd for above eleven ages. He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel, where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks, without his Ma∣jesties permission, and at their intreaty, he confirm'd their Canons. I will go a little further, and say, that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince; their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to deter∣mine their personal causes, where the good of the State may be interessed, a thing not to be doubted of; that the power of judging, is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty; and that he who is a Princes Subject, is of necessity to submit to his Justice; and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects, see∣ing as hath been already said, the greatest Poper themselves have not made any dif∣ficulty to put themselves in this rank; as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first, in profession of his Faith, which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings; and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice. What reason can they pretend to resist it, seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have ac∣knowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power. Did not Jesus Christ tell Pi∣late by way of acknowledging his Authority, that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven? whereupon St. Austine, and St. Bernard, expoun∣ding those words say, that Pilates sentence, though very unjust was not usurp'd, be∣cause he had a lawfull authority. So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility, did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal, to that of St. Peter; but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question. Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters.

The End of the Second Part.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The year∣ly r••nt payd by the Offi∣cers of Ju∣stice to the King.
• * 1.2

  A Trea∣s••ry ••o cal∣le•• from the Casualty of the ••n∣comes.
• * 1.3

  Vpon the equal Division of their Mem∣bers debate, they Registred that Division as a Sentence.
• * 1.4

  Which is an Of••ice that ••ath Precedency to buy be∣fore and in the Market.