The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

ANNO 1633.

The Arrival of the Cardinal at Paris, after his sicknesse at Languedoc.

IT is reported that the people of Thule grieved with the Sun's long absence, who for the space of 40 daies leaveth them in an absolute darknesse, did here∣tofore go up to the tops of the Mountains, when first they saw the morning Usher him in, to welcome his approach with a thousand shouts of joy, and offered sacrifices to him. It should likewise seem that most men of quality, at Court, or in Paris the beginning of this year, impatient of once more seeing the Cardinal, who every one considered as a most propitious star, on whose Pru∣dence the King hath often said the happinesse of his State depended, would imitate the like actions at his arrival. Heaven which is frequently pleased to mingle some evills with the prosperities of this life, had sent this grand Minister, together with the joys of those happy successes which his Counsels had obtained for his Majesty in Languedoc and Lorrain, a very dangerous sicknesse, to the great grief of all such who were any whit desirous of the good of France; but Passions changing with Objects, joy succeeded their grief, when it was once known that he was returning indifferent well, and the desire which all considerable persons had to see him invi∣ted them out to meet him, so that they rode from Paris to Roche-Fort, a small Village belonging to the Duke de Montbazon, where he was to rest before he came to Paris, which was covered with Horses and Coaches f••ll of Nobility. Divers went to meet him as far a Estamps, and others to Orleans; but who will not be surprized to hear that the King himself was pleased to honour him so far, as to visit him at

Rochefort, and to shew him the testimonies of so particular an affection, that no∣thing could be more visible or obliging: Hardly had the Cardinal alighted, when the King arrived. His Majesty impatient to see him, went up into his Chamber by a back-stair, which was the nearer way, whil'st this grand Minister hearing of his comming, went down the great stairs with more diligence then his strength would well bear; so that instead of meeting, that agility which is natural unto the King, caused him to go down again, and after some hindrance by the presse of the Nobility, they at last met in the Castle Court. The Cardinal approaching his Majesty cast himself at his feet, but the King presently raising him with one hand, imbraced him with the other so tenderly, that most of the beholders could not forbear tears of joy, each one professing that it was impossible to see testimonies of a more cordial favour from a Master or more respectfull affection from a ser∣vant. Such were the sentiments both of one and the other, that at first they were speechlesse; but having recovered the liberty of their tongues, the King told him, that he received as much joy to see him in so good plight, as the enemies of France had at the false report of his death, that this testimony of their hatred was a new instigation to augment that esteem he ever had on his services, and that he should not recommend any thing with more earnestnesse unto him, then the being care∣full of his own health. The Cardinal answered, he desired not to live but to serve his Majesty, that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life, and that his health would soon be recruited, since he found his Majesty in so good condition. After this they retired two hours in private together, to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him, after which his Majesty returned to Paris.

Politique Observation.

EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State, as the only lustre of their fair attempts. The joy of their return from a long voyage, hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them, and to render them all imagi∣nable respects. Thus Pompey returning, after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse, the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City, the ways, the Port and the streets were so full, that there was hardly any Passage. Some were offering sacrifice for his health, others feasting and ma∣king merry in sign of joy; some march'd before him with Torches, and others strewd the way with flowers. Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits, every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome, that they might render him the glory which he deserved, yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates, the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it; but on the other side, it is observed in History, that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome, as at his return either to see him, or to testi∣fie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him. I will passe a little further, and add that justice and prudence, do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions, and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers, either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands, or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service. Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people, and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince, then to his Subjects, he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude, if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him, himself receives no mean advantage thereby; because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour, will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service, and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands. It there any thing more glorious (said the great Chancellor of Thiery, King of the Goths) then

to deserve praise and approbation, who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery? Surely no, the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his acti∣ons, and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation. Which if true (as doubtlesse it is) there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility, then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants, nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince be∣stoweth upon him; they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers, then their stamps do on their monies.

Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the import∣ance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will, when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace, at such time as they came to sup with him, and waited on them back again when they took their leaves.

Ferdinand King of Spain, the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained, was not to seek in it, when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains, returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one, he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest. Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable, for he seldom spake to him but bare headed, and sometimes received him upon his knee. He well knew, that the honour where∣with he acknowledged his services, did animate others to follow his example, and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands, that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him.

A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty.

IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty be∣tween the Spaniard and Hollander, his Majesty bent his chief care to take or∣der accordingly: Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concern∣ment, that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend there∣upon; and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use, in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard, who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries, to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders, and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it, gave great cause to look about, lest they might be induced to assent thereunto: Neither was it unknown, how that he designed (the League once concluded) to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army, as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France, and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour, the better to curb the Swede, and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them. The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions, was indu∣strious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty; in order to which, he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becom∣ming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit: He committed the manage∣ment of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace, who was newly returned from Germany, where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes, that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment, could not be any ways suspected. I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions, onely this, the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Car∣dinal, to whom nothing was impossible, but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it, so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired. After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange, the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland; he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League, which may con∣clude their differences in an happy peace, but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to

their interests to send him unto them to communicate such thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth. He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it, was enough to render it suspected, that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy, connot be but with design to advantage himself, that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it, that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies, in Germany, in Italy, in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security, did not a little incline him thereunto: He further represented to them, how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment, not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling, and made it easie to be con∣cluded, that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition, would be the more prejudicial to them, he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable, than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded; neither was he backward to represent unto them, that admitting these his reasons should be invalid, yet they did abuse themselves, if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it, in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries, a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July,▪ 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them, and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty, 1609, yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted, and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience, as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions; seeing on the contrary, upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others, and that admitting the Trea∣ty should be once concluded, yet they must ever be renewing of it; and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby, but the losse of a fair opportunity, whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb. He moreover, forced them to con∣fesse, that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace, the State of their affairs, and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it, that their Provinces were never more flourishing, that Learning, Husbandry, Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish, were with them freely exercised in times of War, that their Disciplines were so carefully improved, that the Athe∣nians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might, that their Pastures and Plains, were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers; that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords; and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick, as the Province of Zealand, and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty. Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years! yet it could not however but be advantagious to them, because the Flemings and Walloons, would in that interim forget their warlike ex∣ercises, and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria, that there would be no more cause of fear; but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes, and represented to them, how little reason there was to be∣leeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty, would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons, because the Spaniard would not leave them idle, but find employ∣ments enough for them in other parts: and that on the contrary, undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany, which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries; by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power, to receive the Law from him, and to lay down their Arms, and which once effected, that he would bring back his Forces from Germa∣ny recruited with a far greater strength, which had for many years supported the House of Austria; and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland

unto slavery. This Answer was the more to be considered, in regard it was so convincing, contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty; nor did he forget to add that on the contrary, it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces, both in regard of the Division it would raise among them, or the dis-use of Arms, and their Traf∣fique in the Indies, so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power; that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the In∣dies; the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the re∣ceiving so great detriment as he had from them; but that in case they concluded it, they would thereby blast their fairest hopes, diminish the stock of their riches, and cut off their right hand, their power by Sea, without which they were not consi∣derable among their neighbors: As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War, he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them, as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions; and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace, which had received it's birth and being from War, and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor. He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them, as experience had evin∣ced in the late 12 years Treaty, during which the Spanish Plots, Gold, and de∣vises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do; besides, the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises, would loose much of their valor, by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages, and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh, when it is seconded by glory; that he might excite them, he proclaimed aloud, that there never yet was Common-wealth, so like the Roman, as that of the Hollander; adding withall, that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War, as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time, but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus, so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace▪ and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them, when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty, their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies, not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution; but the more, in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours, es∣pecially those of Germany, who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged, could not for the future be so assisting to them, as formerly they had been. He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies, injureth it self; and that in fine, if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty, there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted, who openly said, Pompey knows not how to overcome. This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull, which the Sieur de Charnace im∣ployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty, so dextrously did he manage them, so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange, who for some particular interest was indiffe∣rent well inclined thereunto, and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse, that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spa∣niard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country, in a Treaty of Peace, wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof, neither satisfied with this resolution, he assured them according as he was commanded, that they might the more readily take the field; how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men, to be sent unto them from the Swede, who accordingly were con∣ducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander; so that about the be∣ginning of Spring, the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it, and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them, yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions. The first is, when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an ad∣vantagious Peace, for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the ob∣taining of a good Peace, and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means, it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it: The Olive Trees, true Symbols of Peace, bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries; and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace, are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars. I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth, nor wil I longer dwel upon it. The second is, when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty. There is not any cou∣rage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity, and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize, how just and glorious soever, hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame. War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory, which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country, it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall. The Gods themselves, saith an Ancient, do submit to necessity; there is nothing stronger then it, and the greatest vertue must stoop to it, neither is any valour or prudence obliged to op∣pose it. The third is, when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy, whom at that time we despair to overcome, and that either by sowing some division among them, or by effeminating them by the discontinuati∣on of their warlike exercise. The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest, when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised, but letting fall the Sails, run∣neth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor, untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again: Thus is it an effect of discre∣tion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War. The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded, when it will afford the means of taking more ad∣vantage. War is a kind of sicknesse in the State, and as sick people are permitted to rest, the better to recover their lost strength; so I think it cannot but be com∣mendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time, the better to refresh his forces, to recruit them, and to raise monies necessary to maintain them. If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty, it will then be very improper to conclude it, when a Country is flourishing, and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace. Most certain it is, that sometimes so it happens, and Hannibal well knew it, when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans, at the end of the second Punick War, he reproached them, as Livy observeth it. Ye had much more reason, quoth he, to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers, that was the would which killed you. The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it, it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms, unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires, perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse, which opening the door to delight and luxury, might in a little time dul their courages, and make them easily conquered by their enemies. This if true, among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War, nor can be preserved but by War. It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit. Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans, he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did, as Livy recor∣deth, which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him, for having suffered himself to be surprized by them; for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War, of which the Romans were altogether unpro∣vided;

so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him; besides all these considerations, if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace, it cannot but be esteemed for disadvan∣tagious. For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power, and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself; when there is not an as∣surance that it will end in a peace of use and profit? So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse, neither can any one so act, unlesse an enemy to his own interest.

The Marquess de St. Chaumont, sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves, to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns, and to establish him.

IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders, he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves, in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him, Fumay and Reveign, scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse, had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord; but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master, had clapp'd a garrison into them, designing to fortifie them, to secure the Commerce of that River, and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne. The King could not put up such an injury offe∣red unto the Elector, since he had taken him into his protection, but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers, with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them. The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort, and the Comte de la Suze, were made Marshals de Camp, who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places. His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition, whereby he might obtain the more glo∣ry to his Masters Arms; but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison, notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night be∣fore without sound of Trumpet, so that instead of fighting, all he had to do, was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy, who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector, did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay, and that of Normandy into Reveign. The Marquess de St. Chaumont, finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will, by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army, setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers, that they never took any thing without paying for it, but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie. The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time, and indeed the season of the year was such, in regard of the Snows and Frost, that he could not march without difficulty, so that his Majesty sent him Order to return, and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier. He returned to spend some time at the Fort, whereupon the 10th. of February, he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel, the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do, took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves, and to do what they pleased; but the King, and the invitation of the Spring, per∣mitting his return, he carried the Army back again, and without much ado forced them to quit the Field. The next thing he resolved, was to assault Freidembourg, upon which they had seized, whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Tra∣vellers, and the adjacent places. The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be in∣vested, and comming in person before it in the moneth of June, he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden, and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it. The Town was won with little resistance, and the Castle forced within two daies after, there being not above three or four men slain on both parts. Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession; neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the

Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof, caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City, about the beginning of October, by the Sieur de Bussilamet. The Arch-Bi∣shop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards, he desi∣red him to stay with him and command his forces, and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him, he presently returned them, saying, I beseech you keep them for his Majesty; his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year, commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord, to assist him in his interest, to receive his Souldiers into their Cities, joint∣ly to defend them, and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford.

The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection.

DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another, unable to subsist by his own force, but though it is honourable, yet it is not without care, if this protection be to his advantage, yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him; and in fine, fairly to restore it. To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse, or want of courage, or an ab∣solute breach of promise in the first assumption. He that for fear of the charge, the successe of the War, or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him, but doth likewise cloath himself with shame. Moreover, what expences soever he is at on such occasions, yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince, he being only, as it were, a Depositary; and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self, the restoring of them, will be as honourable, as the detaining of them will be un∣just. Ptolomy King of Egypt dying, committed his son heir to his Crowns, then a child, unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome, who professing a particular observation of their promises, were not deficient in resigning the King∣dom into his power upon his first being capable of Government. Thus Archa∣dius, seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians, so played his Game with Indigertes their King, that he un∣dertook his protection; and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands. Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour, and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire. That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples, Philip of Austria, King of Castile, leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age, requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian, and to take the Kingdom into his prote∣ction. The King accepted thereof, and in prosecution of his charge, was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it, that he preser∣ved his States against France it self, nor would usurp the least whatever provocati∣ons Maximilian gave him. In fine, notwithstanding all restitutions or expences, which a King is obliged unto, yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries; because besides the glory whereof he de∣prives himself, he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some one as powerfull as himself, who may raise advantages by it, and peradventure to his prejudice.

The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to the Queen of Swede, and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns.

THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland, his Majesty resolved to provide ac∣cordingly, and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown. The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments, rendred him no lesse deserving of this, then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delive∣red unto him; and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair, in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition, who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States, who were feared by their neighbours, and would have been a terrour to France it self, could the have prosecuted their advantages. His Orders were chiefly three; the first was, to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede, daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern, and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic; what care his Majesty took in their interest, the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates; and how rea∣dy he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victo∣ries. The second was, to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance. And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars, that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action. The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar, to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent, and there it was where the foun∣dation of all was to be layed. The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of Fe∣bruary, that he might the sooner get thither; but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion, unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason, perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them, the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union. He receiv'd Orders accordingly, nor was it of small consideration, because he could easilier dispose them one by one, then in a multi∣tude, nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron, to prevent those whom he had not yet seen, and to confirm the others in their resolutions; and being arrived, the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good, and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion. The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part; what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders; the strong diversions he had made in Italy, in Lorrain, and other places, the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require, the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies, tending only to their advan∣tage. Having thus recollected things past to their memories, he clearly represen∣ted unto them the present State of affairs, how needfull it was that they should preserve their union, and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies. This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular, that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death, and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour. He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on, and therefore clearly evinced unto them, that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany, and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable, if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire, and the ejected Princes to their Estates, there would be no means to ob∣tain it but by their strict union, which the Emperour not finding any means to break

would in time despair of being able to support him against their power, the far grea∣ter of the two, whilest their confederacy lasted. He had not much ado to con∣firm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany, they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth, neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their uni∣on failing would weaken their party, and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure. In fine, the found themselves forc'd to con∣fesse they had no other way left but to be firm, and to strengthen their confedera∣cy by a new Treaty. This advice conduced much to the end of his design, which having happily obtained, he lost no more time, but entred upon the new Alliance, between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part, and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other part, which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern. The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance, which was for the defence of their common friends, for the se∣curing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea; for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Em∣pire, by which every one might be restored to his rights. The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot, and 6000 horse, that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War, that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries, that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished; that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take, in the same manner as she found it; that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catho∣lick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality, if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy; that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates, that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded, which if bro∣ken by the enemies, the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one ano∣ther. The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes, who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour, yet this was not all, it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Prote∣stant States of high Germany; to obtain which, the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost diligence. The Articles agreed upon were, that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede, and the Electors Princes and Prote∣stant States of high Germany; by vertue of which, they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another, untill Germany were setled in its first liberty; that the Laws of the Empire should be in force, that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions; that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expences of the War, and that a good and lasting Peace should be setled. More∣over, that the Chancellour Oxenstern should have the management of affairs, who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him, composed of qualified per∣sons; some Officers of the Crown of Swede, and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire; that none of the Confederates in particular, should treat of Peace with∣out the joynt consent of the rest; in which, if any one failed he should be decla∣red an enemy; that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Ar∣mies with Victuals, Ammunition, and Artillery; that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes, and the Confederates; that the President with the Counsel, should take great care to retain the Souldier in good Order, and to secure Trade: In a word, that all the States and confederate Princes, should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany, untill the War were ended, and that they were duly satis∣fied, as well as the confederates, for the losse which they had sustained. This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties, which were looked upon to be so advantagious, that they were the substance of those great Armies, which during this year check'd the House of Austria's proceedings. Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it, who by his continual Instructions and Orders, gave

life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions; glorious for him it was indeed, and the more, seeing he had for witnesses of it the, four Protestant _____ _____ of Fran∣cony, Swave, the upper and the lower Rhine, Amstrudel the English Embassador, the Chancellour Oxenstern, the Chevalier Raches, Embassadour of Swede; Le Sieur de Pau Embassadour of Holland, and divers free Lords of Germany, who en∣tred the Treaty of Alliance, and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Councel.

That great Enterprizes ought to be prosecuted to the height.

THe glory of great enterprizes dependeth upon the end, not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height, without suffering him∣self to be stopp'd with any obstacles whatever. I do not mean such incoun∣ters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace up∣on what condition soever, to secure himself from an absolute ruine. It is then in∣deed Prudence to comply, and to take in the Sails, untill a more favourable oppor∣tunity permit him to put to Sea; but abating this one exception, a Prince is abso∣lutely obliged to stand immoveable, as a Center, whiles Fortune the Mistris of War, raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof. The timorous must in∣evitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs; but they who are couragious, raise Trophies of glory to themselves, so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind. Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth, but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent; and a Prince truly generous, is not only excited by his valor to great designs, but likewise to van∣quish all difficulties which oppose his glory. I may adde, that this Element would be inconsiderable, without this second quality, nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours, unlesse he testifie a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties. The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm, but keepeth on his course toward his Port, nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design up∣on every obstruction which thwarts him; but whetting his courage, and stirring up his valour he will bend all his indeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed, well knowing, that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and re∣solute in affairs. Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferiour to Pompey, as to number of Souldiers, yet was he never backward, during the whole War between them, to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Souldiers, long trained up in those exercises. Fabius Maximus was no lesse confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal; for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swoln up by fresh waters, whose course is hardly to be stopp'd at first by any obstacle whatever; he quitted not the resolution of over∣comming him, but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him, without any hazard; he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty, where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage, and by this means he dull'd the edge of his Armies valour, newly puff'd up with their late victory, and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution, Hannibal's Forces decayed. To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself. Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course, intended for the ob∣taining of his design, but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design, though he incounter some obstacles in the execution; rather on the contrary, they oblige him to prosecute the end, otherwise he discrediteth himself, and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness, offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory.

The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth, to congratulate him according to custome, and to compose the differences with the Venetians.

IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland, unlesse those of Italy were likewise considered, unto which the Cardinal had dispo∣sed his Majesty since the beginning of the year. Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Embassadour to the Pope to render him obedience, nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Complement. That this Embassie might serve for more then a bare ceremony, the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to imploy some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference be∣tween him and the Venetians, and to work his Holinesse to favour the interests of France, as occasion should happen. To this end, he proposed the Duke de Crea∣quy, as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expence suitable to his honour; but withall, who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy, and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing, which would be reasonably desired. His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice, and concluded the Duke de Crecquy, to be a person very proper for that employment, nor was he ignorant that one of the greatest points of policy, is to proportionate ment to business. His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings, his Prede∣cessors, gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope, and making use of his usual Prudence, commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians; and withall, to take occasion from the troubles of Italy, to unite his Holiness to the interest of France. The Duke de Crecquy accep∣ted this Embassie with joy, having ever been of the humour to spend his mony up∣on his honour and pleasure. The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome, obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May, the bet∣ter to set forth his equipage; which ended, he went by water that he might re∣gain his lost time by the help of the Winds. Being come to Rome, he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King, and eldest son of the Church; but the garb in which he appeared was such, that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours, nothing hath been seen like unto it. I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof, seeing other Hi∣stories relate it, intending only to observe that which passed of most considerati∣on in the management of affairs. All I shall say, is, he had above five hundred persons to attend him, Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries, his Offi∣cers, and among his whole equipage, as if he had been Master of the Indies. His first reception and audience was very stately; but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie, he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name, and pass'd some Complements of Civility, next them the Sieur de B••issieu, Lievtenant Gene∣ral of Grenoble, who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator, made the accustomed Oration of obedience, in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence. He represented unto the Pope, that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy, for his promotion to the Papacy, but that he might likewise send with it, the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the ene∣mies of the Church, together with the proofs of his obedience. Next of all he observed to him the great benefits, protection, and assistance, which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France; in consideration where∣of, the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church. Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories, and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest, would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces; and in conclusion, that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie, he told him, that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion, then his

Holiness had heretofore had at his birth; that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors, he prostrated himself at his feet, and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him, and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar, the Successor of St. Peter, and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation, with caution however, that this submission was done out of Christian civility, not duty, to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal depen∣dance upon the Holy See. One of his Holinesse's Secretaries, answered him with Complements and terms of honour, that his Holiness did receive with great joy, those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him; nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content; but the Duke, who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters inte∣rests, as occasion should require, did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences. He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions, particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians; well knowing, that nothing doth more effectually ob∣lige a Prince to the interest of another, then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him. The difference between them, was con∣cerning the Confines of Gorre, and certain Islands of the Country besides; some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara, which was suspected would be get an absolute breach. The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace, was fearfull of it, so that he willingly accepted of his interposition, and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest; in prosecution whereof, the Duke parting from Rome, went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair. The Sieur de la Thuylerie, his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth, so ordered affairs, that both parties did forbear their Arms, by which there was hopes of an accommodation. But before he departed from Rome, and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him, by mediating in this affair; he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France. He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany, and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion, but meer State, the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes, in the en∣joyment of their estates, and those indubitable rights which belong unto them, that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons, though they were not so bad as were represented to him; which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Trea∣ty which is Majesty had made, and by the fault of the Catholick Princes them∣selves who would not become Neuters; and that in fine, those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse, with which he remained very well satisfied. He further con∣firmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Au∣stria's designs upon Italy, which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See; and as∣sured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him, and never forsake him. In fine, designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for pro∣tection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians, or for security of the Prin∣ces of Italy. His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards, could not be induced thereunto; alledging for his excuse, that he resolv'd to con∣tine a common Father between the two Crowns. He was not backward to repre∣sent unto him, that a father doth not at all act against his relation, if he support him∣self by one of his children, against the violence of another; but the Popes humour, which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches great∣ness, or the liberties of Italy.

The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse.

THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope, have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions, to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual, to assure them of their obedience in that quality, and to recommend unto them the French Church, their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them. There are ancient examples thereof, and withall, instructions yet extant given to Embassa∣dours sent by our Kings, which declare this obedience to tend only to congratula∣tion and Complement. The truth of this is evident, in the Letters which Philip le Bel, sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh, by the Sieur de Mercueil, Messieur Guillau∣me du Plessis Cheval••er & Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche, Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors, to offer this obedience to his Holiness. Lewis the Eleventh indeed, for some particular consideration, would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second, by the Cardinal d' Alby, but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom. The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it, both by word of mouth and writing; besides the three States of the Kingdom assemb∣led at Tours, complained to him of it, as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Ma••stre Jean Durety, Doctor of Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy. Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protesta∣tion of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance; but the truth is, they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds: For to what end should our Kings have, in temporal things, any dependance upon the Pope; seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects, and confessed it in their wri∣tings? As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pelagius the First, in his pro∣fession of Faith, sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings, and St. Gregory the Great, to the Emperour Mauritius. The like is to be seen, in that of Pope Inno∣cent the Third, in one of his Decrees, where he saith, the Kings of France in tem∣poral things depend upon no one whatever. But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church; the Luminaries of our Faith, especially of ••er••ullian, who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone; and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet, Against thee only have I sin∣ned, saith this great King, useth these terms, purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings? I could easily adde the testimonies of many others; but I think I shall say enough, if I conclude, that this Protestation of obedience is offer∣ed more out of Christian humility, that for any civil obligation or duty, as divers Popes have upon their promotions, sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form, together with testimonies of their affections. Boniface the Eighth, sent his seal'd up in Lead, like unto that of Pelagius, Adon observeth in his Chronicle, that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him, sent two Legats to Charlemain, to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession, and the Standard of the City of Rome. Stephen the Fifth, upon his pro∣motion, sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair, with great Presents, as Pledges of his friendship. There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records, several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King, to acquaint them with their Conse∣cration, and to assure them of their good Will, whereupon Charles de Lorrain, Cardinal de Guise, performing the obedience to the Pope, in the behalf of Henry the Second, Anno ••547 amongst other things said unto them, that the Popes were or∣dained by the Laws of the Church, presently after their assumption, to dispatch Le∣gats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship be∣tween them.

Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France.

AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf, of which we spake about the end of the last year; experience having taught his Majesty, to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper, but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues; he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer, one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris, to bestow it upon him, as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments. His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux, as is commonly done, but expedited Letters Patents, to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France, after Monsieur de Halygres death, well knowing, that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road, though such was the modesty of that great Minister, that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse. This choice added much to his Majesties glory; it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement, intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand, who had ever maintained it by his integrity, nor wanted any of those quali∣ties requisite in an able man. His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief pla∣ces ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth; because men of mean descent are more envied the respected; neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour, from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages; that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris; and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known, who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe. It was said of the Emperour Co••stan∣tine, that the moderation of Augustus Caesar, the vertue of Tra••ane, the Piety of Antonius, were all united in his person, to render him worthy of the Empire; and true it is, the integrity, sufficiency, knowledge, elocution, zeal, and fidelity for his Majesties service, which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Ci∣vil his father, and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name, were all uni∣ted in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice. Besides, if he were honourably descended, his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him; but that like the Cedars, who though they grow on the tops of Mountains, cease not how∣ever to raise up their heads; his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men. He was in the common opinion of men, reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice; and indeed, he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity, that neither the noise of greatnesse, nor the sight of riches, could ever so blind or affright him, as to surpize him. His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand then his. The great Re∣venues he possessed, rendred him incapable of that corruption, which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune; yet this happy incapacity, conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office, in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money, who abounded both in riches and vertue. If his inte∣grity made him immoveable in point of Justice, the solidity and penetrating viva∣city, of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise, these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth. Disguisements and Artifi∣ces could never form any Clouds, thick enough, to hide any thing from his judge∣ment. Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences. Withall the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree, had added no smal perfection to the natural endowments of his mind, for that his family were both learned and honest. When age had first given him the use of Reason, his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence; that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life, but refine him, furbish him, and make him capable of all things, more sweet, more civil,

more courteous, more venerable, and more worthy of honour; and in fine, when he came to a riper age, whereas common spirits satisfie themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations, he dived into the secrets of all, and became very accomplished in them, there being nothing so high which pas∣sed his capacity. He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity, the Law was his usual employment, the Mathematicks his diversions, with History he was familiar, eloquence was natural to him; for before he had learned the rules of it, his discourses were so replenished with the strength of rea∣son, with the purity of words, the sweetnesse and elegance of expression, that his language was bewitching. These things were not a little considerable in the ele∣ction of a Garde de Seaux, who being his Majesties mouth to express his intenti∣ons in all great Assemblies, is bound to speak royally, that is, in terms becomming the Majesty of his Master. I will not say any thing of his Piety, though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman, as it is the foundation of a Kingdomes happinesse; because it is a subject too large for me to ingage in; my discourse of his merit being by accident, nor will I trouble my self to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Councellour, a Master of Requests, Judge in divers Provinces, and President au Mortier; his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known: only this, these things concentring in him, seemed, as it were, to conspire to force his Majesty to chuse him Minister of his Justice; I shall adde, that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man; the King well saw the graces had indued his body, with all that could render him lovely, or acquire him respect and authority. He was alwaies gravely modest, his discourse serious, his conversation agreeable and profitable, his pati∣ence in all affairs and all pleadings invincible, the complaisance wherewith he an∣swered, was truly admirable, yet such, that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesties service. There need no more to love him, but only to see him, the charms of his words rendred that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use, so taking, that none could be offended at it. I would adde more, if the Laws of his Majesties History would permit me, though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation, seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesties wisedom, then the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers, his noblest creatures.

Qualities necessary for a Chancellor, and Lord Keeper.

SEeing the Chancellor, and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chan∣cellor, executeth that change, and ought to succeed him, as the chief Officer of the Crown, the eyes of his Majesties Justice, the Depositories of his Seals, the Mi∣nisters of his Councels; the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his inten∣tions and pronounce his judgements; doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable. It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay, be dextrous; because what∣ever he spoils is of small value; but otherwise it is, with men who are in the chief Offices of a State, none of their faults are little, and their actions are of consequence; and for this reason ought they to bee replenished with all sort of perfections. France hath ever had, as other States, certain families supporters of its glory, who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness, and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces, the puissance of its Kings, and the glory of its Crown, against the injuries of time. A chief Minister of the Kingdom, when descended from such an house; hath a notable advantage by it, seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it, which Plaineth out the way to all great actions; at least I think it fit that his vertue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood, seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart, how prudent or vertuous soever, will hardly ac∣quire, but after the shewing of many proofs of his deserts. If Nobility without Vir∣tue

be but a subject of reproach, in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors, it cannot be gain-sayed but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it; but where Nobility and Vertue meet in one subject, they ad∣vance that man to an high degree, and render him worthy of all eminent dignities. Among the rest of those virtuous qualities, or indeed in the Front of them, which ought to set off a person of quality, this I account the chiefest, that he be indued with an high natural ability, and that clearnesse of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities, discovereth truth, and going before Justice, ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun. Learning ought to go hand in hand with this ability, seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous, in re∣gard they are subject to failings, and like the fruitfulnesse of a field, which if not cultivated, serves only to produce the more Thorns. Amongst the Sciences, those of Justice and Policy are most needfull, for that they are the true Objects of Chan∣cellours and Lord Keepers; those are the Fountains, from whence they man de∣rive the maximes of Government, the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy, the Sta∣tutes and Customes, and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates, the Office of Judges, and art of Lawyers. To this Doctrine, I may adde Experience, a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor, that without it, the very grea∣test lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them, are as little usefull, as the instrument in the hand of a workman, skill'd in the Theory, but not the Practick. Integrity ought to accompany him, being the Mother of Loyalty, and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges. The Integrity of a person of small ability, will indeed so far carry him, that the publick good will be the end at which he aims, but he cannot contribute so much unto it, as willingly he would, whereas he who is destitute thereof, doth most frequently look after his own interest. It was not the want of capacity but fidelity, which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece, to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars. Ne∣ver was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers, Ora∣tors and great Statesmen, as when it first began to decay; but that unbridled Pas∣sion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern, hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man; where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the indi∣vidual parts, digesteth it onely for it self. Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions, where they are obliged to pronounce judgements, and declare their Masters Wills; it elevateth a man so much above others, saith the Roman Orator, as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures. If it be befit∣ting and usefull to any, it is particularly to Statesmen; for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick, then good elocution. For my part, I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them, in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth, what Prudence resol∣veth, and what Justice requireth; without it, the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual. I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dig∣nities; because riches if lawfully acquired, do give much credit to vertue, serve to excite it, and execute their just and generous designs. I think them very ne∣cessary for a man who is to serve the publick, experience teaching us, that without them, vertue is often weak and languishing. Though vertue alone merit before God, it is unactive, unfruitfull, and inglorious among men. To be short, where the Goods of the body, co-habit with those of the mind and fortune, in eminent persons; it adds no small authority unto them, seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage, to inforce respect and reverence, and to perswade men to what ever they please; infomuch that the an∣cients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires.

His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request.

THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops, whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven. The State receiveth no small advantage by them. Hereupon, the Car∣dinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick, but upon persons well-deserving, who might be capable of serving God and the State, es∣pecially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life, or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced; so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered, being replenished with persons of abi∣lity and virtue. This was put in execution in all vacant places, after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery. I shall forbear to speak of it, till the History of this year, because it furnisheth us with many examples. The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty, to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc, whose Pastors had been deposed, Le Sieur Cohon, for Nismes; the Sieur Grillet for Ʋssez; the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu. His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice, which rendreth him venerable to all his people, being well satisfied of their merit, concluded them fit for that honour. The were persons who for above ten years past, had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris, to the great admiration of their auditory; and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life; their conduct had testified for them, that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service, to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him, as Gods Lievtenant on earth.

That the right of presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most ancient Privi∣ledges of the Crown, and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State.

AMong the Rights of this Crown, that of the presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most signal, as most ancient. The Primitive Bishops of the French Church, who have been the most shining lights of our Faith, have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy, in the fifth Councel of Orleans, where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop, without his Majesty's consent, the practice whereof is so frequent in History, that nothing but ignorance can question it. Gregory of Tours reporteth, that Bishop Quintianus being dead, Gallus was substituted in his place, and created Bishop of Overgne, by his Majesty's means; and that after Gallus his decease, there was some design to elect one Cato, but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King, and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death, was constituted Bishop in his place. He likewise re∣porteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes, in the room of Felix, by the Kings Order; as also Vitus in that of Vie••na, that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris, Clodomir, Omatius, Bishop of Tours, Clotair St. Medard, Bishop of Vermandoi••, and Euphronius, Bishop of Tours. History is pregnant with the like examples, so that to cite them were but vain, those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it, which who can question, seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things, which concern the good of their Kingdom, and tranquility of their people; and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical, but as much reflecting on the good of the State, as the Salvation of Souls? Bishops have a great influence over the peo∣ples sprits, to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion, unto what they please, as experience hath evidenced, in the time of Lewis the Debonnair, who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him, and as was afterward seen in Lan∣guedoc,

where five or six of them fomented a Civil War. The Empire of Souls i•• wonderfully potent, and its Arms though spiritual, are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets. The Soul once mastered, the body will soon yeeld, the one is the inevitable consequence of the other; and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings, and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those imployments, who may, indeed, be able to edi∣fie the people by their Doctrine and example, and altogether incapable of ind••n∣gering the publick. The happinesse of States dependeth much upon Religion, and the splendour of Religion, doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bi∣shops, next to the blessing of Heaven, the any other thing whatever. May they not indeed be called the foundation of it? Who doth more effectually fix the peo∣ple in the fidelity which they ow their Soveraigns, in obedience to Magistrates, in reverence to Parents, in respect to Justice, the rule of their conduct? Doubtlesse it is then very considerable in Government, not to chuse such persons as are inca∣pable of bringing these advantages to a State. I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to shew to Magistrates; but only it is necessary that they be honest men; because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good, and to neglect the restraining of the people, not that I shall approve of chusing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal; for such persons designing to do too much good, do oftentimes raise great disorders, which themselves are unable to redresse. Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion, because the function of preaching, was primitively reserved to the Bishops, who communicated it unto Priests, only by way of priviledge, and that at sundry times in sundry places. The Bishops of the East, did first grant this power to Priests, as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and Chrysostome, who while they were yet Priests, Preached one in Alexandria, the other in Antioch, a thing not used in Affrick before St. Austine, who during his Priesthood, had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him, by Bishop Valerius, a thing without President; and in Gaul this custom was introduced, about an hundred year after the Councel of Vaison.

The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers, two of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the Chamber of Accompts, from their Charges.

SHortly after, Monsieur le President Seguiers, promotion to the Seals, the ill conduct of President Cogneux, the Sieur Deslandes, Councellor of the Parlia∣ment, and the Sieur de Monsigot, Master of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris, forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices. I have inserted in the History of the fore-going years, the Rebellious acts in which they ingaged themselves; and in this I shall adde, that it being a shame for his Majesty, and unbefitting the repu∣tation of the affairs of France, to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Pa∣ris, and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accompts in the Kingdom, to live abroad in Forraign parts, avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion, and with the marks of their authority still about them, as if they had been innocent; his Maje∣sty resolved to depose them; for the more orderly doing whereof, he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice, and publish a Declaration, with expound∣ing the Ordinance of Blois where it is said, that all guilty of High-Treason, par∣ticularly, his Majesties Officers, should never be restored to their Offices; Decla∣red, that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Trea∣son, as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Tryals; there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesties service, to injoy their dignities, those rays of his Majesties power; and moreover, that the twenty eighth Article of the Or∣dinance of Molins, more ancient then that of Blois, where it is specified, that

those who are condemned by default and contumacy, may have five years time to acquit themselves, should not be interpreted in favour of them; his Majesty requi∣ring, that judgement once pronounced against Traitors, though condemned by default or contumacy, should after publication be put it execution, as to the con∣fiscation of their offices only, without being restored either by Letters or other∣wise. This very Declaration suppress'd the offices of President le Cogneux, and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason, whereof they were condemned by contumacy; they were unworthy of any favour, in regard his Majesty had given them a moneths time to recollect themselves, and to return into the Kingdom, which they had neglected to do. Besides, the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices, and conferr'd that of the President a•• Mortier, upon the Sieur de Lamoignon. formerly President of the third Chamber of Inquests; and pla∣ced the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay, Councellor of the grand Counsel, in that of Counsellor of the Parliament. His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence, and then to take their places. Monsieur le Comte de Soissons, went in his Majesties behalf to the Chamber of Accompts, to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot, and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues, was established in the office of Master of Accompts. Thus his Majesty ou∣ted three Rebellious Officers, and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure, they should be sure to be deprived of it, if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts.

Politique Observation.

VVHen Kings create Magistrates, and communicate part of their power to them; it is not to exempt them from obedience, but to fix their Crowns by new supports, and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection. To this end only it is, that Kings confer their power upon them, who as they command their people to make their addresses to them, to decide their differences; so do they no lesse oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds, by the example of their submissions, and the integrity of their judgements. If Magistrates ow the second to the people by their places, they are no lesse indebted to their Kings, in the first, with this distinction of obli∣gation, that the good of the State invites them to it, the Order of Monarchy re∣quireth it, and Justice it self commandeth it. What presumpion were it, for the Stars to indeavour to eclipse the Sun's light, when their own, is but the effect of his? What a disorder were it, if the inferiour Spheres, should oppose the moti∣ons of the Primum mobile? And what likelyhood is there, that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns, and con∣firm their Subjects in their obedience, should flie into Rebellion, and indeavour to draw them to follow their examples? They ought to beware that their disobe∣dience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade, and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care, to render them more beautifull to the French, and more respected by strangers, indanger them by their ill examples, and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them. Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements, is the foundation of the peoples submissions? The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at; in regard it may not be tolerated with∣out putting all things into disorder. The People are like clay, without form in themselves, but easily wrought by the Potters. In fine, they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates, and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions; they dislike what the other reject, and if they should rise against their Soveraign, they would make no difficulty to follow them. In affairs of this nature, Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun, who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his, and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light, and turneth her Christaline into a dark bo∣dy King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice, which formerly they

had intrusted with them, and to punish their Rebellions with severity. They who are the most mild, are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice, to prevent the eclipsing of their power, to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands, and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing.

Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year.

THose were not the only Changes which happened this year, there were divers others in the governments of Provinces, some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence, and others for a recompence of several per∣sons of quality which have deserved them, and which I cannot passe by unobserved. The Marshal de Thoyras, Governour of Cazal, had given some cause of jealousie, though indeed his fidelity was invincible, as hath since been seen; however, that place is of such importance, that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservati∣on of it. The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place, and gave the Mar∣shal permission to slay in Italy, upon some difficulties which he made upon com∣ming to Court. Le Sieur de Malissi, Captain of the Regiment des Gardes, was at the same time, made Governour of Pignerol, the Duke de Vantadour, was gra∣tified with the Government of Limosin, and having surrendred into the Kings hands, the Lieutenancy of Languedoc; his Majesty divided it amongst four, and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon, the Vice Comte d' Arpajon, the Marquesse d' Ambres, and the Vice Comte de Polignac. Le Comte de Joncac was made Go∣vernour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong, Angoulmois, Aunis, and the City of Rochel, the Baron de Pont Chasteau, Lievtenant General of Low Brittain, Le Comte de Palisse, Sieur do St. Geran, was made Governour of Bourbonnois, le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay, le Sieur de la Serre, first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets, le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets, the Duc de Chaune of Picardy, le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc, and the Cittadel of Montpellier, le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois; insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government.

That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places, into the hands of trusty Persons, in times of danger.

IT is very important, when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions, to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity. I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule, who often changeth his Governours. A man must be altogether ignorant of History, if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master, in the Kingdom of Naples: How∣ever, that wise prudent King, would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him; for fear, lest in processe of time, he might keep it to himself. The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar, incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty; whereupon, remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding, as that continuation upon his return to Rome, after the Affrick War, he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Of∣fice, above one year, nor no Consul above two. The Governour who hath long resided in a Province, may make creatures, contract frienships; an so play his game, that he may act the little King, and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt, if Ambition, which great men seldom want, should once inflame him. This made the Dictator Mamercus, say, the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick; besides, the liberty of changing of Gove∣nours,

after some few years, and substituting others in their places, is of great ad∣vantage, for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs, then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places. The memo∣ry of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull, and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection: Great men long accustomed do so habituate them∣selves, that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne, without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him; whereas he who is but lately pos∣sessed of them, having the favour fresh in his memory, indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection. This maxime, I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men; but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambi∣tion then reason; I may likewise adde, that it is little considerable to their For∣tunes, seeing if they acquit themselves, as they ought, of a place, their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others. It were to be wished, that such men in their own concerns, were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour, who having been five times Consul; and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office; and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family, was very earnest with the people of Rome, to divert them from conferring that honour on his son.

The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost.

THe King had for many years, receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility, that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders; and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour, resolved to grant them this honourable reward. He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal, who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service, by any stricter Banes then those of honour, and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity, which they had as often as occasion required, discovered unto him; so that finding him∣self at leisure about the beginning of the Spring, and without a necessity of being over early in the field, he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, and to fill up all the vacant places. It is impossible in such affairs to content all men, because there are never so many places vacant, as men who think their services worthy of that honour. All that can be done, is to prefer those who are most considerable, either for their birth, their services, or the par∣ticular inclination of the Prince, who in such things ought to have his own liberty. His Majesty took this course, but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution▪ he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon, great Alm∣ner of France, and Commander of the Order, to inform him of their Religion, Life, and Works, who were proposed, and to send him his informations seal'd up. The next thing his Majesty did, was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau, where the Ceremony was performed, and where all the Knights met, and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion, Lord Keeper of that Or∣der, that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights, to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf, and the Marquess de la Vieville, who being fled out of the Kingdom, and having born Arms contra∣ry to his Majesties service; and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order, had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood, and deserved to be degraded; the Sieur de Bullion, adding that his advice was, to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne, towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin, viz. to erase their Arms, and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation. All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper, excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel: So that the judgement of their degra∣dation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation. In prosecution of this judgement, his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud, and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the

proofs of their Nobility, Life, and Manners; and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers, and those who were only Dukes, concerning their order and place in the Ceremony; it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation, be∣cause the Peers hold no place in Assemblies. It was likewise decreed, that if any of those who were name to be Knights, did not appear at the time of the promo∣tion to receive their Order, it should not be sent unto them. The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony, and his Majesty being there punctually follow∣ed the Statutes of that Order, and conferred it upon

• Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu,
• The Cardinal de la Valette.
• The Arch-Bishop of Paris.
• The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux,
• The Arch-Bishop of Narbone.
• The Duc de Longueville.
• The Comte d' Harcourt.
• The Comte d' Alets.
• The Duc de la Trimouille.
• The Duc de Vantadour.
• The Duc d' Alvin.
• The Duc de Brissac.
• The Duc de Candale.
• The Duc de la Valette.
• The Comte de Tonnerre.
• The Mareschal d' Estree.
• The Sieurs de Vaubecourt, & de Sene∣terre.
• The Vicomte de Pompadour.
• The Marquis de Nesse.
• The Marquis de Gordes.
• The Comte de Lannoy.
• The Marquis de Varennes.
• The Mares••hal de Breze.
• The Comte de Brassac.
• The Comte de Noailles.
• The Sieur de Popanne.
• The Marquis de Fossez.
• The Marquis de Bourbonne.
• The Vicomte de Pollignac.
• The Vicomte d' Arpajon.
• The Marquis d' Aluye.
• The Comte de Saulx.
• The Comte d' Orval.
• The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer.
• The Baron de Pont-Chasteau.
• The Sieur de Pont-Courlay.
• The Sieur de la Messeray.
• The Marquis de Mortemart.
• The Sieur de Villequier.
• The Comte de Teurnon.
• The Sieur de la Mailleraye.
• The Comte de Tianges.
• The Marquis d' Ambres.
• The Comte de Parabere.
• The Sieurs de Montcaurel, &
• ...De Liancourt.
• ...De St. Simon l'aisne.

I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony; it is be∣yond my design; only for conclusion, I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour, shewed that he did as well acknowledge, as know the services of his No∣bility.

Politique Observation.

THe reward of Services, and the punishment of Crimes, are equally great suppor∣ters to a State; whereupon Socrates being demanded, what Estate could be esteemed the best governed, answered, that where honest men are rewarded, and knaves punished. Xenophon likewise thought, that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull, should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory? For this reason it was, that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks, would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War, should be gratified in all reasonable things, nay they were permitted to mar∣ry divers women, the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men.

This licentiousnesse, I must confesse, is contrary to the Laws of Christianity, and Experience hath told us, that it is seldom seen, brave men beget children like them∣selves; but in the main, the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things, is

conformable to the rules of all politick States. Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct, doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army, honoured with an whole Chine of Beef, being the greatest rarity among them. Upon the same example, Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts, who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties, and the best Wines; and by singing of songs in their praise, to invite others to imitate them. To speak the truth, if the flame dies for want of Wood, generosity languisheth if unrewarded. All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards. It should seem the greatest courages are, as it were, benum'd, where the splendour of honour, the reward of handsom actions, doth not incourage them. All that can be fur∣ther observed is, that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons. Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour, and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly. The Nobility on the other side, are better satisfied with honour, Let them have it. This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take, after that memorable battle of Tar; they exalted the Mar∣quis of Mantua, from that government, to be general of the Army; and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously, they increas'd their pay. They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain, Dowries to their daughters, and good Pensions to such as were maim'd. The Romans did much more esteem the rewards of honour, then any other; and indeed they are more to be esteemed, because Honour is more excellent then Wealth. There was no Crown more esteemed among them, then the obsidional, which however was made of Turf, that of Gold inlaid with Stones, was beneath it, because lesse ho∣nourable; there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph, which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher; for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently, he was obliged to live in the City, in the quality of a private person, without other reward then the glory of their actions. Cneus Ovillius, thought himself more highly rewarded, after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War, by the Common-Wealths per∣mitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him; and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown, then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them.

The Institution of the Parliament of Mets, after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience, divers Cities and Places of Lorrain.

AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bi∣shopricks of Mets, Toul, and Verdun. and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships, heretofore pulled from it; he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace, and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice, which should have full power to Judge, without further Appeal, all matters both civil and criminal. His Majesty was the rather invited unto it, by the earnest intreaties of all the Or∣ders of the Cities and Provinces, in prosecution of the promise made unto them, by the late King Henry le grand; especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice, in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates, as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation, who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places; and upon persons depending on the Crown of France. It was resolved about the beginning of the year. The King ordained a Soveraign court, with the Title of Parliament, in his Bishopricks of Toul, Mets, and Ver∣dun; the seat whereof he founded at Mets; both in regard of the commodious∣nesse of the scituation; as also the populousness of the place, and confluence of the people, which came from all parts; and besides, that place having been formerly

the Metropolis of Austracia, one of the best Flowers of this Crown. His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President, six other Presidents, forty six Coun∣sellors, of which six should be of the Clergy, the rest of the Laity, one Attorney General, two Advocates General; and to brief, all Officers usual in other Parliaments, to execute Justice, without Appeal, every six moneths, upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks; as also upon Mouzon, Chasteau-Regnaud, and its Appurte∣nances; notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim: Lastly, desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament, he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign, and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier, Blundeau, Pinon, Tres∣lon, Vignier and Chanteclair, all men of worth; that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris, Master of Requests; those of the two Advocates General, to the Sieurs de la Gresliere, Remifort, and Fardoil; they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request, and five or six who were created Counsellours, to esta∣blish the Parliament, which they did about the end of August, to the great happi∣nesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets, glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour; and true it is, the industry they used to preserve his Maje∣sties right, and the people in their obedience, did not a little conduce to the esta∣blishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre.

That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered.

AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings; so Kings ow them Justice and affection. The debts are mutual, and two incumbent duties, which com∣pose the most agreeable harmony in States, upon the accomplishment of which de∣pendeth the good fortune of both Prince and People; which being so, a Prince can no sooner conquer a country, but be is obliged to do them Justice; nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges, and to change the old Ma∣gistrates. Caesar and Nero knew it well enough, by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate, at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able abso∣lutely to depose them. In a word, the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince, and that of Magistrates, to force a country out of the hands of another Prince, and not to change the Magistrates, were to be but half Master of it; for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them, they cannot but preserve some affection for him, nor wil they ever fail to serve him, so that great inconveniences may thereby arise; for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign, they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him, from whom they have received their imployments, and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection. A Seat of Justice though without a Sword, with the Purple onely, and those other marks of its dignity, doth oftentimes cause that which they favour, to be more respected and obeyed, then the force of an whole Army, so much are the people us'd to sub∣mit to its judgements, and to follow its motions; therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured, untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affecti∣onate and loyal to his service. That once done, let the people mutiny, make un∣lawfull Assemblies, and be factious, it signifies little; especially, if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them. The people do commonly re∣turn to their duties, at the only sight of their Magistrates, and they quickly calm themselves, as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux; but if they find any to second their insurrection, they rage more and more, and flie out into all kind of extremities.

Alpheston and Chavagnac, executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament.

THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets, executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac, was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State. Alpheston a notorious Assassinate, came to Mets about the end of September, with Sausier and Bellanger, who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard. These two Souldiers touch'd with repent∣ance and horrour for the crime, wherein they had been ingaged, made their ad∣dresses to the Sieur de Mommas, Governour of the City, for the Duke de la Va∣lette, and discovered to him, upon what design they were come from the Low Countries. The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three, which being signified to the chief President, they were examined, and Processe made against Alpheston in the usual form; it was proved, that Alpheston having murthered a certain Cou∣rier, called Clairbourg, for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier, which he had intrusted with him, fled into Flanders, where having made some stay at Bruxels, he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup, and one la Roche, intendent of his affairs, who had ingaged him, together with Sausier and Bellanger, to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu, passing through Chaallons, where they were to lodge over against him; that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup, how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning, and adjudged it might be ex∣ecuted with a safe Conscience; that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sau∣sier, as many to Bellanger, and a hundred crowns to Alpheston, with promise to reward their services better; that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair; that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queens Stable to be given him, which was afterwards known to be the same, by the Sieur de Villiers, one of her Querris. All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger, and confessed by Alpheston himself; so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September, to be broke on the wheel for his offence. The Sentence was executed, and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States, to pardon those who discover things of this nature; Sausier and Bellanger were ac∣quitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases. Nor was this Assassina•• the only Monster which Chanteloup, sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt; not long after Blaise Ruflet, was discovered under the name of Chavagnac, and con∣victed in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister, by causing him to read a poysoned Letter; an action so black, and full of horror, that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition, bad it not been formally proved, and withall confessed by himself, who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged. The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abhominations, without declaring what he was; whereupon they drew up his indictment, and con∣demned him by default to be broken alive. Thus did God, by his Providence, de∣fend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies, who before they could effect their design, had the impudence to publish in divers places, that it were a piece of conscience to murther him; that the merit were greater then the crime; that it were an act of Justice, and that divers having already contrived, the design was only deterred by fear. Thus did they indeavour to infuse the poison of this abhominable Doctrine, into the minds of some melancholy men, and to per∣swade them to Dye their hands in the blood of a Cardinal, a Bishop, a chief and incomparable Minister of State. This in a word, is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into; but that which was more wonderfull, was to see the Queen-Mother, whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicu∣ous, suffer such persons as were about her, not only to publish, but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims, and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister, who made it his businesse to cut the thread of his life; whose

whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums, that he ascribed the happy successe of all his enterprizes to his only counsels. This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers, to return into France, and to make her Peace with his Majesty; however they who had the honour to know her, did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness, knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine, as heaven is from earth, they only wish she had not so easily suffered her self to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence.

How abhominable assassination hath ever been, and that great men never ought to be drawn into it.

TO murther a Cardinal is a detestable sacriledge, not onely because it injureth a particular person, but the sacred Colledge of Cardinals, the Pope, and the whole Church. He who murdereth a Minister of State, is guilty of high Treason, as I have heretofore made appear, and generally of all others, it is the most hor∣rible Crime. Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested, that pri∣vate men were allowed to destroy them, if the Magistrate did not; nay, he who had killed another by accident was in such abhomination with them, that he was ba∣nished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge, under penalty of being slain, without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death. All nations have chastised it with grievous pu∣nishments; those of Brasil in particular do so detest it, that if the murderer save himself by flight, yet his children, sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kin∣dred of the party murthered. Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it, when he saith, He who killeth his Brother shall dy by the sword. History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats. Plutarch though having the light of nature onely, writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free, the divine providence so ordered it, that his statue fell upon him in the publick place, and crushed him to death; but if mur∣der destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame, surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy; because they do an act contrary to that mercy, justice, generosity, and greatnesse of power which they are obliged to have. Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Common-Wealth, permit their enemies to be thus kill'd; and Tacitus reporteth, that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Catti his Letters, in which he under∣took to poison Arminius the German Captain, provided they would send him poi∣son, return'd him this answer, that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies, openly and not by treachery. That I may shew this true va∣lour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages, Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant, offered Alphonsus King of Naples, to kill the King of Castile his enemy with his own hands; whereunto Alphonsus answered, think not, I pray, upon such an acti∣on; because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castile, but of the whole world, yet would I never give my consent unto it.

The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorrain against France.

VVHilest his Majesties prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs, the Duke of Lorrain, setting by the Laws of honour which obli∣ged him to keep his promises, suffering himself to be transported by an unjust ha∣tred against France, took all opportunities to discover his ill will; he was oblig'd by the last Treaty to send his Forces to his Majesty; but hardly was the Treaty sig∣ned, and the Marshal d' Effiat, one of the Generals of his Majesties Army in Ger∣many,

received the command of them, ere he sent Order to their Commanders to disband them, that he might give Mont-Baillon Lorrain opportunity to gather them together, and lead them into Alsace for the Emperours service. Hereupon it was not long before they vanished, excepting the Regiments de Guerquoy, to the Commander of which he had forgot to make known his intention. Nor did he forbear to testifie that this very Regiment, abiding some while in his Majesties ser∣vice was displeasing to him; for upon the return into his Territories, after the Marshal de Effiats decease, he disbanded them, that he might bestow them upon Vervane a Subject of his, and Souldier of Fortune, who led them into Alsace, where he got into Massenal, and was defeated by the Swede. He was oblig'd to hinder any Levies in his country, made without his Majesties consent; but he gave way thereunto, at the same time that Ajax the Italian indeavoured to get into Brisac. The Treaty ingaged him not do any thing against the Allies of France; and he past his word to General Horn, not to countenance any design against Haguenaw, which place he under-hand assisted with fifteen hundred men; and without regard had to his word, gave forces to the Cemte de Salme, under pretence of discharging them, which afforded him the means and opportunity of taking in that place; nor did he afterward contribute to preserve the place, by sending Victuals and Souldiers to fortifie that Garison. Every one knows he gave leave to Montecuculi Benti vog∣lio & Nassau, to raise Forces in Lorrain, for three or four moneths time; the two former pretending all that while they would desert the service; but did indeed send them to fight against the Swede; and the last of them, did openly lead his forces into Alsace. Moreover, as weak courages do easily passe from anger to cruelty, the passion he had against France, and its Allies, transported him to many unworthy actions: For more cruel deeds, then those of Nassau, could not be conceived by the wit of Man, who sometimes was with his Forces at Sarguemine, robbing and killing all such French Merchants as he could meet with; he caused a murther to be executed upon Collonel du Bois, who had very worthily served the Swedes in Germany; he committed violences in the Territory of Strasbourg, in the Dutchy of Deux Ponts, and the Comte de Hanau; he highly injured the Comte d' Halberstein, taking him in his shirt out of his bed, and plundering his house with∣out any other difference, but only because he had alwaies been affectionate to France; he kept barbarous cut throats, at Saint Hypolitus, to rob and kill all such Swedes and French, as passed by, but weakly attended. That he might the more absolutely declare himself for the House of Austria, against the Allies of France; did he not proclaim, in his Army, by sound of Trumpet, that no one should pre∣sume to call it any other then the Emperours Army? And did he not cause it to march under that notion, unto the Fort of Gerbaden, to beat off the Swedes who had besieged it? Did he not frequently entertain discourses and correspondencies with the chief of his Officers, with the Comte de Salm, Montecuculi, Merode, and the Marquis de Celade? Did he not receive the monies brought by the last of them, to pay his forces, with the same satisfaction and facility, as the Souldiers sent by the Valsfeign, and the confiscation sent him by the Emperour, of all his Neighbour Princes, and Allies of France's lands, who were in the Assembly of Hailbron? Did he not likewise make a League with the Emperour; whereby Ha∣guenau, and the other ten Cities of the Imperial Provost, together with Sclestat and Colmah, were delivered to him for their most strict intelligence, though at that very time he was obliged by Treaty with the King, not to ingage himself with any Prince, without his Majesties knowledge or consent? Nor satisfied with that alone, he caused the Marquis de Ville, to tell the Swedes contrary to all likelyhood and truth, that he might make them jealous of the King, how he acted nothing against them, but by his Order, and sent ten thousand men to force them from the siege of Haguenau. Indeed he was the Author of his own punishment; for they fin∣ding themselves forc'd to leave their Trenches, march'd out, cut off a party of them, and took his Canon and Baggage. This Procedure did sufficiently discover his Passion, but he stayed not there, rather as if he had delighted to break all Articles

of former Treaties, he would not be perswaded to do his homage for Bar and though after infinite delays, he did at last send Commissaries to estimate the Demesnes of Clermont; the Propositions they made in valuing the buildings and fortifications contrary to the Treaty, which imported that he should pay after the rate of fifty years purchase in hand; for the Revenue only, did sufficiently testifie that they came not to perform the Treaty, but under that pretext to break it. Nor was he more exact in observing that Article, wherein he was obliged not to give any har∣bour or passage to his Majesties Subject, who should be out of France, contrary to his Majesties pleasure, nor to entertain any correspondence with them, seeing he continually treated with those who abused Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his cre∣dulity and favour. In general it may be said, that hatred and choller had gotten so transcendent a possession over his Soul, that they forced him to recede from all kind of honour, nay, and to neglect his own interest, and all to revenge himself against France, which he hop'd to effect by the Spaniards means, who when he had concluded the Treaty with the Hollander, then in agitation and probability, had ingag'd to assist Monsieur with all his Forces, to invade the Kingdom, to force his Majesty to such conditions of Peace, as himself pleased, to compel him to rati∣fie Monsieurs marriage with the Princesse Marguerite; and finally to surrender to him such places as he had made himself Master of.

That Soveraigns are obliged to moderate their Passion, principally in point of War.

IF Choler be blamable in private persons, it is no lesse dangerous for Soveraigns, then pernicious for their Estates; Prudence ought to be the guide of all their actions, without which they will be inevitably reduc'd to troublesom inconvenien∣ces. Who knoweth not that Choler is incompatible with this vertue, and an ene∣my to all good counsels? A Prince may sometimes make Choler as usefull to him as Souldiers, and may be thereby drawn to a generous impetuosity to surmount al∣most incredible difficulties; but there is a difference betwixt that gentle heat which increases courage, and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason; and there∣fore a Prince must be carefull that he let not his passion pervert his judgement, to precipitate his reason into base resolutions. He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise, saith, It is better to moderate choler, then to take a City. Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage, because it pretendeth to vanquish all, and to subscribe to no man, yet really it is a weaknesse, which whoever surmounteth, is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage, then he who suffereth himself to be transported by it. It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Polititians, that cholerick men are no waies fit for government. Curo∣palates Commenus, Emperour of Constantinople, did sufficiently declare how inca∣pable he thought them of it, when being on his death-bed, he sent for the chief men o•• his Court, and told them, he thought his eldest son Isaac, lesse fit for the Empire, then his younger son Manuel, in regard of his inclination to anger, which oftentimes hindred him from being Master of his own reason. A Phylosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with publick affairs. Not, quoth he, that I fear them, but suspect my self; intimating, that his naturally cholerick humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs. Amongst those mis∣fortunes wherein choler may ingage a Prince, the provoking a Potent King to de∣clare War against him, is one of the most dangerous; War is never to be under∣taken in Passion, but to be entred into by the Gate of Prudence, else it turneth to the Adventurers ruine. Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies, without preparing means necessary for his defence, or obtaining an happy end, and without any thoughts of desisting, or of making any advantagious Peace; but having hastily taken up his Sword, he is of∣tentimes seen to let it fall with repentance, though too late, because such heady

resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state. He that hath once set a fire on a Forrest, is no more able to extinguish it, but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all, nay hardly will it be quench'd upon the borders, and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure, nor can he pre∣vent the ruines, which by little and little attend it, or keep it back from doing all manner of out-rages in his own country. Well may Passion ingage the weakest, but being once heated, it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it. There are many Princes, saith Polybius, who egg'd on by an impetuous violence, either to revenge themselves, or grow great, do attempt many things; but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their enterprizes to obtain an happy end, or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune.

The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron, to treat with the Duke of Lorrain.

THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour, provok'd the King to fall upon him, both with his own and his Allies forces, yet such was his Clemency which di∣verteth him from all proceedings of rigour, unlesse at the last extremity, that he sent to the Swedes after the battel of Haguenau, to intreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorrain, and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesties protection, assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertakings. The truth is, it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induc'd his Majesty so to do, for he was not ignorant that the neighbour∣hood of great Conquerours, is alwaies to be feared; yet his Majesty had this de∣sign in preserving him, he well hop'd this present assistance would work upon him so much the more, because his danger was so eminent. The Swedes were com∣manded by persons, who amidst the prosperity of their Victories, thought no acti∣on glorious, unlesse just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King, where∣upon they made no difficulty to consent unto it, but pass'd their words not to at∣tempt any thing for the future upon Lorrain. The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection, seeing in the opinion of all people, though of never so little judgement, it prevented his ruine; yet such was his Passion, that he took no notice of it. The King sorry for him, as for a man who would destroy himself, presently sent the Sieur de Guron, if possible, to open his eys, and to shew him how irrational proceedings were; but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesties goodnesse, who could not resolve to ruine him, according as he deserv'd, hid himself, and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him. At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him, he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him, whereupon he was forc'd to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful, it seems, lest his Majesty should resent his dis-res∣pect of a person of quality coming in his behalf, sent to tell him that he was at Luneville; he had not Artifice enough to satisfie the Sieur de Guron in appearance, but on the contrary, suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion, which had gotten the mastery of him, that he gave him cause to suspect, he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty. The Sieur de Guron used his utmost indeavour to bring him to reason; in order to which he layed before him the little Justice of his Procedures, and the danger whereunto he exposed himself, if he should still drive on those discontents, which he had for some years last past given unto his Majesty. However, when he found his indeavours ineffectual, according as he had receiv'd instructions, he appli'd himself to make a discovery of his designs, which in the Dukes anger he often did. The Duke passed many Complements un∣to him, and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect; but when they came to the ground of affairs, his Passion would insensib∣ly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions, especially after that light which those of his Court gave, who were gain'd to give in∣telligence,

and the Sieur de Guron himself learn'd from the particular conversation of divers persons, during his stay in those parts, he having dexterity enough to in∣form himself of any thing he desired to know, or had charge to inquire. He was certainly inform'd that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy, were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force, and to defend the injustice of his proceedings, under the shelter of those bulwarks, instead of obtaining par∣don from his Majesties clemency, by a true change of his behaviour; that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot, whose Randezvouz was to be neer St. Michael, the first of July next following, and that those Forces were appointed to invade France, together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him. These designs were of great importance, of all which he gave his Majesty advice, as they came to his knowledge. The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour, presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardi∣nal, to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a passe, that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing, but what would make him be pitied.

That it is important to send Embassadours to such Princes against whom War is design'd, to discover their intentions: and how it may be done.

IF it be necessary to be well inform'd of an enemies designs, of his humour, of his Forces, of the succours he expecteth, and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him, as all Polititians are of opinion; it is no lesse usefull to send persons to him, who under pretence of some familiarity, may give advice thereof. Tiberius, one of the Roman Emperours, was so solicitous in this kind, as Tacitus observeth, that he was not ignorant of one of his enemies resolutions; so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems. Amongst all per∣sons fit for this imployment, none are so proper as Embassadours; because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy, to his Ministers and Statesmen, the may wel discover more then men of inferiour condition, who converse with none but those of their own quality. Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Embassadours of a cer∣tain King of the Indies, toward the King of the Assyrians, under pretence of ma∣king a Treaty of League with him, but in effect to discover his designs. Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferiour qualities, who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance, to inform themselves of all passages, and make their discoveries thereof, for such men give no small light to affairs. Thus did Scipio, as Plutarch observeth in his life, that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Siphax.

Merchants used to Traffique in an Enemies Country, are not improper for this purpose, in regard of their general acquaintance, as Xenophon, one of the ablest Statesmen of his time, hath declared; but one thing especially ought to be obser∣ved in employing such persons, that is, that they be men of understanding and fi∣delity; for if they be defective in the former, their advices will not only be frivo∣lous, but hurtfull; because they may ingage resolutions contrary to what is fit: and if they be deficient in the latter, it is easie to conclude how dangerously inconveni∣ent it may be. As to the means which all in general are to use for their informati∣on, none are better, then those which ingage men to talk much, and discover them∣selves: Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon, because it de∣priveth the use of reason, and giveth only the tongue liberty; and therefore it would not be amisse that an Embassadour should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince, or his Ministers, to drive them into this Passion; however this ought to be managed both with ingenuity and respect, lest he so far exasperate them, as to re∣fuse him any more audience. It will not a little conduce to this end, to visit such Grandees of State, who they find talkative; it being usual with great talkers, to let fall whatever is in their thoughts, just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose

them. Ladies are very proper to discover secrets, especially where a man may partake of their favours. For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemies Wives; and indeed, it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants: Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country, because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret, as love; but especially money makes the Mare go. That is it which discovereth all, and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus, to inform himself of all his Masters enemies affairs, during his abode in Naples, as was to be seen in his account after the War, where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns.

The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve, to seiz upon Bar, for defect of Ho∣mage, and to re-unite to the Crown all his lost Royalties.

THe King intending to be reveng'd on Monsieur de Lorrain, thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar, as the best remedy, in hopes that by letting him see his Majesties resolution, no longer to indure the effects of his hatred; he would, in fine, return to his duty without ingaging himself in greater extremities. Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris, to try whe∣ther the said Dutchy were not laps'd to the Crown for default of Homage, upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July. that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seiz upon it, and deliver it into his Majesties hands, together with its dependances, untill the said Duke should do his Homage. In prosecution of this Decree, the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve, one of their most ancient Counsellors, whose ability in learning, experience in affairs, and integrity in the Administrati∣on of Justice, together with his birth and manners, were thought capable enough to cause his Majesties name to be honoured in Bar, and to re-establish his Authori∣ty in that lustre, of which Monsieur de Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him. His Majesty approved of their choice; and the Sieur de la Nauve, going to take his leave of his Majesty, and receive the honour of his commands; he gave them another Commission, under the Great Seal, not only to execute the Parliaments Decree, but also to re-unite unto the Crown, the Royal Prerogatives of Bar, the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth, and Henry the Third, to the then Duke Lorrain, without mature consideration of the conse∣quence of such alienation. These things thus ended, the Sieur de la Nauve, bent all his thought towards Bar, together with such Officers, as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions. The Offi∣cers of the City receiv'd him with all honour, but not long after his arrival, the Ba∣ron de Couuonges, Bayliff and Governour of Bar, came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorrain, to intreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission, assuring him in the interim, that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City, to obey such commands as he had brought from his Ma∣jesty, it being the order of Soveraignty, that the weaker should obey the stronger. This discourse did not at all surprise him, he knowing, that such an affair could not be ended without some contest; and accordingly, bee answered the Baron de Couuanges without any alteration, that his Commission being to be executed in publick, and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers, as Bayliff of Bar, to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure, it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof, and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorrain, to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesties commands, seeing they having no other Soveraign but his Majesty, no one could have the power to ex∣empt them from that duty which they owed him. The Sieur de Couuonges, upon this answer, withdrew; and the next morning, the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled, took his place, and cau∣sed his Commission to be read unto them, which impowered him to seiz the Dutchy

of Bar for his Majesty, for default of Homage, and to re-unite unto the Crown, the rights of Royalty and Soveraignty, which had heretofore been alienated, and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly injoy; that to this end, he was in∣abled to alter the Titles of Justice, to ordain that all succeeding Acts should passe in his Majesties name, that they should be sealed with his Arms; that all the inha∣bitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty, for Letters of Justice and Fa∣vour of Pardon and Grace; that the money should be hereafter stamp'd with the Arms of France; and that in general, the same Orders should be established among them, as were observed in the other Provinces of France. Then he told them, he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty, seeing they were his Subjects born, and that it could not but be glorious for them, to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions; who for his Clemency, is beloved by his people; and who for his Valour, is honoured of all the World; that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the lesse strange unto them, in regard the Duke of Lorrain his Majesties Subject and Vassal, in relation to this Dutchy, which belonged in Fee to the Crown, had failed to do his Fealty and Homage, though by the customes of France, none but his Majesty could re-install him in it; that his Ma∣jesty had for ten years past, expected his submission, though he might lawfully have seiz'd it upon the death of the late Duke; and that this Law of Fealty, should be the more vigorously executed, as to the Dukes of Lorrain, in regard they had of∣ten failed to do their duties unto his Majesty. As to that which concerned the re∣uniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France; he added, that those Rights being, as it were, a Flower, extracted from that Crown, by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorrain, it was the more equitable to re-unite them, and deprive the Duke of them, because he hath so far abused them, that he wanted little of a total usurpation, without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal, and Homage, as so many marks of Soveraign Authority, not to be alienated, that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands, who had for so many years to∣gether delayed and refused to do homage for them; and indeavoured to perswade the World, that those perform'd by his Predecessors, were but so many visits and complements; especially considering, that bounty hath its limits, as well as Justice; and that it is taken for a dishonourable weaknesse in Kings, when it is excessive, or when it perswadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them. In fine, he ordered that the Dutchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesties hands, and that the Royal Prerogatives should be re-united to the Crown of France, by the Messengers of the Parliament, who accompanied him to be injoyed by his Majesty, untill he had receiv'd satisfaction in the causes of the seizure. This was the sub∣stance of his discourse at the Palace. In the following days, he cause his com∣mission to be read in the Bayliffs court, in the chamber of Accompts, and the Town-House. The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree, all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty, He did several acts of Ju∣stice, required the Clergy to make publick Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family, inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar, to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorrain, regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals, in the exercise of their Office; and in general, setled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesties service.

That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes, especially their rights of Soveraignty.

THough Liberality be so becomming Kings, that it is no lesse beseeming them to give, then to command, yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far, as to alienate their Demesnes. The Revenues of the crown, do chiefly contain two things, the rights of Soveraignty, and the lands which they have reserved to themselves, or acquired by any other way whatever. The rights

of Soveraignty, consist in the power of executing Justice, coyning of money, gran∣ting of Pardons, making Peace and War, establishing Laws, imposing Taxes, crea∣ting Magistrates, and sending Embassadours. As for Demesne Lands, as it is impossible to support the charges of State, without a certain income, Kings have alwaies reserved some of this sort, beside their Soveraignty, to serve their occasions. This Demesne, though of lesse honour, hath ever been esteemed so sacred, that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers. Indeed it is impossible, as Tacitus observeth, to keep a people in quiet without Arms, Arms without Money, and Money without Revenue or Tri∣bute. Hence it was, that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom, the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence, yet could not give their assents unto that; because the ruine of the Empire would be inevi∣table, when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed. If the alienation of ordina∣ry Lands and Tributes, be so prejudicial to States, those of Soveraign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous. These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun, inseparable from the Royal Family, and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom, without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which be∣comes it. That of the Law, which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives, ought to be understood more in relation of those, then of Lands; and thereupon hath ordained, that if any thing be alienated or dismembred, it shall notwithstanding be re-united to the Crown, as so many distracted members to their body, to restore it to its former strength. This hath been alwaies so exactly observed in this Kingdom, that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France, the Demesnes of the Crown are never a∣lienated, but with expresse reservation of reverting to the Crowns, when the Males fail, and that without any right of Soveraignty; so that to grant such royal Preroga∣tives to a Forraigner, were to treat them more favourably, then the Princes of the royal family; and withall, to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty. Ambition hath no bounds, and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties, may be easily wrought upon, at least his Successors, to pretend to them, without and depending upon others; so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality, what doth he but raise a power against his own, and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom. Besides, States be not so much for Kings, as Kings for their States, they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances, then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them; from whence it is, that to alienate such rights, or any notable part of their Demesne, is one of the causes of their deposing, in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws, as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject; and indeed, he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown, who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre.

How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry, where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite.

IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain, to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar, and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage, and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions; but fortune contriving to destroy him, had cast her Mantle before his eyes, so that the continued immoveable in his first designs. Whereupon his Majesty, about August, found himself obliged to go to Chasteau∣thierry, from thence to meet the Army, which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves, and to carry them before Nancy, the better to hinder the Duke of Lor∣rain's Levies; and in case he persisted in his late Procedures, to reduce him to such a passe, that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France, or interrupting the forces of its Allies. Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry, the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him, and after some complements and ex∣cuses,

beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him. He told him, that he did much condemn his brothers actions, and that he had never had any hand in them; both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty; as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious; that if his Majesty should con∣tinue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost, he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable, and that for his own particular fortune, he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty, beseech'd him to receive him into his protecti∣on, and to permit him to retire into France. His Majesty received him very fa∣vourably, and told him, that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions; that he was sufficiently inform'd, that he had no hand in his Brothers deport; and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will, as the interest of his affairs would permit; that he assured him of his protection; and that amidst his Brothers disgrace, he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection. The Car∣dinal de Lorrain, would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs, which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardi∣nal. The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain, went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal, assured him of Monsieurs marriage, proposed to him to break it, to put his sister, the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands, and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar, to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name. The Cardinal answered him, that the King could not give ear to any proposition, seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain; that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him; his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct, and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word; that his faltrings, had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies, to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects, which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War, that there might be no more trouble in it; that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State, as he had formerly done, even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match, which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty, be∣ing managed without his consent, against the Laws of the Kingdom, and to the countenancing of his invading France; and that the only means which could in∣duce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother, was to Deposit Nancy in his hands, that this was the best course he could take, seeing it would preserve his Country; and that Nancy it self, should be assuredly restored unto him, if he carried himself for the future, as did become him; that in case he intended fairly, he need not fear any thing; but if on the contrary, he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty, it would be to no purpose to treat; that his Majesty was positively resolved, to admit of no other conditions; and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto, in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates, excepting Nancy it self, the losse of which would be unavoidable, un∣lesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction; that this place indeed was strong, but that the Duke being unable to keep the field, and without Revenue, his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it, in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges; that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times, was a counsel very pernicious, seeing his Majesty was young, absolute in his Kingdom; and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe, as he had hi∣therto done. Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain, represented to him that this condition was so hard, that he could not advise his brother to accept of it; but at the last extremity, seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him, and forced to depend upon anothers Will; That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a De∣posit; but that the state of affairs being subject to change, his enemies might by

their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty; and con∣sequently, give him occasion to detain Nancy; that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the best places in the World, in the sight of all Europe, without resistance, and not being forced thereunto; that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great, and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it; and that finding himself between two great Princes, he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment, in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy, he should contract the Emperour's displeasure, from whom he holdeth his Dutchy, which doubtlesse he would de∣clare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire, with a resolution to seiz up∣on it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him; That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection, but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars, as not to be in a condition of assisting him, by which means his ruine would then be inevitable; and more∣over, that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy, un∣lesse at the last extremity of his affairs. Whereunto the Cardinal answered, that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire, and the power of the House of Austria; but besides that, the King did not consider such pretensions, he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it, he would find no great reason to build upon it, because he well knew that those whose inte∣rests he alledged, being the chief Authors of his evil conduct, had not been very solicitous to assist him: That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the P••otection of two Crowns; but that the Laws of the very protection, obli∣ged him to deserve it from the King, by his respects and good deportment; and to conclude, by the desires which his Predecessors had testified, that his preservati∣on intirely depended thereupon: That instead thereof he had provok'd his Maje∣sty, broken his faith by infringing of Treaties, taken part with Spain, run into all acts of Hostility, and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty, had ravish'd a son of France, and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister, whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries; and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour, then that of France, then at his Gates, he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force; but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine, which was inevita∣ble, he could not take a better course, then by depositing of Nancy, which would secure his States without any loss to him.

As for matter of his holding of the Empire, the King was far enough from ad∣mitting it, seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain, and that the Homage was due unto him; that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown, but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right, be∣cause great Princes, who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth, where they may claim their own, are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers, and to enter them by force; so that no time can cause a prescription against them; that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences; but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy, in its primitive greatnesse, Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence, if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown: that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind, at such time as he was running on to provoke his Ma∣jesty against him, but that now having done the injury, his Majesty could not dis∣semble his resentment: wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable: that his P••edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France, and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection, because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man: But in fine, that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy, seeing though he already had the

best places of Lorrain in his hands, they could not oblige the Duke to keep his pro∣mise, and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more soli∣citous for keeping it in future, after so many changes of his resolution: that his Maje∣sty chiefly desired this assurance, that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury, or be necessitated (to his great expence) to raise a new Army: a thing, peradventure, which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it, whereas the present conjuncture was such, that his Maje∣sty could not wish it more favourable, there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him; that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution; his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his af∣fairs; that that of France was such, that it was not only at Peace, but without fear of civil War, all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient, the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge; and on the other side, the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken, without the least hopes of being brought on again, and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies; that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them. As to Germany, that the Emperours forces had enough to do, to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede, who was not likely to be stopp'd. As to matter of Italy, that the Cardinal Infanta's forces; were not yet ready to march, and that admit∣ting they were, yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline, the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march; and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd, and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it, unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain, had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands. The Cardi∣nal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons, and being retired, all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty, to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother; and in the mean time, not to make any further progresse. The King not only refus'd it, but assur'd that he would march before Nancy, with the greatest speed that might be, resolv'd never to depart, until he had reduc'd it to its obedience.

That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an in∣cens'd Prince, who hath oftentimes broke his word.

IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words, from a Prince who hath often failed of his word, & especially, who is known to be incens'd, & passio∣nately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd. His apparent submis∣sions in matters of accommodation, are effects rather of his weakness then good wil; and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice, it will after∣wards make no difficulty to break its promises, if it find any overture to evade them, and re-assume its lost advantage. Asdrubal may serve for an example, who finding himself so block'd up in Spain, by Claudius Nero, that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches, or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel, sent him very fair Proposals of Peace, and in the interim, found away to escape his hand. Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized, for which he had been blam'd at Rome, made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery; but besides, that this was not without indangering his whole Army, yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy, under shew of accommodati∣on. Pope Julius the Second, that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth, sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace, and conclude it, that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him; but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity. Mark Anthony, held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days. Fraates sent his Embassadours to him, that it was thought a Peace might easily have been con∣cluded

between them. Mark Anthony gave them present Audience, and with∣all, sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it; but Fraates continuing his Treachery, made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony; and in conclu∣sions, added, that as often as he should withdraw his Army, from the place where∣in he was incamp'd, he would be content to make a Peace with him. Mark An∣thony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces, without breaking down his Tre∣ches, or carrying away his Engines of War, he had not march'd far from his Camp, before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe, mastered it, and destroyed all his Engines, which he had inconsiderately left there, though peradventure not with∣out hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them, in case the Medes u∣sed any Treachery. Besides, part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp, so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse, and by his example, taught all Princes not to be over-credu∣lous of an Enemies promises.

How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier, and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused.

THe Cardinal de Lorrain, took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August, to meet his brother, and the same day, his Majesty, who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes, advanc'd towards Nancy; but being neer St. Dezier, the Cardinal returned to him, and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name, to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands, in order to the dissolution of that marriage, and to surrender La Mothe unto him, one of the strongest places of his State. The King carried him to St. Dezier, and had two hours conference with him, at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc, the Sieur de Brassac Bullion, and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions; but they were thought im∣proper, because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-as∣sume his former designs; so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer, but this, that he was resolv'd to have Nancy, as a place without which he had no as∣surance for the performance of any Treaty; however, his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accom∣modation; he testified unto him, that his inter position was not only acceptable, but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest, notwithstanding the inju∣ries he had receiv'd from his Brother; and withall, offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality, if he thought good to reside in France. After this he returned to the Duke his brother, to acquaint him with the Kings re∣solution; and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty; the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands, hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Ma∣jesties just displeasure, yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother, to re∣store them unto him. He discoursed of it with the Cardinal, who having assured him, that he would therein do whatever could be desired; he beseeched him to return to the King, to tell him, that seeing he was so unfortunate, that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises, he had resolv'd to put his estates, into his Brother the Cardinals hands; and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment, whould the more readily consent thereunto, because then there was no cause of fear, and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him, then to see him re∣duc'd to the quality of a private person, by devesting himself from that of a Sove∣raign. The Cardinal de Lorrain, return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson, upon the 28. of the same moneth, and proposed this to him, renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands, and so to indeavour the dissolu∣tion of that marriage. The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal,

relying upon this grand Minister, whom he knew to employ most of his time in ex∣amination of what might be granted, and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions. The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him, and made the same Proposition unto him, and withall told him, that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity, and of his positive intention to keep his word; he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage, and to procure the Kings consent unto it, professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection, as a most certian gage of his good will, and a pow∣erfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour, and protested totally to im∣brace his counsels, and to have no other will then his, whereby he might abso∣lutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain. Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him, that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lor∣rain, he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it, seeing his parti∣cular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France, would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction; but that this was not to cure the disease, because M. de Lorrain, might repent of his surrender, and return into his states, either by open force, or under-hand dealing, and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again; wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient, and that the Deposite of Nancy, was the only secure way which could be taken. This was sufficient to let him know, that it was mistrusted, lest there were some collusion between them; but that he might not exasperate him, and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation, whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion, he would not harp any more upon that string. As to his demand of Madam de Combalet, he told him, that he took it for a very great honour, and did not reject it, but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time, to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lor∣rain with a great Army for his private ends, and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick, though for his part he was not waies averse from it. These words of agreement, were only an effect of his Purdence, which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will, but to preserve it to be made use of as occa∣sion should require, for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposi∣tion; he told them, that neither the present, nor the future age, should have cause to believe, that he had mingle his own interests in this affair, where his only end was the Kings service, and the good of the State; that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise, had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy, only upon an ambitious design of being Pope; but that for his part, he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest, and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite, he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof; any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion, seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution, because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty; but he told him, that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power, for that he was inform'd of what had past. The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant, and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her; but that only ser∣ved to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions, who knoweth, that in matters of Treaty, an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words. After this, they brake up their conference, departed each from other, and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King.

That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties.

It is the property of a wise Minister, to foresee the inconveniences of such Pro∣positions as are made in Treaties to surprize him, and to be carefull that an ene∣my who hath not been able to get any advantage by War, should not gain it by an accommodation. It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour, because the occasions of fighting are but sel∣dom in War, whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made, which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment, would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a de∣feat. To speak truth, this vertue is as needfull for him, as Art for a Work-man, and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance, which he pretendeth to form; so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State, if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences. Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end, preven∣teth his being deceived, serveth to regulate his counsels, guideth his actions, ma∣keth him speak in agreeable terms, conducteth all his motions, teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences, maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his ene∣mies, and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires. The Philosopher saith, it is a virtue proper to him that governeth, not that it is unnecessary for pri∣vate persons; but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers, that without it they are no more able to govern a State, than a Pilot to guide his Ves∣sel without Steer and Rudder. He who is Master of it, doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation; and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign, yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth; so saith the wise man in his Proverbs, The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his ser∣vant. To make a right use of this vertue, he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him, and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty. To this end, the wise Minister often retires in private, as knowing, that then he hath full liberty to dis∣cusse the Propositions made unto him, and is at leisure to consider them; a thing, saith Periander, able to overcome all things. He is not ignorant, that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration, is like those liquorish men, who charging their stomacks over hastily, do repent it as soon as they rise from the Ta∣ble; wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him, he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis, particular affairs, to general maximes; he re∣collecteth the Experience of things past, proportioneth the means to the end, ob∣serveth if by granting any thing, it may not serve the enemy to obtain his preten∣ces, examineth what assurance he shall find of performance, and generally all other circumstances: And lastly, being thus secure from all surprizes, he is not only in a condition of being not cheated, but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth.

The King besiegeth Nancy, and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain.

DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro, and the divers Propo∣sitions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle. The King gave Order to his Commanders, that they should seize upon all principal places, he sum∣moned in person the Towns of St. Michael, and Ponto au Mousson, which pre∣sently surrendred: Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force; Charmes to the Comte de la Suze, and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis; besides these, Halon

du Chastel, and the Castles de Conde, la Chausset, Trognon, Malatour, Pargny and Boucouville, received the Garisons sent to them; so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country, but he became Master of the Field; but that which was most of all, was, his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves, under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond, and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither, which so invested the City of Nancy, that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port. The Regi∣ment de Florinville, designing to get in by night, was led by M. de Lorrains Hunts∣men though Woods, and by unknown waies; yet they could not carry it so se∣cretly, but some French discovered them, which strook them into such fear, that flying back again through the same Woods, they totally routed themselves. On the other side, the Comte de la Souze, kept the Field with seven Cornets of horse, and some foot, so that nothing durst appear against him: and to re-inforce the Dukes fear, at the advantages which the Kings army took, his Majesty command∣ed the Marshal de la Force to pursue him, with 6000 foot, 1500 horse, and six pieces of Canon, and to invest him in any place where he should retreat; and withall, to treat those as enemies who should receive him, if they refused to deli∣ver him, as an enemy of France; so that he was constrained to retire about Espi∣nal, where he quartered with such Forces as he could get together, and to draw a little nearer to the Franche-Comte, where they who had perswaded him to take the Field, gave him incouragement to hope for certain Forces, which never came to him. To be short, that nothing might be omitted which might shake him, whom necessity alone was able to reduce to reason; his Majesty comming before Nancy, and quartering at Neufville, went in person to view the most advantagious Posts for his Army. The Cardinal likewise rid the round without Musquet shot of the City, the better of judge of the order of the Siege, and then his Majesty personally drew out the circumvalation, which was four Leagues about the Forts and Redoubts, and set the Pioneers to work. He digg'd first himself, and caused the work to be fol∣lowed with such care and diligence, that in five days time the Camp was finished, and his under shelter. At the same time, they began a Bank thwart the River Meurthe, which stopping the Current, would not only have drowned the neighbouring country, but in a little time have forced in into the City, and com∣pelled the inhabitants to quit it; insomuch, that the Duke seeing the unhappy con∣dition of his affairs, knew not where to hide his head. Every one, in the interim, admired the happy successes of those counsels which the Cardinal gave his Majesty, with so much the more astonishment, in regard they admired upon what ground his Majesty should resolve to besiege one of the strongest places of Europe, in a season somewhat forward, without any likelihood of taking it before Winter.

That an Enemy in disorder, ought to be pursued, especially after he hath received a Foil.

ONe of the best effects of military Prudence, is to know how to take advan∣tage of time, how to prosecute an enemy in disorder, when he hath recei∣ved some foil; and hath so much to do in several places, that he is, as it were, necessitated to submit and consent to whatever is desired. A Prince thus disorde∣red, will easily grant whatever is demanded of him; and assent unto conditions, which at another time he would not. Wherefore it is very expedient in such a con∣juncture, to fall upon him resolutely, and to pursue him so hard, that he may not know which way to turn himself. Had Hannibal known how to have played his Game after the Battel of Cannes, he had forc'd the Romans to receive such conditions as he would have impos'd, it being the greatest blow their Empire ever felt; but he trifling away his time to refresh his Souldiers, and injoy the commo∣diousness

of his Quarters, drowned his Fortune in delights, and made no advan∣tage of his good successe. A Prince never ought to let good Fortune so blind him amidst his happy successes, as to despise his enemies, or to forbear from prosecuting them to the utmost; not that I would advise to drive an enemy to extremity, who flies with a great Army, because it might make him couragious, force him to turn about, and as oftentimes it hath happened, to recover the advantage he had lost, rather he ought to set open the Gates, and make a Bridge for him to run away; but otherwise it is, if most part of his Towns he taken, if he cannot relieve those that are besieged, if his Forces be not in pieces, and routed in several places; and if he be so ill attended as not to be in a condition of defending himself if assaulted, then not to prosecute him, were a great oversight to be satisfied with half a victory, and to give him time to rally his forces again, were to break all the rules of War. Caesar by his example, shew'd all Captains how they ought to behave themselves on such affairs; never did any thing hinder him in the prosecution of his Victory; but as if Fortune had lent him wings, he flew after his enemies till he had quite de∣feated them, or obtained such conditions as he demanded. He cannot be suffici∣ently commended for his good conduct in Affrick, after the defeat of King Juba, Scipio and Afranius, where such was his good fortune, that he routed them all three in one day, and pursued them so smartly, that he left neither of them nor their Officers, who was not either killed or taken prisoner, nor any of his Towns, which he did not reduce to his power.

The Princesse Marguerite leaveth Nancy, and go••th to Bruxels.

THough the Cardinal de Lorrain had assured his Majesty that the Princesse Marguerite was in his disposal; yet it was well known that the Princesse de Falsbourg her sister, unable to indure the Propositions of delivering her into his Majesties hands, in order to the nulling of her marriage by Law, had found an invention to save her, which she had made use of with the better effect, in regard Ambition and Love make all things feasible to women. It was known that she had habited her self like a Cavalier with Boots and Spurs, well horsed; and in this equipage she left Nancy, about four of the clock in the morning, attended by a Gentleman, named Davise, who had heretofore belonged to Madam de Remire∣mont, together with two others, that she pass'd through divers Sentinels, and that at last being stopp'd by one, Davise made him beleeve that they related to the Marquesse de St Chaumont, and that by this means she had got thirteen Leagues on horseback; that meeting with certain Swedish Troops, she had been compell'd to hide her self in a very thick Copse Wood, where she much scratch'd her hands, and that the next morning she got to Thiomville, where at first they would not open the Gates, and indeed had absolutely refus'd her, But for the charms of her beauty, which mov'd great compassion in those who beheld her lying on the ground wrapp'd up in Clokes, whiles Davise treated for her admission; and that at last being got in, the Governours Wife of the Town had chang'd her habit. From thence she writ to the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, to intreat him, to acquaint Mon∣sieur with the manner of her escape, and that she should stay in those places to ex∣pect his commands; but afterward thinking it more proper to go to Namour, for fear lest the way might not be open after her escape, she resolv'd to advance thi∣ther. His Majesty receive this news with some regret, foreseeing that her flight might be succeeded with troublesom consequences, and make the dissolution of the marriage more difficult: He much blamed the Marquesse de St. Chaumont, for suffering himself to be surprized, especially after he had been advis'd by the Cardi∣nal, to have a great care of all those who should travel upon the Road, because

she might probably passe by him in some disguise; to which he return'd this an∣swer, that they should rely upon his diligence. Monsieur Duc d'Orleans, recei∣ved no great satisfaction from it, fore-seeing that this Princess would be a new Obligation to tie him to the Low-Countries; but the Laws of Civility, and the consideration of the Spaniards, who he was forc'd to content, perswaded him to seem very glad of it. He presently dispatch'd the Sieurs de Fontain Chalendre, de Rames, and de Lavaupot to Thionville, who were followed by the Duke d'Elboeuf, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens; they met her upon the way, and Monsieur, in per∣son, went with much affection to receive her, as far as Marshe, and accompanied her from Namour to Bruxelles, with all the honour and endearments she could de∣sire. That day that she was to go into Bruxelles, the Infanta, with the whole Court went to receive her, half a League from the Town, and meeting, they both aligh∣ted from their Coaches to salute her; the Infanta kissed her, and then taking her by the hand, led her into her own Coach, where she alwaies gave her the right hand. Comming to the Gate of Bruxelles, the Companies of the City gave her a Volley of small shot, and the Magistrates went to welcome her; she alighted in company of the Infanta at the Queen-Mothers, who testified much joy for her arrival, and kissed her, and after half an hours entertainment, the Infanta carried her to her own lodgings, which she had prepared two dayes before, with very rich Furniture, her soul being no lesse replenished with Magnificence then Piety. The Princesse Marguerite could not forbear the expressing her content, so sweet it is to attain any eminent point of honour, after the running of great hazards; but often repeated, that she could never have beleev'd what History relateth, concern∣ing fugitive Princesses, had she not her self experimented it. The Infanta did dayly indeavour to augment her joy, by her great care, and the Presents she sent her, in which the quaintnesse of her fancy, was no lesse admirable then her liberality.

Nothing is more ingenious then Women to attain their Designs.

VVOmen of all creatures are the most dexterous in contriving their designs, their natural sprightlinesse of imagination, furnisheth them with a thou∣sand expedients, and proposeth all kinds of overtures, with such probabilities of happy successe, that they are easily inflam'd with a desire of trying them. This desire maketh so great an impression upon their Passions, that in case any obsta∣cle present it self to divert them, they never want anger; which so disturbeth them, that they admit of no rest, untill they have surmounted it, and obtain the ends which they propose to themselves. This their violent apprehension, augmenteth the fruitfulnesse of their conceptions; and as the heat of the ayr doth every day disclose new productions in the bosom of the earth; so their ardent desires beget new expedients in their minds, carrieth all their thoughts, conducteth all their motions, guideth all their affections, and so disposeth of all their power, that they neither think, desire, discourse, or do any thing, but what tendeth to their ends; they sleep with the consideration of those means which may conduce to their own ends, the desire of executing them, awakeneth them in the morning; and as they have little diversions in the day time, they have no greater delight then to discourse with them, in whom they put their confidence. Men who are imploy'd in great affairs, have their imginary faculties more barren, and granting them to be as fertile as those of Ladies, yet the diversity of their imployments doth so divert them, that it is impossible for them ever to be ruminating upon the same Subject; but otherwise it is with Ladies, especially those of quality, who have nothing to do but to please their own fancies. I might likewise adde, that the defect of Prudence,

which is evident in most of them, is in some sort to their advantage, because it gives them more courage to execute, than the wisest of men, whose judgement makes them fore-see many inconveniences, which women do not at all apprehend. Besides, the respect which every one beareth to their Sex, seemeth to take away al•• ••ear from them, by perswading them that the worst that can befall them, is but to discover their Sex and quality; and that once known, not any person of quality will use them uncivilly. Amongst the many inventions which they have used to save themselves by flight, or to obtain their desires, that of changing their ha∣bits is one of the most frequent. So Laodice, the wife of Mithridates, unwilling to forsake her husband, when vanquish'd by Pompey, cloath'd her self like a man, and follow'd him a long time, as if she had had an indefatigable body and courage. Se∣miramis knowing most people impatient of the Government of women, left off her usual habit after her husbands death, and assum'd that of the Kings, the better to preserve the government in her hands, during the nonage of her son Ninus. Doth not History record the same of divers Persian women, who in the habit of Souldi∣ers followed their Husbands to the Wars, between the King of Persia, and Selim the Turkish Emperour? We read that divers Germans went to the Holy War with the Emperour Conradus, cloath'd and accoutred like Cavaliers, with as much valor as Amazons.

The Treaty made with Monsieur de Lorrain, and how after all his difficul∣ties, he was forced to put it in execution.

THe advantages which the Kings Army had obtained upon the Duke of Lorrain produc'd those effects, of which the Cardinal had given his Majesty great hopes. He dispos'd himself to grant all that could be desir'd, according as the Army made its progresse. He was forc'd to send to Cardinal of Lorrain to his Majesty at Neufville, to offer him the new Town of Nancy; but his Majesty being not ig∣norant that leaving the City in his hands, would give him the occasion and means to re-commence his imbroyls, when ever those who had ingag'd him, should send him a powerfull assistance, would not be perswaded to assent thereunto. He then sent again the same Cardinal, with full power to deliver him both the Towns of Nancy in Deposite, upon such conditions as should be resolv'd between him and Monsieur the Cardinal. This was as much in apparence as could be desired; but Monsieur the Cardinal, too too well inform'd of the Dukes wavering homour, to trust him, was not backward to tell the King that he thought it not fit to rely up∣on it, or to be certain of any thing, untill the Gates of Nancy were opened, that his forces might take possession of it; so that the works of the Siege were prosecu∣ted with all diligence; yet at last, the Cardinal having full power from the King to treat, entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions.

• 1. That the Duke of Lorrain, should renounce all new Alliances, it prejudice to that of France.
• 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King, with, and against all.
• 3. That he should not make any Levies of War, during the present troubles of Ger∣many, without his Majesties consent.
• 4. The he should disband, as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern, that he would not attempt any thing, but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries.
• 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy, both old and new, in Deposit to his Majesties hands, within three days, until such time as his good behaviour, or the pacification of the trubles of Germany, should take away all cause of suspi∣cion

• of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty, and his Allies, and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite, were declared null by Law; and that the differ∣ences between the King, and the said Duke were decided, each of them in the mean while, enjoying their rights, without prejudice of this Treaty; yet however, that in case the War of Germany should last four years, the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished, his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors.
• 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days; or at least, that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain, should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was, and to deliver her into his Majesties hands; and should so order the business, that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage.
• 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Ma∣jesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof.
• 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain, and the States thereupon depending, should be receiv'd by the said Duke, with all sort of liberty.
• 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy, during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms, without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain, in case he would make his abode there.
• 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants.

This was the conclusion, made in the Camp before Nancy, the 6. of September: Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke, to procure his ratification. He brought in, and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State, com∣ing to give his Majesty assurance thereof; there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty, and for his Majesties entring into Nancy: But the day be∣ing come, the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses, pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary, by a certain Gentleman, named Giton; so that the whole businesse was to be begun again. However, the Cardinal sen∣sible of his own power, and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain, would not totally break off the Treaty, but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy, to the Cardinal of Lorrain, with charge to tell him, as from himself, that the King found himself by divers reasons, forced to carry his affairs to the height, yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in executi∣on; because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endea∣vours for a reasonable accommodation. The Cardinal testified, that his good will was no whit diminished, & that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother, to induce him to adhere to the Treaty; in order whereunto, he sent a Gentleman to him, with such effectual expressions, perswading him to settle his affairs, then in a declining condition, that he at last hearkned to his advice, and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty, to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas. His Majesty granted it; but the morning following, thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him, for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas, that he might the better get away into Flanders, where once being, there was no l••k••lyhood of his depositing Nancy; it was signified unto him, that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty, which he accepting of, the Cardinal, and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal, came first thither, about five in the evening, accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette, the Popes Nuntio, a great many Lords and Gentlemen, and a good party of Horse and Foot. The Duke came not untill about eleven at night; so that finding the Cardinal in bed; and not willing to permit his people to wake him, according as he had command∣ed, they met not untill the morning following. That day they had two long de∣bates

without any conclusion; so that every one thought there would be no agree∣ment; but in fine, the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse, submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging, and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made, by his Order, without including any other condition, but this, that he might make his abode at Nancy, with all honours due to his quality; as also, the Cardinal his Brother; and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly, that which ingag'd him to de∣liver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands; his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy, without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications, if his Majesty should so think fit. Monsieur le Cardinal, did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles, in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason, not to extend the bounds of France, which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory, as his Majesty could desire; so that both of them having signed it, there wanted nothing but the execution of them. Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was, not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain, or to leave him to his own honesty, which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour. So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person, in order to the performance of his promises. He represented to him, that it would be the more glorious for him, in regard it would testifie unto all Princes, that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsi∣on; as also of great advantage, in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his, unto his Majesties Will: Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him, and surrender Nancy unto him, as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment. Such were the charms of his words, that they perswaded him to resolve thereupon, that upon the 21 they departed together to wait upon the King. Approaching neer Nancy, the Cardinal hasted to acquaint the King, before the Cardinal de Lorrains comming, with the se∣cret of the affair, and to advise him of such things as were most conducing to his service. All that appeared, was that Monsieur de Lorrain, saluting the King, bowed himself very low made his excused with a great deal of submission, assured him of the inclination he had to obey him; beseeched him to forget what was past, to pardon him, and to believe that he would punctually perform the Treary. The King imbrac'd him with a cheerfull countenance, and told him, that he willingly accepted those proffers of his service and friendship, that he should forget what was pass'd, and that he forgave him. Afterwards, he led him into his Cabinet, where the Cardinal was with the chief of the Councel. Their entertainment was for some time upon ordinary discourse, and many things were said concerning the Dukes courage and inclination to Arms, which he did not unwillingly hear. The King told him, I must confesse, I have had an ill opinion of you, and when I found you perform'd not the Treaties, made by the Cardinal your Brother, which your self had ratified, I shaid you had neither faith nor honesty; but now in confidence of the promises you have made me to perform all, I begin to be of another opinion, and shall be ready to testifie the desire I have to love you. Monsieur the Cardi∣nal took up the discourse, and said, Sirs, I shall willingly passe my word for the affection which Monsieur de Lorrain hath for you service; and for the desire he hath to live otherwise than heretofore. You ought to forget the occasions of dis∣content which your Majesty hath receiv'd, and to believe, that his deportment for the future will be satisfactory; he must fight under your Colours, and in the head of your Troops. Hereupon Monsieur de Lorrain made great complements, be∣seeching the King to receive him into his favour. The King re-interated the assu∣rances of his good will; and it being Supper time, his Majesty caused him to be conducted to Monsieur le Duc de la Valette's lodging, who his Majesty had commanded to entertain him. Notwithstanding all this, and these several prot••∣••tations made by the Duke of Lorrain, to live otherwise then he had for the future, yet the knowledge of his humour, oblig'd the King to cause him to be watch'd by divers trusty persons; nor was it without reason, seeing the very next morning

there were many probable conjectures that he intended to save himself without making good any thing that he had promised. The reverend Father Joseph, and the Sieur Bouthillier, went to wait upon him, to conclude upon the Orders for his Ma∣jesties entrance into Nancy; but he entertained the motions with so much coldness, that there could be no more doubt of it; however, because it was not absolutely certain, his Majesty did forbear to seiz upon his person. The course he took by an admirable piece of Prundence, not to break the Laws of Hospitality, yet to prevent his getting off which would be much to his Majesties damage, was the com∣manding of divers trusty persons to be near his Lodging, who without shew of mi∣strust, might watch that he escaped them not. Indeed it had been a shame for the King to have suffered the Duke to have mock'd his Majesty by an escape of that na∣ture; and it had been as much weaknesse as inconsideratenesse not to have stop'd him in his flight. It was absolutely necessary indeed to observe the promise of se∣curity given him, for his comming to execute the Treaty; which in case he refus'd to do, the King was not oblig'd to his word; and the Duke relying only upon the faith of his Treaty, might and ought to be stop'd; seeing the non-performance of it made him an enemy as before, and he could not be arrested untill he had open∣ly declare himself; but his evasion discovering him sufficiently, it had been im∣prudence to have suffered him to passe into Flanders, without securing his person.

That Prince who after a Treaty attempteth to break his promise, may be se∣cured as an Enemy.

THat Prince who after a Treaty made, either resolveth or indeavoureth to be worse then his word, declareth himself an enemy to him with whom he treat∣ted, and as such he may lawfully be accounted; for the breach of promise is one of the greatest indignities which one Prince can offer another. Amongst Gentlemen, it is a just ground for the cutting of Throats in Duels, and Soveraigns look upon it, as one of the most lawful occasions of War. By Treaties of Peace they are made friends, the breach of which makes them enemies; and consequently, they may freely be taken by the same Law, whereby it is permitted to secure an enemy where ever he be found. It is without reason that the infringers of them should alledge their security, seeing themselves have broke it. The Duke de Bourgogne who seized upon Lewis the Eleventh, in the Castle of Peronne, is commended for it in Hisstory, as an act of Prudence, because the King had provok'd him to it. They had appoin∣ted that City to treat a Peace, which was concluded between them; but Lewis the Eleventh, too little sincere in his proceedings, having sent Embassadours to the Liegeois, to perswade them to take up Arms against the Duke, upon a great many fair promises which he made them; and the Liegeois revolting upon his Majesties first motion, the Duke fully inform'd, that this rebellion proceeded from his indea∣vours, set guards upon him to hinder his escape. The truth is, if any mis-fortune befall those that break Treaties, they may thank themselves, and it had not been amisse for their own securities to have remembred the counsel of Ecclesiasticus, who faith, The sin of him which deceiveth his Brother, shall fall upon himself. He who dis∣se••••leth, sinneth doubly, and who so sweareth in vain, shall not be justified, but his house shall be filled with dishonour.

His Majesties entrance into Nancy, and the Orders therein established.

THe Duke of Lorrain seeing his Artifices availed little, and that he must think of nothing but performing his promise, did at last, upon the 24 of Sept. com∣mand the Gates of Nancy to be opened for his Majesties forces. The Mar∣shals of his lodgings went to prepare his Quarters, and the Garison of Lorrain being marched out, in number 2300 foot, and 230 horse only, which was not enough, by a third part, to make good the fortifications: His Majesties Army en∣tred

the place, and divided themselves into the several quarters of the City, accord∣ing as they were commanded. The 25 the King accompanied by the Cardinal of Lorrain, and all the persons of quality, who had followed him in that expedition, made his entrance. The people indeed at first, seemed but ill satisfied; but when they saw the admirable Order which his Majesty had prescribed, to prevent their receiving any injury, they made Bonfires before their doors; the morning follow∣ing, the Queen came thither to partake of the Kings joy, for having mastred one of the strongest places of Europe in so little time, and without losse of blood. The King went to receive her, at the Port of St. John, where the Regiment of Picardy was im∣battelled; and shortly after her arrival, the Duke de Lorrain, accompanied by the Cardinal his brother, and the Princess de Falsbourg, went to do their devoirs to her, with more civility then joy: And thus was Nancy the Metropolitan City of Lor∣rain, whom the force of her Bastions, and the largenesse of three great Motes see∣med to render impregnable, taken as soon as besieg'd. It might have held out at least two years; but his Majesty assisted by the sage advices of the Cardinal, as he himself hath testified, took it in fourteen days. The address of this grand Minister, forced the Duke to keep his word, and to Deposit Nancy for some time, fearing lest he might have lost it for ever. Hardly had fame published this siege, but she was oblig'd to make known the taking of it, confirming the custom of Poets and Pain∣ters, who represent victory with wings, to signifie that the actions of fortunate Princes, are as swift as the wings of birds. Conquests have been atchieved beyond hope, and the dispatch wherewith the King hath obtained, some rendreth those example of History now credible, which before were thought miraculous. Nor was the Order which his Majesty took to keep this place, the least considerable thing in this expedition: He committed the Government of it to the Sieur de Brassac, a Gentleman of quality, newly return'd from an Embassie from Rome, whose sweet∣ness and modesty was as capable of perswading the Inhabitants not to mislike the change of their Master, as his fidelity and vigilance of assuring his Majesty of his well keeping it. He assign'd him between seven and eight thousand men to guard it, chosen out of the best Regiments of his Army, with express command to keep them in such order, that the inhabitants might receive no discontent from them. He commanded the Magazeens to be stored with Ammunitions of all sorts, he converted the fortifications which served for a Communication between the new and the old Town into a Cittadel, where the Garison might be secure, in case the inhabitants should mutiny, for the preventing of which he disarm'd them. His Majesties presence being of no longer use in that place, he return'd towards Paris, not with that State and Pride, wherewith the ancient Emperours caused themselves to be ador'd by the people, at least honoured with costly triumphs, after the obtain∣ing of their victories, but with much modesty, though it was his glory never to have undertaken any expedition, so without acquiring new Palms.

What Orders ought to be taken in a place newly conquered.

THe affection of the people being the strongest chain wherewith a Soveraign can bind his Subjects to his Empire, it cannot be doubted but that the testi∣monies of his bounty and clemency, ought to be the chiefest Orders establi∣shed in a City newly conquered, seeing they do most of all serve to excite that Passion. If they be not affectionate to him, his Victory will be like a Plant without a root, and as a small wind doth easily blow down a Tree not well fastned, so the least occasions of revolt transport them to shake off the yoak of their obedi∣ence. Interest is the most potent charm to captivate their spirits; and if a Prince can but once win them into his government, by making them taste any sweetness or advantage more then in that of their former Prince, there is then nothing to be fear'd. The French in the time of one Vesp••rs lost Sicily; and in a small time the Kingdom of Naples, and the Dutchy of Milan, and all because their government was so rigorous, that the Princes had no incouragement to be loyal to them, or to defend them. The conduct of the Romans being full of sweetness and moderation,

begot them the affections of the Sagentines and Italians, after they had conquered them, who had preserved them in their Soveraignty, whereas the harsh usage of Hannibal caused him to lose them, almost as soon as he had vanquished them. I will adde some few particular Orders fit to be established in a City, or among a people newly conquered to hold them in allegiance. It will not a litle conduce thereunto, to render them exact justice in their affairs, and to pro∣cure them plenty of all kinds of provision, to countenance Piety, to caresse the Nobility, and to gain the learned. Religious men ought not to be neglected, they ought rather to be courted and honoured by bestowing Alms on them, and preserving them in the just injoyment of their priviledges; for they have the con∣science of the people in their hands, and the credit which they have acquired by their good life, procureth them so much authority, that whatever they do or say, is thought well done, well said, and fit to be followed. But especially it being not in the power of the best and wisest Princes, to work by all the testimonies of their goodnesse, upon the afflictions of a people naturally brutish, unreasonable, and insensible of benefits, there ought to be no small care taken in leaving a strong garison among them that may aw them, and curb them in case of insurrections; not but that their Commanders ought to be charged to keep them in such order and moderation that the Inhabitants be not oppress'd by them. Besides they ought to be disarm'd of all those things which may tend to insurrections by Arms, I mean souldiers, warlike Engines, such men as are capable of making parties, and the com∣mand of all Towers and strong places. Thus did Caesar upon the surrender of any City, he commanded their Horses and Arms to be delivered; and that all men of any valour or credit among the Inhabitants, should be given him in hostage, know∣ing that this was the true way to secure them from any insurrection, it being not enough to disarm them, unlesse they be depriv'd of men of credit and counsel, such as are able under hand to procure others, and all such Souldiers as are likely to be active. The Carthaginians made it appear by experience, when the Romans had totally disarmed them, they finding a way to forge every day in their City an hun∣dred Targets, and three hundred Swords, besides Darts and Engines for throwing of Stones, and to make ropes of their Wives hair for want of Hemp. To con∣clude, men of spirit and War, are more to be feared then Weapons, and there ought to be more care taken to secure such men in a City, then all the Musquets, Pikes, and Pistols.

The indeavours of Feria and Aldringuer, to secure Nancy, rendred vain by Monsieur the Cardinal's Prudence.

AT the same time that the King disposed his Armies, to hinder the unjust en∣terprizes of Monsieur de Lorrain; the house of Austria provided Aldringuer in Germany, and the Duke de Feria in Italy to meet neer Constance, and from thence to march into Alsace, and Lorrain, to secure him from ruine. The Duke had intelligence thereof; and for this reason it was, that he used many delays and indeavours to get into the Low Countries', hoping that if Nancy could hold out six weeks or two moneths, these two Armies might come in good time to defend his interest. Upon this score it was, that the Cardinal who knoweth how to reme∣dy inconveniences before they happen, pressed so hard upon him, that he forc'd him to conclude the Treaty, perswaded his Majesty to send the Swedes to come to meet Feria and Aldringuer to hinder their march into Alsace, and to leave the Marshal de la Force in Lorrain, with an army of twenty thousand men. He had order to hinder any insurrections or enterprises which might be made by the Dukes indeavours; as also to send such assistance to the Swedes as they should desire, the better to give a check to the proceedings of these two Generals. The strict intelli∣gence between the King and Swedes, obliged Marshal Horn to march towards Fe∣ria's Quarters; and as there is nothing seems impossible to Conquerors, he used

his utmost to get into Constance, a place by which the Duke of Feria must of neces∣sity passe into Germany; but the approach of his Army, and the irruption which he might have made into Wirtenberg; together with the strong assistance which the besieged had received; as also the improbability of cutting off their Commerce by the Lake, forc'd him upon the Duke de Rohan's, pressing him on the Kings be∣half to draw off; so that Feria and Aldringuer joyned their Armies together. In the interim, Bernard Duc de Wimar, to divert them from entring into Alsace, be∣sieged Ratisbone and took it, as also Stroubinguin, with some other places upon the Danube: However Feria and Aldringuer prosecuting their design, pass'd the Rhine, and march'd into Alsace, by the Territory of Basle. The Marshal Horn, and the Palatine de Birkenfield, receiving intelligence thereof, followed them so close, that having pass'd the Rhine at Strasbourg, they soon got before them neer Colemaer, with a resolution to fight them; but their Generals who had no other design then to assist the Duke of Lorrain, would not ingage, but drew off the fur∣ther, when they heard the Marshal de la Force, had sent to offer the Swedes some Forces. Aldringuer seeing there was no good to be done, re-pass'd the Rhine at Brisac; and the Marshal Horn without losing any time, repass'd it likewise, and pursued him so briskly, that he defeated part of his Army; so that finding himself too weak, he got into Brisac; where the Duke de Feria, who remain'd in Alsace, infested by the Palatine de Birkenfield, and the Rhingrave Otho, came to rejoyn with him, and both together pass'd over the Svave to seek a better Fortune, but found it not; for the Duke de Feria died some moneths after, without effecting his design, and the most of his forces disbanded for hunger, cold, and diseases: This was not the only advantage the King made of the Swedes, the interest of his Allies, being no lesse dear to him than his own; for he imploy'd them to succour the Duke de Wirtenberg, and the Comte de Hanau, who had put themselves under his prote∣ction, into whose countries those two Generals of the House of Austria, who take all for enemies that favour not their designs, had a great desire to enter to refresh their Souldiers, by giving them leave to plunder it, but they assisted them with such good successe, that they received no damage that year. They were not in∣deed alone imploy'd in the defence of those two Princes, for the Marshal de la Force sent by his Majesties order, part of his Army into some of their Towns; the Mar∣quesse de Bourbonne, one of the Marshals de Camp, marched with six hundred men into Morbelliard, belonging to the Duke de Wirtenberg, and secur'd it from all violence, by his valour, prudence, vigilance, and zeal for his Majesties glory, four fortifications able to secure any place. The Marshal likewise sent other Forces in∣to Buswiller, Suswiller, and Neuwiller, belonging to the Comte de Hanau, who knew how to defend them. Thus were the Allies of France protected, the Duke of Lorrain unreliev'd, and Monsieur le Cardinal, acquired the glory of having by his counsels and management of the Allies of France, stop'd the course of those two Armies, which were marching into Lorrain, to trouble his Majesty in the possession of his conquests.

That it is wisdom to assault an Enemy with the forces of allied Princes in his march.

A Prince who seeth his enemies Army resolute to assault him amidst his new conquests, doth a great deal better to prevent him by meeting him, than to expect him. I have in other place given the reasons. This course did the Ro∣mans take in all their great expeditions, excepting in the War with the Gaules and second Punick, which they could never terminate until they had pass'd the Sea and Alps with their Armies. He who would spare his Troops, or employ them in other designes, shall do it best if he send to stop his march, and so to divert him either in his own Countrey, or in the passages by the interposition of his Alleys, that he may not be able to advance. Thus Hannibal despairing to overcome the Ro∣mans

in Asrick with Antiochus to go fight them in Italy, which succeeded very fortunately. Thus likewise Gensericus King of the Vandals being routed by Basi∣lius Patricius in a great Sea-fight, perswaded the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, to in∣vade the Roman empire, by which means he secur'd himself from the imminent danger of being taken. To adde some reasons to examples, is it not true which Craesus said to Cyrus, when he exhorted him to assault Thomyris in her own Coun∣trey, if you expect your enemy to come to you, he'l commit a thousand deva∣stations, and in case you should loose a Battle, he will not be content with the Victory, but will prosecute it to the overrunning of your whole Country? Be∣sides there is little hazarded by causing him, to be assaulted in his march by Allies or in his own Country, for it preserveth an Army entire against a time of need. Besides if he be assaulted by his neighbor Allies, they will be alwaies better acquain∣ted with the waies and passages, and may easily be assisted with provisions and re∣cruits. An Enemies Army likewise marching through anothers Coutrey where he sindeth opposition, must necessarily diminish his forces by sickness, fighting and the like, whereas his will remain in its full vigour, and consequently the better able to resist him. Thus will he be able to obtain his design, which is to prevent his comming into his Countrey, a thing of the more advantage, in regard he may ef∣fect it without danger, and preserve his Army fresh to assist his Alleys, in case they are unable of themselfs to make good the passages.

Divers journeys made for the accommodation of the Queen Mother and Monsieur.

THough the Queen-Mother and Monsieur le Duc d'Orleans, had for the two last years run into great extremities, by the perswasions of some people, whose advices they too much credited; yet such was the Kings tenderness for them, that he took great care to bring them to themselves, and to perswade them to return into France. The Queen-Mother had been for some time sick, and the King to testifie how much he was concern'd in her health, upon his first hearing of it, presently dispatch'd the Sieurs Rioland and Pietre, very famous Physitians to use their utmost care and industry for her recovery; and also often sent several Gentlemen to visit her. The Cardinal did not a little contribute to those his cares, nor did he omit any opportunity to testifie unto the Queen-Mother the earnest desire he had to serve her, so that at last she was forc'd to yeild her self, in so much that it was verily thought she would quickly have re-assum'd her for∣mer sentiments of love for the King, and confidence in the Cardinal; but for those damnable counsels which those whom she honoured with her ear, infus'd into her, especially Father Chanteloupe who unable to make himself considerable, unless in broiles did alwayes prefer a storm before a calm. He could divert her from often∣times sending unto the King to assure him of the inclinations she had to be neer him, and of the passion she had for his, though he wanted no artifice to prevent the effects of it, glory and welfare. There need no other proof beside the instruction under his own hand, which she gave unto the Sieur de Laleu when she was sent to the King: nor was he deficient to second the affection which this great Princesse had for the King by his fair words, as also to suffer her to write unto the Cardinal to assure him that she would honour him with her good opinion, it being only the better to cover his designes; but he well knew the King unless he had lost his judgment, which rendred him so admirable in all affaires could not suffer him to re∣turn with her, to be of her counsel after the discovery made by Alpheston and Cha∣vag••ac, of his design to murder this grand Minister. He not onely confirm'd the Queen Mothers inclination by those of his cabal, in the resolution of keeping him neer her as a faitful very fit servant, and one whom she could not forsake without prejudice to her reputation and affaires; but the instruction which he gave the Sieur de Laleu obliged her to give security in that behalf. It is true indeed that thinking

to cover his malice with a specious vaile, he beseech'd the Cardinal to exclude him as unwilling, that his person should hinder a good accommodation, but that only serv'd the better to set him forth, seeing it was most certain that his exclusion would hinder the Queen-Mothers return, and that on the contrary it was only to make the Cardinal more odious unto her, whom he knew not to be so imprudent, or disaffectio nate to his Majesties service, as to suffer his return. He knew distrust to be the greatest obstacle in the Accommodations of Great men, who were never to be reconciled, but by a mutual confidence, whereupon he labour'd nothing more, then to infuse it, into the mind of this Great Princesse, as the very same in∣struction of the Sieur de Laleu testifieth, which required him to say, that her Ma∣jesties returning into France, would hazard all, that the Cardinal would destroy her when he pleas'd, without her being able to prevent it, or to hurt him, in case she had a mind to it, and that she doubted whether the Cardinal had not some-distrust of her, though he had above twenty times declared unto her, how passionatly desi∣rous be was of her return, so that it was easy to be known by this Procedure of Father Chanteloupe, that with one hand he did prosecute the accommodation, and with the other obstructed it, and that he could not better be compar'd then to him, who calling all people to quench a fire doth underhand endeavour to make it burn the more. This was not the only testimony that the Courts of Brussels made evi∣dent of the misfortunes, whereunto Grandees are exposed, when they suffer them∣selves to be transported by ambitious Ministers, who prefer their own before their Masters interest. There were no less eminent proofs hereof in the treaty, which was negotiated by the Sieur D'Elbene, whom the King permitted to come often from Brussels to the Court, to consider of the means to draw him out of the Spa∣niards hands. Had Monsieur known he might have been secure in France, that the King desir'd nothing with more passion, than to see him partake of his glory and recreation, and that his Majesty lov'd him like a Son; he would not have slaied 24. Hours in the Low-Countries, but would have forc'd through all obstacles to have got away, however the Sieur Puy-Laurens who had a greater interest upon him than any other, fearing belike to receive the punishments due, for his rashness in carrying Monsieur 3. several times out of the Kingdom, and unwilling to lose the advantages which he expected from his affection, had artifice enough to perswade him the contrary, and to transport him into extream-distrusts. He made him be∣lieve that there was no assurance for him in France, that he should no sooner he there, but he would be clap'd up in the Bois de Vincennes, or his house fill'd with spies, which would make it worse than a prison to him, that the King did not much care to withdraw him from the Spaniards, but only for fear lest he might enter with an Army into France, that his Majesty had no other passion for him; but that of jealousy, Soveraigns being not well pleas'd with the sight of their Successors, and that he never ought to permit the King to place any persons about him in his counsel, who might give an account of his affaires, making him to look upon all of that quality, as so many spies who would keep him in perpetual vexation, and to make themselves considerable, with his Majesty, would raise continual distrusts upon him, and would in fine so worke, that he must be laid up in some Castle, ••ill such time as he was to receive the Crown. He was not ignorant how importantly necessary it was for Kings, to be absosure Masters of the wills of the Princes of the bloud, and to be inform'd of all their designes of concernment; he well knew that if a person of understanding should have been placed neer his Master, he would in a little while insinuate himself into his confidence and favour, and with all that such a man might discover to his highness, how he had only brought him, and kept him so long in the Low-Countries for his own private interest, which would quickly expose him to an absolute mine. What likelihood was there that he would give Monsieur any counsel, ••ending to peace or sweetness, knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal, even to threaten him, as is well known to those who treated with him. To say the truth, if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup, consider∣ing

the extremities into which he had run, and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him; surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens, upon the score of his inclination, and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person, to raise another civil War in France, or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France, upon the least cause of mistrust. There was the less reason to trust him, because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition, a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing; and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour, as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd; so that thus to recall Monsieur, with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart, were to raise a fire in the bosom of France, which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union; in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages, from the divisi∣ons by them fomented, in the royal family. In short, what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur, unlesse he changed his procedure and humour, so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did, rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should re∣turn, and proposing others, as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign, presuming to drive on his own interests, instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet, whom he had so highly offended? Surely this could not have been done, with∣out a great blemish to the Kings honour, by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe, as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject, who de∣serv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice. The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences, seem'd to wonder that Monsieur, and the Queen-Mothers accommodation, could not be ended after so ma∣ny journies to and fro; but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it, could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence, in making use of that authority, which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents, when the interest of their State is in question, and in not precipitating their return; which, considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence, could only serve to trouble the Kingdom, and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition.

That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations, where there is any danger in the State.

IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State, It is most certain in general, that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels, that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them, and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant, because being blind and without foresight, it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious; but most particularly true it is, in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight, yet are they seldom of long continuance, by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are con∣cluded, which coming to increase by some new discontents, division presently re-as∣sumeth her first place, and thus instead of any satisfaction from it, there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance. In effect they ought to be the further from end∣ing affairs, because the easinesse of concluding them, hath often begotten more distrusts among great men, than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace. Hatred doth easily revive among Princes, and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received, which though for some time they dissemble, yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments, when they find opportunity proper for it. There were heretofore divers accommodations made be∣tween Lewis the Eleventh, and Charls Duc de Borgogne, which seemed to settle their States in peace, but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part, which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King; the main business was still to be begun anew; nor was any thing but death able to

give a period to their divisions. How often hath the house of Orleans and Bour∣gogne been reconcil'd, yet alwaies to little purpose, because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them, did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion. Henry the Third, wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him, for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambiti∣on suggested. They who are little acquainted in State-affairs, are not very solici∣tous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes, but think that it is enough so they are made friends; yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care, when civil Wars break out again, which they re-in∣gaging in may indanger the whole State, at least afford Forraigners great advanta∣ges. It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in dis∣cord and impotency, that in the Court or in some Province, where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion, which as Physicians say, replenisheth the body with many crudities, the cause of divers diseases; and it of∣ten happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences, serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars; so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time, than to precipitate them into a short continuance, and a production of new broils.

Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon.

ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between: Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon, Go∣vernour of Guyenne. The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of im∣ployments had charge during the siege of Rochel, of some men of War in this Pro∣vince, by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances; and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings, did not a little resent it, though for the present he dissembled it, expecting an oppor∣tunity to shew it with the more advantage, which did not so soon offer it self, the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court, and at Poiton in his Majesties service; but as he had no lesse memory then courage, he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year, at which time the Arch-Bishop return'd to Bourdeaux. The custom of this City, is that the Jurats go to wait on the Arch-Bishop at the Bridge as often as he cometh from the Country. The Duke to prevent him of this honor, sent for them that afternoon, that he should come to Town, and entertained them either upon some affairs which he was willing to conclude or by some other devices, until the Arch-Bishop was arrived at his Palace. The Jurats indeavoured to make their excuses to the Arch-Bishop for their not receiving him, but he was not very well satisfied with it, no more then with a trick the Duke put upon him, some days after,* 1.1 in the quality * Capital de Buch, who by virtue thereof may take the first Panier of fish, which he pleaseth, paying for it in the Market called la Clie, where all the fresh fish is sold, and is opened and shut by particular Officers who have the charge of it. Now the Master of the Arch-Bishops Palace comming to the Clie to buy fish, was refused to be admitted, upon pretext that the priviledge of the Capital de Buch, had not as yet been served. This affront was more prejudicial to the Arch-Bishops table, then person; however he complained of it with formalities of justice, which served to exasperate the matter. For the Duke moved at it, put the same af∣front on him some few days after, upon a time when he had designed to entertain the Jurats and other Officers of the Town, by sending his Guards to hinder the ope∣ning of the Clie, and the Arch-Bishops servants comming to force it were beaten. It was further reported, how that the Duke to prevent the Arch-Bishops receiving fish from any other place, had set guards upon the Passages which led to the Arch-Bishoprick, with order to search those who should go in, and to take away their fish if they had any about them. The Arch-Bishop provok'd at this procedure re-itera∣ted

his complaints to the Attorney General, and the Jurats, and made them sign di∣vers instruments protesting to complain unto the King accusing certain men cloth'd in Coats of sad green, with white crosses, but without declaring them to be the Dukes guards. These second complaints were no more to his advantage then the former; on the other side, the Duke commanded Naugas Lievtenant of his guards, to take an occasion to meet the Arch-Bishop in the streets of Bourdeaux, and to present his guards unto him, beseeching him to take notice of those who had dis∣pleas'd him, and assuring him that he had never given any command with design to offend him, or to stop the Passages to his Palace. Naugas wanted not a fair oppor∣tunity to execute what he was commanded, and going with twenty of his Masters guard, met the Arch-Bishop in St. Andrews Cloister, as he was returning from the City in his Coach. He stop'd the Coach-man, and took the Horses by the bridles; and told him confusedly in the uproar that was then made, that he came in behalf of the Governour Duke, to present to him those men cloath'd with a sad green, and white crosses, and to tell him they belong'd to him, to the end he might know those whom he pretended had offended them; assuring him in the interim, that he had not commanded any one to displease him. This passage made a great noise, being of great scandal to some, though others laugh'd at it. The Arch-Bishop seem'd highly ••o resent it, and having assembled his Clergy to propose the injury offered his person, and to take their advice upon it; it was concluded that Naugas should be Excommunicated; but before the Publication of it, to send two Canons, two Cu∣rates, and two men in Orders to the Duke, to complain unto him of his guards; and to understand if it had been done by his command. The Duke receiv'd his Depu∣ties with civility, but that he might not transgress in his answer, he desir'd that they would give him their desire in writing. The Arch-Bishop was acquainted there∣with, who thereupon assembled his Clergy the second time; and the result was to to publish the next morning, being All-Saints day, the censure of Excommunication against Naugas and his adherents. Naugas advis'd of this censure, appeal'd against it as an abuse, gave notice of his appeal to the Arch-Bishop, and the Duke having assembled in his house all the Professors of the Canon Law, together with a great many religious, to have their advice upon this censure, where he propos'd to them the matter in his own form; whereupon the most part of them were of opinion, that there was some exception to be taken against the censure; and said that all the forms being not observ'd, they thought that those against whom it was pronounc'd were not oblig'd by it. The Duke presently published their opinion by sound of Trumpet; at which the Arch-Bishop was so angry that without considering the impossibility for those religious persons, not to wait upon the Duke being sent for, that they had not given their judgement; but upon the fact as he had propos'd it unto them, and that this their advice was not definitive, only a bare testimony of their opinions, like those of Lawyers, which are usual in all affairs, and upon judge∣ments wherin his Majesty himself is concern'd, he resolv'd to chastise them withrigor. This advice was conformable to that which the Bishop of Nantes, a Prelate whose reputation is clear, his life without blemish, and whose conscience is without com∣pare, gave the Duke upon the same fact propos'd unto him by his Letters, sent to him for fear lest those Doctors and religious men, might be led by complaisance to incline too much to his interest; however such was the Arch-Bishops discontent, that he issued out a sentence whereby all those who had been of that opinion which the Duke had published, were condemn'd as guilty of his person and dignity, were inter∣dicted their charges and Ecclesiastical functions, prohibited to Preach the Word of God, to hear confessions, administer Sacraments in the Diocess of Bourdeaux, com∣manding the superiour Provincials, to chastize them, and expel them out of the Covents of Bourdeaux. The heat of his discontent was such, that it transport∣ed him so far as not to have any respect to the priviledges granted to Religious Orders, by the Holy See, by which all Prelates are inhibited to make any censures against them, upon penalty of drawing that Excommunication their own head, which they intend to inflict upon others. The Religious hereupon appeal'd from this sentence to the Pope, alledging that it had been decreed against them without au∣thority;

but the Arch-Bishop unwilling to put up the lie, assembled the superiors of the Religious houses in his Palace, to condemn that opinion which they had gi∣ven in favour of Naugas. The Duke having notice hereof, design'd to prevent this assembly; to which end, he commanded the Chevalier du Guet of the City of Bourdeaux to beset the Arch-Bishops Palace with his Archers, and to hinder any Religious person from entring in, pretending it might disturb the publique Peace, for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide. The Arch-Bishop was very sen∣sibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them, he went in person to the Religious, to carry them to his Palace, a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened, what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people, only as a gallantry of spirit. The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power, by any Ecclesiastical priviledge, went to meet him in person with his guards, and some other Gentlemen, at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister, and the Arch-Bishop coming thither, he went up to him, spoke some angry words, struck off his Hat and Cap, and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken, by authority of Parliament, put the end of the stick which he had in his hand, to his breast. This Procedure made a great noise in the City, and the Arch-Bishop losing no time, the very next morning, being the eleventh of November, assem∣bled those of his Clergy, and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants, interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac. The Parliament seeing this great trouble, did what they could to make an accommo∣dation; but it was to little purpose, all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel. He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd, whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction, and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac, which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux, to expect the Popes resolution, to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd, seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness, which hung in suspence about five or six moneths, nor was it ended untill the yeer following, till when I forbear to say any more of it.

That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops.

THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people, nay Emperors themselves, have been oblig'd to respect them. Plutarch alledg∣ing the cause, saith, it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends, but for all mankind. The Romans in the times of Paganism, did so much honour them, that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City, had a Lictor, and a cella curulis, and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome, for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest. Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed, that he was not of∣fended when their judgements were contrary to his; and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews, when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it, he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus, he was not only appeas'd; but as the History saith, worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence. All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests, and held it a great crime to offend them. If the light of na∣ture hath induc'd them so to respect them, Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more, seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church, for the Successors of Religion, and the Pastors of Jesus Christ; they ought to be res∣pected as the Law of well-living, as certain rules of good works, as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith, and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost; they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dig∣nity, who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things, to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things, as so māy bright stars, whose lustre is ne∣ver sullied by the Clouds of Vice, as heavenly men who have familiar converse with

God, as living books of the true Doctrine, as the true Organs of Christianity, and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives. Constantine the great, said, he did not consider them as common men, but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited; for which reason, he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly, and threatned those with death who offended him, as is to be seen in History, and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them. I shall likewise add, a particular care in punishing those who injure them. History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert. I shall only add, that Prelates to render themselves wor∣thy of this extraordinary honour, are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition; because as the shadow cannot be without the body, so it is un∣reasonable to pretend to glory, without meriting it by virtue.

An Edict to abate superfluous expences.

THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money, and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes, which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues; yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France, that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd. His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many, who notwithstanding the great ne∣cessities of the State, did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs, Embroide∣ries, gold and silver, Laces Bone-laces, and other like vanities, not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace. It was the more needfull to redress these disorders, because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities, there was a great deal of silver trans∣ported out of France, which thereby was much impoverished, whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions, or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really re∣quire. These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December, by which the wearing of any Stuffs, Embroideries, gold and silver lace, or any bone∣lace of above nine Livres the Ell, was prohibited upon pain of confiscation, and six hundred Livres to be levied on them, on them who should wear it, and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it. His Majesty knowing how power∣full the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people, taught the French by his ha∣bit how to follow this rule, and was so carefull in it, that this Edict was better obser∣ved then any of the like quality had a long time been.

That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences, are profitable both to Sove∣raign and People.

EDicts which forbid vain Expences, are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people, especially in times of War. Private mens plenty is the Princes trea∣sure, which he may make use of in time of necessity; and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality, which prohibiteth the use of unnecessary things; so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it, then to establish it by law. It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people, at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull. How should the people assist him at a time of need, if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth. They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them, but that must be by force, whereby not only their ill will, but a thousand im∣precations folow their monies. It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences, do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign: But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd, they contribute more then the people to the publick charge, and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality. Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires, but is forc'd to keep at home, whereas they who perserve their wealth, by the means of a well regulated expence, may put himself in a equipage to

appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour. Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries, nor can a So∣veraign permit the use of them without enriching him, from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own; which State, if it be an enemy, or powerfull enough to render it self suspected, it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him, but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt up∣on him. In fine, the necessities of man are satisfied with so little, that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use, and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience. Content your selves with that which is enough, saith St. Austine, the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom, instead of refreshing it from care, and superfluous expences, which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour, have very troublesom conse∣quences.

A Difference between the Bishops and Religious, decided by a Judgement from the Councel.

ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer, some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles, to which no man else could have brought them; yet so it was, that some troublesom spirits publish'd books, some for one part, and some for another. The main ground of the quarrel, was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange, and not in others. They who were for the Religious, raised this conse∣quence from it, That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism: Those on the other side, unable to salve the matter, maintained the contrary. All that the Laws of History permit me to say, is, that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious, was very dangerous; because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England, might be easily pass'd by, seeing all the exercises of Christianity, might be practic'd there by the Catholicks, excepting confirmation only. The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine, and to fall foul upon some Subjects, which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks, and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected, and disturb the publick quiet. The course at first taken was, to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature, with∣out leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery; but the Doctors of Divinity of Pa∣ris not satisfied therewith, ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond, made to maintain that word, should be re-examined; so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christi∣an peace and charity, which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks. The King took notice thereof, and not to leave it unremedied, commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it; who order'd that the books printed and published un∣der the name of Pere Sirmond, and Petrus Aurelius; the two chief of the parties, should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity, prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment, to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books, and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal. Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge, complain'd of this Arrest, pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church; but they were not long unanswer'd; for Monsieur le Gar∣de des Seaux, was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power, and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books, to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature, and determin'd them in order to the good of their State, and the continuation of the publick quiet.

The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs.

THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs. Though God hath chie∣fly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a tem∣poral power over their people; yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs. There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour. Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church, that writing to the Bishops, he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church? And in fine, he undertook the management thereof, with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion, as is to be seen in an ancient inscription. It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius, that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine, and that he prohibited the reading of his books. To shew that his procedure was without usurpation; every one may see in History that the Popes themselves, and particular Clergies likewise, have from time to time, made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hap∣ned unto them. The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church, and to suppress Heresies. Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril, to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius. The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree; and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Hono∣rius, in Ecclesiastical affairs, that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes. I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors; but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like: For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Chri∣stianity, made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church, as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France, to be seen at this present intire and un∣defac'd for above eleven ages. He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel, where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks, without his Ma∣jesties permission, and at their intreaty, he confirm'd their Canons. I will go a little further, and say, that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince; their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to deter∣mine their personal causes, where the good of the State may be interessed, a thing not to be doubted of; that the power of judging, is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty; and that he who is a Princes Subject, is of necessity to submit to his Justice; and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects, see∣ing as hath been already said, the greatest Poper themselves have not made any dif∣ficulty to put themselves in this rank; as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first, in profession of his Faith, which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings; and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice. What reason can they pretend to resist it, seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have ac∣knowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power. Did not Jesus Christ tell Pi∣late by way of acknowledging his Authority, that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven? whereupon St. Austine, and St. Bernard, expoun∣ding those words say, that Pilates sentence, though very unjust was not usurp'd, be∣cause he had a lawfull authority. So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility, did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal, to that of St. Peter; but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question. Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Which is an Of••ice that ••ath Precedency to buy be∣fore and in the Market.