The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

ANNO 1632.

EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable, who, that they may inlarge their habitations, do build and make incroach∣ments upon the Banks of large Rivers, whose Waters upon the first great rain, break out of their Channels, and by a thousand re-infor∣ced Waves, carry away whatever opposeth their violence, it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands. Who will not in like manner conclude, the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain, who that he may gain some repute, and make himself considerable, offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch, whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties, and to over-run whatever resisteth his power? Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic, in the Emperors name, and fortifying it against France, when as his Majesties Forces, if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings, break his designs, and render all his endeavours uselesse. His Majesties recovery of it, quickly shewed the whole world, how vain his attempts were▪ Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there, for the Marshals de la Force, and de Schomberg, forthwith besieged Moyenvic, which ren∣dred upon composition, and also invested Marsal a place of importance belong∣ing to the Duke, and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke, though mastered by ambition, and filled with hatred against France, was not however so sencelesse, but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications, wherewith he had encompassed it, he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance; in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy, rather then his own forces or power. Hereupon, he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace; but in effect, he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs, which he would be sure to re-inforce, whenever any favourable opportunity, or an ex••raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard, should afford him the means, such deep root had the hatred, which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom, taken in him. It is also true, that finding him∣self straitned in point of time, and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places, he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets, that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissi∣ons, and hinder the progresse of his Armies, by a pretended Treaty of peace. Had this resolution been frank and sincere, the visit had been commendable; but such was his malice against his Majesty, that those things were the least of his thoughts. Not but that he was particularly, and I may say, strictly obliged unto the King, who was very carefull of his education during his, youth, which he spent in this Court; who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr, whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death, for non-performance thereof; who had passed by the several troubles and

intreagues raised by him, and his, against this State and Kingdom. But all these things wrought not upon him, and he continued insensible of them. He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him, and to give him al satisfa∣ction; accordingly, he came to Mets upon the 26 of December, with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse, for his late misbehaviour. The King being in∣formed of his approach neer Mets, sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches, who met him half a league from the City, and conducted him to his lodging, where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences. The Duke after a short repose, went to see his Maje∣sty and shewed himself very submissive, protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge, but his Majesties goodnesse; in order to which alone, it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him. The King received him with all the de∣monstrations of kindnesse, which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use; and shortly after being entred into discourse, freely told him, that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour; the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself, but he could not alledge any other reason, then only his being disconten∣ted with the Sieur de Bret, Conseiller d' Esta••, for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country, in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France; and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac, that his Maje∣sty had resolved to invade and ruine him. Unto this the King replied, every one might justly enquire after ••is own Rights, so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice; and as for matter of invading him with hostility, there needed no other proof to assure him of th•• contrary, then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him, in case he returned to his devoir, whereas he then might easily ruine him, it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils, to afford him any succour or re∣lief; whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him, from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King, who was upon the point of entring into his Territories, and to take revenge for some injuries, which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency, that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant, that his Majesty had just rea∣son to be discontented with him, and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him, then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction, would be a strong obligation upon him; and lastly, protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces, hereafter he should not desire it. Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him, and treat with him. His Majesty could not but be jea∣lous of his fair promises, for that chastisements, though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted; whereupon, he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him, for an assurance of his world. The Duke agreed thereunto, and in fine, the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Vi••, by which, the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences, Leagues, Associa∣tions and practices whatever, which he had, or might have with any Prince, in prejudice of his Majesty, his States and Country under his obedience or protecti∣on; or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty, the King of Swede, and Duke of Baviers, for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League, the defence and protection of the Prin∣ces in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France: Moreover, he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever, contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation, to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States, as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance, and in fine, not to give them any passage or protection, nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service. The King on the other side, to testifie his true and sincere affection, promised to protect his person and defend his States with, and against all men; and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to sur∣render Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January; Monsieur the Kings Brother, being then at Nancy, depar∣ted;

and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace, and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds, either in regard his Majesties clemency was such, that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels, or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word. But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spi∣rit, over-mastered by ambition and hatred, the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men, and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance, as also that to observe the performance of those Ar∣ticles, was the least part of his resolution, as we shall hereafter declare.

Politique Observation.

ALthough it do much concern little Princes, not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours, who exceed them in power; yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto, unlesse compelled by meer force. Though they want power yet they have a good mind, and want no ambition to instigate them; on the contrary, as Passion increaseth by opposition, so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities, addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits, which their debility hath prescribed, and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune, which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes; whereas, they who are truly wise, make a great vertue of this necessity, knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their con∣ditions, and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth. Admit their minds to be of what temper soever, yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves, who forceth them to stoop under his Arms, and to be at Peace, it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity; to alledge his power with whom they treat, as a pretext to cover their dissimulation, is frivolous; indeed the power of an unjust U••urper, may give a Prince leave to dissemble; yet the case is far otherwise, in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince, who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms, may lawfully, according to the custom of War, give the Law to the vanquished, and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them. A private person indeed, who is forced to promise any thing by con∣tract, is not obliged to the performance thereof; but otherwise it is, when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince, or of compl••ance for fear of just Laws. Thus a petty Prince oppres••'d by a Ty••anical force, to promise any thing, is not ob∣liged to act with integrity, or to perform any part of his agreement; but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war,, and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty, con∣trary to his Inclinations and desires, it is far otherwise; for there he is obliged to proceed with reality, and is fully bound to perform his agreement: If it were not thus, all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War, for that usually one party finding himself the weaker, is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse. A Prince is a lively Image of the Di∣vinity, and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof; Whereupon God being Truth it self, he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties, Antiquity having esteemed them sacred, and not to be violated. He ought not to run into any promises, which are not first discussed with mature deliberation; but having once passed them, he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity: Ad∣mit it be to his disadvantage, he ought to complain of himself only, seeing he first gave the occasion of War; and it is unreasonable to term that violence, which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries. The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal, unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient, and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver, which they under∣took to do, that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City; but

resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country, to make use of the first advan∣tage against him; whereas he (provoked by their Trechery) return'd to besiege them a second time, and forc'd them to surrender, upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat, and no Arms, the women with their wear∣ing habits, and in this equipage to go live where they best liked.

The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain.

THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain. The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke, to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a conditi∣on to defend himself from the King of S••ede. The Baron de ••••e••de came to him from the Infanta, to give him the like assurance, and to beseech him to believe, that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal, when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns; Nay the Queen-Mother too, though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests, resolved by perswasion of Cha••teloupe, to send a Letter unto the Parlia∣ment of Paris, to engage them (if possible) in a Revolt, which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self, with divers other Cities of the King∣dom, and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain, that he might extinguish the fire nearer home. That Enemy of the publike Peace, took occasi∣on from the Parliaments discontents, for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets, to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the con∣firmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year. There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his, then the bare reading of it: Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty, could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination, though signed with her hand, but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator, who in peace be∣ing inconsiderable, would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles. He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness, who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal, would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him. Hereupon he made her believe, that this propitious Genius of France, was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain; That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries, and that in fine, the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France, seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country, pillage the Towns, rob the people, pull down the Churches; That Religion would be laid aside, the Nobility ruined, The Royal Houses errazed, and the French Nation exposed unto death, or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts. This was the purport of the letter, and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it. Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that ho∣nourable company in a revolt, which hath ever been the main support of this State, It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes, although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King, were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory, as was apparent in the relief of Casal, and Treaty of Pignerol. They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State, whose pru∣dent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom, and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt, annihilate the ambiti∣ous designs of the House of Austria: But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany, though it was sufficiently apparent, how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed; that relaxation having afforded oppor∣tunity unto the Emperour, to take those advantages which he obtained in the Pala∣tinate, and upon divers other Princes.

I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter, viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her

giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths, and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France, and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman, or loyal Subject. But the blame of this defect, as likewise of the whole Letter, was laid upon him as the true Author thereof, who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it, whose goodness (like that of the Sun) cannot do any hurt, unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality; Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto, but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards, who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency, were appre∣hensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany, and be∣gan to look about them; when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies, and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns, whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers, although he would never be induced so to do, having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Trea∣ties of peace with integrity, then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours.

Politique Observation.

ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to se∣clude women from the Government of States, is, their being easily circum∣vented, either by their own passions, or the ill advices of others: If the person enterprising any thing, be but in discredit with them, that is cause enough to mis∣like the whole affair, or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy: Their pas∣sions are extream, and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure; and on the contrary, they are apt to approve of de∣fects and faults in them whom they affect▪ They are born with such inclinations, that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions; their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree; and on the contrary, when they pass from one passion to another, they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved; whereupon the wisest of Kings, and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost, said, There is no malice like that of a Woman; Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted, which clasheth with their inclinations, as all War doth work upon their Fears, which are natural unto them, there cannot then be any War, how just or necessary soever, but shall assuredly be condemned by them. In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war, or to carry that war into a Forraign Country, which is designed to be brought into our own; it were bootless to represent unto them, how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Coun∣tries, and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses, as know∣ing their own to be the next in danger. It were but time and labour lost, to offer unto their thoughts, that it is better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State, then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine. To conclude, it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom, is less then the inconvenien∣ces of an Intestine War. The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabi∣tants a sufficient livelyhood, neither can want fall very heavie upon them, not∣withstanding any Taxes, though great, imposed upon them, in case they have freedom of commerce, and work. But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them, for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation, though they daylie find the enemy at their gates, their Ci∣ties lost and plundered, their Farms burnt, their Grounds untilled, and they who are never so little worth, taken and forced to a ransom, besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions. There need no other allegation to prove this Truth be∣sides the People themselves, who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums, and the noise of Guns and Trumpets; whereas they despair if they

once see the enemy at their Gates, who encompasseth them with confusion, ma∣keth them fly from their own houses, and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity, and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways. These reasons are so apparent, that one must either be prepossessed with Passion, or surprized by some sinister advice, to imagine the contrary; and they are so much the more considerable for France, in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discour∣sing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects, said, That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur, that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince, if not diverted by some Forraign im∣ployments. To be brief, one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace, is, their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts; whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars, because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it, unto which it might send abroad its people. Which being so, the best course that can be taken, is to vent them in the service of our Allies, so to do, is to follow the example of Scipio, who find∣ing the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness, rigg'd out two Gal∣lies, and lead them (to shew proofs of their courage) against the Persians; and of the Romans too, who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy, re∣solved to invade him in Affrick.

The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite.

THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King, but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness; neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues: and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations, had sent unto the King of Swede (then falling upon his State) to divert that storm, yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France. In conclusion, it is found, that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic, he, at the same time, brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi, who was then come thither to wait upon him; and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty, he shortly af∣ter executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister, and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans, whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and device••. He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars, as have terribly afflicted the State; the Courage wherewith they are born, not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding; nei∣ther was he ignorant of Monsieur's discontent, conceived against the management of the present affairs, although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers, who found France daylie increasing in glory, but at their cost and charges; Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage. The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it; who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable, so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions, whom she perswaded she would marry, in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite, where∣by besides the honour of marrying with her, he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master. He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance, in regard it was very honourable; and the King being childless, it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France, which could not but be a great prote∣ction to their Family, who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France. The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty, as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered, but by arming one party against t'other, which this match would infallibly bring to pass; by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King, and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army, which would undoubtedly

divide the Nobility, and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom, that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes. The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing, having discovered this practise. forth∣with acquainted his Majesty therewith, who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of L••rrain. But the Duke, well prepared how to make his excuses, en∣deavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation, con∣firm'd with deep Oaths, how that he never would attempt any such thing; upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty, as to that affair; but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs. Notwithstanding all this, no sooner was the King departed from M••ts, but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent, and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof. This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him, and raise suspicions in his head, for that he knew no stran∣ger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France, without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers: So that he proceeded herein with the mo••e circumspection, and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father, and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister, who had not either of them much to lose.

The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France, marry without the Kings approbation.

THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'•• consent▪ If it be demanded where that Law is to be found; I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the Publike Regi∣sters; where in one of the chapters of Royal R••ghts, it is expresly so recorded. But this Register being but of four hundred ••eats standing at most, whereas this Cu∣stom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self, I would fain ask them, where the Salique Law is to be found, which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom, above twelve Ages together? Thus it was established by the Custom, to which often∣times there must be recourse had, and which must be admitted for a Law, carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing, and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof. Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not em∣brace it for a Fundamental Law, when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy, and then established for the Kingdoms good?

Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage.

THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages, and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have, been constantly punished by their Kings. The example of Merouee, son to Chilperic, ninth King of France, will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Mo∣narchy, who assuming the boldness of marrying with Bruneh••ut, without his Fa∣thers consent, became the object of hi•• Iustice, and was punished according to his desert, and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage, was im∣peachel in a Council held at Paris, of that very thing, as a great Crime; he in∣deed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular, and ac∣cordingly was he chastised for it. Saint B••ru••ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne, accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent, alledged, it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire. Thus Philip Con••te de Namur, bro••her to Baudouin Con••te de Flandres, being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces, daughters to the said Baudouin, engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty, that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent, which one of our Historians

saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right, which our Kings have over such persons, whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom. Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters, an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth, which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Re∣bels, disobedient or enemies of the State? One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment, was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dut∣chesse of York, an English Prince's daughter, without approbation from Charles the Seventh. The same Charles the Seventh, would not look upon his Son, Lewis the Eleventh, though of Age, for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Sa∣voy, without his knowledge, though it remained unconsummated until his per∣mission, first had and obtained. Doth not an English Historian, though an ene∣my to France say, that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche, unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken, in regard the King had not consented thereunto? Now if any one imagine that this permis∣sion cannot avoid a marriage once consummated, I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary, by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne, who having married Ausgarde, without her fathers consent, was in conclusion, forced to quit her, though he had children by her, and though he was his eldest Son, and to marry Adelaide, and his son by her, was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown, by name Charles the Simple. I shall add this one more, of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld, who having (though a Widdow to the King of England) mar∣ried Comte Baudouin, against her fathers Will, saw her marriage disanulled, by Pope Nicholas the first, together with the Bishops of France, and was com∣pelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married, as she was, at Auxerre.

Monsieur's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain.

ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage, yet (Princes Families: being often divided into facti∣ons) the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd; but on the contrary, took oc∣casion in the t'others absence, whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spa∣niards for aid, to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts. He was not to learn, that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Mar∣guerite, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg, himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had; he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince, when she is once passionately beloved by him: Besides, he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite, because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg, who would, in fine, rule all; lastly, he doubted there was no way left to break off this match, which would be imputed as his fault; by reason of the place he held with Monsieur, so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour, or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices. These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage, and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein, although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse, and the good of his affairs. He one day took the boldnesse to tell him, that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him, seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour, which this marriage would assuredly hazard, nay utterly destroy; he layed before him, how that though Princes are sometimes excusable, for doing such acts in their heat and passion, which are displeasing unto their Soveraign, yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour. If may sometimes

peradventure turn to their own advantage, to run out into discontents, as the in∣creasing of their stipends, or the obtaining of some other gratification; but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach. All the lustre which Princes have▪ and which rendreth them venerable, is the effect of their Soveraigns favour, just as the light of the Stars, is derived from the Sun their Fountain. But these Councels of Coigne••x being known, drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him. And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon M••nsieur (seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King) had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lau••e••s prevented it, who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours. This new Favourite had gotten so great an influence over Monsieurs affections that he easily countermined and blew up al the others reasons: neither could Monsieur possibly guard himself from the sub∣tilty of his insinuations: He perswaded him to believe that the King would doubtless at length agree unto the Marriage, especially seeing his first Lady was altogether of his Majesties choice, and a person totally adhering unto the Interest of Lorrain, and in regard there was not any inequality between the former a••d this, divers Kings of France having matched with the Princesses of Lorr••in, and the Princesse Marguerite her self, being daughter to a daughter of Fr••nce▪ He represented unto him, that he could not chuse but follow the same steps which H••nry the Great had trodden out unto him, who did not stick to marry his late sister unto the fami∣ly of Lorrain which only consideration were sufficient to induce his Majesties con∣firmation of this marriage; and lastly, that in case it should please God to set the Crown upon his head the whole Family of Lorrain, a thing of no mean conside∣ration, would be inseparably tied unto the interests of France▪ These reason at first glance seem specious enough, yet could they not have made any deep impres∣sion upon him, had he represented unto him, as indeed he ought, how the late King was forced to marry his sister unto the House of Lorrain, that he might there∣by reclaim them from thwarting his designs; how that the late Madam, had in that small time of her being married unto Mon••••eur raised such a fire in the Court, as was not easily extinguished; and how that the Alliance of H••nry the third with the House of Lorra••n, had only served to incourage their boldnesse, and give them opportunity to prosecute their design of pulling the Scepter from him. But these things entred not into his thoughts the passion which he had for the Princesse of Falsbourg having blinded ••im, and left him no eye-sight, but only how he might incompasse the consumnation of his Masters marriage. That Princesse her self whose Soul is very active, om••••ted no invention to facilitate her designs, and be∣ing not to learn how powerfull young Beauties are to captivate the greatest coura∣ges, there needing no other device to render them beloved then the bare letting them be seen, she used her utmost indeavours to draw Monsieur unto such places where the Princes••e M••r••uerite was, that in fine, the flames of her Beaut•• ad∣ding new forces to the Si••ur de Puy-Laurens his reasons, might compel Mo••sieur to submit unto the Laws of Love. Accordingly it succeeded, and the marriage was performed in presence of a Religieux of the Cistercian Order, who had not any authority from his superiour, but only from the Cardinal de Lorrain. Bishop of Thal, though he had not any jurisdiction over him to impower him to administer Sacraments, for that he was exempt from the Diocesse of Lorrain, as all the rest of his Order. The Abbesse of Remiremont▪ with whom the Princesse Marguerite was brought up, was assistant at the Ceremony, as also Monsieur d•• El••oeuf, and Monsieur de Puy- Laurens who were witnesses; besides these, there were not any other present, excepting only two Bernardines, to assist him who married them, and all this secresie was used to prevent his Majesties knowledge thereof, and es∣cape the punishment which they could not but expect would fall upon them, as a reward for such attempts, and not only so, but likewise because they much doubt∣ed the validity of the marriage, which was thought such, that Monsieur de V••ude∣mont could not forbear saying, that in case his daughter were not fit one day to wear the Crown of France, yet she would alwaies be good enough to make an

Abbesse of Remiremont, suspecting belike the weight of his Majesties prohi∣bition.

Politique Obseruation.

AMongst the divers Prerogatives of Princes, that of hindring marriages, is not of the least importance. The right whereof may be proved from the Autho∣rity of some Canonists, whose reputations stand clear in the schools of all Divines▪ and who affirm it in expresse terms. But not to quote their testimonies, me thinks we need no other proof to evince this truth, then common custom. For were not the Emperours the first who determined the conditions and qualities of those who might marry? Were not they the original institutors of who might, and who might not marry? Hath not the Church extracted her decrees from their Laws? Besides those decrees of the Church, have not our Kings eftablished new Orders, as is to be seen in the Ordinance of Blois, where Henry the Third declared all Mar∣riages void, wherein the Banes were not published, which however are not so ad∣judged by the Church? And what hath given credit to the Decree of the Councel of Trent, but our Kings Declarations? Now if the validity depend upon their Seal, how can it be denied, but they likewise have authority to inforce this new prohi∣bition? And have they not likewise Ordained, notwithstanding the Decree that Heretiques should not be obliged to contract their Marriages in presence of the Curate of the Parish where they live, which cease not to be valid and in force? Besides, is there not likewise another Ordinance, which impowered by our Kings only, and the custom of Bretayn, which maketh the marriages of Guardians with their Pupils to be void, then not effected by the permission of the Justice, where∣as the Church is of another opinion? These are reasons which do evidently main∣tain and prove, that our King•• have a disposing power in the marriages of their Subjects. And indeed, what reason were there that they should be denied this priviledge, seeing the whole power is principally conferred upon them, for the preservation of the publique Peace and private Families, which depend exceeding∣ly much, as is not unknown unto any one, upon marriages; which besides, that it is so granted by the chief of Divines, is likewise deduceable from common expe∣rience. Let not any one therefore make a question of it. But if any one demand, in what manner they may hinder and obstruct marriages, I shall make use of a di∣stinction in my answer, and say, that for the making of a general prohibition, it is requisite to Ordain a publique and universal Law, to signifie their Will unto their Subjects, as was done in the Ordinance of Lewis the Eleventh, which inforced the publication of Banes. And in case of a particular marriage there need only a parti∣cular inhibition, to be signified unto the particular persons, intending to contract themselves, so that they be duly informed of the prohibition issued out against their further proceedings therein.

The Catholique Electors of the Empire, propose to become Neuters.

During our Kings abode at Mots, the Catholique Electors were in such disor∣ders, that they were forced to make addresse unto his Majesty, for his pro∣tection. The King of Sweden prosecuted his Conquests in the lower Palatinate, with such extraordinary successe, that they look'd on themselves as all undone, if his Majesty did not assist them, the Eperours Forces being reduced to such an ebb, that they were not able to secure themselves. They well knew, our Kings have ever been the Churches Refuge, the Scourge of Heretiques, the Protectors of the Holy Sea, and that all Ecclesiastiques have ever secured themselves from those storms which threatned their ruine, by retiring themselves under their Power; nei∣ther were they ignorant, that he who now welldeth the French Scepter, hath de∣stroyed Heresie in this Kingdom, and made his Actions illustrious, as well by Pie∣ty as Justice. Hereupon they sent their deputies unto him to implore his assist∣ance.

The Bishop of Wittsbourg was chief of the Embassie, on whom that im∣ployment was more especially imposed, in regard he was most concerned to ani∣mate their complaints, by the report of the great losses himself had sustained; the Baron de Te••iff accompanied him from the Elector of Cologne, and the Sieur Ru∣ter from the Duke of Baviers, neither of them was backward in laying before his Majesty a large description of their miseries, of the increase of Heresie, of the ca∣lamities whereunto the Catholiques were exposed, of the Swedish Kings Ambiti∣on, of the Churches Interests, of France's concernments; and all this they fre∣quently did at large in their Audiences, that by this means they might infuse some jealousie into the King's mind, which might draw him off from the Swede, and in∣still some Ambition into his Soul, which inducing him to pretend unto the Empire, might ingage him in their protection. But his Majesty, informed by his Embassa∣dours of the Swedish proceedings, and that their Victories were not extraordinary from others, but conformable to the Treaty of Alliance, presently apprehended, that the losses they had suffered, together with the fear of totally losing the re∣mainder, if they continued to countenance the ambitious designs of the House of Austria, had perswaded them to make such pittifull complaints. He could not be perswaded to change a War of State, into a War of Religion, or to believe the King of Sweden intended the ruine of the Church, being fully assured his intents were only to abase the Emperours pride, and to curb his Ambitious designs. Yet the Compassion he had at the sense of their miseries, would not permit him to dis∣patch them without some satisfaction, and the using his intercession with the Swe∣dish King for their safeties, and the securities of their States. Having kissed his Ma∣jesties hands, they visited the Cardinal, whose zeal for the Churches interests gave them a most kind reception, and ample assurances, that his advices should second their requests unto his Majesty. In future comming to discours the means, how to secure them, he ingeniously told them, that the King of Swede striking directly at the Imperial Party, it would be impossible to mediate any Treaty in their be∣halfs, unlesse they withdrew themselves from that association; that this was it they were necessarily to resolve upon, unlesse they would totally disable his Maje∣sty from making any interposition with the Swedish King, who no doubt, would never be perswaded to spare them, whilest they indeavoured to give a subsistence unto the Imperial Army, both by assistances of men, money, and provisions of all sorts. This discourse, although equally tempered with Prudence and sincerity, seemed very harsh unto them, in regard of their affection to the House of Austria. But as no interests are neerer then particular, so they shewed a great deal of readi∣nesse to submit unto the Kings Will and Judgement, to do as he should think most proper, whereby they might the more strongly ingage him in their protection and defence. Whereupon it was thought fit that his Majesty should deal with the Swe∣dish King to permit them to continue Neuters, they hoping to pick out some way or other of accommodation hereby, at least to gain some time which might produce an overture to avoid the storm which threatned their present ••ine.

Politique Observation.

PRinces are not in any thing more industrious, than in making their demands seem plausible; now no pretences make a deeper impression on mens minds, than those of Religion; whence it is, that if they can with it cloak their designs, they think they have done sufficiently; under this veil have they often palliated their most vicious and ambitious devices, and they who treat with them, if truly wise, do not easily believe, whatever is proposed under the notion of Religion: The Faith which they professe, maketh them zealous for the Churches good, but this very Faith teacheth them, that somtimes Wolves cloath themselves in Sheep∣skins; and that as the Tree is known by his fruit, so there is no safer way to judge

of Princes Proposals, then by reflecting on the government of their actions, the true fruits of their designs.

King Achas, that he might deceive Isaiah, played the Hypocrite, and did at first refuse the proposition made unto him of craving a Miracle from God for assurance of his promise, pretending himself to be respectfull and fearful of offending God, that he made a difficulty of tempting him by an extraordinary belief. Many there are who use such like slights, when they find it may conduce to their advantage; in a word it is great Prudence, not alwaies to believe those who cover their designs with the Church, but maturely to examine their Proposals, and to observe them by their former conduct and proceedings.

The King sendeth the Marquis de Breze, towards Gustavus Adolphus, Kign of Sweden.

THe Cardinal informed his Majesty of the Propositions of Neutrality, to which the Embassadours of the Catholique League seemed to incline, and his Ma∣jesty having cast his eyes upon the Marquis de Breze, as a person capable, by reason of his Prudence and Ability to give a happy successe thereunto dis∣patch'd him unto the King of Swed••n to obtain his assent in that behalf. He de∣parted from Mets not long after, and arrived at Mayence, accompanied with above fifty Gentlemen Voluntiers, ambitious o•• seeing that King, whose victories were so publiquely famous over the World. The Marquesse of Breze comming neer unto Mayence, was met upon the way by two Cornets of Horse, and the King of Swedes own Coach to receive him the was conducted unto his Audience; where after he had made his respects unto that victorious Prince, he told him▪ the King his Master being so near had commanded him to wait upon him, and to assure him of his joy for his victories. The King of Sweden returned those Civilities and Ho∣nours due unto the Ambassadours of France; which passed over, they began to dis∣course of affairs: He represented unto him, how his Master being eldest Son and protector of the Church, looked on himself as obliged to make a request unto him in behalf of the Catholiques of Germany, and to beseech him to permit them to become neuters, they being readily disposed to fall off from the interests of the House of Austria, and not to uphold his forces by any way or means whatever; how that his Master was the more willing to second their desires, in regard he thought it very advantagious for the design which invited him into Germany, for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him, the Electors of Cologne and Treves, the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes; that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms, and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength; that in conclusion, he believed his Majesty of Swede was ob∣liged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still, provided they did totally de∣cline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged; that hereby con∣vincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion, a thing much ta∣king with the people, it would evidently follow, that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution. The King of Sw••den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze, with a great deal of honour; but being a Prince of great understanding, he forthwith ••ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises, and made apparent unto him, that their Proposals were not real; that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions; that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them, of forsaking his enemies, and injoying their estates in quiet, under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them. He likewise declared unto him, the resolutions of the League, con∣cluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat, which were directly repugnant to these proposals, as also the Duke of Bavi••rs Letters, who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility, did not however cease to raise forces, forti∣fie

Towns, and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies; by all which it was evident enough, that his designs tended only to linger out the time, whereby he might take better aim in future. The Marquesse de Breze, replied un∣to him, that in truth, the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be exe∣cuted in regard of he time pass'd, especially after sight of their Letters, yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly, if there were a Treaty concluded with them: That the King his Master was far from countenan∣cing their unjust pretences, but that in case they should be reduced to reason, as his Majesty well hoped, and themselves had fairly promised, he should then affecti∣onately desire they might be permitted to sit still; in order whereunto, he request∣ed there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days, in which time, some reaso∣nable end might be concluded. The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France, without which he should hardly have been perswa∣ded to passe over the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, after those affronts received from them. In fine, it was no more then he might have desired, he being too prudent not to observe, how by granting them to become Neuters, he did much weaken his enemies, and how that satisfying the World, he inten∣ded not an invasion of the Church, the Emperours Forces would not be so zea∣lous in his service, by which means, he might the easilier perfect their destru∣ction.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War, not to declare himself against Religion, a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it, for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof. They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becom•• partakers; so that if a Crown of Laurel, proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games, could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists; how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens, animate the courages of the Souldiers. They are informed how the death with which they meet, is not so much a death, as a happy passage from death, which leadeth them from the grave to immortality, from unavoidable miseries, to infinite goods, from tears, to unspeakable joy, and from a fight, to triumph: Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards; it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage. The most fearfull, are stout and bold in defence of their Religion, of which, the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples, seeing women and children have for the conservati∣on of their Religion, tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours. He who never thought to go out of his own house, willingly taketh up Arms, when the Churches Liberty is in question. The Jews (saith Tacitus) were not much concerned to die in their wars, because they believed another life: And Gaesar saith, The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field, because they believed the Transmigration of Souls, and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again. What resolution then would the Ca∣tholique have, amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life? The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength, as the resolu∣tion of his soul, and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart, which infuseth an universal heat, and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties; Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is, to re∣plenish the soul with an heavenly fire, and to infuse it with power, for the destru∣ction of what ever resisteth the glory of God? No passion doth so encourage, as the zeal of Realigion, it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings, converteth stripes into pleasures, causeth labour to be delightful, and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious.

A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede.

THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters, and consented to a cessation for fifteen days; there were Articles drawn up, and those the most reasonable that could be wished, they implyed

• 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests, and relin∣quish all Intelligence with him.
• 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army.
• 3. That the Palatinate should be restored.
• 4. That the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, should return un∣to the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them, since the year six∣teen hundred and eighteen.
• 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States.
• 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands, for their performance of the Treaty.
• 7. That in consideration of these agreements, the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them, or exact any contributions from them.

There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these, where∣by to settle the Princes in neutrality; for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour, the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them, and relinquish those which his Armies had lately acquired: There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them, yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them. About the same time, the Sieur de Va∣rennes, then near Sarbruck, carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty, and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers. The King having received them, sent the Sieur de Charnce, unto the Duke of Baviers, the Electors of Col••gne and Treves, the heads of the League, to induce them to con∣firm the Treaty. He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates, and hopelesse of repelling them; and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg, tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swid••, and in the interim to strengthen themselves, and then to make use of their advantages. This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing, and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs, had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them; yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him, that he was very pressing upon them, to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation: Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof, seeing the League which uni∣ted them, was called Catholique, and two of them were Feclesiastiques. But the first Article was the stumbling block of all, for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests. The Sieur de Charnace, represented unto the Duke of Bavies, how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests, ought to prefer the preservation thereof, both in his own and his Neighbour States, before all other considerations whatever, and that being now the thing in question, he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other. Notwithstanding these reasons, he could not find the least in∣clination in him, so to do; but rather on the contrary, the Duke publiquely de∣clared, he could not conclude upon it, in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him, unto which he replied, that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith, see∣ing

every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever, and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede, was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine, which else was unavoidable. However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety, could not prevail upon him. He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne, unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty; neither here could he effect any thing considerable, so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria, before those of the Church; as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses de∣molished, Altars profaned, Sacred things plundered, Priests and Religious men de∣spoyled, provided they might not see the House of Austria abased, or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong un∣to them. It was a bewitching blindness, not to be enough admired, that these two Electors (by embracing the Neutrality) might preserve themselves, their Religion and States, and yet would by refusing it, expose all to assured ruine. But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment, when he shall understand, That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated, should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault? As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it, could be blamed for their non-acceptance, and ruining it: For my part, I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves, for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end, can complain against no one but himself, if he miss of his Designe. In fin, they desired a prolongation of the Treaty; the fifteen days being expired, that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement. The King, that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors, as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Chur∣ches good; dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany, for that purpose. But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality, by them refused; and that delays, (which was but Truth) gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him, he desired to be excused: And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests.

Politique Observation.

IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned, if they stand off, and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine: They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves, for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions, and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger. But much greater is their fault, who without any detriment to themselves or Interests, may by sitting still make their Peace. Caesar (one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients) advised to agree upon what condition soever, provided it were sure, rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self. Thus of evils, the least is to be chosen; neither is the Pilot to be discommended, who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack, parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea. Humane hopes are deceitful, so that it was the choice of a wise man, rather to secure himself from an evil, then to assure himself of an uncertain good; it often hapneth, That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him, li∣veth to repent his non-acceptance thereof. Thus the City of Tyre was sorry, but too late, that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions, by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege; which refu∣sing, did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd, part of their inha∣bitants kill'd, and the rest brought into captivity. But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King, if their continu∣ation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion; nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law; The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof, that they never encroached upon it. And indeed, what reason can be

alledged to prefer any mans State, before Gods? And what reason is there to en∣dure the profanation of his House, who is Lord of Lords, for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests ? Which being so, Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God, by preferring Religion the only mark of our service, before the Ambition of any Soveraign, unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship? Should they do otherwise, what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn, but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon, for not preserving his contracts with him, nor observing his Commandments, viz. That he would pluck away his Crow, and give it to his servant.

The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection,

AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers, and Elector of Cologne; his Success with him was better then with the other two, because he found him in a great Alarum, The Swedis were at his Gates, and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen, with divers other places of his State, insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal. He had then sent the Sieur de Sco••k, Gentleman of his Bed chamber, unto the King of Sweden, to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him; but his reception had been none of the best, in regard he had not only fur∣nished his own State with Souldiers, and made great contributions towards the sup∣porting of the League, but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg, and slain a young Comte de Solms, with two of his Trayn; and his Letters too were none of the most respectful. All the answer this Gentleman received, was, That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided, to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country; That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France, which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates▪ who should accept of the Neutrality, which he should not fail to perform, when the Elector should adhere unto the con∣ditions of the said Treaty, which obliged him to come off from the Emperors par∣ty; the which if he refused, he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof, as all the rest of his Associates. This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable, seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter, and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France. Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility? Now the Elector being naturally fearful, was so surpriz'd, that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates; and the same usage from them as the Bishop o•• Witts∣bourg had already received; so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms, who undertook to make his peace with the Swede, and to protect him from all violence. Not that he wanted (to say the Truth) any affection for the House of Austria, it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks; but because he knew in cases of Necessity, no one is obliged to assist another to his own preju∣dice, especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine. These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter him∣self under his Majestie wings; and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France, yet they were such as were too important to be refused; viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom, unto his Majesty, That he would retire himself unto Trives, and there deliver his person as a gage of his F••delity. These Proposals were the more considerable, in regard his Majesty having him in his power, and the Electors of Saxony and Bran∣debourg at his disposal, it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crow∣ned King of the Romans, and King of Hungary, and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection, and to perswade him to sit as Neuter, in relation to the King of Swede.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it, it being frequently observed, that he who becomes Neuter, seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror; yet the case is much altered, when his Neutrality is counte∣nanced by the protection of a great Monarch, who being his Neighbour, secureth him from all danger. I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him, because in case of an Invasion, his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him; and if they come at all, it will be unsea∣sonably, and too late for his defence. Every one knoweth, that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self, and those few who hold out to the end, have more need to rest then fight; Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy, find such ill success. Lewis the XII. undertook the protection of John and Hannib∣al Bentivogli, who vere both thrust out of Boulogne, when it was least suspected, neither was there any means to prevent it.

Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection, but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa. Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French, but was deserted, it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it. Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Mo∣narch; nothing is so easie as his assistance, and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince, with and against all men, that no inconveniency betide him. The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it, to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender, and that with such submission, that in case he recede from his devoir, it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State; and on the contrary, his Protector ought to undertake his defence, and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever. That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid, and full of safety, doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected, as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality, which are neither to assist or provoke either party; in so managing his affairs, he giveth no occasion of offence; and if the prevalent power attempt against him, his Injustice will appear the greater, because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself, when his ruine is in danger. His Conduct indeed cannot please either party, neither can it reasonably offend either; which if so, neither can with reason attempt against him: whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State, his utter destruction will be unavoidable.

The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat into Germany.

THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters, but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory, advised his Majesty to send a strong army into Germany, to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country, to secure them in a case of need, and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr, if the wheel of Fortune should turn about. This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men, commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat. The Elector of Treves, adhering unto the Neutrality, under the Kings protection, it was thought requisite for his greater security, that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power, for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs; and consequently would force the rest (as they had already done part of his Towns) out of his hands; which if they should effect, what were it but to run upon one Rock, by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice, which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities.

During these things, the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty, in order to his promises, which he seemed but coldly to receive, having already been assured from the Swedish King, that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him, whilest he was under his protection. They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him, it was dishonourable for their Master to re∣ceive him into his protection, and that others should hold his Towns from him; whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands, a place consi∣derable, both for its Form and Scituation, which is such, that it may block up the River Rhine, at the foot whereof it is seated. Twelve Companies of French march∣ed into it, under the command of Saludie, who had long treated with the said Elector, as well as the Sieur de Charnace: The like he would have done with his chief City, had it been within his power, but the Chapter being gained by the Im∣perialists, had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg, who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence: The next thing he did, was to de∣liver Philipsbourg into their hands, but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands, in receiving the Garrison, protested he would not deliver the Places, unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint. Hereupon the Spaniards ap∣prehended (the Elector being in this humour) that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty; to prevent which, they found means to clap a Garrison into it. This place was more important then strong, is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle, where they joyn their waters; so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard; which had been enough to have kept them at peace, had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out. The King was engaged to project him, neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury, which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion re∣quired, which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together, without engagements on either party; and their emulation had increased, had they conti∣nued their Neighbourhood any longer together.

The City of Treves besieged, and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces.

THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspon∣dency between the two Crowns, neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time, which he did, by the King of Swede's interposition, who perswaded them to march forth from thence, and divers other places. The Design was concluded, and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence, with eight thousand Horse, and six score Companies of Foot, all well appointed. The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens, before which he came about mid- June, invested the place, and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition, which once delivered, he restored unto the French, having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege, and his march thither. The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards, that they resolved to quit divers others, at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal; only they made some difficulty in relinquish∣ing the City of Treves, which they hoped to keep by the means of some new forti∣fication they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it. The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it, but whilest he was drawing his Army thi∣ther, Death, which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars, deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein, but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence, both in his Councels and Embassies, with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries, and with an illu∣strious courage in the command of his Armies. The King received the news here∣of with grief, and there being no time to be lost, in preventing the Spaniards for∣tifying themselves, his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place,

whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions, and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France, ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army, where he found the Vicomte de Ar∣pajon, and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp, who had undertaken the com∣mand, of the Army, since the Marshal d' Effiats death, already advanced near Tre∣ves, which they had summoned to deliver; the garrison refused, being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place. Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon, made his approaches with the Army, and gave orders to invest the place, which was per∣formed with such expedition, that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day. The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it, but quartered at Grafeumacher, neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men, which considering the French power, he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it, together with a good convoy of Ammuniti∣on. In order to which, he made his approaches, but the Marshal d' Estree com∣ming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design, he took such course that they could not effect it; for he no sooner received the news, but he commanded the Comte de la Suze, and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place, by which they were of necessity to passe; thither they went, and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis, and twenty light horse, who advan∣cing further then was requisite, were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse, who forced them to give ground, but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants, by the Companies of Luzern and Roche-Britant, and in fine by that of the Cardinal, led by the Marquis de Mony and Co∣eslin, so that the skirmish became very hot, and many Charges pass'd on both sides, untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only, so long, that in conclusion, the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled, and falling in upon their own foot disordered them, so that the French had the pursuit of t hem, untill the night concluded the businesse, and favoured the enemies retreit. The Imperialists left four score Nobles, forty prisoners, their Convoy, and two Cornets behind them, which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezel∣les Bautru. After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree, looking more strictly into the siege, found some things in disorder, which he quickly rectified, and brought all things into such method, that the garrison was soon forced to surrender. The Chapter were sensible of their Treason, and acknowledge their lawfull Prince, and thus the Town was taken by composition, of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour. This piece of service thus happily effected, the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands, was not long in agitation; the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues, by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France, which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings, the defence of those who desire their protection, is one which addeth very much to their glory, and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse. Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity, then the defence of the weak and feeble; and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour; it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King, not to deny those who sue for his protection. The defending of them who request it, is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King, who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown, so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge. This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs, who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch, who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice. No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth

them invincible, it being most certain, that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities, ingageth so many serveral defendors, whenever his oc∣csions shall require it. To be able to subsist alone, without the help of others is very honoursble for a King, yet his glory will be imperfect, if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities. Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights, whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed. And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State, it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies, under his protection, or in revenge of injuries offered unto him.

The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede.

THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria, now unable to divert the storm hanging over them, that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome, and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms, that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did, upon the like pretences. The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither, in order thereunto, where being come, he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris; his Holi∣nesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks, for the suppressing of Heresie, and establishing the Church in its former splendor. There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes, the disasters of the Church, and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse, but not a word to be heard, how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question, but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family. He indeavoured to perswade the Pope, that the King of Sweden, like another Attila, had resolved to besiege Rome, and force his Holinesse from his Seat, but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France, and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio, to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church. The Duke de Savelly, his Imperial Maje∣sties Embassadour, and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him: Car∣dinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party, by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill, did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals, but in the open consistory did violently exclaim, in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria, and in it, the Church it self, highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion, and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions.

Now divers of the Consistory, being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany, and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes, was the only effect of their own faults, were at first divided, and the Spanish Partisans became so stout, that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings. But his Holinesse in∣forming the Consistory with the true state of affairs, made it appear unto the Car∣dinals, that the War of Germany was a War of state, not Religion, and the mat∣ter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce. The Popes answer to their party was, that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured; that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy, the Sacking of Mantua, and threatning of the Holy Sea, would better have served to hinder the Swedes, and put a stop to their conquests; that the Remou∣strances of his Legats and Nuntioes, had been deluded, Germany neglected, the Swedes slighted, Italy invaded, and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it's Treasure, in the preservation of it self, and St. Peters Patrimony; that in fine, his Govern∣ment might possible be traduced, not blamed, that his indeavours already used, and which he resolved to continue, were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good, that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power

which was but small, having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy; And lastly, that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church; and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy, he proclaimed an universal Jubile, exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers. The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith, but departed from Rome, unsatisfied. They might easily have obtained, as heretofore, thundring Excommunications against France, and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine, had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive, but we do not now live in those times. The Masque of Religion where∣with the House of Austria use to cover their designs, is now taken off, and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friend∣ship was not backward, both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom, to in∣form his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria, for the over∣running of Italy, and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection, that themselves might overaw the Censures, Decrees and Excommunications of the Church; so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof, was not possibly to be surprized, but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries, in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria; and on the contrary, commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse, to protect the Church and those very Princes, in case they would recede from their wicked designs.

That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome.

IT was not without great reason, what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great, viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage, would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth, if to their natural valour, the favour of Rome, the mastery of the Sea, and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned: These three things make a Prince truly great: And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them, viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea, which I may well say is necessary, partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approba∣tion to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State. The Empire of Souls, is both great and tickleth, if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes. One of the most conspicuous church-lights, said, and that with great judgement, that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared, how unjust soever; and indeed so they are, because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar, are of great efficacy before God, who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands, and also because of the terrours they strike into the people, who concluding a Prince reproved by God, as soon as by the Holy Sea, do not only lose their respect, due to such rulers, but even run into disobedience and insurrection. Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League, kindle the flames, which did long con∣sume this Kingdom, what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands, but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second? Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome, is security from such like misfortunes; it is no lesse an advantage to a State, in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterpri∣zes, This is it which holdeth the people in quiet, which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie, which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds; and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity, the more support∣able; and in general it may be said, that there is not any thing how bad soever, which they will distast, if approved by the Holy Sea, so great a respect doth Reli∣gion produce in the minds of men. King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome, then by telling them, he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria, who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him. No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome, in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Em∣perours designs and undertakings. Could then any more likely way be invented,

both to justifie their undertakings, and incourage their Souldiers, then by telling them the Gods approved of them? Neither can it be doubted, but the Pope's ap∣probation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet, and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live. But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France, which hath ever been their Refuge, their Asylum, their Prop and Protection? Besides, their Interests are the same with ours▪ seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards, and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria, who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church, to subjugate the holy See, and to over-awe its Decrees; whereas the French en∣deavour only to preserve every one in his own Right, and to be contented with a good Pope, an honest and stout man, who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies, but shew himself a common Father to all, without procuring any ditriment to one, by the suggestion of another.

The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers.

NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain, the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers, which had made a great noise for sundry ages together; The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See, pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess, without permission from the Bishops; and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject, by common right, did perpetually thwart that pretension: They could not down with the Friers Priviledges, alledging they ought to be decla∣red void, as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church, which ought to be preserved in the same model, for the continuation thereof in its pri∣stine splendour. This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year, by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques, which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats, and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary, at least more useful to the Church then the ordi∣nary Pastors. To say the Truth▪ these Propositions were bold, and without offence to any one, may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate. But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences? Was it probable that the whole Socie∣ty of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See? On the other side, What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little au∣thority over them in Administration of Sacraments, and the Word of God, see∣ing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity, and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands▪ or those who executed their charge? No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences, there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction: neither did he wave the trouble, but willingly took it upon himself, though he was even at that time im∣ployed in the most important affairs of Christendom; yet such was his indefatiga∣ble zeal for God's glory, and the Churches good, that he undertook the business. He cause the Superiors of the Orders to come before him, one by one, well know∣ing, that to negotiate such a business in a Publike Assembly, would be a labour in vain, and equally difficult as the breaking of a cable, whose particular threads are easily to be forced asunder. He was a person well vers'd in all Antiquities, and ac∣cordingly he represented to them, how that in the first Institution of Monks, they were consecrated unto God by the mediation of Bishops, who received their Vows, instructed them, and directed their Consciences: He laid before them the original of the whole Affair,, and shewed them, how that the Sons of God had subjected all those who sold their goods, and followed him, unto the Apostles, whose Suc∣cessors the Bishops are; whereupon they making a strict profession of leading an Evangelical life, were more particularly obliged to observe the order established in and by the Gospel; not that he would question the validity of those exemptions

granted from the holy See, unto which he owed much more respect and obedience then to debate the Ordinances thereof, yet that he must needs inform them, that they could not be dispensed with from following the order established by Jesus Christ, or his Apostles, in administring the Sacraments and Word of God; That it was not alwaies proper to use the utmost of a mans power and that the wisest per∣sons are usually the most moderate; that in fine, themselves could not deny but they were obliged to relinquish some part of their pretensions, for the avoyding of trouble to the Church, which was likely to ensue upon this account, and whereof the Heretiques discoursed with much freedom and joy; That this Peace would be more acceptable to God, then all the advantages it could otherwise procure unto particular persons; That it would tend unto their Honours, by testifying unto the world the moderations of their minds, and humility of their Spirits▪ the two wor∣thy ornaments of a Religious person, and that consequently the world would esteem the better of them; That he hoped it would be the more acceptable before God, in regard they did exemplarily set forth the merit of obedience and submission to their Prelats in ordinary, unto whom God hath with his own mouth committed the leading of men unto charitable works; that he should not willingly propose, that the Bishops should have ordinary jurisdiction over their persons, or power to visit their Monasteries, but that leaving them full liberty to execute their Monasti∣cal functions, it seemed fit unto him▪ that they should not refuse to be dependent upon them in matter of administring the Sacraments, of Thanks-giving, Penitence, Preaching the Word, and to admit them to have power to repeal this priviledge which was derived from them, according as the Council of Trent hath prescribed, all whose Decrees are true, and ought to be observed. These Reasons were or themselves strong enough, but much more powerful, when animated by the charms of his discourse, which hath so great an influence, that it is impossible to deny him any thing, if all they who have had the honour to know him, may be credited. Accordingly each one addressed himself to observe his directions; and although some unreasonable persons began at first to create some difficulties yet his Pru∣dence soon prevailed over them, insomuch that they could not be thought the same men, who had so lately and so stifly maintained their absolute Independencies upon their Ordinaries. He caused a Declaration to be drawn, wherein they acknow∣ledged themselves uncapable to preach without examination, licence, and approba∣tion from their Bishops first had and obtained, and that the said Bishops might at any time revoke the said Licenses; withal, that they neither ought nor could bear the Confessions of Secular men, without approbation, which the said Bishops might likewise repeal, in case of any incapacity, or publike scandal. Every one sub∣scribed thereunto. The Bishops dispatched Copies thereof into all parts; and thus his Eminency ended a difference which had made such a noise so many Ages toge∣ther, and in which there was but little hopes.

Politique Observation.

THe credit and esteem which an eminent person obtaineth in a State, have ever been reputed sufficient to appease any embroyls what ever. His Judgement will work the minds of men to what form he pleaseth, and every one regarde••h him as a person bless'd from heaven, and indued with so extraordinary an under∣standing, that no one dares deny him any thing: They give so absolute a power over their very wills, that there is no appeal from his resolutions; they permit him to command any thing without contradiction, to rule them without resistance, and to determine all things without, exception. The esteem of a Physician doth oftentimes as many cures as his Physick; and this same perswasion is so powerful that somtimes the very sight hath been a Cure. And is it not likewise most certain, that the credit which a great person acquireth in the opinions of men is more pow∣erful then any other means to reduce them unto reason? Nay, Doth not his very presence somtimes appease great seditions? The Authority of a Phocion at Athem,

and of a Cato at Rome, hath often wrought wonderful effects. Was not the only appearance of the Philosopher Apollonius Thyaneus sufficient to appease great dis∣cords between divers Cities of Asia? When Julius Caesar was in Affrick, his ve∣ry presence alone asswaged the Roman Legions, raging in a mutiny; nay he redu∣ced them to such a pass, that having cashiered them, it was not without much en∣treaty that he restored them to the Army. The Consul Popilius Menas was able by his meer presence to appease an Insurrection of the common people of Rome against the Senators. It is (to speak the truth) very strange to behold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 people mutined, raging and foming like the billows of an outragious Sea (which over∣throweth and destroyeth what-ever opposeth it) slighting the force of Arms, en∣treaties, threatnings, and all things else, yet on the sudden becalmed at the pre∣sence of some great person, who by his worth and services hath acquired an extra∣ordinary reputation amongst them. But to him who knoweth how powerful Cre∣dit and Repute are, it will not seem incredible; for he cannot be ignorant that opinion will sooner procure a good proposition to be admitted, or an ill advice re∣jected, then any other means or devices what-ever. A good opinion will make any impression on mens minds, it will more their hearts, tongues, hands and lead their wills and affections as it were in a string. Credit and Esteem do inscribe I know not what attracts of Majesty on the faces of those who have once acquired them, so that a man is forced as it were to subscribe unto their inclinations, and most men think it a rashness to resist their Wills in any thing what-ever.

Monsieur arriveth at Bruxels.

THe Duke of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty, neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom: But the sky cannot long continue without clouds, neither can a Peace be so established, as that no troubles should at any time arise, which now fell out accordingly: For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels, began to prepare himself for his journey, that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lau∣zens towards the invading of France, and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer. Monsieur at his departure from Nancy, made a small days journey unto Remiremont, where the Princess Marguerite then was, that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages; From thence he went unto Besançon, whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxem∣bourg. Passing by Thionville, he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him, having taken his Seals from the former, and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi•• in place of the second. I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure, conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage, whereunto he had alwaies inclined him: for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them; and such was his Love and Ambition, that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House, who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure. The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles, gave order for his reception according to his Quality: At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness, but from the Spaniards too, who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs, endeavoured to give all imaginable content. Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January, attended with two hundred Horse. The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name. The Marquis de Sainte Croix, with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders, met him a league from Bruxels, with a Troop of Gentlemen before them, armed from head to foot: All the Companies of the City came to salute him; Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother; He dismount∣ed at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen; She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her, and those so obligingly, that they

were extraordinary great in persons of her age. She came to meet him at the first Hall, where she intended him his audience, and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview, because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother: Whereunto Monsieur reply∣ed very handsomly, that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quar∣rel, then for the great obligations which he owed unto her: After some other Ci∣vilities, she lead him into a Hall, where were the Grandees of Spain, together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece, who saluted him, being all bare, himself being likewise uncovered some little time: After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose, th' Infanta in that on the left hand, and Monsieur on the right; where after half an hours entertainment, Mon∣sieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies, who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball, This complement pass'd over, he went to visit the Queen his Mother, who consi∣dering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel, force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court, and establish her in her former power in France, received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness, though she for∣bore to discover all her thoughts, the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them. The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May, when he departed from Bruxels, and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions, both within door, and abroad; which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court, and the Queen-Mothers.

The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom.

IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State, in hopes to support a revolt by their means. No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent, and to incourage any attempt▪ but it is wisdom to mistrust them. Is it not a mad∣ness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself? If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society, any disorder∣ly irreligious persons, any Plunderers, such as take all they meet, these are the men with whom they shall be furnished; Now were it not (I pray) a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified? To say the truth, such men as they can∣not affectionately ingage themselves, so will they not readily endanger themselves, but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people, until they come to fight, and then nothing is so pittiful and backward. Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers, it is more folly to confide in their Commanders, who if persons of no courage, what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them? And if they be persons well qualified, and fit to command, there is then more cause to fear then trust them, for doubtless they will hardly for∣sake any Hold they once take in a Country, but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance; which if it be not suddenly to be effected, yet certainly they will designe it, and bring it to pass, when opportunity inviteth them. The Carthaginians (according as Polybius relateth) saw their affairs run from bad to worse, when their Army became full of Strangers, Gauls, Spaniards, Greeks and Fugitives, and Tacitus tells us the true cause, why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them, but disband upon the least blow or loss, because they want affection. Th' Emperour of Constantinople having call∣ed ten thousand Turks unto his assistance, soon perceived his own folly; because they finding themselves the strongest party, would not return back again, but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire. But that we go no further then France it self, which hath more indangered it, then the calling in of the English and Spaniards; and doth not every one know, that when Ci∣vil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers, they soon fortifie themselves so strongly, that they are hardly to be removed, but after long and sad Wars? It is great prudence in a Prince, not to engage in any revolt, but if he be so ill

advised, as to take up Arms against his Soveraign, let him beware of calling in stran∣gers to his assistance.

Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with Goncales de Cordoue.

MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on, and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer, resolved to leave Bruxelles, and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue, who expected him at Treves. Before his departure, he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience, who, after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings, sent him a Present to three Coffers, which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind. The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred, the Lock, Key, and Arms of Gold, enamelled, within were two suits very rich; the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered, fill'd with very fine linnen; and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats: She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses, fitter for shew then use; neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentle∣men of his Retinue, some with Rings, some with Diamonds, and others with Chains of Gold, having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them. Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels, made his usual speed towards Tre∣ves, whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced, with design to fall upon the Palatinate (as he pretended) and there to establish his Masters affairs, which the Swedes had much disordered; but in truth, to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable. The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court, about the beginning of January, with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate, and Order to go into France, as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany; and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess, who should give him instructions for his further procedure. Accordingly, he came to Paris, and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare, about mid March▪ the King being then there. His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour, and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him, that he might see, how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army, and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom. The next thing he did, was to visit the Cardinal, by whom he was very civilly receiv'd; but having never seen him before, he thought to surprize him, and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany, to make him swallow shadows for real substances▪ But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known, and that it was but a trick ••o perswade the World that the War of Germany, was a War of Religion, and not of State; so that in conclusion, he saw his devices were eluded, and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence o•• that grand Minister. Hereupon, he made no long stay at Court, his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities; yet in going off, he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours▪ viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds, which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns, sent unto him from the King for a Pre∣sent, shewing by this Action, that having left Spain, to trouble France, he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will▪ Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin, and that by the Sieur de Guron, who was the presenter of the Sword, for Dom Gonçales his Secretary, coming to him, and offering him some Present from his Master, was told, that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain, who had refused the Liberalities of his Master, and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris, as at Cazal.

After he had continued some few days in this Court, he departed towards Bruxels, and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta, went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur, who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour, went to meet him with the Spa∣nish Nobility, entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splen∣dour;

and in fine, left his own lodgings unto him. Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales, of the Comte de M••rode, of the Comte de Emb∣den, had he not been diverted. Monsieur was in consultation with them, hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France; but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much, and performing little, to such as expect relief from them. The King indeed had, by the Cardinals perswasion, taken a good course to divert their designs, viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries, so to keep them off from invading their neighbours: For just at that nick of time it was, that the Hollanders by his advice, went and besieged Maestry, with so potent an Army, that the whole force of Spain and the Empire, could not possibly relieve it. Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither, that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force; so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared, and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain, there to negotiate a greater assistance; in the interim, he advanced towards Nancy, ho∣ping to supply this defect, by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State, having once discovered that the de∣signs of a Forraign Prince, are to foment and support Revolts in his State, to cause an enemy to encounter him, that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions; for most certain it is, every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house, then to kindle a fire in his neighbours. Pre∣vention, and Diversion, are too great advantages in War (saith Alphonsus de Arragon) thus did the Syracusians, procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans, whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily: Thus Hannibal advised An••iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip; to the end, that finding new work for his Forces, he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him; and thus Avitus a Roman Captain, invaded the Country of Tentari, to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces. To provide great Armies for the defence of a State, and for the suppressing of an insurrection, is not all, no, there ought to be prudence, and discretion in the management of affairs, and to make a strong diversion, is as necessary as to fight well: Besides, Prudence is of so much the more advantage, in regard by such di∣versions it weakneth those who revolt, reduceth them to exigencies, and inability of doing any thing considerable; and in fine, maketh them easie to be overcome, wheras without it, it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence.

The Indictment of the Marshal de Marillac.

IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned, having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust, in the year, 1630. as hath formerly been de∣clared. The Cardinal knew, that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated, left that which is indeed the effect of Justice, be thought the hand of Revenge, whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time, and only to follow the usual course though the further way about, for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges: Besides, he was not ignorant, that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions; so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men, ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice, then other men. I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men, not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State; but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him, which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities, then for any reward of his deserts, which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto

so eminent a degree. Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King ad¦vance him to that dignity, openly saying, that the extortions he had used in his im¦ploiments were his most remarkable actions, they accused his courage, nor could they dissemble their opinions, that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper. The late King, H••nry le Grand, did ever slight him, nor did he ever appear at Court, but under the Queen-Mothers Regency, who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia, before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family; and who besides the honour of his name, had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions. Running at the Ring war then much in fashion, where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen. The first command he had was under Mon∣sieur de Angoulesm, were he was Commissary of the Victuals, which he dischar∣ged so untowardly, that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him, but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf. The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care, but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours, that some particulars thereof al∣ready proved, besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious. The Garrison being once established, he robb'd the Souldiers, as much as the Builders; and being Liev∣tenant of the Country, he went on to that height, that he exacted from the Villa∣ges, whatever was necessary to be spent in his house, divers Towns payed him year∣ly compositions, raised by compact, that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers; others agreed to provide necessaries for his house, which however, for the most part, were delivered but once in kind, and then altered into sums of ready mony. If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling, the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers, who knew they should not be cal∣led to account for it, but rather that they should be countenanced for it, by him who set them on work. This trade did he drive, and that so publickly over all the extent of his power, as if the King himself had approved thereof; neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal. In the year 1627. he was im∣ployed at Rochel, where the credit he got was so little to his advantage, that the Commander de Valance, who calleth every thing by its right name, talking one day unto the King of a man without courage, openly said, that he was no more a coward then Marillac. About that very time was it, that he indeavoured by his Letters, and the designs of those of his Cabal, to sow the Seeds of discontent be∣tween the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal, which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom; and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished. During the Kings abode in Italy, the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother, procured the command of the Army in Campagne, to be conferred upon him, where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse, that he sometimes exacted a third, frequent∣ly a quarter, but never miss'd a fifth; and when he was commanded with his For∣ces into Italy, he delayed the time with excuses, either that he might crosse the Kings designs (which they of his Cabal much desired) or because he would not divide that command with another, on t'other side the Mountains, which himself injoyed alone in Campagne; insomuch, that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder, had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy. Succeeding Ages will hardly be∣lieve, that such excesses were put up so long together, especially if they compare it with preceding times, where the Marshal de Gie, descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom, and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings, where the Admiral Chabot, one of the most valiant of those times, and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency, where the Marshal de Biez, the Chancellour Poiet, Jean de Montaign, Grand Maistre de France, Pe∣ter des Essart•• & Semblance, were severally punished for the same, and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure. But these things were all connived, at in∣consideration of the Queen-Mothers, whom the Cardinal would not provoke,

and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears: But at last, his seditious in∣••reag••es, together with his Brothers, and their Faction at Court, for to destroy the Cardinal, and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height, which they did, as appeared in the Battel at Dupes, did so provoke the King, both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal, by whose only means it was, that he injoy∣ed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty, and also because they indeavour∣ed to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal, by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the me∣mory of man, that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice, to receive the punishment of the law, for the oppressions he had committed upon the people.

Politique Observation.

THe Oppression of the poor, is a crime which reacheth high as heaven, and crieth for revenge unto God. The Poor have this advantage over the Rich, in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many par∣ticular Members of his Body, and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished, in regard he taketh it as acted against himself. He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves, which having denied unto the poor, himself becometh their Protector; and he strictly requireth all Kings, the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them. Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded, which severely punish (like the Roman Laws) all such Gover∣nours and Commanders, as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse, and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom, the Objects of their Justice, whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence. What reason is there, that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life, who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers, and in effect, bear the greatest but then of War, should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General? Were not that to bury them alive, or to force them to despairs: Despairs the more dangerous, because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents, to raise divisons, and beget civil dissenti∣ons? Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever? Is he not truly the head of his Subjects, the heart of their lives, and fountain of their souls? Which being so, is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance, without weak∣ning and destroying him? Besides, in case any sudden necessity befall, where shall he look for assistance? And in case of an invasion, will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt, upon hopes of more gentle usage?

The Marshal de Marillac's Death.

THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality: he was first conducted to St. Menehoust, thence to V••rdun, the Theater of his Crimes, and where the proof of them would most easity appear; from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel, where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges, elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities. His kindred solicited for him, as often, as many, and with what liberty they pleased. They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life, nay they threatned them, partly by recommen∣dations, partly by menaces, sent from persons abroad, the most potent that could be interessed in his protection. The discussing of the Informations, Interrogato∣ries, and Pleas by him used to save his life, too up two moneths times in the Court. All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding, it being per∣mitted them, to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence, unto those who solicited in his behalf. He was so favourably dealt withall, that one of the Commissaries, who had drawn up the information, was not received as Judge,

nor divers others against whom he excepted, at which the King was not a little of∣fended. It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren, nothing but reasons of lenity, and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him, was admitted to sit as Judge, though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded. The King himself proceeded with so much Clemen∣cy, that there was not any one appeared on his behalf, to solicite his condemnati∣on; but on the contrary, his Majesty called all the Judges before him, and that he might give them free liberty to act, told them, he expected no other Justice from them, but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject. To be short, before they proceeded to judgement, he was twice demanded after the lon∣gest Interrogatories that ever were heard (it having lasted three whole days) if he had any thing to say for himself, unto which he answered, no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed, as possibly could have been desired, towards a person designed to be saved. But what likelihood was there to defend him, from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament, which declareth, that whoever purloineth the Treasure, shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods? Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Or∣dinance de Blois, which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Compa∣nies, found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages, shall be punished with death, without hopes of pardon, with this additional clause, that though his Majesty should by his favour, or the importunity of others, be induced to pardon it, yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it, and the Judges required not to regard it? Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law, which tieth up the Kings very Mercy? Moreover, what could they find in the Prisones, or his Crimes, which could invite them to favour him, who had not made himself con∣siderable in any his imploiment, wherewith the King had honour'd him, but by the extortions he had imposed on the people? Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care, in defence of the poor, who have no relief but Justice? Whereas his Robberies, accompanied with such, endlesse impositions, made him worthy of death, and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him? The State could not receive any losse by his death, who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country; but who on the contrary, was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand. Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor, should use his power with the King to beg his pardon, who had con∣sented and peradventure proposed to destroy him, at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action? Can it be denied, but that after such strong and weighty reasons, it had been injustice to afford him any favour! Whereupon, twelve of his Judges, conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law, ad∣judged him worthy of death, declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure, or publick extortion, exactions, falsities, counterfeits, cheats, over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects. Two days after, viz. upon the 8th. of May, he was beheaded at la Greve, wither he was carried from Ruel.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed, was the saying of an Antient: and it ••ay truly be called Happy indeed, because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good, cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof; for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it, and in the enjoyment of those things which con∣tribute to its advantage. When the Laws are despised, then are the people oppres∣sed, then the Usurpation of another's Right, Disobediences, Revolts, Violences, and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation; where∣as

as Justice on the other side, consisting only in the due observation of Law, cutteth off these enormities, and secureth every one in th'enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of Lacaoni••, as is to be seen in his Institutions: A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence, whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observa∣tion of the Law: All things (saith he) which pertain to the well government of a State, we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings; whereupon who so would walk wise∣ly, shall never fail, if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions. A King is called the living Law of his Country; implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws, and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them. Whatever severity he useth in this particular, is commendable, because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good; and though he should be severe, he cannot possibly be though violent, because it is only in conformity to the Laws, unto which violence is absolutely contrary. It were to be wished, that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State; but on the other side, he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem, especially those which keep the people in obedience, and which serve to secure them from oppression. Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them, unless Justice putteth them in execution? Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn. It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue, a Chimera, which only serveth to fright people in Ballads, or to still little children, but vanish at a time of need, without effecting that for which they were established in the world.

The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War.

THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic, with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity, did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time, considering how affairs then stood, and how Monsieus was inclined; whereupon he began to raise men▪ and to fortifie some of his Towns. The King was fully inform'd of his Designs, by divers intercepted letter, the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will, and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King, to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom. Some there were written by his Father, others by the Princess of Falsbourg, which did not only assure Mon∣sieur of Forces in Lorrain, but withal, did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests, and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France, which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands. Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg, in which he assured her, that certain designs of great importance then contrived, were infallible. Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight (which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabi∣nets) had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom; his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain, to to•••• out that Duke, and to over-run his Countries; But the Cardinal, who never advi∣seth the making of a War, unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace, was opinion, That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guro•• un∣to him, to complain of his unjust proceedings, to endeavour to disswade him, and to make a more full discovery of his intentions, and the order he designed to pro∣secute. This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well, and the Sieur de Guro•• was dispatched towards the Duke, who salute him from the King hi•• Master, and the•• represented to him, that he could not sufficiently admire, that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since, wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother, as also the enemies of France, he should so quickly (contrary to

the Agreement) sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy, and invade the Kingdom of France, and not only so, but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose, knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France. This Discourse ground∣ed upon undeniable Truths) touch'd the Duke so to the quick, that he was at a non∣plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself, but by adding new impostures, which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions, and peradventure more to the life, then a confession of his disloyalty. But that was not the only time they discoursed together, nor were those the only reasons where∣with the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him; no, he laid before him his Majesties clemency, particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic, where his Majesty found him at a loss, in great distress, without hopes of relief from the House of Austria, and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State; yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had: Then that he might somwhat terrifie him, he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to be∣lieve, that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the King∣dom; which once effected, he for his part would be exposed to an ine••••••able m∣ine; for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever, to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State. That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy, and the English at R•…•…, his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's ••••dry. These reasons were so just and weighty, that a wiser Prince, and less p••ssio•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣gainst France, would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War; But such was his blindness, and so great his vain hopes, that he could not be drawn to any thing: Not that he did then openly declare himself, but putting off his answer from day to day, delayed the time so long, until Monsieur came to enter into the King∣dom with his Sword in his hand, and not so only, but continued to make warlike preparations; from whence it was easie to be seen, that he was little inclined to peace and quietness. The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did, was to com∣mand the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain, where be in∣tended to be in his own person; well knowing, that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France. His Majesty likewise ordained, that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers, and there expect, until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment, which then called him away; The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary, the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal, and engaged to serve him and his Interests in any thing: That Town is of no small consideration, it having for∣merly given the English, when, and as often as they desired, an uncontrouled en∣trance into the Kingdom; and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelli∣gence at this very time. This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older, yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King; for Calais as it is far removed from Paris, so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain. But his Majesty, whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories, did easily en∣dure the troubles of the Journey. He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Me∣dail, the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe, contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands; intimating, that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world: In order whereunto, he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom, which he did not readily en∣counter in his own person, upon the least assurance that he might take them unpro∣provided, who had contrived any thing against his State or person, and thereby overcome them with less trouble, and more ease.

The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May, and not long after came to Calais, where being arrived, he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel, commanded the Sieur de Va••ance to re∣tire himself to one of his Houses, left the Sieur de R••mbures to command it, until

his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it, and having stay'd two days, he depart∣ed towards Lorrain; that he might let the Duke know, his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness, which two things he was come to cha∣stise by the force of his Arms.

Politique Observation.

GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power, doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty, then the crimes of their Subjects. To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice in∣trusted with them, unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries? He who hath so little courage as to pass them by, will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn, every one will trample on him, and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead, will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him. God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them, then the Justice of their Soveraigns, whom he hath commanded to right them; but other∣wise it is with Kings, unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them, be they of what quality soever. There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences, themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights, and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Ju∣stice shall think fit. The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion; and Kings (those primary causes of a State) have no superiour authority over them, to direct them in point of War. It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms, have given them cause so to do. Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just, which is undertaken to revenge injuries: And Archidamus in Thucydides saith, Every War is just, which is made to revenge any groundless injury. Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms, that of raising Forces to in∣vade his Kingdom, of violating Treaties, and recommencing old Quarrels, are most justifiable. The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as law∣ful, against them who come and besiege Towns, and commit disorders in another State; no, they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm, but it sufficeth to have only known & discovered their designs and malicious intentions: for other∣wise it were a very great imprudence, the ablest Commanders having ever con∣cluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade, then to expect him in our own; In fine, The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes. Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word, and Princes may not put it up, if it be of never so little con∣cernment, without making war upon it, With the Spaniards indeed it is prover∣bial, Wind carries Words and Feathers. The wisest Politicians do tell us, That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed, is to scorn a Prince, and Homer saith, He who promiseth one thing, and intendeth another, ought to be reputed for an Enemy.

Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms.

THe King being at Laon, was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force, that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour, a little Village between Verdun and Mets, and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's; and by another near the same time, that Monsieur no sooner arrived, but he began the war, having cut off a Troop of Carabines, sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace, the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage; and in fine, that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in ••ast towards the Army▪ which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germa∣ny,

and commanded the Duke de Chaune, and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers. To make short, he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June, ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain, in case he offered to stir a foot, or send and Forces with Mon∣sieur into France, but he was better advised, as it fell out, then so to do. The Ma∣reschal d' Effiat without more loss of time, presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson, which so terrified the Inhabitants, that they opened their Garet with∣out resistance: The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished, and now beginning to foresee his ruine, desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat; where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy, protesting it was not by his procurement, and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity. The Ma∣reschal acquainted his Majesty therewith, who thought it not best to pardon him a second time, without some kind of revenge, especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises, after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France; whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt, to enter upon Lorrain. In the mean time having Intelligence brought, that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse, commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt, was not far from Rouuray, that he might teach him to be another time more wary, he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse, his own Musquettiers, thirty of the Cardinals Guard, two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes, all mounted upon small Naggs, and to go charge them; which was effected accordingly, with such cou∣rage and success, that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place, many wounded and taken, besides five Cornets, and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease. The King's loss was not great, there being only seven killed, and some few hurt, amongst whom the Duke d' Hal∣vin, Commander of the light Horse, and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant, raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service, but he was hindred by thirty of the King's light horse, and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg, who by his Majesty's order charged them so home, and so suddenly, that they had not leisure to make any defence, but were all brought away Prisoners. The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain, and took divers places one after another. Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons, Saint Mihel did the like, into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph, accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray, and his whole Army, to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants, who were not used to behold so great a Power. He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City; and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, he prohi∣bited them to exercise their Offices, and appointed others in their stead; hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain, that his ruine was inevitable, as often as he durst attempt any thing against France, or recede from his devoir. In earnest, I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly, then unto the earth, which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations, and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds, from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail, to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty, and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing. For just thus, who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance; the prepara∣tions he hath made, and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Duke∣dom, must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms, which have in the end fallen upon his own head, to his great loss, and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder.

Politique Observation.

NO War is just but that which is necessary, according to the opinion of the wi∣sest Politicians: So that a Prince never ought to undertake it, but upon just considerations. War is know to be the source of all misfortunes, it filleth a State

with impieties, violences; extortions, and cruelties, it destroyeth the innocent, in∣commodateth the rich, and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor, what reason therefore to commence it, unlesse upon good ground, and when ne∣cessity doth even inforce it ? Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity, then those who build de∣signs disproportionable to their powers; such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces, or of making a Peace upon dishonou∣rable conditions. Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power, and glo∣ry; but in conclusion, they are driven to exigencies and confusions, which had never befallen them, bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires; that he had before our births pre-ordai∣ned, what condition we should here injoy; that our lives and our fortunes are both limited, and that notwithstanding all our care, all our indeavours, we cannot in∣crease the one, or protract the t'other one tittle, unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts: They find by experience, that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men; that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls, do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others; and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others, are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded. To conclude, they who are truly wise, do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be, and do re∣fer the management of affairs unto their Judgement, without following the impe∣tuousness of their emotions; they know, that who so is master of his passions, is master of his Fortune; and they imitate Caesar's Prudence, who never took the Field, until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory.

The first whereof is, To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force, of his Advan∣tages, and of his Wants, before he encounter with him.

The second is, To have an Army in readiness, if possible, before he hear of it.

The third is, To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a rea∣diness.

And the fourth is, To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command.

These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Con∣quests with success, and to bring great exploits to perfection, in a very small time. He who would imitate his Victories, ought to imitate the example of his Prudence, otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory.

The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service.

IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence, who ushered in by the morning, darkens them at his only sight. In vain do the great Ri∣vers (which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters) endea∣vour to contest with the Ocean, which forceth them to pour all their store in∣to his Bosome, as a Tribute due to his greatness: And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces, in presence of those of a great King, before whom he is only esteemed as a small star, which hath neither light nor luster, when the Sun comes in view. The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much, though against his Will, both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces, and loss of his Towns: In fine, he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty. The King amidst the greatest Victories, was ever wont to prefer peace before war; yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust, he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war, his Word and Actions being disconsonant: Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy, and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun, which is only two Leagues distant from it, and sent an∣other part of his Army within half a league from it. The Duke well perceived

that the King was resolved in good earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs a∣gainst France, and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army, sent the Sieur de Ville, chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber, and Janin; Secretary of State, once more to offer him all manner of content, giving them likewise full li∣berty to treat. They testified unto his Majesty, that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur, They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir; That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar; That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France, particularly offering to joyn his For∣ces with his, to be employed in any expedition whatever; and withal, that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands, as a gage of his perform∣ance. The King received them very curteously, knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies, confessing themselves vanquished, then to destroy them, despoil them, and insult upon them; and then, as if he would set no bounds to his clemency, he promised to pardon him a second time, and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired, provided there might be any assurance of his promises. But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement, then what had formerly been, whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs, his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough, wherewithal to be contented, yet some there are, who pursuing their ambitious Inclinati∣ons; sooner then the Laws of Prudence, do daylie engage themselves in new De∣signs. They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess, covetously to be∣hold what they have not; and to quit the true and solid goods of peace, that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War. Their Designe of growing great, feedeth them with discontents; and that they may not bound their pretensions, their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties: Oftentimes it falleth out, that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities, by which means, when they imagine themselves to be highest, they fall lowest. God (that he may punish them) seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires, but trouble and vexation; and that those who endeavour to rise highest, should have the greatest falls. To conclude, a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone, will not so soon fall, as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power; for the child finding himself unsupported, begins to fear, to lay hold on any thing, and not to stir a foot: But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion, being too too confident, doth inconsiderately run into every danger, attempteth things above his reach, and in fine, sheweth by woful experience in himself, that he who feareth no man, is soon to be destroyed. Better it were that they bounded their affections, and that considering 'tis not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment, but the moderation of his de∣sires, they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action, and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason.

The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain.

VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty, when the Cardinal had the management of it? His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France, raised several Trophies to the King's glo∣ry, and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty; wherefore it was not to be doubted, but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know, that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors, who have ever forced

their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms, in despite of the House of Austria, the Supporters of their hopes, not their State; and that there was no conclusion to be made with him, without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises. To this end tended his very first discourse, that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him, and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words, or protestations of fidelity. Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him; First, An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation, or of ruine to their Master's affairs: And secondly, That in re∣gard it was to be doubted▪ that in case these effects did not oblige him, he would resolve, notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him, to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes, wherewith the House of Austria entertained him. This latter was so improbable, that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts; yet because he somwhat suspected it, he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King, that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War, without his utter ruine. The meeting was at Liverdun, where after divers con∣tests, it was at length concluded, That the Duke should deliver the Town and Ca∣stle of Stenay within six days, and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets, with the Arms, Ammunitions, and Victuals therein unto his Majesty, for four years times, as gages of his fidelity, upon condition that the said time being expired, the said places should be restored, in the same condition they then were: That during the said term of time, it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased; That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Al∣legiance unto his Majesty, and swear, not to attempt any thing contrary to his ser∣vice. That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands, the City and Fortress of Clermont▪ which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him, by Process of the Parliament of Paris, who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof, paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties, in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence. That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year, unto the King. And as touching all differences moved, or which hereafter should be moved between them, that there should be Commissio∣ners of either side appointed to sit at Paris, when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit, to make a fair end between them. It was likewise concluded, that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic, which should be confirmed without any exception what ever: That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests: That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties, and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever: That his Maje∣sties Forces should have free passage through his Country: In consideration where∣of, the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf, to surrender the City and Ca∣stle of Bar unto the Duke, as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel, Pont-a-Mousson, and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him, to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain, and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to con∣firm these conditions, which could not be well misliked, they being advantagious for the glory of France, and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them, who abusing Monsieurs name, had set the Kingdom in an uproar. And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June.

This Treaty being thus concluded, the King went to Pont-a-Mousson, where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him, and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises; in order whereunto, Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie, Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis, who entred with their seve∣ral Regiments into them; and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sech••pre, whither the Duke came to wait upon him; testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent, and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd. The King re∣ceiv'd

his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness, assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd, and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter. The Duke was not back∣ward to make many protestations, though he little intended to perform any part of them. In conclusion, his Majesty returned into France, and so to Paris, chu∣sing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness, then of distrust, which he had however cause to return.

Politique Observation.

IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jea∣lousie, especially if it be not to his disadvantage: whereas on the other side, Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited, and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences. It is equally bad▪ to believe no man, and to believe every man; and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect▪ so it is a signe of courage, not to fear where there is no cause of distrust. It somtimes hapneth, that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy, reduceth him to his devoir, and forceth him to relinquish his Designs: For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends, so confidence hath such charms, that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies. Mens passions are not unconquer∣able; somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence. A soyl, though bad of it self, and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles. yet when cultivated and manured with industry, may bring forth good grain: and spirits (though naturally deceitful and false, yet) may be reformed by reason, and generous dealing. The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof, when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner, who extreamly much slighted them, and had sworn their ruine, they not only restored him to Liberty, but withal, made him General of the••r Armies; and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence, layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them. And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna, accused for having designed to murther him, so absolutely wrought upon him, that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service.

Monsieur goeth into Burgogne.

WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lor∣rain, Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces; The sight of his Majesty's For∣ces hindred him from making any great stay, as also from carrying the Duke of Lor∣rain's Troops along with him, which he intended, and was a thing very necessary, in order to his designs, because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected. From Lorrain he went into Bassigny, and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June, where they who abused his favour, and made use of his Name, published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard; it was fraught with in∣finite protestations of doing his Majesty service, their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State: As if to trouble the whole Kingdom, to besiege Towns and Cities, to op∣press his Subjects, to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer, to engage the Nobility in a Revolt, were to do his Majesty service, and all this expresly a∣gainst his Majesty's command and inhibition. Were not these Protestations a spe∣cious veyl, wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits;, when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements? That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal, with such absurd exaggerations, that they made them incredible; so true it is, that slanders of excess, and contrary to any probable appearance, make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason. Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of

the Publike peace, an enemy to the King and Royal Family, as they published in their Manifest, who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct, so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain? What probability was there to per∣swade the world that he would make himself Master of the State, as they endea∣voured to convince unto Monsieur, who had used such great industry to cause his return into France, when he first left the Kingdom, and who never stirred towards Piedmont, until his return was certainly concluded? And in the end, he forced them to dis-own that imputation, by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency, and such extraordinary magnificence, to oblige him to a second return. What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt? They had not any the least just ground for it, which is evident to all the world; neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever: But rather on the contrary, as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure, by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter; so all their slanders proclaimed against him, serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation, which his Services and Qualities (more then hu∣mane) had acquired unto him: That I may say somthing touching his own particu∣lar resentment, it is most certain, his soul was more affected with compassion for France▪ then concern'd for his own Interests, amidst all those Thunders, which did not much trouble him. All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his courage; all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his con∣stancy, which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year: In fine, all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him, served only to manifest, that his services had made his favour inexpugnable.

Politique Observation.

IT cannot but be an unjust reward, to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies. If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return, what reason can there then be, injuriously to attaint his honour, who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good? It is faith an Ancient, a great mans misery, when he seeth himself appayed with slanders; yet notwithstanding, the most famous men of Antiquity, and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services, have found themselves ingratefully rewarded. Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy, and take a view of those who have served our Kings, hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed, accused condemned. We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places; at present I shall insert this only, That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him, and the Glory which they obtain by their ser∣vices, are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred; so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes. Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Mo∣narchy; No, it is of longer standing, and more universal: For did not the Atheni∣ans banish Themistocles, the greatest man of his time, and one who had done them unspeakable service? Was not Coriolanus hated, accused, banished by the Romans, whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault? And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses, who had how-ever done so many mi∣racles before their eyes? A thousand other examples might be produced, were the universality hereof a thing questionable. Surely a deplorable thing it is, either in respect of its injustice, it being unreasonable, that a person who hath done the State good service, should be therefore ill requited: or else in respect of the ill conse∣quences, it being frequently seen that it begets troubles, to which only end such defamations are spread abroad. Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in R••me against Camillus, after he had secured the City from the French, who had surprized it, then by raising of scandals upon him, and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure. But what? may

it not I pray, in general be said, That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Re∣volts which ever hapned in France, and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby, except shame, hatred, and confusion.

Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne.

IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon, as when she is at her full, and shineth brightest; and true it is, that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour, did never spread abroad more as∣persions against the Cardinal, then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard, the English, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain. Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time. But as the fair star which ruleth the night, ceaseth not to prosecute her course, notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath; so likewise this grand Minister, whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs, and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France, as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds, where∣with the hatred and envy of the French, indeavoured to eclipse him, did no•• dis∣continue his Career, nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted, out of a sence of fear, either of the one or the other. All their attempts served only to re∣inforce his diligence, that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption, which was de∣signed to burn the whole Kingdom. Monsieur was marched into France, with about two thousand Horse, Liegeois, Walloons, and Germans, commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves, and des Granges of Liege; at first he fell in∣to Bourgogne, because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters, acquainted him, how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service, which made him resolve to spend some time there. Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon, he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs, as also unto the Parliament, to induce them to favour his stay, and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance, thinking with himself, that in case they should condiscend thereunto, he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City, and become Master thereof. But as it fell out, they were not inclined to give him that content; ra∣ther, on the contrary, having received his Letters, with great respect, they sent them all unto the King, and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein, to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions, they might follow his instructions in that particular. In the mean time, they raised the whole City, and mounted their Canon, in case need should require. Whereupon a Bo∣dy of Monsieurs Horse, comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas; the great shot gave them so hot a welcome, that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men, whom they lest upon the place, amongst whom was a certain Captain, a Liegeois, much esteemed by Monsieur, who departed the next morning. Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster, that they resolved to be revenged. In conclusion, they committed such disorders, that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned, being first of all plundered. But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country, the Marshal de la Force, who followed him at hand, was the chief cause of his removal from those parts: For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France, knowing no time ought to be lost, in preventing a Revolt, and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces, and seize upon strong places; he commanded the Marshal de la Force, to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces, and to attend upon his motions, to pre∣vent any further inconveniency, so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once con∣cluded, Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country. His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design, with fifteen hundred Maistros, Gensdarmes, and Light-horse, as also nine hundred Musque∣tiers mounted, which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard; so that ha∣ting these two in his Rear, he was forced to march with the more speed. His

Troops being all composed of strangers, committed great insolencies, where-ever they went, which thing, besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty, obli∣ged every little Town to stand upon their guard. Some of his Forces, attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules, neer Corcone; but the Inhabitants fal∣ling upon them, beat them back, and saved their Mules, but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place, which so incens'd his Highnesse▪ that he resolv'd to be∣siege the Town, and make them pay dearly for it: But the Bishop de Mande, whose Loyalty and Courage was well known, hearing thereof, raised a hundred Gentlemen▪ and four hundred foot, and with them got into the Town, and resol∣ved to defend it: Whereupon, Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place, marched off, traversing the whole Kingdom, without any considerable thing done, untill he came to Languedoc, such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Ma∣jesties Authority.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence, not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts, but to cut them off in the first growth. Some are so fatally blind, as to perswade themselves, that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them. But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience, that mean begin∣nings, have sometimes had dangerous ends, and that insurrections, are like Ri∣vers, which the further they run, the more they increase their Channels, and in∣large their Banks. They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs, and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain. They know, that to dis∣regard an enemy, giveth him a great advantage, for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces, and to fortifie himself; so that in conclusion, it will be as hard a task to subdue him, as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design. One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so in∣considerate, as to slight the Caldeans, being thereunto perswaded by some emi∣nent men of Tunis, who told him, that for a Prince of his birth, descended from a stem of ancient Kings, Lord of a large Country, and esteemed by every one, as the Arbitrator of War and Peace; to fear so inconsiderable an enemy, would be injurious and dishonourable to him; but he was not long unpayed, for the Calde∣ans invaded his Country, assaulted his Cities, and ruin'd his Kingdom, they mee∣ting with no opposition at all. The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers, and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power, were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth. There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire, and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom, if there be not some preventive Force used. Do we not see how the greatest Storms, begin with a little Gale of Wind; and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds; so do we likewise often see, the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings. A State is seldome without, I think, I may safely say never, some discontented persons, who would be very glad to joyn their forces, with those of any Re∣volted Prince, if they could have but a small opportunity: And some, indeed, too too many Rans••ckers, who would be extraordinary glad, to be under any protection, where they might be permitted to forrage, Pillage, and Plunder. The surest remedy in such cases, is, to prevent them betimes, and to wait up∣on the first appearers in the field, with such power and force, that they may not have time to know where they are, and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them.

Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents.

THe Duke of Montmorency, was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc, giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts, and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his be∣half. He had been much discontented from the year, 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern, was the Creation of those new Officers unto him; for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States, and especially the Governour. Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share, which losse he could ill brook, by reason he was used to make great expences: It is true in∣deed, the Sieur de Emery, Intendent of the Treasuries, being sent into Langue∣doc to execute the Edict, about the year 1631, found a means to content him, which was to levy the said Contributions, by certain Commissioners, from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus, and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States, and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits: But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-in∣tendent of the Treasuries, could not approve hereof, either by reason of the dis∣gusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont; or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces, should raise such sums upon the people, already too much oppressed, and that without any benefit to the King: So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent, rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use. Besides, he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies, which would have conferred upon him, almost all the Functions of Constable, which he could not obtain, upon just considerations, he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct. The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him, in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables, perswaded him that he deserved it. These were the chief causes of his discontents, which ingaged him to revolt; whereunto may be added, his Wifes perswasions, who being an Italian born, for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her, she so dealt with him, that he im∣braced her interests; and consequently, Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother, for to ruine the Cardinal. For most certain it is, she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs, unto which, he was of him∣self sufficiently inclined, having naturally more fire then earth in his temper: Be∣sides, he verily believed, that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Gover∣nours of that Province, for a long tract of tis••e, had left unto him, together with what himself had acquired, would enable him to dispose the Cities, the Nobility, the States and people, as himself pleased, whereby he might raile the whole Pro∣vince as one man, and being then countenanced by Monsieur, that he might force the Cardinal, and suppresse the Edict of Esleus, and to obtain for him what ho∣nours he should desire. In order to this design, he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc, to oblige them to him, well know∣ing, that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament, which having no particular motions of themselves, are guided by the higher Orbs. This his design succeeded according to his own wish, yet not without much detriment to his glo∣ry; it being most certain, that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Pro∣posals, was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt. His Majesty and the Car∣dinal had particular notice of all these Passages, it being impossible that such con∣trivances should long be kept secret. The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them; but the Cardinal, consider∣ing that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs, untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person, to set him right again in his former duty, and not only for that reason, but

because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince, to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack, which had not fallen upon him, but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury. He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles, and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him, to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition, that he should have a care of himself, that if he regarded his duty, he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit, such power being only Regal: That if the good of the Province were in question, War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof. That if he designed to raise his Fortunes, Revolt was but an ill Foundation, and would be his infallible ruine, seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors, and would doubtless do the like by him, when-ever he should begin to stir. That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal, seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests; And that he could not but injure himself, if he should eclipse the glory they had left him, by actions contrary to theirs. These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs, had he never so little considered of them; but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul, that he had not the power to reflect on them; rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty; yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe. Oh what blindness and strange re∣sistance was this! But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness, which cannot without great reluctancy, perswade his Majesty to any rigorous pro∣ceedings, how just soever; who would not accept of this resistance, but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular, unto the Sieur de Sondeuil, thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other, be∣cause he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence? The King caused him fortwith to set forwards, as soon as he had received the Cardinal's di∣rections what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency, to disswade him from his de∣signs, and to keep him off from that Revolt, in which if he ingaged, be would even force his Majesty to destroy him. When he arrived to him, he used all his Rhetorique, his utmost care, affection, and address, though to no purpose; his Resolution being fixed, and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons.

Politique Observation.

IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design, and to be deaf to their counsels, who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof. Those great men, who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense, are commonly the causers of great evils; they beget disorders, and ha∣ving fallen into any adversity, do ruine not only themselves, but their friends and partakers. Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success, yet was he blame-worthy, for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians, who counselled him not to go into Babylon, for that they found by their Art he would there die: For despising their opinions, he went thither, and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician. Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions, especi∣ally such as are unjust or rebellious. It is only proper to Mountains not to run back∣ward, but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct, if evil, and to steer a contrary way, which may be more propitious; to change from bad actions to good and better, though never so often, cannot be accounted Inconstancy, nei∣ther will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design, as to persist in it. A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy, and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth, knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be: He had much rather confess his indiscretion, then persist in it; and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished, is to be victorious. In fine, Stubborness is then especially inexcu∣sable, when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his

Soveraign. No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince, upon what pretence soever. God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings, nor may any of their subjects draw it, unless by their Princes authority. Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles, by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace. They who raise seditions, and think to hide them∣selves under a pretence of the publike good, do but deceive themselves; for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account; and every one knows, that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests. But admit the State were in disorder, it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Sove∣raign, then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart, those chiefer parts. Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness, said, Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers; but be they what they will, they ought to be loved, honoured, feared. This was the opinion of an Heathen. But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others, it is doubtless the Christian, whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings, to be respectful unto Superior Powers, nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies.

The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc.

MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc, the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise, and divers strong pla∣ces open their gates unto him, upon his first appearance in the field, he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other; until then he fed the King with fair words, having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another, and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity: But it was no more time to dissemble; whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him, to reduce their pro∣mises into action, which was follow'd by several open meetings, contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service. Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name, and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General, against the present Government. The Cities of Alby, Bagnols, Beziers, and Lunel, the Castles of Beaucaire and Al••ts, with divers other places of less consequence, re∣volted. There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Nar∣bone, sent by the Spaniard: There were many false Publications made, inveighing against the disorders of the State, only pretended so to be, whereby to raise the people. There was a practice had with many of the Prelats, Barons, and Depu∣ties of the States, who were engaged so far, that by a Result of the States, they con∣cluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province, with all its Dependencies, to assist him to re-establish the State in better order, and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed, of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head; and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him, and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests; and particularly commanded, that nothing should be regi∣stred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery, concerning the Edict for Fsleus, but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd. Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen, and o∣thers, in his own name, to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses: At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty, to invite them to approve of the said Commissions, and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions. He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, from his Majesties service, proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately, and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own let∣ters. He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone, President of the States, and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested, because they had ever opposed his Designs; He not only

raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces, but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain, with the Sieur de Farg••, to nego∣tiate there for a supply of men and monies: To conclude, he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs: and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither, questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State, as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature. The Parli∣ament of Tholose (which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions) taking notice of these his undue proceedings, issued out seve∣ral Inhibitions, to hinder his further progressions; First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature, should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions: They con∣demned the Result of the States, as rebellious: They prohibited any monies to be levied, paid, or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name: They made a De∣cree against all the Officers of the States, who had any way procured the said Re∣sult, enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned, that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment; and particularly, the Bishop of Alby having de∣livered the said place unto Monsieur, they seized upon all his Goods and Reve∣nues, inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them, under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons: By which their generous exam∣ple, they left a pattern to all other Parliaments, that they ought not to regard any man what-ever, when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question.

Politique Observation.

SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings, that they might preserve the obedience due unto them, and the people in their Dues and Rights, it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Re∣volts, those known destroyers of Royal Authority: If they be deficient on such occasions, they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties: The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace; To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant, when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed? In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep them∣selves within the limits of their duties; which example may peradventure be suffi∣cient to contain the vulgar sort in good order, but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them, for the preserva∣tion of their Soveraigns power, which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered, if not totally destroyed▪ Doth not every one know, that Parlia∣ments are living Laws, and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands, wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles? If they should be backward in restraining such disorders, were they not equally culpable with Souldiers, who re∣fuse to fight when occasion requireth? Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude, & that in the highest degree, for that all their Honor and Pow∣er is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns. The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde, whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his; so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves, for which they are only beholding unto God: But otherwise it is with Magistrates, who upon stricter enquiry into them∣selves, will find, that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is depen∣dent upon their Soveraigns; which if so, do not the Laws of gratitude, as also those of submission, enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories? And is it not likewise true, that by upholding their Princes Power, they preserve their own, seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them, and depending on their good Will and Pleasure; and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities, but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first

flowed. Their Princes are like their souls, from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated, the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist. Rivers cease to run, when their Springs are stopped: The Body ceaseth to have life or motion, when deprived of the Soul; when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority, they labour to sustain themselves, and their own Powers; and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them.

The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince, to Com∣mand divers Provinces in his absence.

AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the In∣surrections which a Rebellious party may make, especially in the absence of heir Soveraign. His Majesty before his removal from Paris, thought good to commit the Government of that place, and the adjacent Provinces, unto the ma∣nagement of some Princes of the Blood. Accordingly he dispatched his letters un∣to Monsieur le Prince de Conde, to impower him to command in Nivernois, Berry, Bourbon, Tourain, Poictou, Aunis, Zainctonge, Haut, and Basse, Marcke, Limosin, and Auvergne, to preserve them in peace and quiet, which he intrusted with him especially, in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service, as also his Prudence and good Conduct, would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever. The Letters were accompanied with an ex∣traordinary and unlimitted power, which did a little surprize some people of small understanding, who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood. But indeed it was an effect, and that a very remarkable one, of the Cardinal's Prudence, who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee, where there is any assurance of his being discreet, The Laws of Gra∣titude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory; and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular, by preserving their Kings Authority. Whilst the Duke of Mont∣morency was disposing all things in order for the war, Monsieur marched into Albi∣gieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands. He rested there some time to refresh his Army, and from thence he went, leaving five hundred horse behind him, unto Carcassenne, where he held some intelligence; but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties, he passed on Beziers, and gave order for a new Fortification. From thence he designed to march to Narbone, and make sure of that place, by the help of some Intelligence which he there had, which would have been a Port at com∣mand, to have received any assistance from Spain, as likewise to retire unto, in case of necessity. But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop, and some other of his Majesty's ser∣vants, who under pretence of assisting him, got into the place, and so mastered it. Now the King being informed of all these proceedings, The Result of the States, she Revolt of Cities, and of the inclinations of some Lords, thought his presence would be necessary about those parts; The Cardinal was of the same opi∣nion, and assured his Majesty, that if he would undertake the trouble of the jour∣ney, all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time, as it fell out accordingly. Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition, and before he left Paris, caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form, against all those who fol∣lowed Monsieur, or favoured his designs, proclaiming them to be Rebels, guilty of high Treason, and Disturbers of the Publike Peace; commanding all Officers to proceed against them, according to the Rigour of the Law, yet with so particu∣lar a testimony of affection unto Monsieur, that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty; but its the Declaration published, That he would totally forgive him, if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof. His

Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose, to pro∣claim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason, degraded from all honours and dignities, the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct, and re-united in the Crown, and all his goods confiscate, enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Pro∣cess, and requiring all Prelats, Barons, Consuls and Deputies of any Cities, who had assisted, subscribed, or assented unto the Result of the States, to appear be∣fore the Parliament at Tholose, or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses, with∣in fifteen days after publication thereof, to dis-own their Actions and Consents; and in case of non-obedience, to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors, degraded from all honour and dignity, prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes, by vertue of any order from the said States. Moreover, his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg, to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together, but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance. These things thus setled, he departed from Paris the eleventh of August. The very news of his march out of Paris, so encouraged his Majesties servants, and disheartned the Rebels, that all their contrivances did forthwith be∣gin to fall. The first thing which befel them (but which was a great good Fortune for France) was a division between their Leaders, which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur, and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War; whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them. Moreover the Duke d' El∣boeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency. pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General, which however the Duke would not admit off, in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted. Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them, it was thought requisite to part them, and to assigne every one what he should command, who being thus divided by and amongst themselves, were easily overcome by his Maje∣sties Forces.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts, and in general all enemies, then the division of their Commanders and Forces; if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder, fortune is to be thanked; and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto, it ought the more industri∣ously to be attempted, in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious: All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing. Coriolanus warring against the Romans, destroyed the possessions of all their principal men, but saved those of the people, that so he might provoke the one against the other: Hannibal on the contrary, he preserved those of Fabius, but burnt all the rest. The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians, that the rest might be jealous of it: And Cleomenius the Athenian, assaulting the Fraezenians, cast certain darts into the City, with Letters fastened to them, which served to raise a sedition amongst them, in the heat whereof he fell upon them, and became Master of the City. To prevent this disorder, the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper▪ that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power, unlesse every one so commanded in particular, that there should be only one at one time to be obeyed. We see if it he otherwise, jealousie takes place among them, and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advan∣tage which may procure him greater honour then himself; insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another; so many men, so many minds: This approveth one Counsel, he another; and in this diversity of opinions, the thing commonly is left undone: Was it not to prevent this inconvenience, that the Romans, having two Consuls, would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority, but that each should take his turn? Did they not also Or∣dain,

that they should not both together command the Armies, but each in his day? And yet notwithstanding that care, some divisions happened amongst them. A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man, whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries, which enable him to move them according as he listeth. And thus to prevent divisions, it were ex∣pedient, there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces, accor∣ding as he shall think fit. Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians (though one of the greatest men of Antiquity, yet) that he might countermine Lysander, and discredit his Authority, abrogated his sentences, and acted quite contrary to his advises: And usually it happens, where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs, then hatred, envy, and obstinacy, ••ri••g all things into disorder, which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize. For this cause was it, that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace, should act joyntly with their Magistrates, but in War should have Soveraign authority, and that all thing should depend upon their Wills.

Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons.

AS in times of revolt, and the Soveraign's absence, the insurrections which Re∣bels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris, gave the like power, to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris, and the Isle of France, as also over the Army in Picardy, with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require. By this means, the Pro∣vinces thereabout remained in great quiet: But that I may say somewhat concern∣ing that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy; and in that particular, evince the Cardinal's usual prudence, I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs. It cannot be doubted, but that it was the securing of those Provinces, and the awing of such factious spirits, at were inclinable to foment the troubles; for in case the least insurrection had been, that Army had soon fallen in upon them, and buried them in their own ruines. More∣over, it was neer about that time, when the leading men of the Low-countries, weary of the Spanish Tyranny, insupportable to the common people, layed the design of shaking off that yoke, and setting their Country at liberty: The had recourse unto the King, to implore his protection, and made divers overtures un∣to him, to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders, which belonged to him by a just Title. But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects, more then in his own, made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them, or of passing his word to assist them in that design; though the Spaniards, being less religious in the observation of Treaties, and who preserve the greatnesse of their State, only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours, were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt, and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc. His Majesty did not totally refuse them, but kept him∣self in a condition of sending them forces, in case the Spaniard invaded France, as they had promised: Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing▪ they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries, and doubting if they entred France, the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt. It is likewise true, that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards, that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries, Hainaut and Artois, which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch, whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour, as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army, in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals.

Politique Observation.

THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight, yet sometimes they are designed for other ends, wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great ad∣vantages by them, without striking a blow. The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy, obligeth him to stand upon his guard, who otherwise had design'd to assault some place; and in case he have assaulted it, to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts. This effect is not of mean consequence, because it divideth an enemies force, and consequently, rendreth him more easie to be conquered: Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel, their torrent is more impetuous, their force the greater; and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them, runneth no small hazard; whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets; their course is more slow, their depth lesse, so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded: Thus an enemies Army may some∣times be so strong, that he is to be feared, and then nothing better then to divide him, and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions. How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own de∣fence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers, just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours? Besides, what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War, they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security; either as to Forreign∣ers, who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts; or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom, who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence. To preserve Peace without making war, is an effect advantagious enough, and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot; A thing, in my sense, of the more use, in regard War ought not to be made, but in order to Peace; and withal, it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War, then by War it self, that common Usher of Fire and Sword. For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army, when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom, or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt: No, He ought to prevent both the one and the other: and the bare sight of an Army is sufficient to deter them from the boldness of any enterprize.

The Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg charge Monsieur's Army.

THe Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg being arrived with part of their Forces in Languedoc, were not men of that temper, as to stand with their hands in their pockets, and to let the Rebels play their game, without defending themselves, or indeed, without assaulting them; their courage redoubled when they saw the principal Cities stand firm in his Majesty's service, and that divers chief Lords of the Country, dis-abused of their first impressions, gave assurance of ser∣ving his Majesty against all men. The Mareschal de la Force thought it time to shew himself to the Enemy; and whilst he was yet at Pont-Saint-Esprit, expecting the coming in of sundry other Troops, be deemed it proper for his Majesty's ser∣vice, to send part of those he had into Vivarest to defeat those Souldiers which the Vicomte de l' Estrange had there levyed; He commanded part of the Regi∣ments de Vaubecourt, and de Saut, with four Cornets of Horse, led by the Sieur de la R••cque Massebout, to march thither; and their courages having soon trans∣ported them, they found most of the Forces in a Body near the Vicomt's quarter, who commanded them in person, and very near Privas. The Officers having cal∣led a Council of War, and consider'd the State of the Enemy, resolved to fall on them in their Trenches, whereto they were retired; and having made their appro∣ches,

the Combat was very hot, and the defence couragious; but after three hours dispute, the Vicomte de l' Estrange was forced to tender himself Prisoner, and be∣ing delivered over into the Sieur de Machault's hand, a Master of Requests, was convicted, and beheaded at l' Estrange, for in example to other Rebels, and ••o oblige them, if possible, by the just rigour to return to their Duties. Not long after this defeat, the said Mareschal de la Force had Intelligence that the Baron 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Peraut Governour of the Castle de Beautaire, and the Sieur de Rostide, Captain of the Town, wrought upon by the Duke de Montmorency, employed all their en∣deavours to gain the thief Inhabitants, and perswade them to receive Monsieur with his Forces: But such was the course he took, that all their attempts were to no purpose. It was impossible on the sudden to prevent Monsieur's getting ••nto the Castle, there being a particular Gate to receive any in, without passing through the City: But having instructed du Pay the King's Atturney, and la Roche chief Consul, with what they should do in their own defence against the Castle, in case it should declare it self, and that Monsieur or his should get into it; they shewed such courage and good conduct, that they preserv'd the Town in his Majesty's obedi∣ence; and instead of furnishing them with any considerable Force, which might have much weakned the Army under his command, which he kept in a posture to fight the Enemy assembled in those parts, he thought it most proper to desire four hundred men of the Army under the command of the Mareschal de Vitry in Pro∣vence, might cast themselves into the City. Mean while Monsieur gets into the Castle with store of Horse, and the Mareschal de Vitry having Intelligence there∣of, dispatched thither his own Regiment, who himself followed in person; and there were such strong Fortifications raised against the Castle, that it was impossi∣ble for them within it to force the City▪ without great loss to themselves. Yet such was Monsieur's courage, that the Assault was resolved; whereupon all his Forces were commanded to prepare themselves to fall on, and accordingly were disposed in order: But the Dukes de Montmorency and d' Elboeuf both there, were so exasperated by jealousies between them, that they could not resolve upon pre∣cedence: so that their strife hindred the execution of the design, and changed their assault into store of Cannon shot discharged against the City, to batter and ruine it. The Inhabitants were no whit terrified hereat, rather on the contrary, as if their fidelity had receiv'd new vigour from those violences, they resolved to undertake a Siege against the Castle: In fine, some got upon the Towers, others into the Steeple of the great Church, from whence they found a means to shoot into the Castle, which did ••ot a little disturb the Garrison; They likewise invested it on the other quarters, by the help of those Troops which the Mareschals de la Force, and de Vitry had sent unto them; so that the Garrison was much incommo∣dated, having not Ammunitions necessary long to subsist, or to sustain a Siege. The Duke d' Elboeuf having got out, provided to send a Convoy with provision of Vi∣ctuals, and Ammunition of War into the place: But the Garrisons placed by the Mareschal de Vitry, both in Vartabregues and the Castle de Saint Romain, prevented his Design, having twice or thrice intercepted the Mules; and besides, the Marre∣scal de la Force inform'd that the Duke d' Elboeuf did gather together store of Am∣munition at Monfrein, to clap them into the Castle, marched on the second of Sep∣tember from Pont-Saint-Esprit, and presently forced the Duke d' Elboeuf to retire with his Forces from those Quarters; and having commanded the Sieur de N••ual∣les to seize on Monfrien, upon the Governours promise to receive him, he march∣ed into the place, and carried off all the said Ammunitions, together with the Duke d' Elboeuf's baggage, which did not a little refre•••• the King's Army. This once effected, they in the Castle despaired of relief, and surrendred upon composition on the sixt of September, The courage and fidelity of the Inhabitants giving the Lye to that Proverb, Who so is Master of the Castle, will soon be Master of the City; and the King to reward them, and incourage other Cities to do the like, bestowed on them divers Favours and Priviledges.

Politique Observation.

IT is an error to believe it impossible to preserve Cities, their Castles once ta∣ken. Divers examples have evidenced, that, as there is hardly any force e∣qual to their courages who are stoutly resolv'd to defend themselves; so there is not any thing which can compel a City to surrender, when it may be forti∣fi'd against the Castle, and whose Inhabitants are men of courage. The order which the Commander of such a place ought to follow, is, first to inform himself whether the people be divided, whether some party among them be not well-wi••h∣ers to the Castle; and in case there be, presently to send them packing; then ought he to animate the rest, both by discourses and example, to give proofs of their fi∣delity: It were good that the Inhabitants did forthwith raise Barricadoes from one street to another, and place Guards to defend them. He is likewise oblig'd to use extraordinary diligence in raising Fortifications to secure it against the Castle, to guard the Ports, and all Avennues, with Souldiers sufficient to make good any as∣sault against those of the Castle, in case they should attempt it. To this end, if there be not sufficient Force among the Inhabitants, trained up in the Exercises of War, he ought not to be defective in procuring them from other places; He shall do prudently, if he visit the main-guard every hour, to see that all be in a readiness. If the City be weak on any quarter, whereby it may be liable to a surprize, he ought to be dexterous in Fortifying it? and in conclusion, having once brought the place into a posture of Defence, he then ought to resolve on laying siege to the Castle: for as an assault addeth more courage to the Assailors then the Defendants, so doubtless his will shew more valour, then if they were reduced to the necessity of their own proper defence. But that which I esteem most considerable, is, that those of the Castle once surrounded and besieged, date not attempt any thing up∣on the City, having enough to do to defend themselves: He ought so to invest the Castle, that there may be no way left for the carrying of men or provisions into it: which once brought to perfection, unless they are excellently provided, the Garrison will soon be straitned: If there be any Hill which doth command it, it were proper to raise a Battery thereon, whereby to play upon the Castle: as also to fill the highest Steeples with Souldiers, who by often shooting at them where∣ever they appear, may in the end tyre them out. Neither is it less necessary that he have Souldiers abroad upon all Avennues, to prevent any relief; and thus the prudence of a Governour animated by his Courage, may secure a City after the loss of its Castle.

The taking of Monsieur de Montmorency.

THe Mareschal de Schomberg who commanded his Majesties other Army, being advanced near T••olouse, sought all occasions which might afford him any means of testifying his courage: He resolved to besiege Alby, but was first obliged to relieve the City of S. Felix de Carmain, whose Castle had been surpriz'd by four Brothers, called the Judges, then in Monsieur his service: In order whereunto, he sent thither the Marquis d' Ambres with some Forces, and himself followed with the residue of his small Army; But before his coming thither, he was acquainted how the Marquis d' Ambres, who held a particular correspondence with those four Brothers, had offer'd them a considerable sum of money, which they thought themselves happy in accepting of, and so to deliver up the place unto him on the first of October. Now Monsieur then upon his march to clap some Forces into the Castle, hearing of the surrender, was so much the more desirous to encounter the Mareschal de Schomberg, because he it was that had deprived him of that place; as also because his Highness Army was of the two the more numerous. He was re∣turned from Beaucaire, having left the Duke d' Elboeuf there to secure the Castle if possible. The Duke de Montmorency was come with him, who animated him to

fight; The Baron de Linieres offered himself to go and discover the state of the Mareschal's Army, which that he might the more easily and securely effect, he went in he habit of a Cordelier, which only served to render him suspected, so ap∣parent was it that he had seldom used to wear it. The two Armies met near Ca∣stelnaudery and the Mareschal de Schombergh having intelligence that the Duke de Montmorency, who led Monsieur's Army, had a design to fall upon him, he ac∣quainted the Marquis de Breze therewith, who commanded the rest of his Majesty's Army, in the quality of Mareschal de Camp; and after some discourse together▪ they concluded and prepared to fight. The Marquis was the first who discovered Monsieur's Army, within two Musquet shot of the way, at what time he was pas∣sing the King's Army over a little River, in the Valley. Now conceiving by the Enemy's countenance, that they design'd to let him pass over a small narrow Bridge with one half of his Army, which consisted only of a thousand Horse, four Com∣panies of his Mjesty's Regiment des Gardes, and six of that of Chamblay, that they might the better fall upon the Rear-guard, and break it, being in a condition not to be relieved; he gave notice to the Mareschal de Schomberg, how he thought fit to pass the Army by a good passage about two thousand paces higher, by which they might get over before the Enemy could discover their intent. The Mareschal approved his advice, as very judicious; and having signified as much to him, he put it in execution, and whole Army passed the Brook, before any of the Ene∣my advanced towards them. They presently saw the Army in Battalia within a great Meadow, and withall, to give the Kings Army leave to passe, they drew off a little neerer Castelnaudary: But had they taken their stations, when the enemy in hast passed the River, who were payed in their own coyn; for the Marshal de Schomberg discovering their Forlorn Hope, sent to charge them before they were all passed over; the foot made their shot, as also the enemy's, and the Horse ad∣vancing, were at first impeded by certain ditches, though the Sieurs de Loriers, and de Beauregard Champreu, found a way to passe through with twelve or fifteen of their followers: And Monsieur de Montmorency, who was advanced onely to discover them, came on presently, and charged them with an hundred Gentlemen, they met with all possible courage, but with great losse on Monsieur's part; for the D. de Montmorency was wounded, the Comtes de Rieux, and de la Fucillade slain, four or five hundred slain upon the place, and amongst them the Comte de Moret; for the Kings Musquetiers having discharged upon their Horse, beat them out of the Field, insomuch as Monsieur de Montmorency, was on a sudden forsaken by all, saving four or five of his followers. His courage was neverthelesse so im∣petuous, that he was not moved at it; but on the contrary, suffering himself to be transported by an inconsiderate rashness, as if his wounds had bereft him of sense, he advanced from the place where he was, with those four or five others in his com∣pany, into the Field, where meeting the Mareschal de Schombergh's company of Gendarmes, he gave and received some wounds, both of Sword and Pistol, without any more consideration of the danger he ran, then if he had been immortal: He charged up to the very Guards, and Chamblay's Regiment, where they discharged so thick on him, that his Horse being wounded in divers places, fell down, and his Master under him, by which means he was taken Prisoner by the Officers and Soul∣diers of the Regiment des Gardes; which yet was so far from incouraging Monsieur's Army to endeavour the fetching of him off, rather on the contrary, they were so astonish'd at it, that they kept their stand, as if fear and grief had equally surpriz'd them. Hereupon the Mareschal de Schomberg, and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger, and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs, they judged, that having fought so luckily, slain so many persons of quality, and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebelli∣on, it would be improper to run a second hazard; because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency, the residue of the revolt would dissipate of it self, with∣out necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieur's Army afresh, by a strait Bridge, where but few could march together, and that within Cannon-shot. How∣ever

they made a stand about and hour in the field, to see if the enemy would de∣mand any thing, but perceiving them not to advance, they drew off the King's Ar∣my to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary, where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time, until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security, and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known.

Politique Observation.

IT is usual with Souldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight, to prose∣cute their Victory to the full; but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness, and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation; The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear, ought not to blind him, but he ought to make use of Prudence, and not to run the hazard of losing a cer∣tain Victory already obtain'd, in hopes of a greater, but uncertain; He who can∣not be contented with an indifferent Victory, endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten. Briefly, It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities; for, to reduce them to a necessity of fighting, doth often expel all fear from them, filleth them with courage, raiseth up one to be as good as four, and redeems the Victory they had lost. What, but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so couragiously, that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thou∣sand of their enemies? Was it not the same necessity, as History observes, which made the Romans, when so hotly pursued by the Lacedemonians, that they had not time to retire to their Vessels, to turn again, make a stand, fight like Lyons, kill two hundred of them, and take as many Prisoners? The Consul Manlius, that not a man of his enemies might escape him, set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat, but the enemy perceiving it, and knowing the impossi∣bility of saving themselves, fell upon him, slew him, and became so furious, that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces, had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them. For this very reason it was, that the French retreating from Na∣ples, the ablest Italians were of opinion, to let them have free liberty of depar∣ture; and which is more, if occasion were, to favour their retreat. It is always glory enough to vanquish, in what measure soever; but who so contenteth not himself, renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten.

The Sequel of what hapned at Castelnaudary.

THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency, was received by Monsieur's Army as the greatest misfortune that could befal them, though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for, either in regard of Monsieur's person, who (had the Engagement longer continued) could not have been kept from it; or else in regard of the Interest of France, by this means secured from the enterprizes of a Faction, exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violen∣ces. Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieur's Army, who had too much courage, and too little conduct; and to his Souldiers, who shewed no courage at all. But to omit the causes of this happy defeat, I shall say. The King received notice hereof at Lyons, from whence his Majesty resolved to depart, upon the Cardinal's assuring him, that his only presence, after such an advantage, would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc, as accordingly it hapned. Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory, be could not set forward, so apprehensive was he of Monsieur's state, without dis∣patching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection; who de∣parted upon the ninth of September, with order to tell him, that his Majesty touch∣ed with the same affection he always had for him, was ready to receive him, to en∣tertain him favourably at Court, and to perform the contents of his last Declarati∣on; that he should be restored to his Goods, Pensions, Annuities, and Govern∣ments,

in case he would acknowledge his fault, and relinquish all his correspon∣dencies, both at home and abroad, who had engaged him in that Revolt: that if he had rather live in any other place, his Majesty would assent thereunto, Provided it were a place free from suspicion; That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf, and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates. Could more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the Kings heart, then what was here shewed, which cannot be denyed to have proceeded from a bounty truly ex∣traordinary?

The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur.

BUt that I may say somthing of the event of this Treaty, I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur, found him much discontented, not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken, but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him; which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens, and those of his Faction, no less sollicitous of their own, then their Master's interst; who then began to misdoubt their being taken, and made ob∣jects of his Majesty's Justice; for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebel∣lion upon their persons, they having been the chief contrivers thereof. Neither were they less afflicted for having miss'd of those advantages which they fancy'd to obtain by the War. But on the other side, considering the preservation of life is to be preferr'd before all other Interests, they had already concluded, that Mon∣sieur wanting Forces to carry on the War, should seem to desire Peace from the King, the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoydable misfortunes, and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage, which might give them hopes of better success. Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice, in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War, and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would im∣pose on him; so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Ma∣jesty, to testifie unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent; and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyaltie for the fu∣ture; beseeching him to forget what was past, and by the affection wherewith he had ever honour'd him, to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceedings: Withal Chaudebonne had order to beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom, his re establishment in his Goods and Offices, and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde, with all other his Adherents, or the Queen-Mo∣thers. To demand a place of Security for Monsieur, That the Queer-Mother should be recall'd; That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorrain should be re∣stored; That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur, to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorrain; and that the Ar∣rest issued out against the Lady du Fargis, should be repealed. All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival; so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcom, all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer; and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty.

Politique Observation

AMongst the divers marks of Good-Will, Compassion (the Mother thereof) is the most assured; it being certain, that none is sollicitous to set a person indifferent to him, or against whom he hath some cause of anger, reduced to ex∣tremity. Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others suf∣ferings; and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather then sadness. A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemies Vessel beaten by a Tempest, with his Masts already broken, and Sayls torn, ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves; but otherwise is he affected if the Ship

contain any person who is dear unto him; at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief, his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven, and he would pre∣sently addresse himself to send him assistance: In the same manner is a great Prince touch'd with compassion for those who relate to him, or are esteemed by him, when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition. The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments, it being most certain that true generousnesse never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost ex∣tremity of misfortune. A well-grounded courage will rejoyce to obtain a victory against his enemy, but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his afflicti∣on, and beareth some part of his sadnesse with him. Thus a noble Roman Cap∣tain, having defeated the Macedonians, began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him, and rising from his seat, went to receive him with all honour, as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune; and when he cast himself at his feet, would not suffer it, but raised him with a sence of compassi∣on for that estate, wherein he then beheld him. In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae, and brought them into slavery, would not enter into the City of Capua but by night, as if they would compassionately hide the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darknesse: In conclusion, pittying their distresse, they re∣stored to the Consuls their dgnities, their fasces, their Ushers, with the rest of their Train, and thus entring into Capua, both Magistrates and people came to comfort them. In the same manner, the ruine which befalleth persons of eminent quality, deserves the more pity from the greatnesse of their fall, and in regard their confusion is exposed not onely to a family or City, but many times to all Europe.

A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur.

MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency, whilest he was yet at Castelnaudary, and though his present extremity caused him to re∣ceive them with a great deal of satisfaction, yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing, untill he had in∣deavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty: He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne, to be exceeding sensible of his Majesties goodnesse, besee∣ching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him; that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future, and never to thwart his pleasure: In brief, he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf, as himself most humbly did, to grant, according to his usual clemen∣cy, those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne, particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency. That he respectfully accepted his Majesties offers, but that, adding that one favour to the person who he loved, and one who had not ingaged but for his sake, he should be infinitely much more obliged, and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit. The Sieur de Aiguebonne, returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King, being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit, but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne, who had set forward the day before; by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne, and conjur'd him to accept of them without making other pretensions, his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesties dignity, the good of the State, nor his own proper interest. Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur, his Highnesse was not a little troubled to see the diffi∣culty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was; but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, not forgetfull of those jealousies which had been between them, was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts, and pressed Monsieur to with∣draw himself from the Precipice, by laying before him the obsolute necessities, as his affairs then stood, either of ruine or accommodation; neither did he much

care, as every one observed, to let the D••de Montmorency to be cast away, provi∣ded himself might be safe from shipwrack. Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution, though he was somewhat staggered, but sent Chaudebonne a second time, to make new instances upon his first Proposition•• and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces, which, however quartered there∣abouts, but neither the Governour nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter. This was the cause that he made no long stay there, but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torch-light, having received an A••arm that the Kings Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry, and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him. Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit, and came to Nismes, where Chaudebonne, who but three days before, had returned towards Monsieur, came again to meet his Majesty, and re-inforce the former Propositions, and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party. But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions, whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be perswaded to submit, in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty, for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to perswade him thereunto. By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity, that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat, his forces being many of them disbanded, and those of Beziers it self, now in his Majesties obedi∣ence, and who, after his departure from them, had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him, refused to receive him; and in conclusion, had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty, who commanded them to receive him, but with his Train onely, and to render him all the honour due to his quality. The King approved of the overture, and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers, sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury, and the Marquesse de Fossez, Governour of Montpellier, but without any other conditions then those, proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne: At their first arrival Monsieur declared, that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency, who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake, no more than the rest of his adherents; that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty. They replied, that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable, neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature; and besee∣ched his Highnesse to consider, that if he had any interest in their concerns, the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him, or to grant, by way of compulsion, any grace to such Rebellious Subjects, who had de∣ferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice. They represented to him, that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns, and that Princes though of his quality, had no other way to obtain grace, but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults; that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse, seeing, his Majesty had of his own meer motion, and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour, sent to in∣vite him; that after all this, to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious; that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency. or any other his Domesticks, having no order but the former; but that they might safely tell him, that in case it should stand with his Majesties service, to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired, his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto; that in fine, his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt, as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State, to maintain his Majesties au∣thority, to deter others, and to chastize this Rebellion, which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice, unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate. These reasons were urged with such addresse, moderation, and prudence, that Monsieur was from that time, almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will, yet some time he desired to consider of it; which was in effect, that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, who

finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in, induced Monsieur to resolve to treat; he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it, in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage, and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagi∣ous terms; and in fine, he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution; they took his word, and the Articles of accom∣modation were concluded, by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty:

First, That he would forget and forgive him: He promised his Majesty to re∣lapse no more; that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners, and with the Queen-Mother, during her abode out of the Kingdom, contrary to his Majesties Will.

That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe, and live like a true Brother and Subject.

Moreover, Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him; nor complain, if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment.

To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family; and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty.

Briefly, It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels, which had ingaged Monsieur in the War, should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past, by which the State might receive any prejudice, and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal, and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure.

These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented, an assured testi∣mony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely: They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance; and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex, promised him in his Majesty behalf, that his Majesty should receive him into his favor, establish him in al his goods and pensions; give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses, as should be thought fit, and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf, and all others then residing neer his person, without ingaging any thing for the rest.

His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez, and according∣ly ratified them; and thus was this desired agreement concluded, which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse. No∣thing was discoursed of but Peace: the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon, who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another, received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them. Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours, seemed to be satisfied in his very soul, and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions, disowning those aspersions publi∣shed against him under his name, assuring him, that he had never consented to them in a though, and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him, not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King, but also for his eminent vertues, and the great services he had done the State. And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated.

Politique Observation.

AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt, as shall hereafter be declared, so ought they readily to pardon the rest, Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies, that Hannibal for his harsh courage. It was his usual saying, that nothing

was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things, than willfully to persist in enmities, which oftentimes cause those forces, which were design'd for great atchievements, to be made use of in a mans own defence, and to secure him for the ambushments of his enemies. Clemency ought to shut a Soveraign's eys, that he may no more behold their faults, who beg his favour in matters of revolt, ha∣ving first layed by some of the chief, for examples sake. And is it not then a gene∣rous revenge to pardon a man already overcome, especially if he be of the same blood? Pardon is sometimes as difficult to be supported by Grandees, as the con∣fusion of a defeat; some have chosen rather to perish then to beg it. Withall, a King is so far from receiving any detriment in his government by granting it, the rather on the contrary, Clemency is a spell which charmeth every one to love him; it is one of the strongest Pillars of his State, besides the glory which it carries with it, whose splendour is not small, generosity having no stamp more venerable then Clemency. And Experience evidenceth, that all good courages have a natural sweetnesse to cure wounds, without leaving any scars behind them. The Herb, called by Homer, Nepenthe, presented to Helen by the Queen of Egypt, was much esteemed of for the allaying of all griefs, for causing an oblivion of offences, and for restoring the same sentiments of affection, which had been before the breach of friendship. The Grecians were esteem'd very wise, who, when they could find no other expedient to redresse the many crimes, during the time of the thirty Ty∣rants, published a Decree by them called the Amnesty, commanding they should all be buried in Oblivion; and the valiant Scipio took the same course with his re∣volted Souldiers, telling them, he desired Oblivion might efface their fault, and in case that could not do it, it might at least be smothered in silence, to the intent it might not be cast in their teeth. All that Princes have to consider in communi∣cating the effects of their Clemency, is, so to pardon, that they leave neither the courage nor the liberty of relapsing into a second fault, by making sure of those who may occasion it. Those who humble themselves, they ought to set free from the rigours of their justice; yet the favours they grant ought to be managed with such prudence, that whilest they forget those crimes which they pardon, the other may forget their ways of offending them.

The Cities of Languedoc, return to their Obedience.

AS a Tempest usually giveth place to the Sun so divers the revolted Cities of Lan∣guedoc, upon his Majesties approach to their Province, returned to their obe∣dience; and among others, Bagnols, Alby, Lunel, Villenene, Maguelonne, Fron∣tignac and Beziers. But the Calm did intirely manifest it self, after Monsieur's accommodation had been signed and confirmed, every one then returning to his duty; yet because the Peace of that Province, and the peoples safety were necessa∣rily to be secured, his Majesty commanded, that Brescon, the Castle of Pezenas, the Cittadel of Beziers, and divers other places should be eraz'd; which not being any Frontiers, could onely serve for a retreat to Rebels: Withall, he gave Com∣mission to the Sieur de Muchaut, Master of the Requests, assisted by the Marquess de Tavannes, Marshal of his Camps and Armies, to chastize divers partakers of that Rebellion, both in their persons, and the razure of their Castles. And in con∣clusion, that he might draw a general acknowledgement of the Rebellions commit∣ted by those of that Province, and leave some better settlement behind him, he as∣sembled the Estates at Beziers, upon the first of October, the next day the Session began, himself being personally present. He appeareth with that splendour where∣with he is usually inviron'd when he sitteth in his Throne of Justice, being accom∣panied by the Cardinals, Princes, Dukes, and Peers, Marshals of France, and other Lords attending him The first sitting of the Court was in his Majesties pre∣sence, and the Keeper of the Seals, having represented to the Bishops, Gentle∣men, and other Deputies there present, how hainous the crime of Rebellion, which they had committed in the late Commotions, was, he was most humbly beseeched by

the Arch-Bishop of Narbone their Speaker, that he would pardon the whole Pro∣vince; in whose name he promised him a most inviolable fidelity. Whereupon, the King that he might fully make to appear the effects of his Clemency, not only pardoned them, but suppress'd the Esleus, and confirm'd their priviledges; yet, he made a new order for the imposition of monies, which were at any time to be le∣vied in their Province.

Politique Observation.

IT is not enough to beat Rebels out of the field, and to force them to their houses; a Soveraign is moreover obliged to establish such an Order in the Province where the Rebellion hath been, that it remain not exposed to the danger of a second storm, after he shall withdraw himself. He ought judici∣ously to imitate the Prudent Physician, who having rais'd his Patient out his bed, indeavoureth to re-establish his temper, and to restore him to such a condition of health that he may not fear a relapse. It would be a great rashnesse to punish all that are guilty; so to do, would assuredly raise a greater revolt, and which instead of troubling one single Province, might indanger the whole Kingdome. It is in∣deed proper to assemble some of them, that he may receive and acknowledgement of their crimes, their submissions, and their repentance; that once past, his Cle∣mency ought to pardon the multitude, his Justice having reserved some of the Ring∣leaders for exemplary punishment. Thus Aristides having received intelligence in the War, how some the noblest of the Athenians, finding themselves oppressed by poverty, and discontented to see themselves depriv'd of that Authority they had formerly injoyed in them management of affairs, had conspired against the peo∣ple, and resolved to deliver the Common-Wealth into the hands of the Barbari∣ans, rather then live in the estate whereunto they were then reduced, satisfied him∣self with causing eight of the principle to be taken to punishment, and exhorted the rest to behave themselves with such courage, that their generousnesse might efface the memory of so ignominious and enterprize; which one thing wrought more effectually with them, then if he had severely punished them. It is only fit for inferiour Judges to raise informations against all the particular accessaries to a crime: Kings, who Clemency maketh far more glorious then Severity, ought to wink at the disorders of the multitude, seeing they had not ingaged in a Rebelli∣on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault then all the rest. I will moreover adde, that it were proper they did a little swee∣ten those Orders which clash with the peoples sence, and which have served for a pretence to their Rebellion; for it is exceeding dangerous to be obstinately reso∣lute in any thing that goes against the hair of the multitude; not that I should think it Prudence to admit of what ever they desire, that were too base a conde∣scension, and would imbolden them too too much; a mean ought to be used, and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends. The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose, by such windings as may best convey us to it, though it be the further way about; and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yeeld to Time and Necessity, and to sit still with effecting, though not all we would, yet what we may without exasperating the people. A King may lawfully, without all peradventure, establish that which is right, and which carrieth with it any advantage to the publick, but Prudence ought to pre∣cede all his Decrees, and he ought to be carefull that there happen not at any time more evil then good by his commands.

The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency, his life and liberty.

ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry, yet the Duke of Mont∣morency being their chief Ring-leader, there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency, without due punishment, unlesse it were purposely to give all other Governours free liberty to rebell as often as they pleased, consi∣dering how it was by the chance of War, and his own only rashness, that he fell into the hands of his Majesties Officers. For this reason it was, that the King comman∣ded him to be carried to Tholose (whither his Majesty came not long after) im∣prisoned in the Town-House, and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him. He was examined, witnesses produced face to face, according to course, neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death; he having been taken with his Sword in his hand, against the King, as himself confessed (adding with tears in his eyes, as is usual with all persons of quality, when they find themselves convicted; That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life, he would not desire to obtain it unlesse to lay it out in his service, and that he might expiate part of his Crimes, with his Blood. Sundry persons of quality, and amongst others, the Princesse of Conde his sister; the Cardinal de la Valette, and the Dukes d' Espernon, and de Cheureuse, were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon, and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot, to cast himself at his Majesties feet, and to Pe∣tition in his behalf. But what likelihood was there, of passing by so hainous an offence without chastizing it? What reason was there to give life unto him, who had indeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom, with whom he had the least acquaintance, who had used his utmost to ingage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion, who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France, that he might the better countenance his designs, who had introduc'd the Spaniard, who had had the boldnesse to procure the States of the Province to authorize his Rebellion, who had raised all the Souldiers he possibly could against the King: briefly, who had left no stone unturn'd which might any ways contri∣bute to the advancement of his pernicious designs? What reason can there be al∣ledged sufficient to excuse such a crime? It was not a fault committed by mistake, or rashly, but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed; for the effecting whereof, he had bent all his wits, and set all his Engines on work, for above seven or eight moneths together. His name was indeed honourable, in regard of his Ancestors, but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty, was his family illustrious, his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality, especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferr'd upon them, and the punish∣ment of his offence ought to be exemplary, to warn the Nobility to contain them∣selves within the bounds of their duties, and within the limits of fear of his Maje∣sties Justice. He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions, but not such as were any way considerable, with that of this his attempt, which strook at the root of the Kingdom, which forced the people from their obedience, which tended to the destruction of his Majesties authority, and the ruine of his Subjects. What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency, far diffe∣rent from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplifie unto us, upon the least commotions in their own Countries? Had it not been a wilfull blindnesse in matters of State, and the establishment of the publick quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to passe unpunished? To say truth, he must have no lon∣ger been a King, had he tied up the hands of Justice, and hindred her from prose∣cuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions. Thus the Marshal de Chastillon, going to wait upon the King, with intent to join his request with

others in his behalf told him, that the countenance and eys of those who supplica∣ted him, did sufficiently declare, that his Majesty would oblige very many persons, if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life, but was answer'd with a Prudence well-becomming his Majesty that he should not be King, if his sen∣timents were such as those of private men.

Politique Observation.

A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State, if in all his actions he did not regard the publick good, before the satisfaction of divers persons. Good Emperours even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church, have preferr'd the State before their Fathers or children; and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them, seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills, when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof. Were it not a madnesse to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th hazard of Ship∣wrack, by indeavouring to save one particular man? Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered, when as the publick good is in agita∣tion, of what weight then ought anothers life be to him? The object of Princes is the civil good, and is folded up in that of the people in general. No one can doubt▪ but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people, to prefer the common good, before that of any particular man, who hath run into any hainous offences. So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all, then of any one criminal, and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions, will commit a manifest oversight, if he dotq••not follow the like example. He deserveth not to wear the Crown, if he permit the oppression of his Subjects, and the Revolt of others to go unpunished; God Almighty ha∣ving intrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands, that he might preserve them in obedience and defend them from oppressions. Kingdomes (saith Plato) are then well governed, when the guilty are punished. The Lawyer saith, that the chief∣est care which a Governour of a Province ought to have, is to dreseree Peace; to which end, he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles, by punishing them according to their demerits; in a word, private men propose the well-ordering of their families, for the end of heir businesse, and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes. It is the property of private men, to be solicitous of private concernments, and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good.

Mosieur de Montmorency's Death.

THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose, after processe made against him withall legal proceedings, to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October. But before I proceed to the execution, I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death. The Cardinal de la Valette, fore-seeing no probability of saving him, beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor, the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament. His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof, being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul, by making his body an example of Rebellion, which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted, before their sentence be passed, yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze, to conduct Father Arnoux, Superior of the Jesuits, particularly desired by the Duke of Montmo∣rency, and to charge him to assist him, day and night, for so long time, as he should thing fit and requi••te for his consoation. The Father went to him, and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him, in order to his well-dying; to which end, he desired to make a general Confession. One thing did somewhat trouble him, which was this, he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty; there

would be longer time required, then was probably left for him; he supposing, as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning where∣upon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux, and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him, that he might the more deliberately and without molestation, look back into his Conscience, that he might make such a Confession, as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind, and that he should take this for one of the greatest fa∣vours he had ever received from him. The King condescended thereunto, and his Pi∣ety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice, he readily granted him that liberty, commanding, that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day; and also permitting him to communicate, although contrary to the use for persons in his condition. He ended those holy duties, which once passed over, he employed the afternoon in making his Will, according as his Majesty had permitted him, wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal, one esteemed for the rarest peece of France, being a Picture, representing Saint Sebastian dying, and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant. The morning following, he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations, such submission and generousnesse, that he discovered no other fear of death, but with what is natural to the greatest courages; and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber, the whole Court (the Lord Keeper being President) con∣demned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin, as guilty of High Treason, in the highest degree. The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Ju∣stice, which when he heard he told the Commissaries, how he thanked them, and the whole Company, beseeching them to tell them in his behalf, that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice, as a sentence of Mercy from God. After this, his thoughts were altogether taken up, in disposing of himself to die like a Christian. And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying, he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed, though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him.

Politique Observation.

TO pardon every one, is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one; this only injureth the nocent, but that the innocent, seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes. This only destroyeth particular families, whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars, which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency, but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom, by their second eruptions. Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd, the chief heads of a Revolt, ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet, which were but accessaries there∣unto: It is the order prescribed by Justice, and in effect, it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil, then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions. The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainous∣nesse of their Crimes, although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates. On the contrary, if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions, it likewise rendreth, them much more culpable, and consequently more deserving of punishment, then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome. Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects; but they are the more no∣torious, by how much their quality is more conspicuous, because their exorbitan∣ces are of a more dangerous consequence. Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun, then those of other Stars, because such are commonly attended by sad events; so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation, are more to be regarded, because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men. The revolt of a mean Gentleman, is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in

a Kingdom, but that of a Governour of a Province, or some chief person in the State cannot happen, without carrying great misfortunes along with it.

It is great Prudence in such occasions, to follow the councel, give by Thra∣sibulus to Periander, who sent his Ambassadours to him, desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State: He carried them out into a large field, and discoursing to them of things indifferent, he cut of the highest ears of Corn, and then told them they should acquaint their Master, with what they had seen him do, and how that was the best advice he could give him: Periander understood the meaning, and well concluded, that the only means to rule in quiet, was to cut off their heads, who might any ways trouble the State, and that Prince who follow∣eth not this Rule, when Justice requireth it, shall quickly find himself necessitated to sustain the inconveniences of a Civil War. He who cherisheth that Serpent which hath formerly stung him, exposeth himself to the danger of a second wound; and that Prince who once pardoneth the Ring-leader of a Rebellion, giveth life to a man, who may in time find an opportunity to raise a second and more dangerous revolt, because he may then better provide in prevension of those evils which cau∣sed his first ruine, whereas him death were a Quietus est. In a word, a Prince cannot but be commended for sacrificing the life of a Rebel, to the quiet of his State.

A Design to surprize the Dutchesse d' Esguillon.

THe news of Monsieur de Montmorency's taking, being brought to Bruxels, the Queen-Mother and Spaniards, received it with no less sorrow then asto∣nishment; concluding, that seeing the strongest Pillar of the Rebellion by them raised in France, was surpriz'd and carried to a place, where he was onely in a condition of suffering, the whole contrivance which they had so finely spun to force the King to stoop unto their Wills, would now vanish into nothing. The Queen-Mother in particular, who had ever a great kindnesse for the Duke of Montmorency, was in great fear for him, lest the King should make him the ob∣ject of his Justice, for an example to others, as he had well deserved. But Father Chanteloupe, who never wanteth remedies, at least imaginary ones, for all acci∣dents, which do never so little provoke the Queen-Mothers passion, knowing that in Womens affairs, a Man is ever acceptable to them, in case he do but sooth them in their affections, advised to surprize Madam de Combalet, and to bring her away to Bruxels; assuring themselves, that having that Lady in their hands, who being the Cardinals Neece, and indued with such qualities, as rendred her not only the most amiable, but the most deserving person of the Court, was the object of his affections, that grand Minister would be compelled to obtain his pardon, for very fear lest she might find some harsh usage, in case they should put him to death. I may safely say, that the important services of this favourable Genius, ought to have hindred the Queen-Mother, who knew him better then any other person what∣ever, from consenting to so unjust a design when it was first proposed, for that consideration alone, ought to have been an inviolable security to all his relations. But I will only say, the merit of that Lady was sufficient of it self, to oblige her to punish the Authors of such rash Councels, seeing she is the Ornament and Glory of the Court, the honour of her Sex, a miracle of Virtues, and replenished with exemplary Piety, not precise or disagreeable, but attractive and taking; that she doth (as it were) force a respective love in the Souls of all who behold the ma∣ny Graces wherewith Heaven hath inriched her. But what reason was there, or indeed what reason could there be alledged to expiate the Duke de Montmorency's Crimes of Rebellion, upon a person whose acquired Vertues and innate Graces did oblige all Man-kind to pay her all imaginable honour and respect? Yet Passion having no eys to behold any truth which thwarts it; the Queen-Mother approved of Chanteloup's design, thought good to command the execution thereof at Beçan∣çon, writ unto sundry Gentlemen whom she intrusted, to assist the attempt, and

took care that for the safer bringing her away, horses should be layed ready upon the Road between Bruxels and Paris. But God who is pleased to defend Justice, and willingly protecteth such as are by him indued with any extraordinary qualities, discovered the Plot by one Rouure, one of the chief Conspirators, who acquain∣ted Madam de Combalet with the whole contrivance; and moreover, furnished her with the means of taking nine principal Agents therein, by the Chevalier du G••••t, who were all carried to the Bastille. It was not long before there were Commissi∣oners appointed for their Examination, and their design being proved, by many undeniable testimonies, they could not have escaped the reward due to such crimes, had not Madam de Combalet, of her own good nature, whose charity shineth among her other virtues, hindred the execution, by her humble Petition unto the King. It was satisfaction enough for her, that she was safe from the danger, and she was more solicitous of rewarding Rouure, who had been instrumental in her escape, then of causiing them to be punished who would have acted so outragious a violence.

Politique Observation.

ALthough besides the injustice, it be an impudent boldnesse, to injure Ladies of Quality and Honour, their Sex and Merit having ever secured them from all outrages, even in the hottest times of War, yet they receive no little glo∣ry by pardoning such rudenesse, if any be offered unto them. It is not the same thing in matter of forgiving wrongs, between private persons and Princes, the latter being often obliged to follow the rigor of the Laws for the good of his State; whereas it is alwaies honourable for the former to forgive, especially for Ladies, sweetnesse being a becomming Vertue of their Sex, although cruelty be a usual in∣gredient in their constitutions. It is a most assured mark of Generosity, then to par∣don injuries when one is able to revenge them. None but great Courages are touched with pitty; for those who have shewed themselves most inhumane, they only convert their Anger into Compassion, whereas they might justly enough take exceptions against them. Julius Caesar, whose Vertue is not only notorious, but admired by all the World, was hardly to be moved to anger by the common fry of men, thinking them (belike) beneath his Passion, and too inconsiderable to dis∣quiet him. In a word, it is one of the highest points of Moral vertue, but Chri∣stianity inhanceth in somewhat further, obliging us to forgive those who have of∣fended us, for Gods sake, who invites us unto it; an advantage it is, and that much more advantagious against offenders, then punishing of them, seeing there is not any thing wherein we can more lively resemble the Divine Bounty, then in par∣doning of injuries. Kings themselves are not more considerable for their Justice then their Clemency. Many there have been ingenious enough in punishing the guilty, but few are the examples of Clemency, it being rarely seen, that a grand patience cohabits with a Soveraign power; though the Sun be the most worthy Ornament of the Heavens, yet he is only respected by men, in regard of his benigne influences, which he sendeth amongst them; and true it is, that let a Lady be never so great, yet nothing can so much recommend her, as Clemency, especially such as carrieth her on, to do good unto them who have made themselves unworthy thereof, by their indeavours to do her a mischief.

Monsieur leaveth France, and goeth into Lorrain.

MOnsieur's accommodation being concluded, and his Majesties prudence having disposed of every thing, which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France, every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Mon∣sieur's Revolt, had been so clipp'd, that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders. All good Frenchmen, were touched with such joy, as they who having been long weather-beaten, by a Tempest at Sea, do at length safely

arrive unto their wished Haven. But those joys were short lived, the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down, which threatned France with a furious storm: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens, and some others, who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels, had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King, with design to ingage him in some new Revolt, as occasion should pre∣sent; and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions, then they had done in Languedoc; they were not long with∣out a pretence to palliate their intentions, Monsieur de Montmorency's death, should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom. They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life, who was a person of such neer concernment to him, he could not think himself over se∣cure of his own freedom, in case there should be any suspicion upon him, that how∣ever it was a strange affront put upon him, in the sight of all Europe, seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman, who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests. At the same time they gave out, that his life had been promised un∣to Monsieur upon his accommodation; whereas on the contrary, the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez, did never give him any such assurance, that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour, his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France. Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome, yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him. The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg, proposed Lorrain, the place where his heart was, and advised him to retire thither, it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite, and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place: The rest found but little safety in Lorrain, by reason of the Dukes weaknesse, unable to secure their retreat, or stay there; but were of opinion, that Monsieur should retire into Cazal, where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras, would re∣ceive his Highnesse, and where he might live secure from all fear. The little assu∣rance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain, did somewhat touch him, but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles, in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain; in consideration of him, and how that he would alwaies be re∣ceived there, his birth rendring him considerable, swayed his former resolutions, and made him incline to that side, so powerfull was his credit with him; although the rest represented to him, that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards, then in any other place whatever; that they might perchance entertain him with honour; but that it was to be feared, he would not long continue Master of his own liberty, or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it. The resolution of departing being concluded, Monsieur went into Lorrain in November, and for the more specious pretext of their relapse, they presumed to write unto the King, persisting to abuse his name and pen; how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life, and the procuring of his liberty, having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose, the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him, was so publique an affront, and slight, that he could no longer indure it; and withall, that it was impossible he should longer continue in France, without giving cause to suspect, he had made his own accommodation with other intentions, then of ob∣taining that favour, of which he was still fed with great hopes: Besides that, he could expect little satisfaction for his own person, seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him, whose life was equally dear to him, with his own, and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor. This was the substance of the Letter, whereunto there need no other answer, but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom, for a Crime which could not be let passe without pu∣nishment, unlesse to the very great detriment of the State, especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity, after he had conspired

with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom, after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces, after he had been taken in the head of an Army, with his sword died with blood in his hand, actually fighting against his Majesties service, after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family, and committed several other enormities as hath been declared; there was little reason to expect his pardon, and as to the other part, that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers, only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's par∣don, when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto, having not forces enough to defend himself. Such was the reply which the King sent unto him, wherein he testified to the whole World, how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood, to separate themselves from him, or to be deficient in paying those respects, unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King, yet he rendreth him∣self inexcusable, if his Passion transport him beyond his duty: He ought to recollect unto his memory, how that no one, in a well-govern'd State can im∣pose the Law on his Soveraign, but that every one ought to submit his own private, to his Princes Will. There are in a State, as in the Soul, superiour and inferiour powers; and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way un∣to the stronger and more able; so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince, and to comply with his Will, without any the least contradiction. What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head? And what can be looked for from a State, where the Nobles flie out, and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees? This were repugnant to the Order of Justice, nothing but misfortunes could attend it. It matters not whether they al∣waies meet with their particular satisfaction, seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good, not the requests of his Grandees. The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth, as we would have him, but as he is obliged in order to the universal good, so he withdraweth himself at cer∣tain hours, and who so should be discontented herewith, would it not appear un∣reasonable? Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State, to with-hold their favours, and to deny their pardon for certain crimes, which otherwise they would not scruple to grant? And were it not too too little submis∣sion, upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off, and to flie out into extremities? Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent, that there need nothing but a pri∣vation of passion to behold and force a confession, that it were imprudence not to prosecute them; but admit there were no such evincing arguments, yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign, in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret. Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious, which was this, they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples, to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions, such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities, from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored, it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things, then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition. I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces, to teach men of all conditions, to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience, cheerfulnesse and submission, without examining the reasons of them, which ought by them, though unknown, to be esteemed for good and just, especially seeing at last, their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects, and that it is a kind of Rebellion, as it were, to contradict it. For my part, I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives, reasons or in∣ducements of their Wills, because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths, not proper to be known, as happened at Florence, in the time of Cosime

de Medicis, who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason, why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill dis∣charging it; at last told him, after many importunities, that he did it, because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former, letting him see by this answer, how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope. So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee, who had in∣gaged him in a Rebellion, and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor, might be answered, that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares. It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents, and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will, then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust, to raise suspicions and spies upon their acti∣ons, and to hinder their receiving of any more favours; whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied, they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion, and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages: And Guichardine in his advices saith, that he had oftentimes obtained his ends, by dissembling his discontents with those, who else would never have served his turn, and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them, as he could not have expected had he discove∣red any dislike.

Certain Bishops of Languedoc, deposed from their Charges.

THe Duke of Montmorency, had acquired so great credit in Languedoc, that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service, but several Bishops also, and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States; some recanted what they had done, and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration; but othersome stood out in their Rebelli∣on, amongst whom were those of Alby and Ʋsses, who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands, of Nismes who would have done the like, of Alets and Saint-Pont, well-willers to the Rebellion, either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted. The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States, had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession, which tended to pro∣cure Peace, and to shew examples of obedience unto others. And why Gentle∣men (quoth he, one day, in a full Assembly, speaking unto them) and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province, or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State, or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people, to assist those who contrive wickednesse? Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies? Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged, tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court, to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition, in the blood of our Diocesans, and to fight out their quarrels up∣on our very Altars? Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome, and ready to invade us? Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil, in case they obtain any little successe? And shall this Province become a Conquest, where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will in∣title them unto? Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars? Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned, your Goods destroyed, your Church Ornaments plundered, the Portions of the poor rifled, and the Priests of the whole Country, flying from their Cures into places of Safety? And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you, how can you countenance the revolt of this Province, where his Majesty hath de∣stroyed Heresie, restored Peace, Liberty, and Glory to the Church, of which she had so many years been deprived? Can you forget how his Majesty came per∣sonally into those very places, wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence, what dangers he attempted, how often he grap∣led with our enemies, and to what hazards he exposed himself, that be might re∣establish

us in our Functions, and the free injoyment of our Goods? Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him? Be∣hold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us. It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission, by him so often recommended unto his Apostles, whose successors we have the honor to be. This is it, unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you, yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse, and more then that too, if you will do me the honor to believe me. This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs, had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion, that alone pre∣vented it, insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion. Hereupon, the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obe∣dience, both by exhortation and example, to excite them to Rebellion, could not put up such disorders, but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks, to receive their Revenues, and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses, and Episcopal Seas, and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal perso••s, he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bi∣shop of Arles, the B••shops of St. Fl••ur, and St. Malo, to draw up their process against them. His Majesty might have made use of his own power, and have pu∣nished them, by his ordinary Justice, inasmuch as it was Treason, from which there is no exemption, neither could it have been thought strange by themselves, seeing Jesus Christ himself, and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel, refused not to be judged by the Laiety: Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men, would not commit their judg∣ment but unto persons of their own Coat, who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only, death preventing the Bishop of Ʋssez from receiving the like punish∣ment; the rest they restored to their Bishopricks, having not evidences enough to condemn them, although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour, yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority, seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pe∣lagius to Childebert, one of our first Kings, and St Gregory to the Emperor Man∣ritius, acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority. It is moreover true, that Bishops are more especially obliged, beyond any other Subjects, to live in an exemplary Loyalty, and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace. Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity, the take a new Oath of Allegi∣ance, which as it were a second Chain, tieth them to the yoke of obedience, but admitting that were not so, yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother, which is a spirit of peace, are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given, and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention. Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exaspe∣rating an insurrection in Florence, against the Medicis when he publiquely preach∣ed, that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established, to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some, and the Libertie of others. They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts, do render themselves the more unworthy of their cal∣lings, by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood. We should think it very strange, if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God, to inlighten the World with its stars, to produce nourishments, by its influences for the preservation of all creatures, to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers, and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits, should in a sudden alter its nature, and only fill us with darknesse, terrifie us with Thunders, and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns: And would it not be more wonderfull to behold (the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing, then to

be obedient, and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind) Bishops, their Successors, indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood, to divert people from their duties, to arm them against their lawfull Prince, and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority, which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns? This were absolutely repug∣nant to the Orders by him established, and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed. If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties, the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them, in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed, and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine, ren∣dreth their example of a more dangerous consequence, and their discourses more powerfull to perswade, whatever they are disposed to inculcate. For this very reason was it, that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes, was deposed by Childebert, that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen. In the time of Chil∣dery, that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis; upon this score it was, that Lewis the Debonair, forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties, Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims, Volsphod Bishop of Cre∣mone, and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans, accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy. Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Trea∣son to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims. It is the ancient politique custom of France, a Right belonging to our Kings, and which Pope Zachary himself advi∣sed Pepin to put in execution, without any scruple, when and so often as occasion should require. And what probability, I pray is there, that the Bishops and Church∣men of a Kingdom, should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion, and not be punished for so doing, to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men, and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it, or depose them from their fun∣ctions, after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them, by their evil deport∣ment.

Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise.

THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc, Monsieur le Cardinal invi∣ted him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence, where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion, and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency. The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment, for at least a year before, had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province, in consideration of other recompences offered unto him; and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court, that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him, without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking: It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty, not to proceed unto the extremities of ri∣gor, but when he should be, as it were, inforced it, by the extremities of dis-obe∣dience. But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence, being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court, and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling, whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty, he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise, to beg leave of his Ma∣jesty, that he might passe away two or three months time at Rome and Loretta. The King was very glad of it, and readily granted his desire, as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love; yet was it neverthelesse upon condition, that after his return, he should come to Court, and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct. But instead of returning back from Italy, he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre, one of his Domestiques, to beseech his Majesty then at Vic, to bestow some employment upon him, amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy, for the safety of his Allies: His Majesty denied to grant his request, conceiving that he ra∣ther aimed to palliate his disobedience, then to do any real service, and thereupon renewed his former command, that he should come to him, and justifie himself as

to divers particulars whereof he was suspected. But he being never inclined to obey this command; and on the contrary, living out of the Kingdom, without his Majesties permission, against the inhibition contained in the Law, which declares such Princes as violate it, guilty of High-Treason; withall, residing there to en∣tertain intelligences to the King's disservice, of which he had particular advice, there was no other way to look on him, but in the quality of a Rebel, and to de∣prive him of the Government of Provence, which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy; he being further to be suspected, in regard the House of Lor∣rain layeth some ancient claim, although upon weak pretences to this Province; whereupon the King (provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government, and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry, whose valour prudence, and affection his Majesty might rely on, with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State, which would not as quickly be repelled; and withall, caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day, that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur, though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt, who hath declared his discontent, or hath any pretence to the place in his charge. The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction, rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment, and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him, is to deprive him of all imploy∣ments, it being a thing of great concern, exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences. The punishment inflicted on them, serveth for an example to others, and keepeth them in their duties, whereas impunity incoura∣geth others to run into the same faults. Besides, he who hath once had the impu∣dence to imbark himself in a rebellious design, will be ever ready to put it in exe∣cution, when a fair opportunity invites him. Great sicknesses administer suspici∣on of relapses; and the wisest Kings, having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance, have ever distrusted him, and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill. Small things may be hazarded, but amongst such, the Go∣vernment of a Province, one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned. It is likewise equally dangerous, to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented; it were to be ignorant of the usual consequen∣ces which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them. There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured, then to study revenge, and to use his utmost indea∣vour to retort it. To give such a man authority, were to impower him to satisfie his Passion, which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual. The great im∣ployments of the Marshal de Marillac, did only serve to render him the more culpable, neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor.

But above all, it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces, to such as have any pretensions unto them, how old or ancient soever. This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof, in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur, who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some preten∣ces as antient as frivolous. Doth not every one know, how much the late King was troubled to get him out? And was not the deceased King blamed, for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm, his son-in-law, who in processe of time, was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof. Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences, it teacheth Grandees disloyalty, and maketh them like Moles, alwaies undermining; it ma∣keth them slight their quiet Life, Health, Laws, and Religion it self and all, that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire; nay, it sometimes so puffeth them

up, that some of them have carried in their hearts, the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads. Mark Anthony made a discreet Order, when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria, his native Country, whose inhabitants had as∣sisted him in that design, whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country. How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right? If Ambition be to be feared, though without a pretext, how much more is it then to be suspected, when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it? If the Province be divided into parties, he need then onely adhere to the strongest, and then much may be done; but if it be united, he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt, if he once get the affections of the people, which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it, and makes it his businesse.

The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris.

THe King having setled all things in Languedoc, in such a posture, as there re∣mained nothing to be feared; his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October, to return towards Paris•• Now having formerly understood, that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation, he intended to march thither with all speed; to which end, he would only be attended with some Light-horse, certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback. The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul, could not resolve to make such speed, especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages, and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth, had much decayed his strength: Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen, but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose, when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse, which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux, where is pains so increased, that France was like to loose him, who in the conduct of his Majesties Arms and affairs, had estab∣lished her in the highest point of glory she had ever yet been. His Majesty was not only tenderly affected thereat but exceedingly afflicted; far otherwise it was with strangers the most ambitious of who were perswaded to beleeve he was dead. If they apprehended any joy thereat, much more did the factious spirits of the Court begin to lift up their heads, perswading themselves this Sun once set, they might rise with more lustre; and among the rest, le Garde des Sceaux de Chasteauneuf, instead of bewailing with tears of blood, the losse of him who had obtained all that honour for him which he possessed, and who had preserved him maugre the malice of his many enemies, suffered himself to be so vainly puft up with the hopes of succee∣ding in his place, that he began to act the chief Minister, to issue out Orders which concerned him not, and to ingage himself in Cabals with such persons, who not onely hated Monsieur the Cardinal, and passionately wished his death, but had evill designs against the State. The Cardinal had ever prevented him from inga∣ging very much among them by the strict hand which he kept over him, and by curbing in his vanities, but being once got out of his sight he lost himself, by setting too forward in affairs, and inconsiderately precipitated himself into disgrace by as∣piring unto too much honour.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more ordinary with men then to be bewitched to great imploy∣ments. This was one of the chief reasons, that the Ancients painted For∣tune blind, for few persons there are who can keep a medium in great Offi∣ces. There are none but eminent genius's who can secure themselves from certain ebullitions, which do (as it were) naturally arise from extraordinary pro∣sperity, and do cause most men to fall from favor to ruine. Ambition and Vanity do every day ingage those whom Fortune smiles upon in new designs to rise higher.

and in case they want lawfull ways, they refuse none which flatter their Passion, when they find themselves most fix'd in their power, then do they most despise that of the law, and assume the licentiousnesse to advance themselves by any means whatever; the higher they are mounted, the sooner they forget those who have exalted them, and they are industrious to destroy their Benefactors, that they may injoy their honours. That which is most deplorable, is, neither age nor time can cure this Court-sicknesse; but on the contrary, it doth dayly acquire more force and deeper root in ordinary spirits who are the more apt to esteem their own deserts from the time of their experience. Hence it is that they can nerver be suffi∣ciently rewarded. This is that which hath ever been a maxim with me, a g••eat rise is commonly the first step to misfortune, especially to a man who is not indued with an extraordinary conduct to curb his Passions, and preserve his soul in modesty neither did I ever think any man the happier for being in great Offices, he hath more trouble for the time to come, then satisfaction for the present; the super∣abundant cares, the troubles and discontents which accompany him day and night, and his insatiable passions which do incessantly solicite him to aspire unto more, force him to deny himself, the enjoyment of what he hath▪ that he may arrive un∣to what he hath not. Happy is the man who is content with his own condition, he is Master of more injoyments and tranquility then those who afflict themselves in their greater pretensions; and on the contrary, there is no person more unfortu∣nate then him, which knoweth not how to bound his desires, nor to acknowledge his good fortune.