The Insolent Revolt of the Rochelois.

EVERY one verily beleeved, considering the Peace concluded with the Spaniards and Hugonots: That France which had a long while like a floating Vessel been Weather beaten, would now cast An∣chor in a quiet setled Harbour: It was every mans hope, now to injoy the fruits of so many labours, and that the Clouds passing away would make room for Serene Calms: But just as it was go∣ing to this Port, the Hugonots and most of the neighbour Princes, appeared on the shore to prevent its settlement on Land: They raised new stirs, they cast up Shelves of sand upon one another, and beat the Waves with such violence and fury, that the end of one storm was but the beginning of another, and that a greater then the former. Those of Rochel having been of late accustomed to live in an insolent licenti∣ousnesse, could not indure to see the Articles of Peace which the King had accorded to them, put in execution; and Rebellion had taken so deep rooting in their minds, that the yoke of Obedience was become insupportable to them; they could not per∣mit, that the Rules of Commerce, observed over all France, should be taken no∣tice of amongst them. The cutting off of that absolute authority which they had made use of, in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, and other places bordering upon their City was looked on, as an outrage; the excercise of the Catholique Religion be∣ing settled amongst them, was esteemed as a great slavery, and as a rigorous con∣straint imposed upon that whereof they made profession. They complained of those Souldiers in Fort Lewis, and the Isles of Ree and Oleron, left there only to pre∣vent their relapsing into their former insolencies, as a most insufferable tyranny. They resented his Majesties Commissaries Acts in order to the execution of the Treaty, as so many unjust attempts upon their Liberties, and would needs have it be believed, that the continuation of Fort Lewis, was a breach of those promises, which had been made to them. These were the Chief complaints which they every where spred abroad; These were the Griefs which filled their Manifests; These were the Motives which they made use of to perswade the rest of the Hugonot Towns, to revolt, to form themselves into a Commonwealth, and to obtain that by force from his Majesty, which with Justice they could not expect: But these complaints were Page  155made with little reason for that subjects, cannot pretend any thing for their at∣tempting on their Kings authority: and accordingly the answer which they could have, when they had the boldness to present them either to his Majesty or his Mini∣ster was, That being born subjects to his Majesty, they neither ought or could pretend to any exemption from the Laws of obedience; That their complaints of violencies offered to their Religion, was groundless; for that they had a full li∣berty of conscience under his Majesties protection and that all such, as troubled them in it, were chastised as disturbers, of the publique Peace: That true it was, by the Treaty of Monpellier, Fort Lewis ought to have been demollished but with all, That they had made themselves unworthy of it, by their refusal, to execute several Articles of the Treaty, and amongst others, to establish, the excercise of the Catholique Religion, in their Citty as they had engaged to his Majesty: and moreover, that the Honest's men of the Citty, the most sufficient, and such as had most to loose, having represented to his Majesty, that in case the Fort were sligh∣ted, They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality, who would put a thou∣sand outrages and affronts upon them, he could not deny their so just a request: Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expresly say, that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort: They were also told, That being subjects of his Majesty, they had no cause to complain, of the Commissaries being there, especially seeing one of them too, was of their own Religion, and that they had not been then there, but for those delayes which were by them made, in the execution of the Treaty: As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles, it was answered; That they had no reason at all to complain of it, for that they gave the occasion, by their daily mutenies, by their slow proceedings in the demolishing of Fort Tadon, and which they did so slightly too, that it was an easie matter to repair it; and that last of all, those Troops living very civilly, they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesties subjects did many other Town, where there was a garison and that they could not think it strange, his Majesty should so watch them, who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults. But nothing would satisfie them, so that finding they could not procure their desiers, they concluded to prosecute it, with Arms, and to form themselves into a Com∣monwealth.

Politique Observation.

JT is neither safe nor Just for a City, born under a Regal power, to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth. The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended, seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head, Livenants of his power, and that he hath subjected people in such dependancies, that no one but himself alone, can revoke their Commission. I ad∣vise thee, saith the Wiseman, to have a care of the Kings mouth, and to keep the oath, that thou hast sworn unto him: beware that thou withdraw not thy self from his power or slight his commands, for otherwise he will deal with thee as he li∣steth and no one can say unto him, What doest thou? And as this Procedure is very unjust, so it is not safe for them who would ingage in it, for that no Government is so bad as a Popular. There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty, which charmeth, and worketh upon the Souls of them, who do not under stand it, but it is most sure, that it is a liberty which exposeth a City, to the greatest misfortunes, that can befall to it. All Kings propose Honour and the Publique good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon; whereas in a Popu∣lar State, every one proposeth his own particular advantage, and by that he mea∣sureth the Weal Publique, and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts. Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States, that they cannot remedie any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty. For though in State affairs most voyces ought to be considered; yet it Page  156is not to be thought in point of number, but the Prudence of them who Judge: whereas admitting the people to be Master, most voyces carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded, by far. The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people, by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion, then to leave them in a Licentions power, concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative, yet that it would be much more supportable, then that of the people, that many headed beast which having no Judgment, loveth change, and mooveth more by impetuosity then reason. This Beast, nourisheth it self with a thousand vain hopes, its designs are accompanied with fury, when the danger is farthest off; but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril; and as it hath but a small portion of abilities, so it knoweth not who are men of understanding, or who do them good service. Whence it doeth ordinarily well reward, such as do them ill service, and ill reward such as do them good service. Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Mil∣tiades, ordered him to pay a great fine, and kept him in durance until he had paid it, as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dange∣rous siedge, and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians, by his good Con∣duct? The like they did to Themistocles, Arist•der, Alcibiades and divers other Captains, who had served them, very eminently without any regard had to their services. He that would esteem a Popular Authority, ought not to know what it is: And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Gover∣ment of Parthia into a democracy, when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion, which would discover to him, the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government.

The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc.

THe Duke of Rohan, discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace▪ at least to render himself the more considerable, did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois, to which end, he under hand sowed divi∣sions among the Consuls of the Chief Hugonot Towns in Languedoc, and some he made for his own party; that they might lead the people to rebel, when ever he should hold up his finger; but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts, he resolved to accept of those proffers, which the King of Great Bri∣tain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother, and the deputies of those of his party, presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded, about the end of the last year. They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution, as to many particular Articles, which the discreerest men among them, had perswaded them to agree unto; They dispatched certain Deputies, towards the King of England, to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law, to perswade him, to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection; who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize, who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hun∣dred twenty and five, they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance. Now the Duke of Rohan not to lose these hopes, sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality, to procure a quick dis∣patch, they had many fair promises made them, and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on, so that the Revolt was now concluded on; It was so much the easier to obtain those succours, for that of late, England had con∣ceived some ill designs against France. It much troubled them, to see the Hugonot Party, and those of Rochel, reduced to greater weaknesses then ever, and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there, said in full Counsel, that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland, then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France. Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen, which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there, did not a little encrease it, who were all mad to be dealing with France; so much Page  157do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites. We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred, I shall now only add the resentment which he took, at his Majesties denial to let him come into France, was that, and only that which incensed him to that height: But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects, that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court, assuring him, that it would be easie to raise some advantages, out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither, and that at last he could only end as Icarus did, who perished for aspiring too high. Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance, she became Mistres of the Counsel, which so exasperated Buckingham, that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended, that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse, who was discontented too, and then in Lorrain, did not a little blow the Coales of his passion, and serve to nourish his anger; but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour, to have openly declared it, so he wanted some pretences to cloak it. He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace. Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies, in presence of the English Ambassadours, that though the King could not be induced, to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis, yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time, in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience. These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises, and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours, and in prosecu∣tion of them, he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master, was bound, by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution. He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain, by his Am∣bassador, that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance, of a certain Decla∣ration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton; Ex∣traordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty, in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence, as was most agreeable to the Hugonots, and all, that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests, and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it. But it was abso∣lutely denied, that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel, performed, or that he had been treated with, or his Ambassadours, in any sort whatever; But on the contrary, it was represented to them, how it was not forgotten, what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton, by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was, that in case, they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty, the King would not give his consent to any thing, but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Ro∣chelois, if they should fall back from their duties. This had been told them once and again, and that plainly enough, as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal, so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains, being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois, were groundless: as also that frivolous pretext; of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charle•ous Declara∣tion, which being a thing of their own drawing, and done as best pleased them∣selves was of no value. However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of, in their Declaration to justifie their Arms, when they entred upon Ree; And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people, that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France, though it was not un∣known, that his private Spleen, was the true cause of his design; yet he was cun∣ning enough to dissemble it to the King of England, and pretend assisting of the Rochelois, and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots, would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands, that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France, and enter upon it with security and advantage. Upon these scores the King of England, laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet, all April, May and June; not at all discovering his Page  158design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal, were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France.

Politique Observation.

KIngs when they have a mind to make a war, never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it; however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any, without urgent necessity. I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just, when it is necessary; and that Arms are never attended with Justice, but when there are no other hopes but from them. And who can think otherwise of it, see∣ing war is followed by all sorts of miseries? War it is which ushers in disorders, and evil customes, which taketh away the lives of the Innocent, which bringeth the Rich into want, and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions; So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be de∣plored then war, from whence it followeth, that who so begins it, without abso∣lute necessity, may be well compared to those Chymists, who administer such po∣tions to their patients, that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases. A wise man will abstain from war, saith Xenophon, though he have some reason for it. Craesus did ever prefer peace before war, if onely for this reason, because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature. The He Wolf is so ravenous according to Pliny, that having seized upon one Prey, and discovering another, he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game, though he be uncertain of taking it: He who would un∣dertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it, doth not he do the same thing? doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace, to obtain victories by his Arms, which by the opinions of all Wise men, depend rather upon Fortune then Valour? He who designs anothers ruine, is himself often included in it, and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation, doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others: He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures, but maketh himself hated by his subjects, in drawing from them contributions, for the carrying on of his war, in leading them to slaughter, and exposing his Country to ruine; for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice, and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country, instead of his Neighbours. The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted, and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them, for the subversion of others, have only raised them, for the last piles of their own glory and Honours. It is no lesse unjust to raise a war, not necessitated to it, then infamous to remain within dores, when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it.

The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal, resolves on the siege of Rochel.

THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service, then hitherto he had expressed, longer to have •…ted the Roche∣lois to go away unpunished, for their insolent mutinies; S•… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities, openly told the King, (who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair) that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities, and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms, for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels, who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country. He briefly represented to him, the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years, raised up in the King∣dom. That of all the Towns, Rochel was the support, of their Revolts, as also the fierbrand, which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war, That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs, That Page  159it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever, not regarded or observed in their City. That it served for a Road to discontents, and a retreat for Rebels: That Peace could never be certainly established, in the Kingdom nor abroad, whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction: That France could not be in security from strangers, whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates: and on the contrarie, that there was reason to hope; for a happy and prosperous Peace, that place being once disarmed and their Forts redu∣ced to nothing, by which they would be forced to live in their obedience. This discourse once ended, it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations, for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege, especially see∣ing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpuni∣shed any longer: But though it were regretful longer to suffer it, yet it was no lesse, difficult to prevent it. The reason he had to puni•h them, was apparently visible, but the means how to do it, not easily found out; But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages, who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory, so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal, fixed upon the Re∣solution of making strong preparations for the siege of it.

I shall moreover say, That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers, but rather to look upon them, exactly to consider them, and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them, so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg. He represented to them, the strength of the Hugonot party, grounded upon many strong places, fortified with intelligence from abroad, cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom; and supported by their own Forces; that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes, and a long tract of various war, served only to make Treaties of Peace, which are as so many marks, of their uncomptrouled insurrecti∣ons. He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees, the Passion of Ministers, the insolencies of them of this Faction; their Plots, Cabal; and animosi∣ties, and he clearly told him, That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles, with his very utmost power, in regard if he did not, instead of healing it would fester the wound, and diminish instead of making his Arms more conside∣rable. But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty, thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place, there was reason to hope for a good successe, see∣ing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him, the English only ex∣cepted, who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared; That in case any one should attempt upon France, there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs; which being so, he did not find any difficulties, but what were under his own power. That the Sea Port of this City might be block∣ed up, if he would go to the Charge of it, and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts, all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them. That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France, the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive, would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries, which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel; by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity, forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered, that they should never be in a condition, but of obeying for the Future. The•e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness, that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City. So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it, and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg, though it were very secretly car∣ried that they might have no suspition of it, before all things were ready for to assault the place,

The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out, and of all the adjacent places. He saw all their Forts, their Form height and bigness, the breadth and depth of their ditches, and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Page  160Fortification. The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted, nor the length and largness of the Channel, the places where Batteries might be raised, with Forts for defence of the Port, and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits, he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes, That he did no longer doubt of the victory; And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it, he told him, that he could now al∣most assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design, if it pleased God to Pro∣sper it with his blessing, as there was great reason to hope, seeing he acted for the good of the Church, and the glory of his own name. The King was over∣joyed at it, and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adja∣cent Provinces, of warlik amunitions, great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve; divers means were thought on, to block up the Channel, and to begin with those of lesse charge, to prevent greater expences, in case they might do the work; a pri∣vate computation was made of what horse and foot, would be requisite to invest the place, and secure the neighbouring Isles, and to be short, every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg.

Politique Observation.

HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war, deceiveth himself: Commonly they that do so, are quickly reduced to an im∣possibility of executing their designs, If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated, in its beginning, progresse and end, without doubt war is chiefly the thing, it being as Scipio saith, absolutely important, not to begin it, unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion, with advantage: but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain, and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour. Though Fortune should be crosse, yet after so many consi∣derations, it can hardly end in a bad successe, whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing, but confusion and disorder and ruine can fo•low: Tiberius is very much commen∣ded in Tacitus, for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots, designs, and re∣solutions, in so much, that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory, he made use of for their destruction: And T. Livy saith of Hannibal, that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war, was, the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions. A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself, neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern, but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it. It is for Fencers, not Princes to resolve on a suddain. A wise man, ne∣ver brings himself within danger of repentance, and as he knows his designs may be countermined, so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue, but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it. He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties, but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances; by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast, and he will force Fortune her self to become favoura∣ble to him.

The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris, to complain of his Maje∣sties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun, and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar.

GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment, so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to Page  161the Rochelois; during which time, divers remarkable things intervened. The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris, and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Ver∣dun his Kinsman, how that they had seized on all his Goods, translated the charge of his Offices to other persons, that they had Posted up Papers against him, and had resolved to have seized on his Person, if it had been in their power: But as he had not to do with such Ministers, who had either fear or weaknesse, or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests, so he was quickly answered. That Bishops of what condition soever, being his Majesties subjects, owe as much res∣pect and obedience to him, as others of his degree, that when they fall off from their duties, it is then the more just to punish their faults, their Delinquency be∣ing an ill example, to which most people are apt to follow: That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance, which they all swear to his Majesty, they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them, when they break their said oath; That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun, which was a Fontier Town, and in regard too, that the Bi∣shop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel, though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty, and in which he was not all concerned: These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons, that nothing could be replied against them, so the Duke had recourse, to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake, to wink at with was past, to order restitution of his seizures, and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-esta∣blished in their former charges. He was very urgent in his behalf, and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour, the King had returned him answer, That at his desire, he should willingly grant him any reaso∣nable favour, the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however, That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars, to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers, and them who worked on the Cittadel, and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation. The Duke did willingly become bound for his perfor∣mance, and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and set∣led all things in their former state. But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection & forwardness in this affair, yet that was not the chief end of his Journey. He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar, by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will, and by the resignment of his Father, the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name, though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had, and that with reason declared, by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife, that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States, and that he should only enjoy them in her right.

He also made his entry into Nancy, with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court, and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain, hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name, for the Dutche of Bar, as appertaining to him in Fee, and not in right of his wife, but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun.

It was presently given him to understand, that he had not a little offended his Majesty, in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar, and not expected his Majesties introduction, to whom the Soverainty did be∣long. That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name, without men∣tioning that of the Dutchess his wife, for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee, until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage; That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it, if he should possesse himself thereof, be∣fore he were lawfully introduced; That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar, and so create it Masculine, whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees, and dispence with Customes. The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince, was such, that he Page  162could have wished he had not been dependant on any other, and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons; he answered those Ministers with whom he treated, that it being indifferent to his Majesty, whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine, he imagined that R•ynard King of Sicily his great Grand∣father, had lawfully constituted it upon the Males, in exclusion of the Females; and that in consequence it was become his own right, that he was ready to pay un∣to his Majesty that homage which is due unto him; and lastly he added, that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired. He made use of the Duke de Ch•ureuse, who made many journies too and fro, to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good, and some others too, which be∣ing inconsiderable I shall passe by. But he was ever told that his Majesty had rea∣son enough and interest withall, to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality; that the Customes of Countries and succession of States, were not at all altered, seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever: That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were ne∣ver changeable but by his Majesties permission; and moreover, on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris: That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar, and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters; in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother, they be•ng daughters of the eldest, and that he had so much the lesse rea∣son to change this custom without the Kings Authority, in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest; that such a change was contrary to the fun∣damental Laws of Lorrain, and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife, of the right which indubit•bly belonged to her. Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections, so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it, onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions, and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them.

Politique Observation.

THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State, to al∣ter any Laws without urgent occasion, or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it. Aristotle saith, it makes subjects slight rules and powers, and doth much diminish their Authority; Thucydid•s hath gone a little further, think∣ing it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered, rather then set up new ones and better in their place. St. Austin saith, that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines, which till then the sick person had used; so likewise, it is the effect of a great discretion, to pre∣serve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State: Which if true, of Laws in general, is then, much more necessary in Fundamentals, which have been the establishers of a State, see∣ing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation, then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it. To speak ingeniously, such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority, and as a building, if the Foundation be undermined and sha∣ken, soon falls to the earth; so a State too quickly comes to ruine, if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration. For this rea∣son, Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome. Plato in his Common-wealth, prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it, even Childrens-play; for novelties alter manners, and bring antiquity into dis-esteem, a thing of great consequence. I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice, because the manners of men are variable, and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change, according to the disposition of men and times. But it is not the same thing in fundamentals, which rule the government, and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign, which do authorize the order esta∣blished by former Princes, for the ordering of the people, and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good; indeed such ought no more to be Page  163changed then the Laws of nature, for both are equally founded upon Gods Law: He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations, who establisheth Kings families and inheritances, so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use.

The Dutchess of Orleans death, upon her lying in of a Daughter.

THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law. We have in the former yeart related, how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court, and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it, now we are come to won∣der at the blindnesse of Grandees, who turmoil themselves in extremity, who move heaven and earth by their broils, and all for those things, which death, and the in∣constancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment. The marriage was con∣cluded but more for discretion than love in his part, yet God so blessed it, that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly; notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites and Creatures, to make him dis-esteem her, and her not to love him; the particular merit of this Princess gave great reason to beleeve, that Monsieur could come to be sensible of it, and would by his esteem and affection give her a great power over his Soul: Now his Favou∣rites finding if things went in that way, it would be a great prejudice to their affairs, and lessen the power which they pretended to have in his house, left no stone un∣turned, that they might ingage his affections elsewhere, at least lessen his kindness to the Princesse; but Monsieurs good nature animated by the vertue of this Prin∣cesse, was above the malice of those Factious Interests: So that love having joined their wills in a true affection, death could not separate them, but to their great griefs. The Princesse growing big in a few moneths after her marriage, was about the end of May brought to bed of a daughter, but so mis-fortunately that there was little hopes of saving her life. Monsieur was every hour with her, so that it could not be concealed from him, and he unable to dissemble the greatnesse of his affecti∣on, she was forced to comfort him, by testifying her readinesse to submit to what∣ever God should c•dain. In the interim, the Physitians imployed their utmost Art but to little purpose, so that after she had disposed her self to leave this world, by all religious actions which might make her fit for heaven, she died and by her death taught all great men, that in greatnesse nothing is more certain then inconstancy, and that greatnesse ought to be considered onely as a game of Fortune, which af∣ter a fair flourish, bring all to nothing in a moment. The King who did no lesse honour her virtue then Monsieur, was much affected at it; but above all the house of Guise. They saw all their hopes and the great designs which they had projected upon her Marriage, to be brought to nothing, which made them continue along while in their discomforts.

Politique Observation.

HE spoke very wisely concerning worldly greatnesses, who said they are ob∣tained with much peril, kept with no lesse vexation and inconstancy; and lost with as great prise; What ever luster and dazeling the Sun makes in our eyes yet we see him set everyday, and though men attain to never so great glory, yet must they be laid in the dust. The same cause which gives us life, leads us on to death, yet as the same Sun which ushers in the morning light leaveth us in darkness at his departure. The same Sun going out of the first degree Aries, resteth not until his return; and we too, once borne, are hurried on to death. Nothing is here beneath more certain then incertainty, more constant then inconstancy. Though Fortune be so favourable as to let us enjoy greatness some little time, yet then comes death and snatcheth all away, forcing us to pay that duty which we own, what ever resistance we make against its assaults, it will at last force us to stoop Page  164under its Laws; its dart is unavoydable, so that there can be no greater wisedom then to resolve of being overcome, and to enjoy that without regret which For∣tune prepareth for us. In our expectation of deaths comming to deprive us of all we ought to attend it, with the greater care in regard the Limites of man's life are so uncertain, and when it comes, we ought not to think it hath made too much hast, since no death is precipitated upon us: and considering the uncertainty of the time, when it will come, we ought however to be assured, that one day it will come, and carry us out of this World. Let the World flatter it self with all it's glories, yet death will cut all down: After the earth hath been enameld with Flowers, replenished with a thousand sweets, arrayed with infinite plants, and laden with rich Harvests, yet a few months, and her beauty withers, she becomes covered with snows, hayles and storms, she is glued up with frosts and drowned in raines. So shall the greatest Princes find their luster and glory terminated by death in the grave. Their Splender shall fade like Flowers, their prosperities melt like snow, and though like Torrents they have astonished the world by their noise, at last they shall passe away like a flash of lightning.

A Duel between the Marquis de Praslin, and the Sieur de Bouteville severely punished.

THough the King had made so strict an Edict against Duels, yet such was the blind fury which had seized on the souls of the Nobility, that some of them could not refrain fighting. This Errour which had built glory upon Revenge, and caused Duels to passe for a teste of courage, had taken such deep roots in most of their thoughts, that it was impossible totally to extirpate it: and as heretofore among the Macedonians, he was accounted an unworthy fellow, who had not slain some of his Countries enemies, so in France, he who had not killed one or more in Duelling, could not be thought valiant. The King had made rigorous Edicts against this lamentable evil, which had untimely ravished a number of Brave men out of France, since Henry the second's time. But as it is to small purpose to make laws unlesse they who violate them, be punished accordingly, so his Majesty was very strict in chastising those Gentlemen which should offend in that particular: The Marquis de Praslin, son to the late Marshal, had the boldness to fight with the Baron du Bar; for his punishment he was deprived of his Livetenant Generals place in Champagne, and forced to live some years away from the Court. About the same time there was some suspition upon the Sieur de Liancourt, for having challenged the Sieur de Cressia from the Duc d' Alvin, and though there were only conjectures of it, yet the King forbid them the Court: and also resolved to dispose of the place of first Gentleman of his Bedchamber, which belonged to the Sieur de Lian Court, and had accordingly done it, but that some persons of quality, who served them in that affair testified that there had not any challenge past in it. This was so exemplary a punishment that every one began to hope, the Nobility would at length, be undeceived, of that belief which they had, that the Laws of Honour were contrary to those of vertue and Christianity. But rashness hath no bounds, The Sieurs de Bouteville and des Chapelles carried themselves to such excesse, that his Majesty was forced to make use of his Justice to punish them, with more then ordinary severity, being unable to pardon them, without giving way and counte∣nancing the neglects of his Crown, and a madness which cryed for Justice from Heaven and Earth.

The Sieur de Bouteville was indeed to be commended for his good courage, as his very enemies would confesse, but it not being guided with discretion, it depra∣ved into such a fury, that there was hardly any one at Court reputed for a stout man, but he must needs meet him with his Sword in his hand; Not a day how holy soever, but he would profane by his Duels, no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other, so little reckoning did Page  165he make of the Kings Prohibition; after the comming out of the Edict, he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him: about the end of the foregoing year, and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete, where his second was killed, which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at, in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it. So the King resolved to punish him, which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders, where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite, who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon, The King took advice of his Confessor, and as there was no reason to forgive such offences, so he counselled him not to grant it, and made it evident to him, that he could not do it, with a safe conscience; but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante, he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past, provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do; But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels, did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon, that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris, nay, and in the Place Royal it self; accordingly not long after thither he came, and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron, with whom he had a quar∣rel, that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them, which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders, whither Beuuron had come to find him out, by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante, not to fight on any of her Territories: So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats, where being met three against three, Bouteville, des Chapelles and La Berte, against Beuvron Bussi, d' Amboyse and Bouquet, they fought and Beuvron was killed out right, by Chapelles, La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet, and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together, with a good will to be at it with their daggers, but having cast away their Swords, it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life, to go part their friends. This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will, and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences. The King heard of it, and soon after that, Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville, by a Gentleman of hers, and des Chapelles at Vitry, from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there de∣livered over to the Parliament, to be proceeded against, his Majesty having abso∣lutely refused to shew them any favour, though their kindred made great re∣quests for it, and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve, by order of the Parliament.

Politique Observation.

HE who defendeth the wicked, and he who offendeth the good, are both in equal abomination before the Lord, as Salomon saith in his Proverb's, I should therefore submit to that of St.Chrisostome who saith, That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice, but cruelty: So Mercy without Justice, is not Mercy but extream rashness. It were not lesse improper, to pardon all Crimes, then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice. Both ought to be moderated by discretion, without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity. Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects, whilst he was not King, for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them, when as he should arrive to the Throne; Judging, with great wisdome, that it is impossi∣ble for him who ruleth, to treat all with clemency; not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe, but also because unlesse he punish the wicked, it will be a dimination of his own authority: The Heathens say, Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice. And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith, nothing is more becoming a Prince, then the excercise of this vertue; and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique, say, The Throne of a King is established by Justice. St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses, Page  166saith the Justice of the King, is the Peace of the people, the Nurse of Children, the defence of the Country, the comfort of the poor, and himself the hope of Heaven to come. And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it, he ought not to let it lye idle, when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions, as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats.

It is a Crime more then Brutal; for the instinct of nature, forbideth beasts to fall upon one another. It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year, & men t'other six mouths, but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers, not to be men at all, but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood, that are beasts Wolves and Tigres, all their lives. Their courage is not courage but a fury, which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood, not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death, and their souls to damnation. It is not any just Law of Arms which obli∣geth that to be thus barbarous, but a Devilish Charm which deprives them, of their reason. The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them, is a monster begot by vanity, brought up by fury and nourished by blood; as it is said of that in Habacuc, the greatest, the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey. What apparency of reason can there be alledged, for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh, before the images, not of a Moloc; a Saturn, but a vain fantasie of honour? What Justice to tollerate that, which God hath so ex∣presly forbid and condemned to be punished with death, which heaven abhors, which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier? But above all things, it ought not to be permitted, when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority, for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on, the next thing which fol∣lows, will be the peoples revolt, and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom.

The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel.

THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret, yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes. The English who had already concluded upon their entring into France, resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping, and others too were no lesse jealous of it. They knew how much it behooved them, to uphold the Hugonot party in France, which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom, and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it, that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers, to oppose any designs of theirs, or attempt any thing upon them: They well knew France was not a little to be feared, when as it was at it's full liberty, and no remora at home to hinder, the going out of their powers. That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours, and that if the Hugo∣nots were but once quashed, and Rochel their strongest support destroyed, his Ma∣jesty would then be at full liberty, to prosecute his pretences. So every one pre∣ferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion, sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him, instead of assaulting others, to defend himself, they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours, and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time. The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to ano∣ther, to resolve particularly what should be done.

Politick Observation.

POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours, but it ought to be accompanied with Justice, else it cannot passe for a vertue, and is to be used onely towards enemies. The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others, which we would not have Page  167done to our selves, they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society. Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigis∣monds Ambassadours, (who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria, he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it) that he had such Guns in his Arcenal, as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria, but as much as he could finger too, in any other place. An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant, who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot, but not so in Christian Princes, whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice. That which Antigo∣nus the Great, replyed to one, who would needs perswade him, that whatever Kings had a mind to, was lawful, was much more praise worthy, he told him true, it was so, but amongst Barbarian Kings, not them who professe Justice, and to whom all injustice is an abomination. God hath in the Scriptures apointed di∣stinct Laws both for Princes and private men; and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good, so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence. Plutarch blameth Marius very much, for not executing Justice, but when it was advantageous, and because he alwayes took profit to be honest, not regarding truth so he might be stronger, but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other, and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force. God, saith Isaiah, reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws, and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe, when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie, by the Duke of Savoys means, who desirous to reveng himself, because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge; made choise of him, as a person capable to embroyle things, who went about it the more passionately, because he was offended with the Cardinal, for having driven him out of France, for making of cabals, against the State. His first voyage was into Holland, to see how they stood inclined, and to draw them into the league. But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs, he could make but little progress in it, his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was. Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire, he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel; which being once con∣cluded, The King of England sent about the month of April, the Lord Moun∣tagu, to take particular orders for execution of it, both in Savoy and Lorrain, and with the Duke of Rohan. It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Mon∣tagues Journy, and no one was thought more fit, then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain, with whom he was to discourse, that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court, the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her. So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain; besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means, and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France, He having found the Duke much exasperated, and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger, he ingaged to him to enter upon France, at the same time that the English Fleet should land there: The Duke also gave him hopes, that his attempts should be the more considerable, in regard the Emperour, who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction, would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed, and having disposed the Duke of Lor∣rain to the doing whatever he could demand, he went into Languedoc, where meeting the Duke of Rohan, he gave him an accompt of their whole design, who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England, Savoy and Lorrain, he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest. Thence he went to Savoy where Page  168the Duke animated against France, and particularly against the Cardinal, his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances, of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea, to which purpose part of his Forces, were already upon their march: He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan, to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, exhorting him to be careful and courageous, for that their business was in a good condition. They fancied to themselves, that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France. Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain, but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues, having had a continual watch upon him foure months together, that he might snap him upon his return, and learn more particularly, by the contents of his Papers, the quality of his negotiations; and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne, whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him. About him was found a little cabinet of papers which con∣tained the depth of his employment, and it was the happier for France, that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him, which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble, It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie. The Duke of Orleans hearing of it, took his part, made a great noise, about it, and fancying to himself that the En∣glish were landed in the Ile of Ree, that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together, he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court, one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother, then at Paris in his Majesty absence, to demand Mountagu of her; and in case she did refuse it, to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time, protesting withal, that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction, for this injurie which he pretended had been done him, because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories. He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy, and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie, where Mountagu was then Prisoner, as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns, whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English: But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris, together with the defeat given the English at Ree, as shall anon be declared, made him and the Duke of Savoy too, change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once.

They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou, they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey: So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua, which he thought to surprise, by a Stra∣tugem which had been contrived, and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him, that Mountagu should be set at liberty, soon after his Majesties return to Paris.

His anger was like storms which after much noise, are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty, to expect the Kings return to Paris, whither he soon after arrived: Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers, from which there had been discovered as much as was desired, his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain, and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues. In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers, that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree, that he had promised to assist them; That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt; that he had assisted him with succours; That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot, and twelve hundred Horse. There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon, for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant, and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies; That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Mont∣pelier; That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence, and besides all Page  169this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King, his Ministers of State, and the Government of his affairs.

Politique Observation.

TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State, is a Commission, as little happy as honourable. If it tend to the Arm∣ing of his subjects against him, It hath ever had such ill successe, that one may say of him who arms them, that in shaking the Pillars of the State, Justice, and obe∣dience, he only burries them in their own ruines. If it be for the making of confe∣deracies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another, they last so little, that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them: Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion. Then comes distruct between them, no one obtains any glory, which t'other doth not envy, nay and hinder too if he can; Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine, like structures built upon a foundation of sand. War is of it self so uncertain, that he who begins it, is not sure to gain any thing by it. A Command mis-appre∣hended, an Order ill executed, an enterprise not well timed, an inconsiderate rashness, and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout; Besides negotiations being often considered, by their Events, all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish, who first perswaded to the design. On the other side, God favoureth Just Arms, and vallour signifies nothing saith B•llisa∣rius, without Justice, so that he who ingageth any, without a lawful cause, may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion.

But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States, against whom he attempteth to make a war? Not to stop him, were a madness in any Prince, and a greater, not to punish him for his rashness. But ad∣mit he escape that mis-fortune, his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usu∣ally brings trouble and charge to his Country. I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch, to Leosthenes, who in an Oration endeavoured to en∣gage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death; Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full, but beareth no fruit, for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages, but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit, from such a war tending to the States good, so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever. What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfor∣tune, who employed their whole time, provoked to it, only by their particular passions any unjust reasons, to raise wars amongst Princes. The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde. After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles, his glory vanished like smoak, and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh. In the same man∣ner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines, but for that sedi∣tious Spirit, which animated him against the house of Medicis, and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens; but the blame he reaped by it, sullyed all his glory, and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it.

Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille.

THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared, there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of the in∣tended siege of Rochel, The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle, were taken, they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience, That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party; and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future, when they had a mind to procure any thing by force: neither were they a little startled at the Page  170assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken, of carrying the place. The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power, a diminution to their own private authorities, and they of France were not ignorant, that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed, they had then no game left to play but that of submission. This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses, as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt, though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design. The King had learn't from some of the old Court, that that which hindred the taking od Rochel, when as Charles the ninth besieged it, was only, the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had, that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters: So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency; neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal, least they should by joyn∣ing themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions. The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took, to give an assured remedie hereunto, was, to clap up in the Ba∣stille several sedicious turbulent persons, who began to speak aloud such things, as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of, but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing, it being his Majesties desire only to pre∣vent them from doing any hurt. The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet, de Mont∣pinson & d' Oy, were first of all secured, and shortly after Fancan and La Mille∣tiere, with other inferiours to keep them Company, which made them perceive, who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles; that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live with∣in their limits, and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place, if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour: Thus every one for love or fear was quiet, and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the re∣pose of his State, then those who are able to serve him; It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either. Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction, he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits, but little Prudence, for they of his Temper are usually wicked, ambitious, Lovers of Novelties, insurrections and all sorts of intreagues. Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition, when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues, and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number, when after a recital of his ver∣tues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent. On the other side, he ought to be vigilant over those, who are ready to undergo any meannesses, upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse; as Caesar did according to Dions report, who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person, on mean and base men, if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power. In this last age M•ns•eur ae Guise hath done the same thing, in the eyes of all men, but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown. Withall, he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor, or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs. For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith, there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty, do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts. That Cneus Piso was inga∣ged in all his undertakings, by his being reduced to extream necessity, and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth: Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times, change their Fashions when they please, who of Lyons turn to be Lambs, and from Lambs be∣come Lyons again, and this with much facility, all to make advantage of whatso∣ever Page  171comes uppermost, to swim with the stream, and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage: He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another, without any apparent reasons for it, of such as onely con∣verse with turbulent minds; of such as seem to be discontented at affairs, of such as are in debt, or have received some distasts in their private interests. I could pro∣duce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions, and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected, if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it. But making profession of being short, I shall one∣ly for conclusion say, that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons, especially on the least occasion given to suspect, that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague. The least delay which shall be given them, will onely fix them so much the more, whereas the dispatch in securing of them ra∣ther sooner then later, is a kind of Pitty, for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement, by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes. Am∣bition, Covetousnesse, Revenge, and Poverty, meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul, never let him be at rest, or free from some embroyl or other, if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity. And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties, yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour, then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-do∣ing by too imprudent a compassion.

Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourde∣aux, reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal.

THere was about the same time, ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon, Governour of Guyenne, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture, where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concen∣ter to stifle rebellion in its birth, and to keep the people in their duty. Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty, and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux, to indeavour their reconcilement, and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs. The ground of their difference was this, the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace, granted by the King to the Hugonots, to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been re∣gistred in the Parliament. Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat, fining him 1500 Liures, and ordered the rest to appear in Court, and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them. The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse, but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest, and confirmed Minuelle in his Office, grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace. The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him; but the Duke of Espernon be∣ing not of an humour easily to submit to any others will, then that of the Kings, persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest. The Parliament made a third; so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing, and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace, which was then made by the Parliaments Authority. In sine, an extream feud rise between them, and the Parliament came to that point, that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes, yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service. This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne, and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt, they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it, it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth, when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel. The King finding of what consequence it might prove, dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux, to dispose the Duke to give the Page  172Parliament satisfaction, and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good. The Sieur de Leon came thither, and finding the Parliament resolute, that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault, could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this, that he would go to the Par∣liament and pay them some complements of honour and respect. The Parliament was not contented with it, so their accommodation was deferred, till at last the news being come, that the English Fleet was at Sea, every one addressed himself to serve the King, and to hinder their landing in Guienne: And then the Cardinal de Sourdis, Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them, perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them. At last unto the Parliament he came, and having complemented them with great civility; they answered him in the like, without the least mention of any thing past, and thus this great storm was allayed.

Politique Observation.

JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service, to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves; for they discovering one ano∣thers defects by their division, give occasion to redress them, and withall, each one feareth to offend, that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him. It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance, and produceth the same effects, as a weight equally divided in two Scales, which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part. If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence, each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself, and their Soveraign never the wiser. Thus said Cato to them, who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Cae∣sar had ruined the Common-wealth. It is true, it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot, but the friendship which had formerly been be∣tween them, was the first and chief cause. Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater, who afterwards finding it begin to break by the decea∣ses of Pompey and Crassus, their wives which served to preserve it, there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government; Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself, and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall. The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties, and that every thing went to decay, chose Pompey sole Consul, giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates, and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed. Seneca with great rea∣son compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault, which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it, that the more weight is laid on it, the stronger it bears it up; whereas it would easily be broken, if made of one stone alone. In fine, this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses, to the looking more strictly into things, and the keeping every one in his duty. It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Ma∣jesties service, and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Pro∣vince; but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body; and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence. One of the chief is, when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority, to oppose the power of a Governour, and if a Governor abuse his power, to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament: And thus was it according to Tacitus, that the Roman common people, ballancing the Nobili∣ties power, did along while prefer their liberty. Yet above all, it would be neces∣sary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing, and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities, from whence strange accidents might follow. If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound, either death follows, or at least great sicknesse; and doubtlesse such contests hap∣ning Page  173among Governours, either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them, or at least breed great disorders amongst them. The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people, and the Senate, caused great evils; and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caesar did break out, every one siding with some party, took up Arms, from whence followed strange murthers, and Tragedies, and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will.

The King going from Paris towards Rochel, falls sick at Villeroy, after the first day of his setting out.

VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome, the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to in∣vade France. The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed Monsieur the Cardinal, enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs, gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs; his Majesty thus informed of their resolution, suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel, that he might incourage his Souldiers, to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence. But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men, did not permit the effecting of it, so soon as his Majesty desired. It pleased his Providence to visit him with sick∣nesse from the first day of his departure from Paris, which encreasing, forced him to stay at Villeroy: His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned. The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver, beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it; and experience having told him, that it was but reasonable, he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals ma∣nagement. But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident, that her sad∣nesse would not give her leave to think on any thing. The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal. Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul, as well as upon the Queen Mothers; but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm; so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt, together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois, that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory. It cannot be denied, but that this was one of the most con∣siderable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome. It was a part∣ing blow, upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet, and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master. So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it, and his prudence effected such things, which cannot passe but for miracles.

Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do, since the King had comman∣ded him to ease himself, as much as possible he could for his health sake, which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister: He had induced his Majesty to think good, that he should take for his share, the care of what related to his Majesties glory, or the conduct of his State. This moderation of his was to be admired at, and such as few are indued with. In that he represented to his Ma∣jesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac, who was a person Active, Live∣ly, and full of Understanding, he might absolutely depend upon him for the Ju∣stice, and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent, which being thus, he could apply all his care to the go∣vernment of the State, and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands. And lastly, that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France, or any other State, that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs, for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury, hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome, which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time. His Majesty did not a Page  174little esteem both his judgement and modesty; far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers, who are never satisfied untill they rule all, so he was pleased to admit of his request, which he did the more readily grant, in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health, which could not long subsist under the care of all things, though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world. From that time forward, he medled onely in matters of State, and left all the rest to the other Ministers.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome, never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs. He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses, is a rash inconsiderate man, and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government, and hatred upon his person. The Soul of man of what quality soever he be, is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks; and true it is, who so divideth the strength of his Genius, in the management of all affairs, can act but feebly in those of great weight, and by consequence to the detriment of the pub∣lick good. It is with Souls as with Appetites, they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats, over-charge themselves, and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours, thus those minds which would govern all, leave all in disorder. Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith, that the Prince ought to be like a hand, which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority; the hand hath divers fingers to work. There need no other proof of this truth, then that knowledge and prudence which is re∣quired in the Conduct of a State; besides the administration of Justice, and the su∣perintendency of the Treasuries. A chief Minister ought to have his eye not one∣ly upon all things, affairs, and persons of concernment in the Kingdome; but like∣wise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies; yes, and upon their Ministers too, to discover if possible their designs, and either by policy or force to break such, as may be any way prejudicial to his Master.

He ought to have his Engines on work, to dive into the Counsels of the Pope, the Emperour, the Spaniard, and all other neighbour Princes. He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours, their inclinations, passion, exercises, and all that may conduce to the Government. In case any of them at∣tempt a design which may make them too potent, he is bound to oppose it. If his Allies be set upon, he must be as careful to defend & protect them, as the out-guards of his Kingdome. As for that which is considerable at home, the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time, either in his applications to preserve his favour, or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him, or to pro∣pose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels, as may be proper and profitable together. The Princes of the blood too, will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace; but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction, it being true, that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome, doth most commonly depend upon them: He ought al∣so to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates, to keep them in such decorum, that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt: That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls which is intrusted with them, in prejudice of the Kings royal authority. What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Offi∣cers of the Crown, the Governours of Provinces and Towns, and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties, doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them, their designs, Cabals, Interests, Abilities, and their very inclinations, that he may take order with them according to their dispositions, and the common good, and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise? ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and Page  175Trade, that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth? The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be reset∣led in the duties they owe their King and Country: But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up, when there is a necessity of raising Forces? Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches, either for quarterings or marching of Regiments, or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amu∣nition, or the exact observation of militarie discipline? It would need a long dis∣cours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister, but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow, gives me not leave to describe them, These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them, and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself, of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries.

The English Fleets arrival before Ree.

DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships. At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers, who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the Ile of Ree, that their number encreased, and the Hollanders not affraid of them, it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet, of which there was quickly a greater assurance, when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the Ile of Ree called La Pree, against which they shot very much all day long, and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau, within half musket shot of the Land, and some of them adventured within Pistol shot: Which made the Sieur de Thoyras, then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the Ile of Ree, Judg that they intended to there abouts, so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs, and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place, that he might fall on them in their disbarking. But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continu∣ally. They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men. The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot, yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing, he resolved to assault them, notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Can∣non, which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore. He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause, and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them. He divided his Horse into seven parties, five of which were commanded to give the Charge, and break the English ranks, and the foot had order to follow on; the two other parties were to keep off for a re∣serve, upon the first signal of the Fight, The first went on in good order, but were forced to Gallop off again, for that the English Cannon put them in such con∣fusion, that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to en∣gage, some killed, some wounded and others unhorsed; but their courage who were in a condition to march on, stood firm, so they advanced up to the English Batta∣lions, and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions. The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot, were put into such disorder, that many of them swam to their Ships. The French now finding they were not pursued, and seeing that they were not in condition to fight, they rallied together and charged them once more, before ever the foot came up; but at last they came and fell in, doing more then could be expected; but the violence of the Cannon was such, that it was fit to sound the retreat, and to expect a more favourable occa∣sion to fight with them. Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother, the Baron of Chautail, Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse, and about one Page  176hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter, most part of the Officers being wounded: neither had the English a lesse loss. Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns. They likewise lost one of their Collours, and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded. So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud: but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side, keeping under shelter of their Ships, neither would they stir one foot, till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin, and not meet them any more in the field.

Politique Observation.

I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland, where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied. The night alone is enough to favour their landing, and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places, yet the Canon would make such havock, that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore. Thus hath Machiavel, and the wisest Politions observed, That it seldome happened, that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army, was hindered from opening any passage if un∣defended by a good Castle. When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy, The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby, with very great Forces to hinder his passage, were forced to make way for him, when they saw Monsieur de Guise, with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them. In the like manner Philip de Valois having com∣manded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa, and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe, and in lesse then six howers, to be all over, whilst the Sea flowed back again. It were easie to produce many the like examples. But I rather think the wisest course which can be taken on such occasions is to make them pay dearly for their Landing by cutting good store of them in peeces, and to adventure on them at their first foot∣ing with courage and resolution. The first attempts are they which make way for all the rest. An Enemy finds himself astonished at the death of some of his party, and at the great resistance which he meeteth. The difficulties which are forseen in obtaining of victories disheartens all those who have but a little courage: and it hath been often found that an enemy will more willingly retier himself, then run the hazard of a second rout. Cruelty is allowable in such occasions, to strick terrour into an enemy, to shake their resolutions, and to affright them, for many from fearfall to despair of victorie, whilst they judg, considering the strong resistance made in defence of a pass, it must needs be a mark of the assured resolution they have taken to defend themselves in a place when once they are besieged.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THE newes of the English Fleets arrival was soon brought to the Court, but the Cardinals Prudence was such that he would not let the King be acquainted with it, least it might encrease his Fever, neverthlesse his Great Genius, who fin∣deth remedies for all things, did take wonderful care by his orders to repel them. The King had already, upon Intelligence that the English were setting out, com∣manded many Regiments of Foot and Troops of light Horse and dispatched several Commissions to raise more Forces with order to all Officers, to come to the rande∣vous at Poictou, and there to be in a readiness, for such imployments as occasion should require: He had also given the charge of this Army to the Duke of An∣goulesme, who at his first comming, gave all necessary orders, for the safetie of Brouage, and the Iles of Oleron, relying entierly as to the Ile of Ree, on the cou∣rage and Loyalty of the Sieur de Thoyras, Monsieur d' Angoulesme had also put into Page  177Fort Lewis, all kinds of Ammunition with great diligence, whereby to repel the English, if they should come to assault it and he made use of a Stratagem, which was the probable cause of staying the English at the Ile of Ree, as also of prevent∣ing them from coming on the Mainland. His devise was this; He gave order, upon his first comming to the Quarter Master General of the Army to go to all the Boroughs and Villages there abouts, to provide Quarters for an Army between fifteen and twenty thousand men, though he had not in all; above the half of that number.

The Rochelois hereupon swallowing this fiction for a truth, presently advised the English of it, who apprehending the encounter of so great Forces, went to the Ile of Ree. He also observed the order given him by the Cardinal, not to provoke the Rochelois, nor give them the least jealousie of any thought to besiege them. This Great Minister well knew, That the people are easily transported to all extre∣mities, when they fear any severe punishment to fall upon them, and particularly that the Rochelois having called in the English to vindicate their Liberty, would never be induced totally to give themselves up to them, whilst they did not fear a siege, and that therefore it would be proper, not to give them any suspition. And for the same reason it was, that the Duke of Angoulosme, did so favourably receive their Deputies, assuring them, that the King intended nothing else, but to let them enjoy their priviledges, on condition they deserved it by their submis∣sion; he also suffered them to gather in their harvests thinking it lesse inconvenient to let them make that provision, which at best could not much prolong the siege, then to give them occasien, by declaring their design to deliver up themselves to the English.

This disposal of his was accompanied with great Prudence, yet not sufficient to drive the English out of the Ile of Ree, or hinder them being Masters thereof to go on the Mainland. Monsieur the Cardinal, who had the Charge under the Authority of the King and Queen Mother, to provide against this necessity, em∣ployed more effectual means, for the procuring those happy successes, which for∣ced the World to believe, that the King could bring such things to passe, as his predecessours could not aspire to; He used extraordinary deligence to hasten the Levies, and to draw together good store of shipping, to succour Ree as also to hinder the English from entring into the Channel of Rochel, in case they should at∣tempt it, one of his Chief cares was to prohibit by an Edict all sorts of Maritine commerce; and at the same time he sent into parts, to man those vessels formerly employed, and with all speed to bring them neer Roch•l; he sent to Havre de Grace and Diepe Commissions and mony, for the dispatching of the Ships which he had there prepared, and unto Oleron, Brouage and •uyenne, to have victuals and ammu∣nition in a readiness. He gave Charge to the Abbot of Marsillac, to passe by the Coast of Olonne to raise Marriners, and to the Sieur de Beaumout Chief Comptroler of the Kings house, intimate friend of Monsieur de Thoyras, to emyloy his utmost care and industry to put provisions into the Cittadel of Ree. Withal, Touredes was dispatched to St. Mallos to rig out three great Ships, and Beaulieur Courcelles, with Cant•lona, Sea Captains unto Ol•nne, to contrive away how to clap victuals into Ree. Beauli•• Persac was sent to execuse a design he had proposed to set fire on some of the English Ships, and to throw himself into the Cittadel of St. Mar∣tin, but he could not effect it. La Rinterre, after Greffier was sent along the Coast to presse all the Shallops, that went with oare, he sent Magnac to the Duke d'Espernon, and several Couriers, to the Towns upon the Garronne, to draw toge∣ther all the Barks, Galliots, and small vessels which might be serviceable. He sent post into Holland to the Commander de Gouttes, who commanded the Kings Ships to come away with all speed, and at the same time understanding that the Hollan∣ders were sollicited by the English to assist them with their shipping, he set a Treaty of renuing alliance on foot by his Majesties Ambassadour there, whereby to divert them. Which was soon agreed upon by giving them certain monyes, and so the Articles were signed; amongst which this was one, that they should assist the King Page  178with their shipping, if need were. This Grand Minister excercised with admirable Prudence the advice of an Ancient, who counselled him that had two enemies, that he should compound with one of them, the better to make war with t'other: He likewise employed the Bishop of Nismez, Monsieur de Thoyras his Brother, and Monsieur Desplan one of his best friends, to advance those succours with all dilli∣gence. He made divers promises of ten thousand Crowns to them who should convey victuals into Ree, in short from July to the end of August there was no∣thing to be seen but Couriers of all qualities poasting up and down the Country, and others to advance the succours which at last arrived as we shall hereafter de∣clare, and relieved Ree, to the shame of the English and the Kings immortal Glory.

Politique Observation.

PRudence is a Helmet which secureth a Kingdom from all sinister accidents which may betide it. It is the Eye of a Minister, of State which helpeth him to see all that is needful to be done, as his valour is the hand which serves him to put it in execution. Without it, he were more feeble then a Blind man; and might expect nothing but confusion from the resistances which he shall make against the ene∣mies of the State; whereas with Prudence every thing is possible. Antiquity hath said that a Wise man is Fortunes Master, and that there is not any thing in the power of that blind Goddess, but is subjected to the Laws of vertue; and which may not be diverted by the prudent Counsel of a Wise man. Plutarch on the life of Fabius saith, God only gives good successe to mens actions, according to their being messured by vertue and Prudence; and the Example of the Emperour An∣tonius the Debonnaire, may serve to Illustrate this truth; He had so many good suc∣cesses in all his undertakings, it is said he never repented of any his resolutions, and that he saw all his designs come to passe according as he contrived them; Now a certain Roman Senator taking the boldness, to aske him the reason of it, after he had testified how much he esteemed his conduct, and with what wonder he was possessed to see so happy an end crown all his endeavours; he was answered that he did as much as was possible, foresee all those accidents which might fall out and thereupon he prepared proper remedies for them: That he spared neither his care nor discretion, to bring his designs to passe, and that he committed the executing of them to person fit for it: This is the Rule of Prudence, and true it is that as the light of the Sun shews the way to any place where a man would go; so this vertue when possessed in any eminent degree, inlightens the Soul of a Minister with so much Splendor, that it gives him a means to obtain whatever he can propose to himself. It discovereth to him infallible wayes to arrive unto the ends of his under∣takings, guideth his motions, ordereth his Counsels, regulateth his affections, composeth his Actions, Governeth his wisdome, appointeth his orders, and dis∣covereth to him, whatever is able to stop the course of his designs: And as it teacheth never to attempt impossibilities so it is a most certain way to arrive unto whatever is within compasse of being brought to passe. And thus it may safely be said, that by Prudence it is, that God doth prepare the wayes of happiness and good successe for mankind.

Buckingham stormeth the Cittadel of St. Martin.

NO one but God alone moveth in an instant. The succours could not be put in∣to Ree on a sudden, and the English finding no body come to trouble them, in the fortifications upon the shore, resolved to besiege the Cittadel of St. Martin. The Duke of Buckingham, conceived such great hopes of making himself Master of the place, that he writ to his Master of Great Britain, that in eight days he would set up his Colours in it, and his Majesty published a Declaration inviting his subjects to go and inhabit the Island of Ree, promising them great priviledges and freedoms, Page  179and that he would take care to hunt out all the French. That which made Buc∣kingham thus confident was, he found himself on the Island very strong, and knew there were but few French in the Cittadel, and his Engineers assured him of making such devices, that it should be impossible for his Majesty to relieve it. To which purpose, he made his approaches upon the Cittadel on the sixth day after his arrival, and on the seventh commanded six peece of Cannon to be planted upon the Port of St. Martin, who began to batter the place from day break with such effect, that beating all down where the Mills stood, they wantest but little of bearing them clear away; but the besieged laboured with that dexteriousnesse and diligence that they covered, and so saved them; and withall their Battery shot at that of the English, so luckily, that they soon dismounted all their Cannon. This discredit madded the English, who the next day raised another Battery to be revenged of it, and drew their Trenches about the Cittadel, that they might make their nea∣rer approach.

Now the Sieur de Thoyras not acquainted with letting his enemies make their avenues, without going out to meet them, fell upon them in their works; and the English were no sooner at their labour, but he sallied out upon them with great vi∣olence and courage. But above all, on the very first day he made use of one for to secure a Haven where such Barques as came to releeve him, might land in safety, and raised a work round about it upon the shore-side, which he kept as carefully as the Cittadel it self, and from thence it was that he received those succours which afterwards delivered him out of trouble. The enemies Trenches were not such, but that he had intelligence with those of the Island, especially the Catholiques, who were a good number, and such as might furnish him with many necessaries for the Cittadel; which the Duke of Buckingham perceiving, sent them all away in Boats, so that there was now no other hopes of relief but from the main land. The English in the mean time trifled out a moneth more, without doing any thing, but at last growing impatient; they resolved to assault a Half Moon, not quite fini•hed, and by favour of the night fell upon it; but being got on the top of the Wall, they were knocked off again by the Halberds, and so ill-handled, that after the losse of about one hundred and fifty men, they drew off again, whereas we had onely four souldiers hurt. This vexed them indeed, and made them resolve to try once more what good they could do upon the same Half Moon, but they were then also bea∣ten off with good successe. The Sieurs Montant, Praron, Montandre, Caisac, and Saint Previl received the assault with a great deal of courage; of the French party Beauli•u onely miscarried, and the greatest hurt which the English did, was this, they poysoned a certain Well near the Half Moon, that they might the more incom∣modate the besieged, who to say truth, did very much want water, and thereupon they resolved not to stir any more, but to force the place by Famine, and to put them to all imaginable inconveniences, which might compell them to sur∣render.

Politick Observation.

A Passe being once forced, it is discretion in him who is repelled to retreat un∣to some strong hold, especially if he be too weak to keep the Field. Pericles when he saw his Country assaulted by the Lacedemonians, did thus for though they burnt and pillaged the whole State, yet would be not stir out to fight them; choo∣sing rather with safety to preserve, then hazard those few Forces which he had. In the defence of a Place four things ought to bee observed, The Governour, the Souldiers, The Fortifications, and the Ammunitions. As for that which concerneth the Commander in Chief, he ought to be a person of an unquestionable fidelity, not to be corrupted by mony, one whose courage is invincible, and who knoweth not what fear is; His vigilance ought to be extream great, and uncapable of surprise, he ought to have a body enured to labour, and used to undergo the Inconvenien∣cies of a town and ill diet; to have a confidence in his Souldiers that he may lead Page  180them on whether ever he pleaseth. The choise of Souldiers is no lesse observable, and it were a madnesse to make use of new raised Troops, unacquainted with trou∣ble or the business of war; None but old experienced Souldiers ought to be put in a place of concernment; For this reason was it that the Romans alwayes disposed such old Soldiers as could no longer keep the field, into Garrison: For all Fortifi∣cations how strong so ever, are to little purpose, if they be not animated by the courage and vallour of the Souldiers within them. Courage is a thing so potent, that by it we have seen many places defended against most great Armies; Fortifica∣tions however ought not to be neglected, but on the contrary, in case they be not regular and in good order, when a place is first besieged, then he who is overseer of them ought to work day and night with extraordinary care and dilligence until they be brought to a condition, of not fearing any assault. It is impossible whole to defend them from the violence of the Cannon, but the Governour ought alwayes to have in readiness good store of Baskets Faggots, sacks of wool, and Hogsheads filled with earth to make up any Breaches, which shall be made. Now as to that which relateth to Munitions of war and victuals. The care of them is not lesse con∣siderable, for that the Souldiers who are to defend a place must both eat and fight, and he who is Governour of them must make sure of such provisions, as may suffice to endure the siedg to the very utmost. No exact measure can be set down, but they ought to be proportioned to the places themselves, so that if the place be Te∣nable for a long siedg there ought then to be a greater quantity of provision made, and if it be lyable to a surprise by assault then the lesse will serve turn. If in case there should be any defect in making of necessary provision, he is then obliged to use his utmost care and endeavour for the bringing of it to the place, his ruine being unavoidable, if he want means to prevent it; and that he may secure away to re∣ceive such provisions he must as much as possibly he may make sure of the Avenues of the Port, if it be a Sea Town, and if it be an Inland place then those passes which lye next to it. Thus did Corbul••, when he was besieged as Tacitus relateth it by King Tyridates, he contrived away to make sure of those passages by which he re∣ceived his Provisions and Recruits from the Pontique Sea and the City of Trabesond, by building a certain Fort upon an adjoyning Mountain, by which means he had all necessaries brought to him, so that his enemies attempts prooved all to no purpose.

Prosecution of the History.

THis procedure of the English brought the besieged in the Citadel of St. Martin to great necessity. When the siedge first began, they were furnished with store of victuals butter, and wine, but there were for many Gentlemen volunteers to be fed, so many footmen and Officers besides the R•giment and a grea• many Catho∣lick inhabitants of the Hand that in a short time they were reduced to bread and water. Their greatest trouble was to be six weeks without hearing any thing from the Main Land; all the boats which had attempted to come to them, to assure them of a strong succour, had been stopt by the enemy, excepting one only which brought them some victuals upon the thirteenth day of •ugust, so that they knew not what to hope for. That which most of all perplexed them was, that the En∣glish made several inventions, to stop up the mouth of the haven, and to prevent the means of their succours; they first of all built a certain Fort upon three or four great Ships fast tied together, upon which they planted eight or ten piece of Can∣non, to hit between wind and water any boats that should attempt to passe: they made a certain raing of Ships before the place, which shut up the passage: Withall they tied great Cabals from one vessel to another, upon which they hung certain barrels to keep them up above water, and hinder any relief. The Sea indeed and the winds laugh'd at their devises, overwhelming them in the water, so that the English were forced to unty their Cables, seeing in what danger their Ships were, when the wind began to rise and the Sea to be troubled; But however, they having Page  181blocked up the passage, so that it was impossible for the besieged to send or receive any boats to or from the many Land, it the much troubled them, and diverse Sol∣diers of the Cittadel annoyed with hunger and other necessities found means to get out and surrender themselves to the enemy, discovering the straits to which the be∣sieged were reduced: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham, that he might make use of this advantage, writ to the Sieur de Thoyras, where after he had highly com∣mended his courage, he invited him to surrender himself and deliver up and place upon honourable conditions, that he might withdraw himself from that imminent peril to which he was like to be exposed, by the evil treatment, which if van∣quished, he would force upon himself. The Sieur de Thoyras endured this necessity with delight, because it was accompanied with glory, nor was he at all moved at the receipt of the Letter; but he returned answer to the Duke, that neither the despair of relief, nor the fear of being ill treated, though to the greatest extremity, should ever be able to make him quit his design of defending the place; That he confessed himself obliged to him for his civil proposal, but that he should think himself unworthy of any of his favours, should he omit any one point of his duty in this occasion, the successe of which could not but be very honourable unto him, However, that he might take off from the impatience of the English, he thought it proper, and that by the Councel of his friends to pretend a Treaty with them, which he continued with such addresse, that his enemies verily believed that his thoughts were enclined rather to surrender than to gain time in hopes of relief: The Duke of Buckingham supposing it impossible that they should be relieved, considering his engines, and the great number of his Ships, which lay in the Roade before the place, sought rather to face the besieged by famine than to run new hazards by assaulting them after his first ill successe. In the mean while as necessi∣ty doth quicken industry, so the Sieur de Thoyras found means to send three Sol∣diers to the Main Land by swimming, to give his Majesty notice of the condition in which he was, & to hasten away relief. One of them called Le Pierre passed the Sea, forcing its waves to yeild to his resolution. He came to the Army before Rochel and delivered the Letters which he had for the King, and others the Sieur de Thoy∣ras his friends. The Duke of Angoulesme dispatched that to his Majesty, then at Villeroy, and his cares for sending the relief were doubled; so that the Sieur de Thoyras his friends, knowing in what condition he was, and how important it was to the Kings honour to assist him, did use their utmost endeavours to heasten away his relief.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the greatest difficulties, to which a man can be brought in ordinary seiges is the inability of sending intelligence to them, from whom he doth expect relief; and one of them greatest cares of the who besiege a place, is to stop all wayes that nothing way passe in or out. Some have made use of the night for this purpose as the Goths did, when they would send news to Vitigez, being besieged in Ormuz, by Belligarius; they made a great noise at one of the Gates, pretending as if they would sally out upon their enemies, to the intent that Bellisarius might draw all his Forces theither and leave but a few at that quarter, by which they designed to send away their Messenger. A Stratagem indeed very advantagious, when mana∣ged with prudence. The same Goths, as Procopus reports, used another devise upon the same occasion to send news to Vitigez, which was, They corrupted some sentinels for mony, an invention easy to be practised in civil wars, where both par∣ties are acquainted with one another. But that which is the most certain way, which they who are besieged may make use of, to send a broad intelligence, ought to be guided by discretion, according as occasions present themselves, and exe∣cuted them with all possible addresse; for it is an art, not to be laid down by cer∣tain Rules, neither can it be learned by precepts; but natural industry infuseth it by diverse instincts, and experience teacheth it in war. I shall onely add that there Page  182are sundry and divers means to be met with in History, which great Captains have used on this occasion. The Campany being besiged by the Romans, sent a man, who counterfeyted himself mad, with letters for the Carthaginians in his girdle, Hircius Consul, writ to Decius Brutus then besieged in Modena by Antonius, and sent his Letters made up in lead, fastned to the Arms of those who swam over the River. The same man did some times keep up Pidgeons in the dark without giving them to eat, and then finding them almost famished, carried them as near the place as possibly he could, then let them go; which flying to the houses with their letters about their necks, were either taken down or killed by Brutus. Justine reports that Harpagus, that he might conveigh Letters to Cyrus, put them up in the belly of an hare and sent them by a faithful Servant, who passed through King Arbactus guardes for an Huntsman.

Others have used as many different devised, as their wits and opportunities could attaine to. That which ought to be observed, is this, that such Letters ought not to be writ in Characters or such cyphers which are legible. We are not now in Caesars dayes; who designing to send Cicero word that he was at hand to relieve him, writ to him onely in Greek: At this time there are no cyphers, which are not easily found out. It were fit that they were like the Characters of Chinenses, which signifie things not Letters, who writing as many different Characters as there are things, it must needs be an hard matter to decypher them. These Cha∣racters, too for the greater security should be writ with the juyce of Limmons or Onyons between the Lines of Letters, in which there is nothing of concern, be∣cause that which is writ with this juyce cannot be read, but by water or fire. It were not amisse too, if he who is Governour, before the siedg, agree with him to whom he would send intelligences of the manner he would write to him, and there might be onely certain words in each line, which composed together should dis∣cover his thoughts, and yet taken with the rest, would be thought to treat of other businesse than that which is really intended.

The Ile of Ree relieved.

THE Relief of the Island was due to the Cardinal after his great or rather ex∣tream care. One of the chiefest means he used to effect it was this, He sent to Bayonne for 15 flat vessels, called Primaces, built both to sail and row and withal very fleet, and able to endure a storm, He judged by his prudence, that the En∣glish having none of this fashion, they might easily get to Ree in the night, with∣out being discovered. The order was dispatched to the Count de Grand-Mont with command to put them under the conduct of the Sieur de Chalar Captain of one of the Kings Ships, then in Spain, and in case he should not be come back, then to whom he thought fit. The Count provided the 15 Primaces with all haste, he armed then with Musquets and piks the best he could, in each of them he put 20 seamen, and took care if nothing was wanting. The Sieur de Chalar not being re∣turned, he committed the conduct of them to Captain Baslin, one of the most ex∣perienced and stoutest Sea Captain in those Parts. About the end of August, he came with his Primaces to the Sands of Olonne, where the Abbot of Marsillac re∣ceived him with great joy, and his vessels being well stored with victuals add am∣munition, he lent him six score men of the Regiment de Champany with some Vo∣luntiers, to put off upon the first occasion. Upon the fifth of September, he set sail in the head of his little Fleet about 6 of the clock at night. Soon after he knew that he was near the Enemies Fleet, he spead abroad his great sailes, and was pre∣sently discovered. But the Primaces going very swift could not be stopped by the English Vessels; they went without losse, onely some sails and one or two Masts were shattered, and one shot through with a bullet. Baslin having thus passed the Enemies, fell upon the Baracado which they had made, to hunder relief, which consisted of great Masts linked together with iron chains and tied with Cabels fast∣ned to great Anchors; however many of the Primances by reason, of their light∣ness Page  183and swiftness passed over, the rest as it pleased God did light upon a certain place, where the foregoing night a tempest had broken part of their Baracado, through which they passed without difficulty; so that about two in the night they ran ashore near one of the Bastilions of the Cittadel, a place where the English could not hurt them. The relief was great both for their reputation and assistance; It came so opportunely, that it gave them new courage, who were till then hardly able to breath, and it may safely be said that this one action was the deciding of the controversie. The passage was afterward clear, The besieged perswaded them∣selves that they should now want nothing, and the English were so astonished at it, that they sent to his Majesties Hab•rin the Duke of Buckinghams Kinsman, to see if he would make any propositions of Peace; but he was sent back as he went, without speaking with the King, who could no more resolve to see him, than to suffer the English to go away without treating them as they deserved, that they might have no great will to come another time.

Diverse other vessels attempted to passe unto the Island, but being heavier than the Pinnaces, they were forced to go off, some one way and some another through the English Fleet. It was then resolved, that 10 other Pinnaces should be got from Bayonne, which the Count de Grant-Mont rigged out and sent under the Com∣mand of Captain Audoum, upon the 4 of October they came upon the Sands of Olonne, They were soon laded and accompanied with 25 other little Vessels, 300 Soldiers went abroad them and 60 choice Gentlemen. Upon the 6 of October they put off. The Sieur de Cusar, and Captain Audouin were Commanders of the Squadron. But the wind changing, as soon as ever they were at Sea, two dayes past before they came to Ree, and that by day too. The English Fleet soon dis∣covered them, and engaged them in a rough fight. Musquet and Canon shot were not spared, but their courage surmounting their danger, 29 of the Vessels got clear to the Cittadel, where they run ashore on Friday morning the 8 of October; five of their Vessels were forced to give back: One onely in which were the Sieurs de Beaulieu and R•zilly, was taken by the Enemy. The English were so incensed at it, that they made in 24 hours above 2000 great shot upon the Port St. Martin so that there were onely 5 Pinnaces and one Traversin in condition to sail; but the vessels were unladed, and the Gentlemen and Souldiers happily landed in the Cittadel.

Politique Observation.

THE Relieving of a place is of such importance, that without it no place is able to hold out, when the besiegers appear to be resolute before it. He who relieves them, is acknowledges for their deliver, and does considerable service to his Prince. Although Sea-Ports are more easily assisted than Inland Towns, espe∣cially with a strong Fleet, because it is hard, if the winds, which with their incon∣stancy have an absolute Empire over the Sea, should not at some one time or other present a favourable occasion to break through all the obstacles, which their ene∣mies Ships can make; yet it is not the same thing when there is a want of great Ships to fight with those of the Enemy. When it happens thus, Prudence joyned with Fortune must surpasse all those difficulties, which oppose the relief of the place. There must of necessity be an expectation till Fortune presents a favourable wind, without which, what were it but rashly to run into danger? But when the wind sits right, the opportunity ought not to be lost, and then a wise Pilot guided by his industry, may hope for a good successe from his enterprise.

The Chief points, which he ought to observe, are, to provide store of light vessels, which may passe the quicker. For besides that deligence, the Mother of good successe, it is particularly needful, when a strong Fleet is to be broke through; and it gives great advantages, in regard the Enemies great Ships cannot sail so nimbly. It is true the light ones may be stopped by the Enemies which are of the same bulk, but it is an hard matter, if carrying a great number for the suc∣cour, Page  184some should not escape, especially, because the smaller vessels of the enemy are usually dispersed abroad upon the guard and cannot so quickly come into the fight; for that wind which is good to some, is contrary to others, and the succours having no great number of Ships for fight, one part advanceth through, whiles the others bears the brunt.

Besides, it were necessary to be very secret in providing the Convoy, and la∣ding the Barques; and if it be possible to prevent the Enemies knowledge of it, they will not be so strict in their watch, a dispersing their small vessels abroad. Withal an Enemy taken unprepared is not so terrible as when advised, and in rea∣dinesse. The night gives a great help, and ought chiefly be made choise of, as well for its darkness, which hinders their being discovered, as because then great Ships dare not be too bold lest they run on ground, so that the little ones are they which must pursue the fight. But above all the Command ought to be given to a couragious prudent Captain, followed by choise Soldiers, Victory being obtained more by vallour then multitude. Such men ought to be chosen, who neither fear Musquet nor Canon, but are resolved to run the hazard. Canons indeed are not much to be feared in the night, because they can hardly be levelled a right by rea∣son of the darkness, and the swiftness of the vessels motion.

Prosecution of the subject.

THe King unable to come to Rochel so suddenly, as his courage perswaded him, resolved to send thither Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his brother; those succours conducted by Andonin, were an effect of his care and vigilance to serve the King on this occasion; for having seen that the first Pinnaces guided by Baslin had happly arrived at the Island, he thought it would not be amisse to pro∣cure others to send a fresh supply, and therefore he dispatched away a Servant of his, one Sainct Florent to the Count de Grant-mont to entreat him to make ready ten others, and to send them by some Captain, of whom he had a particular know∣ledge: The Gentleman departing the 14 of September, arrived the 4 of October with them to the Sands of Olonne. To speak some thing of the power which Monsieur had before Rochel, it was an effect of the Kings Prudence and the Cardinals councel, who was not ignorant how that certain persons, whom he confided in, had craft enough to raise some discontent in him, if he had not been employed in the war; And the King thinking it necessary to send a Chieftain in his absence of such quality, whose presence might animate the Souldiers, and whose condition might oblige the Grandees to obey him without jealousie, chose Monsieur and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel, of his Forces in •oicion, X•in onge, Angoumois and Aulnis. Monsieur shewed in several en∣counters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct, than those who had spent all their time in Arms: Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois, where they had much a do to bring him off. He was extream care∣full for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp, and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree, and to keep the Army in discipline. The King arrived at Rochel. and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses, sufficient to have obliged him, to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company, had not his confidence diverted him from it and per∣swaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris. They made him be∣lieve that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name, although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects. These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things. It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was, by thus employing Mon∣sieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King, to make a good understanding between them; a thing no whit desired by them, who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them, which would render them∣selves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull. This proce∣dure Page  185is ordinary with them, who serve great Princes for their private Interests; they still fear, lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves, and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it. This was the true reason, which carried Monsieur back to Paris, his Highness having given more credit to their councels, which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion, which carried him on to the wars, when he might testify his cou∣rage to be no way inferiour to his birth.

Politique Observation.

IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood, especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown, that they live contented, but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous, when passing into Asia, he killed all his kindred, excepting one of his Bastard brothers, of whom he had no suspition: A Barbarousness onely received among Turks, where it passeth for a piece of Policy. I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus, who before they were beaten by the Portugals, took away the lives of most of their kindred. The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed, who shut them up in a place, from whence they never are permitted to come out, excepting onely him, who is to succeed in the Empire: Christianity hath Laws more moderate, and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny, but it well li∣keth those prudent counsels, which Kings take, so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles, and that they become not too powerfull in the State. It is wisedome to be kind unto them, to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve, to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices, which have more credit than power, not to give them the Authority of a great province, of any strong places, or the command of an Army, at least for no long time, without a faithful Livetenant, who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power. If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth, they become too potent and assume too great authority. The desire of Command, which their birth hath given them, doth blind their minds, when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands. Command saith Titus Livy, takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations, and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good.

Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger, of being killed by him. So Selimus being made partner of the Govern∣ment by his father Bajazet slew him, that he alone might have the sole command. And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain, not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his comm••g to the Crown? Hardly an Age passeth, but some examples of this kind have ap∣peared, which have made it evident, that great power in the Princes Royal, is in∣compatible with the Publique Quiet, or the safety of a Soveraign.

The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree.

THE first succours, which had been sent to Ree, had been to little purpose, if the •ing had not come in person, and sent over an Army to drive out the En∣glish; It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou, to the mercy of the Sea, to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land, to relieve a Fort half lost, and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army; seeing especially that in so doing, Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers. However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards; it was im∣possible to overcome them but in the Kings presence, at whose sight there is not any difficulty, which the courage of the French would not surmount. His Majesty Page  186having recovered his health, forthwith resolved to depart from Paris. He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces, from whence he departed to which end, he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy, with Forces and power to oppose the English, if they should make any incursion there about. He sent other Com∣missions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first, toward Poictou. He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet, part of which was already drawn together. He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de M•xie from the King of Spain, of a Fleet to serve him against the English, but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand, than for any great help he expected from it. In fine, he gave power to the Queen Mother, to govern, during his absence, the Provinces in and about Paris; and then he set forwards toward Rochel, that he might be there with the first. The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged, as also the Army, which lay in expectation of him, before Rochel. They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies. His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they ex∣pected him, so he would not make any stay in his journey, onely at Saumer where is the Church De Nostre Dame des Ardelliers. The King knew that victory was the gift of Heaven, that it is rather Gods than the Souldiers hands which procure it, and that men do in vain attempt if not favoured by his providence. He com∣manded publique prayers to be made over all Franc•, for the imploring of Gods assistance. He rested one day at Saumer, where he fasted with such devotion and confidence, that every one hoped for an happy successe from his fervent prayers. Neither was it in vain, for shortly after Audouin got into the besiedged Cittadel, the newes whereof came to his Majesty then at Niort upon the 9 of October, from whence he forthwith departed toward Rochel.

Politique Observation.

AS God is the Authour, so his Providence is the Governour of Kingdomes. His wisdome is an all seeing eye, to look into whatever is necessary for them: and his hand is omnipotent to provide all waves for their glory. That Creature which is born in the Sea, finds his livelihood there. The Tree which grows on the earth, is nourished there. The Fruit which owes it's birth to the Tree, owes also it's maturity. The Sun compleateth the Gold which he formeth, and thus States established by God ought to expect all their happiness and good successes from his providence. That is it which infuseth into Kings the knowledge of what is proper to be done, both in Peace and War: It is he who holdeth the hearts of all subjects in his hands, who inspireth them with respects due to their Authority, and keepeth them in obedience. How easily can God humble at his own pleasure, the minds of Rebels, abate their Fury, pull down their courage and force them to live, within their limits! And is he not the God of Battailes too, who bestoweth victory where he pleaseth, defendeth Justice by the Arms of the Souldier, striketh terror amongst his Enemies; and many times gives greater successe, then reason and the means would admit to be hoped for? To him it is Kings ought to have recourse in matters of concernment. David never went to war, but he con∣sulted with God. Constantine the Great, in that war which he made with the Per∣sians, caused a little Oratory in form of a Church to be carried with him, that in it he might do his devotions, and every Legion had its Templum Mobile wherein the Priests and Deacons said Masse, to implore Gods assistance. By Prayers, is Peace continued, and Enemies by it are overthrown. Every Prince who is inga∣ged in any great enterprise, is bound to believe it, and to have recourse to God, by Prayers, by works of Piety and Religion, assuring themselves upon his promise, of giving them what ever they shall heartily request, because he is just, and will be near them, who shall call upon him; that he will fulfill their desires who fear him; Exalt the faithful, who hope in him; and keep those who love him.

Ree is relieved.

UPon the Kings arrival, all thoughts were bent to execute the resolution taken at Paris, to send a strong relief, into Ree, not only that the English might be forced from the siedge, but quite driven out of the Island; The Kings courage would have carried him to go fight his enemies in person at Sea, but the Cardinal and his Generals by their intreaties, foreseeing into how great danger he run, perswaded him to the contrary. His Majesty would not by any means give leave, that the Cardinal should go, but desired, he might stay behind, to take the Chief care of sending the relief upon him, it being easie to judg, that if his coun∣sels were so succesful in his absence, he might obtain by his presence what ever could be desired. Hereupon the Cardinal commanded, that some of the vessels designed for the business, should be made ready with whatever was necessary for the sick and the sound, with store of Munition, and the day following the Sieur de Beau∣mont commanded them to Fort Delapree, which place the English did not much se∣cure; for they had victuals sufficient for six months for one hundred men that kept it; the same day he likewise sent order to Oleron, for the conveighing part of the Regiment of Plessis-Prasilin, to begin certain Trenches, and to draw certain lines and redoubts about the port which might favour the comming of the great re∣lief; They all got safe in and lost not a man; this good successe put the rest of the Souldiers in heart who were to passe thither. Without loosing more time the Duke of Orleans was sent by the King to Plumb, that he might put aboard the Ships Le Sieur de Canaples, seven hundred men of the guard, the Regiment of Beaumout, some Voluntiers and good store of Munition, who though he were then only eighteen year old, yet disposed all things so prudently, as if experience had made him grow old in arms; After the five and twentith of October, the King who knew the names and persons of most of his old Souldiers, had filled up all the Troops, the Masters of the Camp, Captains, and all the rest, who were to go. His Majesty knew, that it is not the number which gets the victory but courage, and therefore he would not have one man amongst them of whom he had not some experience: These Forces commanded by the Sieur de Canoples, came all safe within two howers to the Fort De La Pree; The aire was of a light fire with the shot which were made at them, but not a Ship persued them, so they received no losse. St. Previll seeing them approach, went out to discover who they were, and told the Sieur de Canoples, that the enemy informed of their imbarking, were in ambush behind cer∣tain old houses with intention to fall upon them at their Landing; hereupon he commanded the Sieurs de Fourille, de Malicy, de Tilladat and de Porcheus present∣ly to Land their Souldiers, he shewed Serjant Major Brierees the several Posts where every one should be, and gave orders for the fight. The Duke of Bucking∣ham, who commanded in his own person hearing the noise of their landing, drew out his Forces into three divisions, and leading them towards the Port, they were not discovered until they came just upon the Kings Forces, and that only by the light of their Matches, so dark was the night. Tillades's Chief Serjant, who led on the forlorne hope first espying them gave them a salute which laid some of them on the ground, however the rest came on; The Sieur de Canoples seeing them not above fifty paces from Fourilles Squadron, resolved, after he had proposed it to the other Captains, to fall on them, which put an end to the business. Fourille went up and that so near them, that not a Musquet was shot off but at push a Pikes. The two Battalions of the French and English discharged at the same time, the fight grew hot, Both Commanders and Souldiers, were at emulation with one another to shew that, it was not without reason, the King had made choise of them, in this occasion. Their Courages saved them, for the Enemy was much more numerous then they were. Indeed the Sieur de Canoples good conduct did not a little further the business, for knowing the strength of the English, he had commanded the Cap∣tains to draw all their Souldiers, into the Counter Scarps of the Fort, but he had Page  188not so ordered his businesse, had it not been in the night; for Buckingham seeing his first Battalia in disorder, and thinking he had onely met with the Forlorn Hope, commanded a retreat. He left six and thirty on the place, and of his Majesties par∣ty, there were onely six and twenty killed and wounded, amongst the rest, Mausan, Tourilles Lievetenant, was found dead of a Musket shot, and two cuts with a Halberd.

Politique Observation.

WHen there is a necessity at first dash to fight an enemy, it is more discre∣tion to fall on him, then to expect him; and especially being inferiour to him in force, for then pure valour must carry it. Souldiers are ever more coura∣gious in assaulting then receiving an enemy. An assault distracteth an enemy, ma∣keth in suspect some further stratagem, and puts him often into disorder. Julius Caesar made an experiment hereof, when passing the Hellespont in one onely Galli∣ot, he met Crassius, Captain of the contrary Faction, with ten Gallies. A cou∣rage lesse resolute then his would have endeavoured to save himself by the lightness of his vessel, but in stead of flying be put himself into a posture of defence, went directly up against Crassius, and so terrified him, that Crassius delivered up him∣self. When such encounters are foreseen, it is needful to be accompanied with choise resolute Souldiers, such as know not what fear is, for fear is repelled by any the least resistance. A timerous Souldier never yet did any thing worth notice, but to a resolute man, every thing makes way. It is said of Cajus Marius that in his youth, he was so hardy in all his enterprises, that nothing could resist him, but that in his age, his Vallour decreased, with the heat of his Bloud which lost him some part, of his reputation. Bertrand du Gueslin was both one of the most vali∣ant and Fortunate, of his times; But every one doth ascribe those great advan∣tages, which he obtained in Battails to that resolution of his, which would some∣times so transport him, that he would with a dozen Souldiers, fall into the midst of his Enemies, who unable to withstand the effects of so admirable a vallour, would presently be put to disorder. Robert de La March, hath afforded us one more notable example of the successe which attendeth on vallour: it was in the Battail of Navarre, where being touched with a fatherly affection, he rushed into the Battail of the Swisses then victorious, that he might save his Sons Florange and Jamets, who lay upon the ground much wounded: Which resolution of his was so succesful, that though seconded but by a few Horse yet it so terrified the Swizzers, that they could not prevent his bringing of them off in safety.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THe Duke of Buckingham finding it would be a difficult thing for him, in future to prevent the accesse of relief to the Island, as well because divers Vessels of his Fleet were lost, as also by reason of the small successe he had hitherto had, re∣solved to make his last attempt upon the Cittadel of St. Martin. He was not ig∣norant of those other and greater preparations which were in agitation upon the main land, to send a stronger supply then any yet; so that there was a necessity of taking the place, or hazarding a sharp conflict. The Sieur de Thoyras had divers conjectures of his design, and that he might put himself into a condition of defen∣ding himself he sent advice to the Fort de la Pree, desiring them to have their For∣ces in a readinesse, to assist him, when he should discharge three Canon shot, for a sign that the enemy began their assault. Presently hereupon, the Sieur de Ca∣naples called the Officers together, to consult of what was proper to be done, and it was unanimously concluded, that all their Forces should be put into Battalia by break of day: That they should march towards Abbay, and that upon hearing of the Signal, they should go directly to the enemy to divert them from the Assault. This Order was exercised accordingly, and they were no sooner drawn up toge∣ther, Page  189but the Cannons gave them notice of the assault: the Sieur de Canaples went directly towards the Cittadel. It is reported, that there were between four and five thousand English at the assault: However, they made but two conside∣rable attempts, one upon the Bastion de Thoyras, which was not quite finished; they got up upon the Rampars, but were so ill treated by the Besieged, that they were forced to give back, and to make such hast down their Ladders, that some of them never touched but the last round. The t'other Attempt was at the Bastion Antioch, where the English had no better successe, for many of them were killed with Musket shot, Stones, and long Staffs which were in the Half Moon, so they fled and were pursued home to their Trenches. That which forced them most to fall back, was to see the Forces which were come out from Pree so neer them. The Duke of Buckingham gues•ing their design was to fall upon his Trenches, and to charge them in the Rear, drew off his forces, and set them in order to receive them: But the Kings forces finding the assault given over, and the enemy embattailed made an halt, the Sieur de Canaples being unwilling to undertake any thing but the defence of the Cittadel, until the great relief were arrived, that he might not ha∣zard his men to no purpose. The two Armies lay in view of each other, the rest of the day, without doing any thing, and night comming on, they of the Kings party, withdrew to Pree. In the mean while, the Sieur de Canaples unwilling as hath been said to attempt any thing, was inform'd how the besieged had taken all the Ladders of the English, fifty Prisoners, most of which were Captains and Offi∣cers, that they had killed between five and six hundred, without losing above eigh∣teen or twenty men, and some few wounded, amongst which were the Sieurs de Sardaignes and Gran Val, who being shot through the Bodies died in a few dayes after. This Victory did much rejoyce the Kings Army, and his Majesty himself too, who was diligently informed of it. The English doubting their Trenches would not secure them, forsook the one half of them, and shortly after resolved to go back for England.

Politique Observation.

TWo things are chiefly necessary for the repelling of an assault, men and fortifi∣cations. It cannot be denied but that fortifications are needfull; for it were a vanity to beleeve, that a few men blocked up in a place, should be able to resist a whole Army, if they be not defended with Bastions, half Moons, and other Forts raised up to a sufficient height to protect them, whence it follows, that his chief care who doth command a place when he fore-sees an assault, ought to be, to pro∣vide his fortifications, that they bee in a condition proper for it, and that hee have preparations in a readinesse to repair the breaches. He will find it too no small advantage against his enemies, since it is much easier to repulse an enemy, who attempts to enter a place by Scaling-Ladders, then if there were a Breach where many might come in a Breast, or his Fortifications should be in want of re∣pair. But whatever advantage it is to have good and strong Fortifications, yet the valour of the Souldiers, is that which is most of all considerable. What said Pompey? It is not Walls or Houses which makes Towns, but men, neither can they be defeated, be they what they will, without the help of men; we often see the very strongest places soon delivered up, when not defended by men of heart and courage. Azarius being besieged in Quiers, by Vastius, had indeed notable good Fortifications, and had also placed in the Breach, store of combustible matter, with Fire-works, but all would not hinder the Town from being taken, for that no one man appeared to withstand the Assault. Archimedes his Engines could not defend the losse of Syracusa: Engines and Fortifications are all in animate, and their Pow∣ers are limited to certain effects, in despight of all which, a Besieging Army, will soon take in any place, if there be not men of resolution and courage to resist their attempts. But that we may mention some order which History teacheth in endu∣ring a Siege, or sustaining an Assault, it ought to be known, That he who com∣mandeth Page  190a place, must not then draw up his Souldiers, when the enemy appears at the Breach, or mount their Ladders; but he ought so to dispose them into every Quarter how strong soever it be, that no part be left without a sufficient number of men to guard it. Caesar when he committed this fault, by staying untill Pharnaces was at his Elbow, found himself much perplexed and troubled. Jugurtius as Sa∣lust reporteth it, having been defective in this one point, gave Marius opportuni∣ty to become Master of one of his strongest places. Thrasybulus took Sicyonian's Port, finding it dis-furnished of Souldiers, who were all gone to a certain Breach which he had made, and where he onely pretended he would assault them. Vege∣tius? adviseth, that the first assault be sustained by the most experienced and stoutest souldiers; because an enemy when he meets with resolute opposition, and finds himself ill handled, loseth his Courage, and few have any mind to march over their Companions dead bodies unto a second assault. But I shall refer the prosecution of this discourse to them who have written whole Tracts upon it.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE King having been informed of the good successe in the late encounter, dis∣patched in great hast the remayning four thousand five hundred foot and Horse, allotted out for the Relief with good store of Munitions. It cannot be ex∣pressed how careful his Majesty was for the shipping off of them, how dilligent in choosing the Officers and Souldiers one by one; animating by his presence those who carried the provisions into the Ships, and incouraging those who went aboard on this expedition; telling them, they might be confident of victory, seeing they fought for God's cause. The Marshal de Schomberg was appointed Marshal de Camp. The wind changing about just as they were put off to Sea, they were forced to give back again, some one way, some another; But the Marillac came at last to the point of Sablanceau without being hindred by the Enemy, and passed with∣out difficulty to the Fort De La Pree: and the next day the Marshal de Schomberg came with fifty Barques about three in the morn being the eight day of Novem∣ber. He Landed very fortunately being not discovered by the Enemy, and his Souldiers being all upon the shore, he forthwith ranged them into four Battali∣ons, and his Horse likewise into four Squadrons, which he extended into two wings, and in this order they marched up to the Fort. About day break they came up, where he found all the Forces which had formerly been sent thither draw into order, according as he had instructed Marillac. When he had been informed of what had passed, he sent out to discover the enemy, and put all things in order to fight. But first he would hear Masse, that he might implore Gods assistance, without which, there is no hopes of good success, as also he caused the general Prayers to be made, which are used in all Battailes.

Then he caused his Souldiers to eat, that they might be strong, at which time, he was informed that the enemy had drawn part of their Forces, out of their Trenches and made as if they would retreit, whereupon he concluded there was no more time to be lost. So he reviewed the Army, to see if every one were in readiness, and then marched upon the head of them, toward St. Martin. The Sieur de Thoyras came out to meet him, with as much joy as a person delivered from such eminent peril could expresse, for the Enemy had forsaken their Trenches and left him the liberty of comming forth. The Marshal having likewise intelligence, that the ene∣my had quited the Town of St. Martin, presently called a Counsel of war, to consider of what was fit to be done. The Sieur de Thoyras proposed to march up directly to them, being confident, that in the fear they were, it would be easie to cut them in pieces; The Sieur de Marillac, was of a contrary opinion, thinking that nothing ought to be hazarded, seeing the successe of Arms is uncertain, That his Majesties Army was not sure of a victorie against the Enemy, though they re∣treited, and concluded it improper to fight with them. But the business having been debated, it was resolved that a Medium should be taken, that without quitting Page  191the Station they had taken, the Motion of the Enemy should be observed; and that in case they should passe unto the Ile d'Oye, (where it was not unknown that they had prepared a Passage for their re-imbarquing) then to follow them in order of Array, and charge them when they were half over, but without putting any thing in hazard.

This resolution accompanied with prudence, was excecuted with Courage, for the English advancing towards the place of their retreit; the Kings Army marcht up to them in Battalia, and being arrived to the Marsh, The Sieur de Thoyras could no longer suffer them to go away, without paying for the trouble, which they had put him to; but concluding that the Honour of France obliged him to have a par∣ting bout with them, and that it would be a wrong to the Kings Arms to let them go clear off when such an advantage was offered against them, went on, and the Command being given, the Horse had order to begin. Piedmont and Champain followed, and each of them observing their respective Commands, put the English to the Rout: Their Horse were all lost in the ma•n, their Cornet and 24. Colours, and four Cannon were taken The French did nothing but kill and slay, in so much that there lay above six hundred dead upon the place, besides what were drowned in the Sea. Divers of their Collonels, Gentlement of quality and above one hundred and fifty Officers of all sorts were killed, above three thousand Arms taken in the field, and above fifteen hundred Souldiers laden with their Spoyles. Thus the Marshal de Schomberg in the same day, landed, saw the siedge raised, and beat his Enemies. It is reported that the English had at their first setting foot on the Island at least seven thousand men, and that a recruit of three thousand came afterwards to them, but they carried off only eighteen hundred, the rest being either dead with sickness or killed, and of them too the greatest part dyed soon after their return to England, by reason of the discommodities they there suffered.

Politique Observation.

JOhn James Triuulae, Marshal of France saith it is a great imprudence to give Bat∣taile in a man's own Country, if not invited to it, by some great advantage or forced by necessity. He who adventureth to do it, runs no lesse hazard then the losse of his Kingdome: Darius saw himself despoyled of his Kingdome, by being guided by his Courage; and fighting a Pitch Battaile with Alexander. He might well have harraised him with his Horse on many occasions, as the Partheans did the Romans: whereas being eager to meet him in the field, and fearing least he would return into his own Country, and not be fought with, he made after him to give him Battaile. Alexander seeing him near at hand, assaulted him, and reduced him to that deplorable condition, as is not unknown by History to every one; Fa∣bius was wiser then so, he was contented, only to follow Hanibals Army, and to pull him down in divers conflicts, and by the great Inconveniences which an Army endureth, when it passeth through an enemies Country, destitute of Towns to re∣fresh them, and where they meet with resistances on every hand; By these delayes he discomfited Hanibal, without endangering his Souldiers lives, a thing very con∣siderable among the Romans, who thought it a greater Honour to wear the Civi∣que-Crown, bestowed on those who had saved any Citizens life, then that which is called Muralis, given to them who had first scaled the Walls of their Enemies: or the naval Crown granted to such as had done some notable exploit at Sea, hence Guiccardi• tells us, there is no victory more beneficial or glorious, then that which is obtained without hazarding the bloud and lives of the Souldiers: when an Enemy hath entred upon a State, he is sufficiently beaten and overcome, with Glory and Honour, if he be only wearied out and tyred so that he have but little mind to return a second time. In fine, the Title of victory and the Honour of a Battail, doth not appertain to him who killeth most enemies or taketh most Priso∣ners; but to him who obtains the end of his design. Which made Don Alphonso King of Naples say; When he was provoked by Monsieur d' Anjou to give him Page  192Battail; That it was the part of a Captain to overcome and not to fight. Philip de Valois fought a pitcht Battail with the English at Cressy, but he was overcome. King John confiding in his Forces, chose rather to give the same English Battail near Poictiers, then to vanquish them by famine, and those other Incommodities which an Army undergoeth in a strange Country, but he was taken and died a pri∣soner. Charles the fifth following the advice of Fabius, would never be drawn to hazard a Battail with them, but deprived them of all provisions, and by that means took all Guyenne over their heads, and made himself Master of most of the Duke of Bretaigns Chief Citties.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE English were hard put to it in the Marisb, so that divers of them were taken prisoners, and amongst others, my Lord Mountjoy the Earle of Hol∣lands, Brother, Gray Livetenant of the Artillery, The General of the Horse, thirty five Captains and Officers, twelve Gentlemen, and one hundred or sixscore Soul∣diers; but they served for an object of the Kings Bounty and Clemency, For hear∣ing many of them were strip'd, he caused them to be cloathed and shortly after causing the chief of them to be brought to him, he paid down their ransomes to those who had taken them, sent them on their words to the Queen of England, Commanding de Meau to present them to her with this assurance, that it was only for her sake he had given them their Freedoms, nothing could be more noble, and the Cardinal had no small share in it. But it was an usage much different from that of the English, towards the French, whom they had taken in divers encoun∣ters. For the English would not stick to deny them meat for money, some of whom assured his Majesty, that in case My Lord Mountjoy and some others had not been taken, themselves had been starved to death: He was by others informed that they had seen the English throw some Prisoners into the water, whom they so tyed that they could not save themselves by swimming. Indeed his Majesties Civil treatment of the English, engaged the King of England, to deal better with the French, for presently after they were more courteously entertained and so re∣turned into France.

Politick Observation.

IT is no little Glory to treat Prisoners of War with civility either by testifying a sence of compassion for the condition whereunto they are reduced, or by doing them all the good Offices they might expect. It as a mark of true generous∣ness in a Prince, and that which sets off his Glory and Clemency with Luster and Splendor, the two best flowers in his Crown. He ought to remember himself to be Gods Image here on Earth, and that as nothing is more essential to God then Bounty, so likewise his Glory can never appear more Illustrious them by confer∣ring favours on them, who are taken in fight by the Chance of War. It is repor∣ted that Cleomens being asked what a good King ought to do, answered, that he must do no good for his friends and all the mischief he could, to his Enemies: But Aristo answered him with much reason, that it was much more commendable to do good, not only to friends but even to Enemies; For by that means a King makes himself beloved by all the World. It is no small advantage to be esteemed merci∣ful to the conquered. Plato gives a good reason for it, for saith he, it doth encrease the Souldiers Courage, for admitting their Enemies should take them, yet they were obliged not to deal harshly with them. Besides Prisoners do become so sen∣cible of those kindneses which are heaped on them, that they often are the Instru∣ments of Peace Lewis the Eleventh found it so, when as he kindly entertained the S•ig•eor de Conty his Prisoner of War, who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne. A Prince is obliged to it, if it were only by the Compas∣sion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome. Haloyoneus Page  193Son to Antigonus, having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus, Phyrrus his Son, in a sad deplorable condition, cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness, embraced him with all possible kindnesse, and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father, he did the like: But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do, in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders; And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance, and treated him with great kindness and humanity, he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire.

The Siege of Rochel.

AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English, he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel, that with their Wals he might destroy their pride. This town as others, was at first but little, yet the Port being commodious, it grew great by Commerce, and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there, that they would make those priviledges, which our Kings had from time to time granted them, passe for contracts, and to destablish a kind of Com∣monwealth in the State. They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies, but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it, a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions, both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents. Their Rebellion was become natural, and shortly after this, they auguented their Crimes, by calling in the English to protect their offences. Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose, would have been contented to be quiet, but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud, as also very poor, who having nothing wherein to employ themselves, proposed, that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town, concerning their priviledges. In order to this design, they made a Manifest, to spread abroad their complaints, as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party, which might induce them to take up Arms, and to shake of the yoak of obedience. This resolution of theirs took them off, from paying any respect to the King; They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests, sent by his Majesty to them, in quality of super intendent of Justice, with so much violence and outrage, that they threatned to throw him into the Sea.

They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power, They so∣lemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen, and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree. They sent Londriere with three hundred men to se∣cond the English, when they found themselves too weak in Ree.

They received Madam de Rohan the Mother, and the Sieur de Soubize; who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more. There was no rea∣son longer to suffer these things unpunished. The King about the beginning of August, when they declared themselves so openly for the English, made his ap∣proaches upon the Town, several companies of the Regiment of the guard, with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse, were sent before it. The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there, as well as in that of Fort Lewis. They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard, that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation; and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege, until the English were forced from Ree, they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily: But their words were not to be believed. All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King. His Majesty thereupon, after the defeat of the English, took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults, and to live within their bounds by a strong siege. The Order of the whole circumvallation was pre∣scribed by his Majesty; he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about, all out of musquet or fal∣con shot, but not of Cannon. The Kings design was by making these works, to Page  194compel them by famine and necessity to surrender, neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies, upon hope of being easily relee∣ved by Sea; forsomuch as they were soon, finished by the care of the Cardinal, and the Marshals de Scomberg, and Bassompierre. His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse, would not imploy any other persons indifferently, as former∣ly had been done in Charles the ninth's time, and that so inconsiderately, that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town. This circumral∣lation thus finished, cut off all releef by Land, and it happened that having suppli∣ed the English with a good part of their provsions, they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender, had they not been assisted by Sea. But shortly after, they were so close blocked up there too, that they durst not shew their heads.

Politique Observation.

IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City, which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone, doth also call in strangers to up∣hold their Rebellion. After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose, then ought all forcible means be used, to bring then within their bounds. That King, who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself ex∣posed to scorn, both in his designs at home by his neighbours, and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him. His neigh∣bours, if they know his aversion to war, and how unwilling he is to appear in the field, will soon rush in upon him; and a party once accustomed to revolts, and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority, will soon shake off the yoak of obedience. He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war; He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occa∣sion. The expences, dangers, and cares ought not to be considered by him. It is equally dangerours for a Prince, to be more inclined either to war or peace. Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace, by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet.

Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness, and to much loving of mony, desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it, in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence; Thus he lost his Kingdome, and his treasures were ransacked before his face. Pipin had never been so bold, as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads, had Childerick loved arms, as well as himself, and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome. Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier, became Duke of Milan, and his Children who were Princes and Dukes, became private Gentlemen, for want of experience in the war, and because they would deceive others by their cheats, rather than render themselves famours by battles. Lesse than this cannot befall a King, who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished, especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party, or to countenance the attempts of stangers. He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves, and to take up arms with so much the more courage, for that Trasan saith, God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace, and those who are the disturbers of others by war; as hereto∣fore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages, in that of Charles Duke of Bour∣goign, I shall add, that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience, he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies. He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons, as the Macedonians had their Argyraspi•es. the Romans their Legions, the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes, and the Turks their Janisari•s By this means, a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny, but it will be assaulted, and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field, they will be soon cut in pieces.

Prosecution of the Historie.

IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land, had they not also been blocked up by Sea. The Cardinal acquainted the King with the ne∣cessity of it, and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution. The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it, because he had exa∣mined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe, and was more capable than any other to effect it. He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pomp•jus. Targon an Italian Ingineer, who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende, he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together, with Harping Irons and Cables, but the first shot forced them in sunder, and spoiled the work. He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating, and some fixed in the Sea. He contrived other engines which were Square, and of great pieces of timber, such as he called Bridges, for the planting of Cannon upon them, le∣velled just between wind and water. But all these inventions were more for shew than use, though very chargeable, so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage: and as there is no soul like his, so no invention could equal that, whic• himself had pro∣jected. It was to raise a certain banck, thwart the Channel, leaving onely an en∣trance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea. This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles, which humane industry can raise against it. But as the starres obey great Souls, so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will. Two things induced him to judge, that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined. First, the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel, and the great multitude of labourers, which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work. It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad, where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random, so that the work could not be hindred. The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth, which quickly passing over, they left a stoping in the bottome, and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface, which should be raised to such an height, that the highest tyde could not reach it. It was built of dry stones laid upon one another, without other morter than what the Sea brought, and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot, there was an addition of great timber.

This grand Min•ster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank, did oftentimes go to see it, not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continu∣ally made: He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men, and he obliged them by the charms of his words, which carry men on to whatever he plea∣seth. It was so advanced in two moneths time, that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean, could now onely at se∣veral times passe four or five small Vessels over it. However, it was a vast work such as passed beleef, neither was it finished, till 7 or 8 moneths were ended. Be∣sides this, the passages in the middle, for the ebbing of the Sea, was to be stopped up, to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels. Three great Fences were found out, such as could not be bettered. The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels fil∣led with Stones and sunk to the bottome. The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables, which were guarded by a whole Regiment. The third was of great stakes, fastned in the bot∣tome of the Sea, made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelie•s. Thus was the Passage quite blocked up, and there was no other way for the Roche∣lo, to be relieved by Sea, unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet, which might break through all these obstacles.

Politique Observation.

IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided, & they who have forced them by famine, have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword, because they are lest subject to hazards, and their Souldiers lives not in danger. A thing very considerable. In long sieges the onely thing intended, is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates; the truth is, most commonly this is a work of time, and consequently of great expence; but on the other side, it saves a great many Souldiers lives, which is a recompence great enough. It was one of Caesars advices, in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword, as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines. The truth is, I imagine this to be the better and safer way, in regard necessity is such a thing, as nothing whatever can resist. Now as it is a way very advantagious, so is not lesse difficult, especially in Sea Towns, here∣tofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea, and weather, which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety, to prevent relief, as also by reason of its violence, which commonly laughs at all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven: Though this latter opinion, is at present but weak and frivolous, seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of ob∣stacles of this nature. Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre, stopped up the Channel by a Bank, took away all hopes of relief, and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy, after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honou∣rable terms. Caesar did the like before Duras; as also St. Lewis upon the R••s be∣ing a Branch of the River Nile, the Prince of Parma at Antwerp, and Spinola at Ostend, all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged. But amongst all, none is like a Bank, because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins, of Masts, Cables, Timber, or the like. Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions, for that small Vessels may passe over them, as C•eus Duellius the Roman Consul did, who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa, caused all his men and lug∣gage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley, and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over, and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow, they rowed over the other half and so got clear away, the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia, when they found their enterprise was dis∣covered.

The Sieur de Macheville, is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Tre∣ves, to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire.

THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo, both in op∣position of the English Forces, and in the reducing of Rochel, did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes, who were Allies to the Crown of France. His great Soul (like universal causes) produced a tho•sand several effects, at the same time, nor could the m•nagement of any one important affair, divert him from being circumspect in several others. He advised his Maje∣sty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville, towards the Electors of Baviers and Tre∣ves for the negotiating divers affairs, particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire. His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans: That the Electors did much desire his Majest• would invite the P•ince Palatine to retire himself into France; That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French In∣terests, and th•t divers P•inces of the Catholick League, did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace, or a Cessation of Arms in Germany. Page  197Upon these four points it was, that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them. As to the first, he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours de∣sign. His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour, to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs. But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him, in his imaginary hopes of the Empire, by repre∣senting to him, as likewise unto the rest of the Electors, That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity, by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members, their union would bee the stronger, and their conditions the more secure. And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal, he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them, but not too openly; that the Emperour not being troubled by Age, or Sicknesse, it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time, seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more con∣siderable towards the Princes of Germany, and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship, it being so conducing to his design; whereas having attained his ends, and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them, neither for himself or his, it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice. This was he expresly charged not openly to declare, because the King thought it more pro∣per, to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes, the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire, or at least to defer his Election, rather then to discover himself. However he was commanded to advise them, in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him, that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair, in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them, that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire, which it would concern them to do before the Election, least he might be the more averse to peace, when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son.

As to the second particular, which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome, he was commanded to tell those Princes, that his Majesty, could not assent unto it, whatever proposals they made, of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges; His reasons were these, That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince, unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge; and likewise that there was no reason, why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge, not being necessitated thereunto; and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty, he was then com∣manded freely to reply unto them, that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension, and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him, and his whole family. Besides if the young Prince should come into France, his Majesty was in Honour bound, never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States, and that he could not give him a Retreat, without promising to protect him, which he knew would not sort with their Interests. That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so diffi∣cult, seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will. He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction; but the secret management of it, being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition, the knowledg of this hath not been disco∣vered unto any one but themselves. As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace, at least a Cessation of Arms, it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark, and the Princes of the Lower Saxony, which had but ill successe; so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually, not onely because his Ma∣jesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities, which had brought Ger∣many into so miserable a condition, but also for the Interests of this Crown, which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Au∣stria, Page  198oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute, by weakning the Princes Electors, and ruining the Protestants. This was the more considerable, in regard his Majesty, was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms; he was likewise com∣manded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat toge∣ther, would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace; whereas if they should ma∣nage their affairs by their Doctors, who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria, there could be but slender hopes of a good successe. His In∣structions Charged him, to acquaint them, that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms, both with the Emperour, the King of Denmark, and them∣selves, and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it, provided that they would, ingage unto his Majesty, by Instruments drawn up in form, that they would, after the King of Denmark should assent unto it, procure the Emperour to do the like, and that themselves would do the same on their parts, and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet, where the Peace should be ratified as also a con∣firmation of their Alliance with France.

These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions; in which he bestirred himself with such diligence, that he prevailed upon the Princes Ele∣ctors (without discovering his Majesties Intentions) to defer the Election of the Roman King, That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Ele∣ctor to retier into France; That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests, by Chains of Gold, and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen. He himself came thither, and represented to them, those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany, in such effectual language, that they became more inclined to Peace, then formerly they had been. And the year fol∣lowing the Peace was accordingly concluded, which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent, had not France interposed in the business.

Politique Observation.

IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes, when the war is not favourable to them. It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory, seeing it is no small reputa∣tion to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns, for God himself, who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself, The God of Peace. But besides this consi∣deration, those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war, are mutually bound to assist him, in his occasions, he having preserved them from destruction, withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them, it being a means proper to preserve their Union, and an Act necessary for their conservation. The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities, do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them, and that after many frowns of war, their ruin cannot be avoided. When once they are reduced to extremity, it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace; for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way, to loose the ad∣vantages he hath gotten; and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms, it must be upon hard and shameful termes. It is easie to conceive, how dangerous it is, long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war, seeing that Prince: who once looses either part of his reputation or forces, doth for the most part undergo duly crosses, and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune. It was not without great reason, that Scipio said unto Antiochus, The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power, to a more indifferent degree, as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree, unto the lowest ebb of Fortune. Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio, the African before the last battail which he fought, in which he was overcome; and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it, when offered unto them, by the Romans, after Page  199they had been often worsted by them. I might hereunto add, that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace, for this Allyes, doth not a little serve his own Interests, for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes, as in that of his own subjects. There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes, that no one of them can receive any considerable losse, but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest. The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Fron∣tiers to a Kingdome, and as an Enemy, having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters, hath a notable advantage against the Town, it self, so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined, but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions, and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him. It was for this cause that Thucydides said, he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes, is carelesse of his own safety, and I conceive, that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War, is equally bound to assist them, by mediating a Peace for them, least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire, is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it, least his own house come into the like danger.

The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent, the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary.

AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany, His Ma∣jesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes, as the Affairs of his own State, sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua. The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death, and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome, the suit which he made there, for disso∣lution of the marriage, which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo, who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her, yet was too old to bear Children. The King could have answered him by letters, but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests, who only hoped for his Majesties assistance, he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassa∣dor thither. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment, and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death, but of the Joy he had in this accident, to find the succession de∣volved upon him, whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities, and from whom he might receive the same respects, both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor. He had order to proffer unto him, his Friendships and Royal assistance, of his Credit, Name, and Authority, assuring him that he should find the effects of it, not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there, but also, in all other things, when-ever occassion should be: next of all he was to inform him, of the design which the Spaniards had, to marry him, after dissolution of his late contract, to one of the Emperours Daugh∣ters, and then dexterously to observe to him, that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat, being very considerable in Italy, for their scituations and fertility, as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended, were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan, that they might take some advan∣tage over them, and that he not being able to defend himself against them, but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France, and the Princes of Ita∣ly, was obliged so to carry himself, as neither of them might be jealous of him: Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things, would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends, by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him; but in case he should so change, that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him, he would find himself reduced, to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards, who would expose him to the scorn of others, and cause him to loose his reputa∣tion Page  200of friendship and fidelity: that all things considered he could not do better, then to remain Neuter, to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France, Austria, and the Princes of Italy, without doing any thing which might incense ei∣ther one or t'other; but perceiving an intire affection for France, as for him who desired his good, prosperity, and settlement, and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least. But above all, the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent, with the Duke de Rethelois, and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Fa∣ther. However he himself was inclined to marry her, could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome. He had instructions likewise to tell him, how much his so doing would settle his affairs, and authority, against his neighbours designs, who peradventure if his succession were not declared, would be the bolder to attempt upon him, and not unlikely on his person too. These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission, upon his comming to Mantua; he was resolved with all kind of honour, usually shewed to an extraordinary Am∣bassadour of France. After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions, the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him; telling him withall, that he received it with the greater respect; in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation. He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage, that he might afterwards wed, not one of the Emperours daughters as was suppo∣sed, but the Princesse Maria his Neece, whom he passionately loved, and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him. As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois, he ever spoke of him with great res∣pect, as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed, and whom he looked on as his suc∣cessor, in case he died without issue. The Marquess de Saint Chaumont, thought it improper to propose to him, when he found him so inclined, the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois, it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself: But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio, chief Minister of Mantoua, he discovered it to him, and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it, in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained, as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life, giving him withal to observe that this once done, the house of Austria, and Duke of Sax∣ony must of necessity cease their pretensions, which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many, any longer to be permitted. He pressed him too the more earnestly, in regard, the Marquesse de Strigio told him, how that the Physi∣tians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist, his body being sickly. The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular, and faith∣fully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉. As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns, the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French, that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him; and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand; and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him. The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair, took his leave of the Duke, to return to his Majesty, and to give him an accompt of what he had done.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome. He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members, which ought to provide for their conserva∣tion, Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection ei∣ther Page  201by fair means or foul. This made Theopompus, answer one who demanded of him, how a King might raign in safety. That he ought to fear nothing, but per∣mit all reasonable things to his friends, and be carefull of his own Subjects, that they received no injury from any one. Divers Princes have been ruined by their tolera∣tion of injuries against those who have depended on them. We have a remarkable example hereof, in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias, for having been deaf in his behalf, in not defending a wrong which had been done un∣to him. Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings, then the observation of this thing. It is an action resembling the divinity, to protect the weak against the mighty, and to defend them from oppression. Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes, but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and protect the execution of Justice: Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves, in abating the insolent and am∣bitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights, and become ter∣rible to their neighbours by their too great power. If this rule be worth conside∣ration in general, it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy, where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria. They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany, and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power. then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy, by finding out some means to set foot in their Country, be it either by gaining some of their States, as divers of our late Kings have attempted, or by establishing such French in them, as want not pretences to them, and which might be able to let in the Arms of France, when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them, and there is no doubt, but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country, opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear. To speak the truth, it is an action which doth beget, both glory and af∣fection in those who shall succeed; the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts, and render them venerable amongst all stran∣gers.

The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois, with the Princess Maria, the Inheritrix of Mantua.

UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont; that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life, he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match, be∣tween the Prince de Rethelois, and the Princesse Maria, as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat, after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers. The Cardinal by his Councels, second∣ed his Majesties judgement, and that with the more eagernesse, in regard the Duke of Savoy, and Governour of Milan, did both begin to declare their pretences. This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy. The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars, in which he was to bestir himself: The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua; to which end, he was to passe by Turin, to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation, and then to propose them to the Duke of Man∣tua, to see if any conclusion could be had; withal, to let them both know, that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States; in regard their enemies by their divisions, would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them: The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua, for the concluding of the Match between his Neece, and the Prince de Rethelois, and that he might be declared successor to his States, after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers. At that present it was the easier to be effected, in regard the Page  202Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first mar∣riage. He was also commanded to shew unto him, that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers, and Rethelois whom he loved, by assuring them of the succession, so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State, for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him. He was farther Commanded, That if Duke Vincent should chance to die, whilst he was near him, then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasi∣on, to preserve the liberties of their Country, to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers, as their Lawful Prince, and to de∣clare him for successour to Duke Vincent, according to the usual Forms of those Countries; and lastly to assure them, that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them, that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties. These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission.

In order to them, he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agree∣ment with Mounsieur de Mantua. He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards, for the deviding of Montferrat, But the Duke seemed to be angry at it, and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them. Yet he did not disown his appre∣hensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness, to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat, adding withal, that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest, if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards, and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards, yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done, seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel; But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement, proposed to him, to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself, as to that which was in dispute between them, in Montferrat: all the answer he could get was this, he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent, for his pretentions there, and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of executi∣on of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son: By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him; and the Marquis finding after divers other confe∣rences had with him, that there was no good to be done, made no longer stay there, but went to Mantua, he came thither so opportunely, as if Fortune had lead him by the hand, for within five dayes after his arrival there, the Duke dyed. He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke, with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired, That he had stirred him up, on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State, to declare by his Letters Patents, the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour, in all his States, and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General, ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease, and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers. There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage, but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holy∣ness; When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither. It was not as yet arrived, but hourly expected, and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death, yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs, told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria, that they must forthwith marry, or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua. It was a bu∣siness of so great importance, that it would admit of no longer consultation, so that it was concluded, and married they were about nine in the night, on Christmasse Eve; the marriage was consummated, and not long after the news of Duke Vin∣cents death was brought unto them. This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers. Who without it, might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua. At that present he was in France, but hearing of it, he Page  203took post and about the end of January came to Mantua, where finding all things according to his own desire, he took proffession of the State, and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France. He passed by Thurin, and used new endea∣vours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation, but it would not be: yet he served the King in this occasion, by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine, from the Duke of Savoy's Army, who had ingaged themselves with him, not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of, was much offended, and told him, it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin.

Politique Observation.

THat Prudence, which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs, doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected, without the assurance of an Hair to succeed. Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular, who governing an Empire not Hereditary, would however, joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred, in the conduct of affairs, to the end that ingratiating himself with the Sena∣tors, Souldiers and people, he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity. For this reason it was, according as Tacitus hath well observed, that he finding himself destitute of Sons, and that Fortune had taken from him, first Marcus Agrippa, and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews, advanced Tiberus, who though he had a Son then grown up, he caused to adopt Germanicus, to the suc∣cession of the Empie, and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports. By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique, and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns.

Adrian in the like manner, seeing he had not any Sons, which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other, who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person, adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner, he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours, as Dion hath observed in his life; and all this was, with intent, that they who were to succeed in the Empire, might be alwayes ready to receive it, and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves.

To how many misfortunes have they, who have been defective in this Care, ex∣posed their Countries? Jane the second, Queen of Napels dying, without nomi∣nating her successour, d' An•ou, whom she had once named, being deceased before her, left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War, and him whom she least of all desired, to inherit after her. It is very rarely seen, that a Kingdome changeth its Family, without great wars, and that Prince, whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person; whence it follows, that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes, ought betimes to appoint his successour, to keep him near to him, with Honour, to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity, for that were to cure one evil by a greater, seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes, might perchance ingage him in some ill design, to be master of it, before his time.

Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc, and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois.

THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance; and long before their landing in Ree, he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Langue∣doc, Page  204that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns, and engage considerable persons in his private interests. Presently after their landing, he openly declared himself, strengthned his party with Men, perswaded some places to rise, and sollicited others to do the like. He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils. That he m••ht the better strik these Panick fears into them, he sent them a Manifest, filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year; But may it not be said, that he imitated those Pirates, who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea, set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them? For thus did he lay before the sight of them, who were sufficiently enclined to •action, diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion; by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes, which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground. Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs, he •ound means to make an assembly in the Vi•e d'Ʋsez, where diverse of their Deputies met together, and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage, he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to. They approved of those succours, which he had negotiated in England, as just and necessary, they commended his prudence and zeal; and gave him a thousand thanks for it: But this was not all; They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty, without the King of Englands consent, and his own in particular. Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyenn•; withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them, for the good of the cause: They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls, the Governours of Towns, Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with them. An union very strange, which divided the members from the head, and so separated subjects from their Prince. After the Duke of Rohan had used all his devises, and seen the En∣glish Land at Ree, he took up arms and appeared in the field. He summoned the Duke of Savoy to send those Forces, which he had promised, but he could not ob∣tain them, because the Spaniards, who never wanted a good will to fall upon him, had at that time an Army in Milan, as we shall here after declare, which made him jealous: besides desiring to attend the English successe, he saw them ruined in their designs at Ree; All that he could draw from him, was a promise of fifty thousand Crowns. Those Towns; which delivered up to him, were Nismes, Ʋsez, St. Ambrose, Alets, Anduse, Le Vignan, St. Hippolite, St. J•an de Granda∣m•nque, Samens, La Salle, and other smaler places; and joyning the devises of his prudence with those Forces, which they had drawn together, he took during his year Realmont, Renel, Naves, Mazeres, Pamiers, Castres, Soyon, and other Towns upon the Rhofere and in Vivarez, and more he had done, had not the Car∣dinal by his care under the Kings authority prevented him. It cannot be imagined with how much care and trouble, he kept those together, who were engaged in his party; how low he was fain to stoop to work upon the meaner sort of people; how many impertinencies he was forced to bear; how many inconsiderate discourses he was necessitated to hear, and yet seem not to understand them, and to how much constraint he was compelled to subject himself. He hath since protested to diverse of his friends, ingeniously confessing to them, that there is no care like that of re∣tayning a mutinous people in that order, which is necessary for him to make them follow, who would raise any advantage to himself by their revolt.

Politick Observation.

HE who makes himself head of a Rebellious party, ingaged himself into an Action full of hazzard, and from which he cannot expect either good suc∣cesse Page  205or honour. Whatever advantages or victories he get, yet he is still branded with the Title of Rebellious. But though we wave this last consideration, and I am of opinion, that every one will conclude with me, no man would imbarque himself, into such dangers, did he forsee what cares vexations, and troubles, he un∣dertaketh. If there be any person of quality of his party, he must court him with all kind of respects, for in Revolts, every one would be Master & Command. They who are of an inferior condition do often carry themselves to extremities, as thinking themselves the most necessary, in the vanities of their Inconstancies. He may be assured, that as they are tyed to him, only by Interest, so they will forsake him, when they once perceive it best to adhear unto their Kings mercy. It is indeed a difficulty to believe, how low he must stoop, and what mean Acts he must do to keep them together. Rebellions withal, being for the most part amongst the vulgar sort of people, it is impossible to imagine how many dangers and hazards he will be forced to run with them. He who in war depends on the Common people, builds upon sand. They are hardly eight dayes together in the same opinion. Their fury is like that of Sea, they are only guided by the Inconstancy of the winds. The least disaster is enough to turn them quit about; and they are so fickle, that they presently slight him, whose Fortune is but a little averse: They ascribe all their good successe to themselves, and their bad to their General. They are ever suspi∣tious of those who love them, and when ever the disorders which are inseperable from war, chance to trample on them, they can as soon fall back, as they came on; The least injurie which they apprehend though really it be not any, is enough to lead them to other resolutions. Neither will they in their Passion stick to sacrifice him to their rage, whom not long before they had chosen to govern and direct them. The History of Flanders hath an example of this very kind, in the person of James d' Arteville every one knows the power he had in Gant, and how well the people there loved him, yet for all that, a little jealousie which they apprehended of his fidelity, precipitated them to kill him, neither would they hear his reasons to satisfie them, of the contrarie. The Admiral de Chastillon, one of the bravest men of his Age after he had experimented the misfortunes of this quality, was glad and thought himself happy, in that he could withdraw himself; he had much ra∣ther expose himself to all the hazards of Fortune, then put himself upon the mercy of an unbridled people, who like a Proteus, change every moment, and who speak bigg words, when they are far enough out of danger; but sneak in their Hornes, when they find their Master once comming near them, with his Sword in his hand.

The Deputation of the Sieur Galland, Privie Counsellor to his Majesty towards these Hugonot Towns which the Duke of Rohan had attempted to revolt, that he might confirm them in their obedience.

THe Cardinal, whose Vigilance was such, that nothing passed in the King∣dome, which he was not acquainted with, having discovered these designs of Monsieur de Rohan, represented to his Majesty how necessary it would be to take some good Course to prevent his future attempts, either by opposing his progress with Forces, or by confirming those Towns in their obedience, which he had solli∣cited to revolt. As to the first, It was needful to form the body of an Army, which should be in those parts; and for the second, it was requisity to dispatch thither some person of ability and credit with those of the Hogonot party. The King soon apprehended how expedient this advise was, so he made choise of the Sieur Galland, one of his Counsellours of State who was qualified for that employment, besides he was one of their own Religion, which gave his Majesty reason to hope, they would be directed by him. His Commission was dispatched, with all necessary Instructi∣ons, for his Journy into Languedoc, Foix, Lauvaguez, Vivarets & de levennes, that he might hinder the Duke of Rohans contrivances of raising the Hugonot Towns up Page  206in Arms; This was a great Honour, unto this old Servant of the King, having re∣ceived his Commission, he presently set forward, and went directly unto Montau∣ban, the Chief Town of their party, next unto Rochel and by which most of the other Towns would be guided. Upon his first arrival, he called the Inhabitants to∣gether; he acquainted them with his Majesty pleasure; gave them his letter of Credence, writ by his Majesty unto them, and began to confirm them in their obe∣dience. He layed before them in a speech, (wherein he ommitted not the least par∣ticle, that might move, and perswade them to what he desired) the duty of sub∣jects towards their Prince; The miseries and Calamities, which they had suffered, whilst they fell off from their obedience; he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them, if they should suffer themselves to be led away, by some who endeavoured it; he informed them, of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises, or the assistance of the English Fleet, which could not hinder the relieving of the Ile of Ree; his words thus animated, what with his address, and the confidence which they bad in him, so wrought on them, that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him, in which they protested to live and dye, in that Loyalty, which they owed unto his Majesty. This was as much as could be wished; for all the other Towns great and small, un∣ingaged in the Rebellion, did the like, and his Prudence was so succesful, that the Towns of Briateste, Castres, Pamiers, Puyl•urens, Mazares, Sainct Amand, Cabarede, Maz•res, Masdazil, •alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals. But the misfortune was, that having left divers mu∣tinous and factious Spirit, of •onsieur de Rohans Party in Castres, Pamiers and some others of those Towns, before named, they did not remain firm to the Re∣solutions he had insinuated to them, by which means the Duke of Rohan, soon after became Master of them.

Politique Observation.

IN Publique exhortations, Prudence is many times as effectual, as Force. But for the safty of Towns, the Inhabitants ought to be prevented, their Arms taken away, and the most Factious amongst them, turned out from them. To prevent them, is of great consequence they being like the Camileon, which taketh any colour, that is laid before it. Sometimes a very little matter will settle them, if applied in time, and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds. One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them; by acquainting them with their own weaknesses, and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace. A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests, the Rule by which they Judg of all things. For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them, and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble. To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness; seeing they never hold long in the same humour; the least shew of liberty charmeth them: They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs: Lovers of Novel∣ties; moved with any winds nay those of their own raising: They do more affectio∣nately embrance those things which are prohibited, then those which are permitted them: Great friends they are to innovations: Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink, not to be seperated from them: insomuch that to leave them armed, when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand. The ap∣prehending and securing of seditious persons, is the next thing considerable, which ought especially to be done. A discreet Phisician, doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body, which serve to nourish his Fever: and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe, in a place where Rebellion is like to break out, is to withdraw all such discontented, mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt.

That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commenda∣ble Page  207Pitty. If they should complain of their condition, it is much better, to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place, where they cannot do any hurt, then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt.

The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means, maketh use of force.

THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan, was very advantagious, but it did not totally to the businesse. The King fin∣ding it, commanded an Army to be raised, and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde, sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces, in Languedoc, Dauphine, Guienne, and Lyonnois. He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there, expedited certain Regiments thither; but finding there would be need of a greater power, to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle; he dispatch∣ed this Commission to the Prince of Conde, with order to raise new Levies, and to take the Field with the first. He presently hereupon came to Lyon, but upon bet∣ter consideration, it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts, because there were several places to be looked after, and far distant from one another, so the Prince of Conde had the better half, the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care, then Governour of Languedoc. Monsieur the Prince, mar∣ched out of Lyon about the beginning of December, •••nded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny, Marshals of the Camp, the M••quesse de Nangis, Comte de Tournon, Comte de Charlus, Vicomte de l' Estrange, Montreal, and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers. He had two Troops of Carabins, and near about two thousand foot, with these he lay before Soyon, a strong place upon the Rhone, which did very much trouble the passage of the River; he assaulted it, and in two dayes forced them to deliver.

There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin, which did much infest those parts, the Prince surrounded it, took it by storm, and put all the Soul∣diers in it to the Sword. From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there; and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy, he commanded them to march against some certain places, which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to de∣fend; but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers, apprehended on sight of the Army, made them open their gates so they entred without resistance. At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, to go and besiege Corconne, and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas, both of them behaved themselves with courage in it, and performed his commands, the for∣mer taking Corconne a place strong of scituation, being the Key to Seveunes, and the second making himself Master of Aubenas, by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it. In the mean while, the Duke de Rohan, was in the Comte de Foix, whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him, as well to fight him, as to oppose his designs. They followed him some dayes, without doing any thing worth notice: But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage, came up so near him near Castel Naudau, that he could not avoid the fight. Orders were ac∣cordingly, and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left, by the Sieur de Arpa∣geon, seconded by the Company of the Baron de Lignieres, & Monsieurs de Van∣tadours Guards, and on the right by the Comte de Bioule, and the Sieur de Enox who led on Monsieur de Montmorency's Company, and the Sieur de la Croix who com∣manded his Guards, seconded by the Comte de Bioules Regiment, he was at last con∣strained to give ground, yet he maintained the fight above two hours, and saw about one hundred & six score Souldiers, fifteen men of his guard, and seven or eight Cap∣tains of his Troops killed, and divers others wounded: And in conclusion, he found to the mis-fortune of his Rebellion this other added, of being beaten in the Page  208Field, and saw at the years end, that he had very little, or not at all, advanced his design.

Politique Observation.

TRue Religion giveth a very great advantage to them, who fight for the defence of it. He hath Justice for his second, which is the Bulwark of strong place, the Rampard of Towns, the upholder of Crowns, the Pillar of Authority and the Chain of obedience; an Engine it is, much stronger then any of Archimedes seeing it brings down God himself upon Earth to assist it. The Divine Providence, or∣dained that the first Assises of Justice, should be kept under Palms, to teach them, who make any enterprises, as Philo observeth, That Justice is the most assured pledge of victory. What can that Prince fear then, who fighteth to uphold it, see∣ing God fighteth for him? No power can resist that of God, who hath alwayes, overthrown the designs of them, that rise up against him unlesse when he hath de∣signed a people to be the Instruments of his Justice for punishing the wicked.

In the old Testament he causeth himself to be called the God of Battails, and the Lord of Hosts, to teach the people, that he is Master of them; and that he it is who turneth the victory where he pleaseth. What did ever the greatest Souldiers bring to passe, who have risen up against him? They have only felt his power, and seen their own weakness: And every one may observe in History that their Counsels have not only been vain and ridiculous, but have likewise precipitated them into great ruins: They are like Icarus, who designing to counterfeit wings, by joyning certain Fethers together with wax, melted them at the Sun Beams; just thus their rising up and soaring a lost, only serveth to make their ••ls the greater, and their ruins the more certain.

And who knoweth not that the cause of true Religion maketh Souldiers coura∣gious? Hence it happens that valour being the ground-work of victorie, is in this particular infallible. Machiavel in his discourses upon T. Livy sheweth us, That Religion is a wonderfull Foundation and Instrument of great Actions▪ That the Romans made use of it to govern their City, in the carrying on of their designs an• in pacifing all tumults and seditions which did at any time happen in their Commonwealth. Now if the false Imagination of a false deity, which this peo∣ple did believe were the punishers of Crimes and Rewarders of good Actions, by a quiet repose in the Elysian fields, could make such great impressions, upon their courages, what may not the true Religion cause us to hope for, which promiseth unto us the infinite rewards of Heaven, when the belief of it is truely imprinted in the Soul? The Souldier who fighteth for Religion, obeyeth his Prince, as the Image of the God head; he will never spare this life, which passeth away, in con∣fidence of another which shall be eternal. If the Champions who heretofore fought in the Olympique Games, were delighted to see their skins flayed off, their bloud run down, and their bones broken before a Laurel Crown, the reward of their pains, what would they not have done, into with dangers would they not have cheerfully run, had they but apprehended with the Eyes of faith, the Saviour of the World, at the end of the course, the Gate of Heaven open, and a Crown which shall never fade, as a reward of their Loyalty and Vallour? We have at all times seen, that those Emperours who have been most Pious, have had the greatest victories. Constantine became great by his embracing of the Christian Religion: It served Pepin for a Stair-case to lead him up to the Throan. It bestowed the Empire on Charlemaine; and the Turkish Nation which seemeth to have been born for Armes feareth nothing so much as Christians Ensigns.