The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

Anno Dom. 1625.

EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time, to consider the Face of the World, when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us, to behold that fair Star, establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr, before troubled with Tempests; to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before, languishing, and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter, and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse, which the Hoar Frosts, and Snows had left behind them. But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France, presently after it had pleased his Majesty, to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs, who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory, began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour, and to dispel by little and lit∣tle those causes of Civil Wars, which did every year renew themselves in the State, to set bounds to the ambition of strangers, and to establish such an order under the Kings authority, which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes. The increase of glory, which his Majesty every day gave to this Mi∣nister, did serve to augment his courage, and raised new lights in his Soul, subtilized his Prudence, and furnished him with occasions, to demonstrate to the World, that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations, to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop. He could not be enough admired, seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment, and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites (who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them) had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master. He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State, of a thousand fair opportunities. That it is

impossible to serve the Publick, and injoy the pleasures of this life, he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion, and cer∣tainly if pleasures could not bewitch him, interest nor profit could never Charm him, or get any power over his Will. Honour was the chief aim, which he pro∣posed in all his actions, which he sought for in his Masters glory, and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it: But that, which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was, that imitating that manner of opera∣ting used by the Divinity, which is invisible as his Essence. There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light, before any resolutions were heard of, or before any Orders taken were perceived; whereas before, there was not any thing concluded on, which did not make more noise then the effects. We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this Histo∣ry, and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground. That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust, after he had known the eminen∣cy of his Genius, the wisedom of his Counsels, his fidelity not to be shaken, the dexteriousness of his Conduct, which hath nothing parallel with it, he likewise total∣ly gave himself up to his Majesty.

Politique Observation.

A Minister is obliged in the same manner, to make his Masters greatnesse, and that of the State his principal aim and end; he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity. That then Ministers are the Suns, which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People. As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day, to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour, and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below; but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the im∣ployment whereunto he is arrived, that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families, is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister, and that the Ad∣ministration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans, which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian, but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition. Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to, and how can he hope to atchieve that, without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master, and his own Ministration. The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy, by preferring his own, before his Masters Interests.

The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent, unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve. He who is truly generous expects no other re∣compence for his Actions, then the honour and satisfaction to have done them. Also he cannot be ignorant, that Virtue doth scatter such rays, as make her venerable in the sight of all men, and in this consists in the height of glory.

Particular between the King and Cardinal, for the good of the STATE.

MOnsieur le Cardinal, knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers, who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace; in which time, they give leave to strangers, to increase their powers, and instead of cutting off the Causes, do onely skin over disorders in the State, did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency, but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once a∣gain to France, which it had in the beginning of its Empire. It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers, which are nearest, and as it were at hand upon him, then those which are further off, though they be of a worse consequence, and at this passe had things been a long while together: Whereas the livelinesse of

the Cardinals Soul, which penetrates into the Ages to come, presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature, and made him apprehend the other the more easily, in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them, but onely by the weak∣nesse of those who had the management of affairs. He made it quickly apparent to him, that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace, do by little and little weaken and decay the State, without being aware of it, that they do mol∣lifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose, who by such waies are ex∣posed to the violences of strangers, who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms, and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours. His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian, who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse, discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition, and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him.

Sir, said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel, though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet, hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers, have brought his State into disorder, because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent; yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much trou∣bled at it, for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity; so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate, by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed, who though they have been very affecti∣onate to your service, have not however had Souls high enough to second the Ge∣nerosity of your intentions. You may easily remedy all this, according as you have designed, there need only wel to know the Causes, and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable, and the State will soon be in safety. Your Majesty may command me any thing, for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you, and I can∣not have any greater pleasure, then to sacrifice my life to your glory. And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse, what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs. I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you, that I have observed four things, which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and dis∣ability of this State. The first is Forraign, and is nothing but the unbridled Ambi∣tion of the Spaniard, which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe, and car∣ries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States, which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom, of which too he hopes to be one day Master, when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers, and made it destitute of succours from its Allies. The other three are Domestick and at home, which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts, which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom, from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise. The second is, the excessive licencious∣nesse of the Grandees, who do so much detract from your greatnesse, by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought. The third is, the want of dis∣ciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes, which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies. The fourth is, the want of conside∣rable Foundations in the Treasury, to commence War upon occasions, and to sup∣ply them as long as need shall require, I suppose that these are the original Sources, from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France, and I imagine, if your Majesty can but drayn them up, there is nothing more to fear: But on the contrary, all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for. The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Bla∣vet, whilest you were succouring the Grisons, testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party, would take all advantages, whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts. Those Civil Wars, which the Princes do yearly renew, are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse, that you can∣not enterprise any thing abroad, nourishing the people in disobedience, and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty, which is one∣ly due to your Majesties Scepter. In the same manner, the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France, will in fine give them

means to usurp that too; at least strenuously to attempt it, if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition. In fine, the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot, and the small Revenues in the Treasury, do reduce your Ma∣jesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad, or revolts at home. There∣fore my chief advice is, that your Majesty would give orders accordingly, and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance, and become as terrible to strangers, as they have boldly offended it. This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence, which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune. The King whose Soul is truly Royal, understood the sageness of it, and having discoursed with him more at large, he resolved to do accordingly, as we shall in the prosecution of this year.

Politick Observation.

THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State, then to see a Minister take no other care, then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace; for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken, so they weaken themselves by idleness. The greatest Monarchs which are governed, without some high designs of inlarging themselves, have never continued any long time without mis-fortune, and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them, is a Presage of a dangerous turn. They who think on nothing but Peace, do by little and little unawares weaken them, and reduce them to impotencie, then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth, by idlenesse and want of Imployment, and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers, who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies, knowing it to be needfull, to keep their Souldiers in breath, and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it, as also to vent the violent heats of the youth, who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars? It is said to bee for this reason, that Edward the third, concluding the Treaty at Bresigni, would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain: And that Philip the Fair, made his Son John passe the Sea, that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not, that if Henry the 2d. after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers, and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria, by car∣rying his Armies out of France, the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars, which were upon the point of destroying it. It is not the Property of humane Af∣fairs to subsist long in the same degree, and who attempts so to conserve it, designs an impossibility. States like those who float upon the Waters, are in continual motion, and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory, shall soon see it unravelled to nothing, when he would stop there, he will find it sliding back. How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition, when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards; and seeing who∣ever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power, shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition. That Minister commits a great fault, who doth not con∣sider what is within the compasse of a State, seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces, but in the ruine of his enemies, and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse. He ought not to be lesse circum∣spect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation, then in eying his Masters own subjects, and to keep them in obedience; who neglects one or t'other, shall soon see his ma∣ster exposed to dangerous storms, his authority despised, his power weakned by the strength of strangers, and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies.

New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures, to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline.

WE have seen about the end of the last year, the resolution which his Maje∣sty took to assist the Grisons, oppressed by the House of Austria, and to

send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army, to recover the Valtoline. I shall now proceed to add, that looking upon those just considerations, (which I shall now tell you) proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty, necessitated the dis∣patching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres, to advance and prosecute the conquest, so happily begun. The Marquis not to lose any oportunity, took time by the foreloc••, and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer, and according to his Majesties orders and instructions, he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare, all the places, were they never so little considerable, which had been seized upon in the Valtoline; as also in the Avenues, the Fort of Rive only excepted, bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes, which were never so much as touch'd. He began this conquest about December in the last yeare, by the taking in of Planta, Mala and Tyran; and in the beginning of this he pro∣secuted it, with so good success, that every place was under his Majesties obedience. After the reducing of Tiran, the Army drew towards Fondrio, which Town sur∣rendred at first summons; but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon, and a breach being made, they were obliged to force it, and carry it by assault, which they did with such advantage, that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it.

This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne, Travona and Orbino, that they sent their Deputies, to render themselves. But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol, he assaulted it, and found more resistance then in any other place, whether it were because the place was well fortified, or be∣cause they within, had resolved to defend it: he took the paines to plant some Can∣nons upon a Battery, and to make a breach for an assault; but they seeing them∣selves a small number, and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege, rendered themselves upon composition. The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp, was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue, whilest him∣self was at Travone, which he forced after a long siege; so that there only remai∣ned the Fort of Rive, toward which he advanced the Armie, but it was expe∣dient first to passe by Campo, where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters, and to force them out of it: The resolution was taken to fight them, and orders given accordingly, which the Spaniards perceiving, they clapt some Regiments in∣to Campo, to fortifie it, and seeing our men come on, they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes, and received them with all the markes of a resolute cou∣rage, but without any advantage, for that ours assaulted them so strongly and cou∣ragiously, that without longer holding the businesse in suspence, they forced them to retire in disorder; and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victo∣ry, they would still have gone on, but were met with by fresh Spaniards, who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine, but with little successe too; for ours being presently seconded, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and follow∣ed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo: The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage, and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security, presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French toge∣ther, who were dispersed up and down; but this could not be done so soon, but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight, return'd and fell upon them, killed some and put the rest into disorder: However it is true, this advantage lasted not long, for our men fought so stoutly, that the Spaniards lost more men then wee, and resolved to quit Campo the day following, and to retire themselves to Rive. Their successes were very happy, and they who would know the true cause of them, must understand, that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss, and to the valour of his souldiers, yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse, who advised to this enterprise, who contrived the meanes, and re∣moved all obstacles, and began it in such a time, when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda, and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts, they being in the Popes hands, with whom the Spaniard had so wrought, that he should not part with them, either by terri∣fying

him, that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons, who were Here∣ficks, or by giving hopes, that in the conclusion there would be some means of ac∣commodation found out, but all was to keep them in their own power.

Politique observation.

HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils, hath more share in the glory of them, then they who execute and act them: It is Prudence which prevents an enemy, and taketh him at unawares, which diverts his Forces, and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage, that he is easily over∣come. Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History, that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State, doeth more then all the Arms of the world; and Philoso∣phie teacheth us, that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world, that is it which renders men most like the Deity, whose property it is, as the Apostle saith, to do all things by the Counsel of his will. T. Livy being much of the same mind, saith, he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers, that who so knoweth best to command, deserveth the first place, and who so to obey, the second place: It can∣not be denied, but that there is as much need of executing, as giving good advices, because if there were no one to put them into action, good Counsels would be to no purpose; but withal it must be concluded: That Counsel is so much the more excellent, in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue, which is Prudence, whereas action the effect of it, is the Child only of force, which is much beneath it. The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for se∣veral things, somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords, and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy, by and by to stop some leak in the Ship, where the water breaks in, and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot, whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies, he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks, to guide her home without being wraked, by those operations of his, which are so much the more noble then theirs, by how much the acts of the Soul, surpasse those of the Body. Who can without injustice, ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise, then to him who by the fulness of his Soul, first contrived it, digested it by his Prudence, found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working, removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it, foresaw all difficulties in it, and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on, to a happy successe? To speak truly it cannot be, without robbing him, of that which justly belongs unto him. But who can doubt of this truth after he, who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest, and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost, the Au∣thor of Truth, hath said it? Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force, and a wise man deserves more honour, then he who is esteemed valiant.

The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette & the Sieur de Bethune, to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline, which were in his keeping.

THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours, given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes, leagued with those of Venice and Savoy, for recovery of the Valtonine. The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy, he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette, that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted, being garded by his Ensigns, testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune, that he might tell him how much he resented it.

The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it, sent to demand audience, not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances, as to discover his disposition, which anger would lay open sooner then any thing, and to fortifie him against such discourses,

wherewith the Partakers of Spain, would endeavour to exasperate him.

As soon as the Pope saw him, he told him, he could never have imagined, that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church: but his Holiness was not long unanswered, the Sieur de Bethune telling him; That the King his Master was far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained; that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particu∣ler, (whom he honoured with extraordinary respects) that on the contrary, he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Autho∣rity: That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise, in regard he had been often times told, that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason, the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts, which lawfully belonged to them, that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power, seeing the deposit was ended by those several in∣stances and reasons, which were remonstrated to him; as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins, of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied: and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands, by reason of that great difficulty, which the Spaniards made to assent to it; and seeing it was pretended, and that upon good reasons, to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves, who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name, though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them, which being so, he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Ma∣sters proceedings, in regard he being only as an Umpire, who created between them in the quality of a Common Father, he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired, or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France.

These reasons were so considerable, that the Pope could not but have rest con∣tented, had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards; but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings. And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience, did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be; but on the contrary, his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him, and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army, hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures, if he should not with-draw his Army, and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado, that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt, the Spaniards should make them pay for it again, and should do that which their Interests led them too, with∣out being with-held by any consideration; and in fine, protested to him, what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter. But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors, who cannot indure there should be any State affair, and not subject to his Will, he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force. The Sieur de Bethune in∣deavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat, in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons; sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutche•• of Ʋrbin; and other times by assu∣ring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti, who had some influence over his Inclinations, by the Protestations which he made to them, that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions; and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master; which however were refused by them, that they might not appear to be partial; as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux, who was one of the richest Matches of France, to his Nephew Don Thadee, who did not a little like of it, though he accepted not of it, he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War, who should not agree upon certain places, to put them in deposit in a third persons hands, and he who is the Depositary, ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them, so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties. Anti∣quity looked upon Deposits as sacred, and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge, and one of the Depositary Laws, is declared to be, that who so refuseth to render them, renders himself culpable of a great Injustice; because he would usurp against natural Reason, that which doth not at all belong to him. Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans; he, who denied the Deposit was condemned to death; and Herodotus saith, that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money, which he had received of a Milesi∣an, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, to know what he should do in the businesse; who was thus answered, That neither he nor his family, could any long time live up∣on the face of the earth, and that in effect they were already rooted out. Whence he concludeth, that it were best for him who hath a Deposit, to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it. And how well hath Ari∣stotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime, when he saith, that that man who be∣comes guilty of it, is much more unjust, then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him; because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity, as he doth who deni∣eth what was lent to him; but also those of friendship and fidelity; in considerati∣on of which the Deposit was entrusted with him. I shall onely adde this, that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it, he ha∣ving no right to become their Arbitrator, unlesse they agree among themselves; as to be really and without delay restored to them, when they shall have agreed upon condition between them. It is however, dangerous to chuse a Person for a Deposi∣tory, who pretends a Superiority, or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect; because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity, to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others, so it is hazardous, least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator. Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary, it ought to be included in the Instrument, that he shall not be∣come Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise. Above all this, one thing ought to be observed, when as the Pope is Depositary, as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him; for that he in some sort preten∣ding a Power over Kings, he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences, and withall may become Partial. Which being so, such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded, by reason of the diffi∣culties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls. There are but a few Princes of such Fidelity, as that of the late King Henry the Great, who having leave to passe with thirty five thousand men into Geneva, when he besieged Fort St. Katharine, was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it, which they assured him was easily to be effected: He answered them, that it would be a most unjust action, to repay with Infidelity and Treachery, that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him.

The Pope sends towards the King, the Sieur Bernardino Nary, to testifie to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceedings of the Marquess de Coevures in the Valtoline.

WHilest they were hard at it in the Valtoline, Cardinal Spada the Popes or∣dinary Nuntio in France, made great complaints to the King of the Mar∣shal de Coevures proceedings, and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty, to testifie to him his great discontent at it. But they were re∣plyed

to, with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business, that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceedings. They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons, to ayd their Auxiliaries, but only at the very last extremi∣ty, and after he had seen several faire proposals neglected, which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way; That as for the Mareshal de Coeu∣vres proceedings, they had been such, as had deserved if rightly understood, more to be commended then condemned; That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association, to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines; That he had setled the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion in and amongst the Grisons, in all places where formerly it had been banished, and as for that particular place of the Valtoline, he had permitted the exercise of none, but that of the Catholique Religion; That if he came with men armed against his Ho∣liness his People, he was provoked to it, by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesties Allyes, and against his own forces to, wher∣by they openly made it apparent, that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards: yet withal that these actions of theirs, had not diverted the Mar∣quis of Coeuvres from treating the Marquis de Bagny, and all others who were un∣der him in the Vallee, not only with civility, but with as much reverence, as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those, who were sent in his behalf. That after all, the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands; that whilest there were means of accomodation, his Holiness had no reason to complain, that he had been any way neglected, until the time which had been concluded on, had been expired, and that there were no hopes of an agree∣ment. All those which were proposed being hitherto refused, or retarded, which gave advantage to the Spaniard.

These reasons did evidence the integrity of the Kings actions, but however as his Majesty had even shewed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat, and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness, for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England; he hearkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada, and the Sieur Nary. The principal one, and upon which they most insisted, was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months, in the County of Chiavenne, in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated, which being thought reasonable, his Majesty assented to it, and a Post was pre∣sently sent to the Marquis de Coeuvres, to stop his farther proceedings. It is true the Post came not, til after Chiavenne was taken, so that the Cessation was void in that particular, but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives, during the whole terme of the said two months, to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction.

Politique Observation.

THat King, who undertakes any affair of weight, which may provoke his neighbour Princes, ought to fix himselfe in a steddy resolution, not to be sha∣ken by any Propositions or complaints, which shall be made to him. He must take it for certain, that all who are any way concern'd, will send their Ambassadors to him, as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions, to represent their in∣terests to him, and to presse him to be mindful of them; but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer, who being once in, and to passe over some Arm of the Sea, lets the Tempest whurle, and the waves swell up as they please, he not thinketh on any thing, but how to get on shoar; The same reasons, which were the grounds of his resolution, ought to be the rules of his answers, which he shall make to such Ambassadors; and if it bee but well considered, all their urgen∣cies and instances, ought to bee the more suspected by him, that they were only made to amuse him, if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived, by the Princes who send them. The Lacedemonians were much troubled that the•• had given audience to Themistocles, who was sent to them from the Athenians up••••

an Embassassie, to make delayes, and that in the means time they might fortifie themselves. Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while, making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors, whom the Athe∣nians had commanded to be joyned with him, but in conclusion they smelt it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortifie the Citty of Athens.

The Order which a King should take in such a businesse, is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies, to discover his intentions. If they are on∣ly of spie, as it many times happens in war, under pretences of making proposals of Peace, my advise is to return them back again, as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus; withal to cause them to be watched, and to have an eye upon all their actions. Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassa∣dors, who were sent from Xerxes, to hinder their associating themselves, with all the other Towns of Greece, should not speak with any particular man, during their short stay in the Citty. I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceedings, he ought to receive them with honor, to treat them magnifiently, and to give them a favorable audience, that they may not com∣plain, there was any deficiency, of paying them all the duties of hospitallity: But as to the subject of their negociation, he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs, with as much courage as prudence, to fortifie his Soul with such motives, as inga∣ged him in his enterprise, as with so many impregnable Bastions, without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever, but to prose∣cute his work, till he bee come to the very end he had proposed to himself, or at least so neer as possibly he may, withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said, every one who fights doeth not conquer, and the Con∣querors, do not alwayes were the Garland.

The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Venice, negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy.

THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy, and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up, it would be a great inconveniency to him, so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection, he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy, to oppose that which had been concluded between the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice, and at the same time, he summoned all his Estates, and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown, to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War. Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King, Duke of Savoy, and Venetians would divide it between them; so every one of those little Princes, being touched in his own Interests, was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence. The Partisans of Spain say, that this Alliance between their King, the Duke of Parma and Modena, the Common-wealths of Genoa, and Lucqua, had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria, Governour of Milan, and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys, who should come to Genova, and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix, who was to be Admiral, they reported too, that all the Kingdomes of Spain, and the Grandees of the whole Nation, were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men. But all these black stormy Clouds, vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms, and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes, as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year.

Politique Observation

THE Affairs of Christendome, were brought to that passe, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, did partake with the Interests of all other Princes. The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other, and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other. If any one ask a reason hereof, it may be ascribed to that emulation, which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them, so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power; but to speak more rightly, the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain, for that either of them have their particular motives. The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians, have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy, not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it, and consequentially, they do easily violate all Rights and Justice, not reflecting, that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians, stood but a little while, it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation, which was the de∣struction of their Power: Now with France it is quite otherwise, whose State be∣ing grounded upon Justice, doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms, but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it. France hath no design but to preserve it self. Spain to increase it self; France knoweth that safe∣ty consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another; and therefore it is, that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent, that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her, or her Allies. Spain on the other side, which hath long since formed and contrived a design of ma∣king it self master of all Europe, conceiveth that there is wrong done him, if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates, or take up Arms for their defence. Now to cement them in this dispute, either of the two Crowns have their Allies, which are tied to them by several Bonds, that is, by diffe∣rent considerations France hath such for her Allies, who suspect the Power of Spain, and fear they shall be set upon by it: Spain hath others, who take part with the In∣terests of the House of Austria, as issued from thence by some relation or other, and who are so far from France, that being not easily releeved, they are forced to keep all fair with them, and serve them in their designs, under the hopes, that by this means they may at least procure that favour, which the Cyclop promised Ʋlysses. In this last from I range the Italians, who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been, hath been to them, by reason of their distance from one another, and the difficulties of passing Forces in∣to their Country, do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard, it being easie for him to seize upon their States, Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them. Experience hath made it evident, that they were never faithfull to the French. They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes, by allying themselves with them, but after they had occasioned great expences, and all to no purpose, they fell off from their words, as Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d. though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour. The onely means to unite them really with France, and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain, whom they have no great inclination to, were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers, which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province, which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal, in the possession of Pignerol.

The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France, Venice, and Savoy.

AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices, which are used to surprize the minds of People, and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought

most proper to inflame their Courages to War: So the Spaniards were not back∣ward to countenance their designs, by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France, Savoy, and Venice; and with all that Justice might ap∣pear to be with them, to make use of Religion and Piety, as a Cloak to their knave∣ry. They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to in∣vade the Indiaes; That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d. to make himself Master of France, and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate, and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline. It gave their Li∣bellers opportunity to say, that the King of Great Britain, and the Swiss Protestants were ingaged in the same League, though in truth, there was onely the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice comprised in it. They called it by the name of the Protestant League, but with so little truth, that there was no appearance of it; and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League, seeing they had on their party the Elector, the Princes of Upper Saxony, the Dukes of Luneburg, the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt, and the most part of the Lutherans of Ger∣many, so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks.

By which one might beleeve, they would place even God himself amongst this number, because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs. They declared every where, that their onely intention for their parts, was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline, and to root out Heresie, though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented, and which gave them most advantage, was headed by Rodolph, Planta, and several other principal Hereticks of that Country. Neither did they stick to say, that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons. But they went not away without a reply made to them, which was this, that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated, but when they contrived Combinations against the State, and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals, they were equal∣ly punished with the rest, without any respect had to their Religion. To be short, they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People, Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines, though for the most part, those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons, were Hereticks; desiring to make People beleeve, that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion. But besides, that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth, any one might easily know, that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen, either Catholicks or Hereticks, and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free; so that it was easie to answer them, that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns (before any considera∣tion could be had of what Religion they were) as Gods Lievtenants, and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ, and by their deeds, no one had any cause to complain of them at all; and thus all their Reasons tended onely to sur∣prize peoples understandings, who were weak, but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding, to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambiti∣on; and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud, when as his Majesty had pro∣posed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion, and the Liberty of Catholicks, which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines, or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great, from obtaining his Absolution from Rome, after his Conversion; though they every where Proclaimed, that the design of their Army in France, was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men, to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion. So in the Heathens time, the Governours of the City of Rome, after they had, to no purpose, used their utmost indeavours, to hinder the Peo∣ple from being elected into Offices, had at last their recourse to Religion, and made them beleeve, that they having consulted the Gods on that affair, were assured by

them, that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty, were to prophane them; which being so, saith T. Livy, they forthwith desired them, to recede from their pretentions, they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods, then of their own particular Interest. They well knew that the peo∣ple were much addicted to Religion, and that it were so much the more easie to sur∣prise them upon that accompt, they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes, the genuine reasons of State, or of Religion it self. Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire, was not contented by his pretending a great Treason, to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba; but moreover told the Souldiers, the more to inflame them, that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest, that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them. After all, these fetches can one∣ly surprize silly people, they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort, are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation, they ought more to regard their actions then their words. They learn by experience that such kind of People, cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money, who daub over their base allay, with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it. But Princes are now so accu∣stomed to see through their disguises, that they are no more to be over-reached by them, and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people, they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies.

Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots.

THere need no more to proove, that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards, to hide the injustice of their designes, then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France, which when undi∣vided, hath been alwayes so potent, that it hath impeded the cours of their pro∣ceedings; and therfore it was, that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them, as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline. Those great losses, which the Heretiques continually had had, for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc, alwayes kept them waking, especially after the Peace of Montpellier, they well perceiving that those small Routs, which they had suffered, did threaten their party, with an utter destruction.

The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them, were not backward to fo∣ment it, and laboured very much, to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan, who were the only eminent persons, to command their arms. Their designe took effect: These two Brothers, being met at Castres, to consider on such Propositions, which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year, resolved to rayse those of their Party, the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc. The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis) of which wee have already spoken, about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution, as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party. This Dut∣chesse, that she might use her utmost dilligence, went most commenly by torch∣light in the night time in her Coach, which being in mourning, and withall furni∣shed with eight black Horses, served rather to strike a terror into the Country peo∣ple, (who were not used to see such spectacles) then to gain any the chief men of their towns. But the Cardinals vigilance, was the principal obstacle, which ren∣dered all their Combinations void. He induced the King to send with all hast, about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc, with certain Re∣giments, to oppose the first commotions, and to employ many persons of discre∣tion, to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns, and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties. The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest, which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party, and made them believe, that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel; That the losse of their Religion was inevitable, if they did not defend themselves by Armes, and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel, was an assured signe of it, as also those other ad∣vantages

which he had taken against them. He prevented them in believing his Ma∣jesties Edicts and Proclamations, by that supposition which he instilled into them, that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books; That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques. It's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations, that most were taken with them, particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns, certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Re∣ligion, to encourage them, and to stir up the Popular Ministers, who after this looked for nothing but when to rise, not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to, were contrived by the Spaniards, who make open profession of being their ennemies, and who pretended not, to make use of them, but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy.

Politique Observations.

NO one but a King ought to take up Arms: As formerly among the Romans, it only belonged to the Consuls, who had the superintendency of State, to open the two gates barred with Iron, and fastned with a hundred hinges, which were opened in token of war: so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules, it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy, and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies, because he had attempted it, without the command of the People and Senate. Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God, no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever, without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion. True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War, how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext? And those Hereticks who make professi∣on of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ, have ill studied it, if they have not observed this truth in it, that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though In∣fidels then others. God saith in Esay, speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians, who had no knowledge of his holy name. I have called thee though thou hast not known me, I have named thee by thy name, and have raised thee up to honour and power, though thou hast had no knowledge of me; and I will, that both they of the East and West shall know, that it is I who have established thee, and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth, that hath not received his Power from me and my hand; and afterwards he addeth, that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand, that he might bring the Nations into Subjection, whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings, who breaketh the Gate of Brass, and bursteth the Bars of Iron, to whom all things are manifest, and nothing is con∣cealed from him. Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant, and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were. Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen, besieged, taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem, razed the Walls, demolished the Houses, burned the Temple, prophaned the San∣ctuary, took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service, killed the Kings Children, with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple, and carried the re••t Captive into Babylon: Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God; yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch, saying, to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People; God who hath created men, and the beasts of the Field by his great power, and stretched out Arm, hath given it to whom he pleased, and hath placed it in the hands of his ser∣vant Nebuchadonozer. He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son; submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke, and serve him; and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke▪ God wil visit him with the Famine, the Sword, and the Pestilence: Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Bal∣thasar his son, to the end they may live as long upon the Earth, as the Heavens shall indure. Which being so, can it be lawfull or in the power of men, for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings? Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Autho∣rity, to give them a Law contrary to Gods command? In St. Pauls time, and the

rest of the Apostles, there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith, yet they commanded that they should be prayed for, and that they should give them all manner of Honour, Subjection, and Obedience, and to bear themselves hum∣bly before them, for the love of God and a good Conscience: Whence it is, That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable, that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince, under whom God hath subjected them, or to assume to themselves any power over him, to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions. Subjects have not by the Law of God, any other defence then flight. That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians, and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince, or Commonwealth and Com∣monwealth, yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign.

The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted.

THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots, whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline, obliged his Majesty to do the like by him, in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa. It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War, but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first; a weaknesse worth the ob∣servation, in regard there was not one Fort there, excepting that of Rive, which could indure any long Siege: So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them, un∣lesse their Arms who would re-take them, be so strongly diverted, that they may be hindred from comming to them: Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts be∣fore they were deposited in the Popes hands, was a sufficient token of his design, long since concluded on in his Counsels, of making himself absolute Master of Italy; it being most probable, that who so once seizeth on the dore, would likewise enter upon the whole house. It being thus manifestly necessary to oppose the progress of this ambitious design, it could not be better effected then by the assaulting of Genoa, which is the onely Port of entrance on this side of the Alps, which being shut up, and preventing his ingress on that side, he could hardly bring in any Troops at all, especially if the Forts of the Valtoline were no longer in his possession. With∣all, the State of Genoa did not onely serve the Spaniards as an Inlet into Italy, but also to convey souldiers into Germany and the Low Countries, and for a Mine from whence they extracted good store of mony, so that the depriving them of it would be no small weakning to him: These were the true reasons which invited the King to this attempt which were so just, that it appeared lawfull, that State being the one∣ly Flower, which the negligence of some of our Kings have suffered to be pulled out of this Crown, and the Spaniard could have no more reason to complain of his Majesties entring upon Genoa, which was under their Kings Protection, then the King of France had, to lament his seizure of the Valtoline, of which his Majesty of France had had the Protection for many years together. The King was neces∣sitated to make use of the Duke of Savoy in this affair, both that he might have free passage thither, and also furnish himself by that means, of Cannon and provisions for the Army. The Cardinal perswaded the King to make him chief of the expedi∣tion, whereby the more to ingage him. All this was dispatched in a conference had with him at Suze, by the Constable of Lesdig••ieres. The Marshal de Crequis re∣turned to the Court after October in the last year, to give an accompt to his Majesty of what might be expected from him, and the Sieur de St. Gerry, was sent back to the Duke and Constable, with those resolutions which had been concluded on, in relation to their Proposals, and with order to the Constable to raise forces necessary for the design. The Duke was the more inclined to it, seeing the injuries which the Genoeses had done him but lately, were a just cause to begin a War. He declared in his Manifest, that they had destroyed the limits, which parted the Lands of Genoa and Piedmont, and had incroached upon his Territories, that they had violently ta∣ken

away the Fee of Zuccarel, and withall offered indignities to his Effigies, as a mark of the hatred which they did bear him: These just offences did oblige him to resent them; but he being too weak to carry on a War against them, where he should quickly find the Spaniard in the head of them, was very glad of the Kings assistance and willingly accepted of the honour of commanding in chief all such For∣ces as should be sent, which being thus contrived, they could onely passe under the notion of Auxiliaries: And if it were honourable for the Duke to be the head of such an enterprise, it was not lesse advantagious for the King to raise by this means a diversion, able to find work for all the Powers of the House of Austria, with∣out making an absolute breach with them. The Cessation preserved at that time the Forts in the Valtoline, and ingaged the Duke by so many Interests and concerns in the War, that it was impossible for him to fall off or be unfaithfull, and not find his own ruine in it. And the Cardinals counsel in this particular, passed for an effect of his incomparable Prudence.

These things being thus concluded on, and orders given out accordingly, the King commanded the Marshal de Crequis to return back to the Constable of Lesdiguierres, with further confirmation of what ever had formerly been sent to him by the Sieur de St. Gerry in order to his Proposals. It would not have been amiss to have inga∣ged the Venetians in this design which was attempted, but Common-wealths are so long, and so hardly induced to resolve upon any great affair, that it was done without them. The Constable passed over the hills, about the beginning of the year, with ten thousand foot, and two thousand horse, and there met with the Marshal: On the second of February, the whole body of the Army consisted of five and twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, every one ready to march about the end of February, which strook such a terrour into Rome, that the Pope and the most part of them, knew not what to think of it, but apprehending that they should shortly see all Italy in a flame of War, and fearing lest the sparkles of them might fall on them, and consume that sweet repose which they then in∣joyed.

Politique Observation.

JT is great Prudence in a King who would enterprize a forraign War, to make him∣self sure of that Prince which is nearest the Country he would assault; it was for this reason that Scipio designing to carry the War in Affrica, against the Carthaginians, procured a League to be made between the Romans and Cyphax, but as it is a thing very difficult to keep Princes Confederates in a War any long time together, in which they have little interest: So it is a great peece of Wisdome to make him chief of it, when a design cannot be executed without him, by reason he is master of the passa∣ges, and it is from him onely that recruits can be had, as also Ammunitions of War for the subsistance of the Army. To avoid the ordinary mis-fortunes of Leagues, it were necessary that those Princes with whom one doth ingage, were obliged by o∣ther tyes then those of Fidelity which is due to their words; and if it be so impor∣tant for all Allies, it is much more necessary for him. Had Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan been touched with this fear, and beleeved he could not have broke off the Alliance with France without losing his Estate, he had never been worse then his word, with those of our Kings, who had not carried their Arms into Italy, but upon the assurance he had given him of his Fidelity. And who seeth not that the King that doth thus, hath an advantage of assaulting his enemy, without making an absolute breach with him. He hath an advantage very considerable seeing it serves him to put his own Estates in safety, and that he doth ingage that Prince so much the more strictly, whom he makes chief of his design, to keep his word with him; because if he once break off he may freely abandon him, and suffer him to pe∣rish under his enemies Arms, without putting himself to the trouble of making a Treaty of Peace, or breaking the Laws of Alliance, which do not oblige to any fur∣ther assisting of him, who hath once broke his word.

The Pope sends the Cardinal Barberine in the quality of a Legate in∣to France, to negotiate the Peace between his Majesty and the King of Spaine.

THE Pope, who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Chri∣stian Princes, as well as that of Soveraign Bishop, was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming, out both in France and Italy. The condi∣tion of France mooved him with pitty, it being both against the Church, as well as against the Kings authority; but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy. He had some apprehensions to for his own States, doub∣ting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy; this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine, or into some other neuter place, where the two Kings Deputies might be found, to negotiate a Peace; as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins, and Aldobrandine, for the Peace of Savoy; His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Be∣thune, as a thing which he had resolved on, and told him, that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment, and that he would willingly pre∣fer his desires, and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other. He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra, to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered, that he was very capeable of the Legation. But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster, living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did, would commonly judge by the rules of devotion, which being so, it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline, more then by the specious pretext, which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion, and thus considering all in a spiritual way, without regarding those interests of state, which would happen, there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications, to make the peace between the people, who should be interessed it it. It was said in few words, and no reply on the one side or the other. The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design, and proposed to send the Car∣dinal Barberin his Nephew, who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotia∣tion, and to make the voyage between France and Spain.

Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardi∣nals of the Consistory, yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negoti∣ate this business. Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline, he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose, but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge, he would not te∣stify to his Holiness, that he misliked his choyse, only upon the first motion of it, he expostulated it with his Holiness, and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person, who being so neerly related to him, could not but be very dear to him; thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him, then all others; and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter, that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour, in which the greatest diffi∣culties were contained, without which finding the business all confused and undige∣sted either in France or Spaine, it would of necessity follow, that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court: But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew, who took a singuler delight to please him, took no notice of it, and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse, and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals, out of the gates of Rome, according to the usual custome. They who had been upon the same employments before him, return'd back to Rome for a few dayes, that he might take orders for their occasions, but did not appear on any publique employments. The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey, made him prolong it no more then one day, so that he set out immediately punctually

observing his Holiness command, of using an extraordinary industry, to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy, to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father, by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine.

Politick Observation.

IT is no lesse Glorious, then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes; one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun, is to establish such a Temperature, and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements, that they may all subsist together, and contribute to the preservation of the universe; for without this as the Naturalists have observed, the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing, by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them: Just so the moderation which the Popes (who are in the Church, as the Sun in Heaven) shall use amid'st the broyls and wars, which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes, is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor. If it be honourable to them, it cannot be lesse advantageous to, seeing their authority, is never so considerable as in times of Peace, and that their Ora∣cles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection. Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this, they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth, who took the flesh upon him, that he might bring peace to all the world, which also he recommended to his Apostles, as the thing he would have most cheri••hed: Thus to do, is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master: this is to follow his intentions, and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed; but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes, they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest: For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities, would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper: so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes, when once they take part with any particular interest: for who so once appears partial, is no longer fit to be credited, or to make any proposal which will not be suspected.

Father Berule arriveth at Rome, to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France, to be married with the Prince of Wales.

LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin, to make his journy into France, we shall anon overtake him at the Court, and take notice of what passed in his negociation. Let us now speak of another important Affair, which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister: we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer, that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded, Father Berule was sent to Room, to procure a disperse for it, where being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune, he supplicated his Holiness, on his Master behalf, that he would bee pleased to grant him the di∣spensation for it.

The Pope receiv'd him, with such honour, as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes; and as to that which concern'd the dispense, his Ho∣liness told him, that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards, when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spaine, he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then, and could not now conclude it, without acquainting them with it; but however promised him, that they who were suspected to be against the French interest, should not be called to the consultation, but that others which favoured it should be put in their places: but withal to testifie his good will to the King, he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards, that is, he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence, that he might give the quicker dispatch to it. With∣in

in a few dayes after, he named the Cardinals, but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself, whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards, with whom he had no great mind to em∣broyl himself, or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties, as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense: and this was as much as passed upon the first motion, though afterwards many disputes did arise, either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affaires in the Court of Room, to seek all advantages for Religion, and to raise questions where there are none, that their final results may be the more vallid; or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private▪ had perswaded them to ad some other things in the dispense, then had been concluded in the Articles. These difficulties thus risen, ingaged the Sieur de Bethune, who understood not whence they came, to joyn himself to the Father Berule, and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness, that the great zeal his Master had for the Church, had induced him to take a great deal of paines, for the obtaining the most advanta∣geous conditions in the Articles, that could be hoped for by the English Catholi∣ques. That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage, should be brought up by the Queen, only until their age of twelve yeers, but the King not contented with that, had obtained it until the thirteenth yeer, which was no inconsiderable businesse, because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion, as will not easily be rooted out in future. He was not deficient in representing to him, both the hapiness and glory, that it would for ever be to his Popedom, if the eldst son who should be born, should re∣ligiously preserve those instructions in his riper age, which the Queen should give him, and at last establish the Church of England in it's liberty and splendour. That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage, which might happen by it hereafter, especially seeing in the last Article, the King of Great Brit∣tany promised to treat with more sweetness, and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholiques, in behalf of the alliance with France, then otherwise he would have done, for that of Spain; that he was bound by oath to perform it; that it was true, the Spaniards had demanded more, that is, a publique Church in England, but withal they could not procure it to be granted, and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected, then what had been alreaded concluded; that all which is to be wished, is not alwayes possible; and after all, that the three princi∣pal things which ought to be considered had been agree to, which was the assu∣rance of the Princess her conscience, the education of such children as God should blesse her with, and the liberty of Catholique: he also went and related the same to the Deputies. At last after three several meetings upon the business, they thought (so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes, when he discoursed with them in private) that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the di∣spe••se, according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns: but they would needs have this added, that those servants, who were to wayt upon such children as God should give to the Princess, should be Catho∣liques and chosen by her, during the age that they were to be under her goverment. That the English should not by any means endeavour, to draw off the Princesses servants from the Catholique Religion, nor those of the Messieurs her Children, whilst they should remain with her. Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things, and that the King of France, should pro∣mise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed, to which the King of Eng∣land should oblige himself. The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder, that they should so earnestly ad those Conditions to the Articles, which were not only capa∣ble of retarding, but also of quite breaking of the match, and consequently bring the English Catholiques into a greater persecution then ever. But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal, which was a little too hot, and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals, with such strong impressions, that they were irresistably bent up∣on it, this good man making it appear by his transaction, that the most spiritual men,

are not alwaies the most proper persons to be imployed in negotiation of State; by reason of the subtlety of the spirits, which do refine things a little too much, and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others, and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Lawes even of a necessity it self.

Politique Observation.

IT is a great Imprudence in an Embassadour, to move contrary to his Instruction, and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense: Orders are to Embassadours as Compasses to Pylots, and as a Pylot ex∣poseth himself to the danger of Shipwrack, when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio, so an Embassadour endangereth the success of his negotiation, if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him: he ought to consider, that the person who imploys him, hath more knowledge of the Affair then himself. That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit, those are the onely means which he is commanded to follow, that must guide him to the end of his Affair, and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not onely run the hazard of losing himself, but also of bringing his Master into such trouble, as he wil have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them. The Athe∣nians did heretofore, think this to be a business of so great importance, that they condemned their Embassadours to die, whom they had sent into Arcadia, for one∣ly returning home by another Coast, then that which they were commanded, though they had well dispatched the Affair they were imployed on, as it is reported by Eli∣an. It is true, the face of things may alter after an Embassadours departure, and if so, he must have his eyes in his head, it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him, for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair: But in case Af∣fairs be not altered, he is bound to stick close to his Instructions, under penalty of being very faulty; Manlius did not spare his own son, for fighting with the Ene∣my contrary to his order, though he got the better of them; for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his Generals command, though he be assu∣red to overcome him: And that Embassador deserveth severely to be chastised, who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him; for the manage∣ment of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State, then the Conduct of a War. Those spirits which are most acute and subtle, are most subject to slip into this defect, because they are more wedded to their own opinions, and will ever be refining of things more then need requires, esteeming more their own thoughts, then all the orders which shall be given to them; and this is it which made Thucydides say, Those Souls which are a little more steady, are propperer for negotiations, then those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness.

The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispence for the Match with England.

THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio, with expresse order not to deliver it, untill the King of England should ingage himself by Oath, to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted, and untill the King of France had given it under his hand, that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles, to which the King of England should ingage, to be fully accomplished. The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King, and his Maje∣sty was not a little surprized at it, to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England, and to seek for a new dispence from Rome, when some moneths had been passed over in the soliciting for the former. Indeed it was so much the more troublesome, in respect, that these obstructions might to∣tally break it off, which might not onely breed quarrels between the two Crowns

but divers mis-fortunes upon the Catholicks in England. A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio, and it was there represented to him, of how little importance these new Articles ••ere, in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things, especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess, that is, by her Domestiques and servants, and by those of the Princess were to be Catholicks, which did tacitely imply; that the Children should be brought up by Catholicks. This was easie to be demonstrated, but the Nuntio being of an im∣pertinent nature in affairs, as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests, beseech∣ed the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfie his Holiness, without imbroy∣ling the business with the King of England; promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear, for the taking away all obstructi∣ons and difficulties, which might bring any delay to the marriage. In prosecution whereof, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with, and the King writ to his Majesty of England, to desire him to condiscend to those alterations which the Pope had made, letting him see how frivolous they were.

The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder; but how∣ever seeing it had been agreed, that the children who should be born of this match, were to be educated by the Princesse, untill their respective ages of thirteen years, and that her servants were to be Catholicks, and to have all freedome for the exercise of their Religion, hee consented to all that was desired; as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholick, and should have no trouble in their Religion; accordingly hee sent all manner of assurances to the King, but not a word of swearing to it, which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance. The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected; the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope, where∣in she promised upon her Parol, not to chuse any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her, but such as should be Catholicks. All Conditions be∣ing thus resolved on, it was verily beleeved, there could be no further difficulties rai∣sed at Rome. There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea, the other by Land, to the Sieur de Bethune, with Orders to procure the dispense to bee amended withall expedition, and to beseech the Pope in his Majesties name, to dis∣patch it according to the Articles, which had been newly agreed on, without ex∣acting a new Oath. The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence, and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty; he spake to the People with a great deal of affection, by re-presenting to him those great bles∣sings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown, and with what zeal his Majesty had imployed his Arms against the Hereticks; all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair, in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice, both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him; as also, because his Actions gave great assurance, that he would never omit any occasion, which might tend to the advan∣tage of the Church. He forgot not to represent to him, the dangers that would en∣sue from a total breach, by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage, and the severe usage that the Catholiques in England would consequentially lie under. That what his Holiness had thought fit to adde to the Articles already concluded on, was in a manner included in them already, and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those, who should have the honour to be neer the Princess; however, that his Master the King, that he might testifie the respect which he bore his Holiness, had written to the King of Great Brittain who had con∣sented to it, excepting onely in the point of taking a new Oath, which he would no more press him upon, in regard of that Oath which he had already made in respect of Religion, the Princess and her servants, and the Liberties of the English Catho∣liques; and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath. That there was sufficient provision made, both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience, for her Domestiques and Children, seeing they were to re∣main

mayn with the Princess, as well as the children; which being so, it would of ne∣nessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion. He told him likewise, that the King his Master being bound to his Holi∣ness, for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain, was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King. That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness, with all earnest∣ness, and not rest barely there, but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obli∣ged to grant him his request, seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity, seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion, that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages, without any dispense.

These were the chief reasons, which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Ho∣liness, and likewise to the Cardinals, who were deputed in the businesse of the di∣spense. They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them, and testified a great readinesse, to do that which was desired of them. The Pope sent word to the Cardinals, that they should give a quick dispatch to the business, that he de∣sired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for, both that he might ac∣knowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church, as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of Eng∣land. Accordingly they met together, and concluded on it as the King desired, and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio, that it might be deli∣vered to the King, who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain.

Politick Observation.

JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage, it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time. No Affair can ob∣lige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice; but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize. He who doth not take this truth, for a rule in his Conduct, will be subject to commit great faults, and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World, That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will; he doing whatsoever best pleases him, but the latter, is obliged to necessities, and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things. Thus though it be allowed such men, on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends, to raise up some scruples and difficulties, whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing (it being usual with most men, little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease) yet when it is once evident, that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs, will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them, they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it: For what refuse they shall af∣terwards make, will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction, then that of Prudence.

The death of James King of Great Brittain, and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son, and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France.

DUring the negotiation for the dispense, King James of Great Brittain, fell very sick at Theobalds, twelve miles distant from London. After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague, which weakned him exceedingly much, he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him, and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason, and recommended to him those Officers, who had faithfully served him. But especially his little grand children, the Infants of the Electrix Pa∣latine his daughter, encouraging him to make use of that power, which he should

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leave him, for the re-establishing of them, in their Fathers Dominions; and then finding himself declining into his Agony, he gave him his blessing, wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms, which he should shortly leave to him. About the end of March he died, at which instant the Heralds (according to the custom of England) proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain, who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him.

He having a great desire to be married, the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse, to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name. The King too desired to see an end of the businesse, so that upon the first arrival of that power, the execution of it was no longer deferred. The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May, in the presence of the King the Queens, all the Princes and great Lords of the Court, by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud, who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies, on the Sunday following, being the eleventh of May, in the Church of Nostre Dame, in the quality of Great Al∣moner. I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done, only I shall say nothing was omitted. The Espousals were made upon a Theater, raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church. Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony, where the King and three Queens were assistants. Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there, who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier, retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse, as representing the King of Englands Person, who was of a different Religion; but they went again to receive his Ma∣jesty at the same door, as soon as Masse was ended, and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall, where the King dined with the Queens, his Mother, his Wife, and his Sister, the Duke of Chevreuse, the Earles of Carlisle and Holland, the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise, Elboeuf, and of Chevreuse, with the most magnificencies, that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies, could invent. There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris, and the Cannons made such a noyse, as if Heaven and Earth would have come together.

The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain, to go over into France, and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him.

THese things thus past, the Duke of Buckingham (the King of Great Britains favorite) was commanded to go into France, to desire the King, that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be, to come to him. He arrived at Paris about the end of May, and during that little stay which he made, he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency. The King granted him his de∣mands, and the Queen of Great Brittain departed about the beginning of June. She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother, the Queen Regent, Mon∣sieur the Kings Brother, and almost all, who were considerable in the Court: going thorough Amiens, she was received there with the same honour, as is do to the King himself, he having so commanded it. In this place, shee took her Leave of the Queen Mother, but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on, and Monsieur the Kings Brother attended by most part of the Court, con∣ducted her to Boulongne, where she was imbarked, in the greatst Ship of the O∣cean, which was richly prepared for her. The Windes were so favourable, that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let, where the Cannons Drums and Trumpets, endeavoured in emulation of one another, to testifie their noyse, which should most welcome her, with there greatest mirth at her first entrance. The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the Rivers side, where the Perfums and pleasant smels, might make her an exchange of those ill sents of the Sea, into an ayr of Amber, Orange and Jessamy Flowers. The King of Great Brittain, whom she had sent to entreat, he would be pleased to stay until the mor∣row

before he saw her, by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea, came accordingly the day after to meet her, with all that was Illustrious in his Court; and shewed, That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul, by those respects and extraordinary inventions, to render her first entrance pleasing to her. They dined together, and that night lay at Canturbury, where the Mariage was con∣summated to the equal contentment, of the two Crowns of France and England.

Politique Observation.

MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues, which gives most luster to Kings, who are no otherwise esteemed great, but by their abilities to do greater things then others. That is it, which makes their names glorious amongst Stran∣gers, and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects. Philoso∣phers say, actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject, which produceth them; whence it comes to passe, that that of Kings being the most emi∣nent of al others, they should not do any but magnificent things: and thus the Empe∣ror Dioclesian said publiquely. If this virtue be wel beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it, then at their own, or those of their Families ma∣riage, for at such times most especially it is, that strangers and their own subjects too, do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts; which at other times they themselves are but seldome seen; so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern, then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect, to the doing of which, no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions, doth very much contribute: Withall, if expences ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made, what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on, then either their own, or the marriages of those of their Blood? Besides, seeing Wealth is not gi∣ven them by Heaven, but onely to be honourably imployed, how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with, on such occasions as those are? would it not passe for an extream meanness of spirit? The goods of private men are their own, and for their own uses, insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please; but it is not so with Kings, they are obliged to imploy that which is lent them, towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Re∣verence and Honour into the Minds of the People, which is due unto them. Those great Costs and Charges, which are layed out on frivolous matters, are as soon for∣gotten as the whistling of the Wind, neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent; but it is not so when well used, and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs. It is to imitate God (if done in order) who hath not onely the power of working outward Miracles, but also of doing them with weight, number, and measure.

It is most certain, Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendring themselves admired amongst men, by their magnificent Actions, to which purpose a noble expence, doth extraordinarily much conduce.

Intreagues of the English Embassadour with some Ladies of the Court, dis∣covered by the Cardinal.

THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome, in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage, forced the English Embassadour to a long stay in France. Now whether it were for diversion, or to make any advantage by their stay, they strook into acquaintance with certain Ladies, under pretence of Gallant∣ry; but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France, and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intreagues, that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Masters advantage. Their meetings were so frequent, that it gave a cause of suspicion; especially to those who were not ignorant, that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls, to raise

Factions and foment them. There were many entertainments made at the Court, to serve for a pretext to their interviews. It was well known, that there had been divers Essays made, to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies, and had some share in their beleef, and withall, some small beginnings of discontent; insomuch, that the King was acquainted with it, and concern'd to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of, amongst others, the Dame de Vervet was one, and to fore-see that, the excesse of their conservation might not produce other effects, then those of Gallantries. But as they verily beleeved the Cardinal, to have been the Promoter of his Majesties resolution in that thing, so they conceived so great a ha∣tred against him, that they had much ado, to be induced to pardon him, though hee did not for his part much trouble himself at it, for that he onely acted for the service of his King, and the good of the State.

Politique Observation.

THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs, yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions, and broyls, as al∣so to disclose any secrets. Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with de∣ceit to insnare, and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilfull to ingage men, gives them so absolute an Empire over them, that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover, or perswade them to do, if once they make it their business. That weakness of theirs which layes them open to be Preyed upon, is the thing which gives them most Power over mens Souls; were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them; they would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire. I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation, design∣ing to involve us in sin, made his first addresses to Eve, rather then upon the man, knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end, if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits; who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus, affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives, not that hee might indulge his Senses, or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures; but that hee might fish out of them, any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-ad∣vantage or Ruine? and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device.

Open War in the State of Genoa.

WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth, Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy. The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French, being all well provided, the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa, the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places, and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves. The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father, and the Marshal de Crequy, with the Constable his Father-in-law. The King, in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France, consented that the Duke should give the word, and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont. The Or∣der which they observed was thus, That the Constable should march with the Avant guard, towards the Coast of Loppiata, and his Highness with the body of the Ar∣my towards Cremolin. The Constable comming before Loppiata, the Inhabitants made some small resistance, but they were soon forced, and their Town Pillaged, to strike a terrour into others: this induced those of Gua, a City belonging to the Ter∣ritories of Genoa, to send their Keys to the Duke, who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment, to Quarter there, found some resistance, for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time, had put in some Forces there, to defend it; so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie, to march thither with certain Compa∣nies,

which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces, that they presently lest the place, and Captain Martin Corseque, delivered it at the first summons. The City of Novy which is very large, sent at the same time, to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates; and accordingly he seized on it, and then turn∣ing towards Gavy, he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans, whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place, and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyn∣ed with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees, some Modenois, and other some Parmesans, who pretended to defend the Town. But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage, in a fight which lasted neer two hours, and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse, not far off the same place, they routed them with such good success, that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours, killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place, took above a thousand Prisoners, and amongst them the chief Commanders. Upon this defeat, they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy, which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa. The Castle is built on a Rock, and the Town well fortified; insomuch that many were of opinion, it would be a hard task to take it, seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedi∣tion which he made in the time of Francis the first, into the River of Genoa, could not take it in. But the Constables courage, which was not used to stoop under any Fear, did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town. He who command∣ed it, made a Sally, with about three hundred men, of which two hundred were slain in the place, which so terrified those of the Town, that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates; provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges, which was granted to them; and the Constable being got into the Town, began to besiege the Castle. At the first, the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it, discharging several shot into the Town, beleeving that the Castle could not be battered, and supposing there were not any points of Rocks, upon which any Cannon could be mounted to com∣mand it; but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossi∣ble to the courage of the French; for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon cer∣tain Rocks, which did so awe him, that he was forced to surrender upon Composi∣tion on the last of April. Some Spanish Relations say, that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot, then forced by the Cannon to surrender; but their anger was at the Constable, who had made himself Master of the place. After these happy exploits, the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army, to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego, where the Genoveses were intrenched, and to make way for the Siege of Savonne. He presently forced their Trenches, so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains, defended with a good Castle, and several small Forts, his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault, after he had taken in those little Forts, though it seemed capa∣ble of holding out a longer Siege, which was executed with so much resolution and good successe, that the place was won in an instant, the besieged yeelding them∣selves (as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured) upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance, for there were at least two hundred killed and taken, together with seven Colours, which were sent by the Prince, to the Princess of Piedmont, and afterwards to the King, together with those three and twenty others, which were taken at the defeat of Ottage, and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp, Caracciolo and Catanda, fent by the Duke of Savoy, as the the fruits of those Victories, which his Majesties Armies had obtained, with a Let∣ter in answer to that which was brought him, by the Marquess de Saluce. The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Pl••ve, he destroyed the Country towards Albengua, the Magistrate of which place, sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants; accordingly, he entred into the Town with some few Troops, and from thence went towards Orvietta, which the Genoveses had newly surprised, but he forced it in a few dayes time. After this once

done, he summoned the City of Ventimelia, the inhabitants made some shew of re∣sistance, but the Prince being come within a League of it, they soon sent their de∣sires to be admitted to Composition. The Castle made some difficulty of surren∣dring, but when the Governour had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks, where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms, he resolved to do as the Town had. Thus in the moneths of March, April, and May, did the Armies of Savoy, over-run in the State of Genoa, all that did resist them, and made themselves Masters, not onely of the places by us na∣med, but of divers others, to the number of one hundred seventy four, strong and weak, so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordina∣ry boldnesse and courage.

Politique Observation.

FOrtune, or to speak more properly, Divine Providence doth commonly favour those, who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise. Not that God worketh miracles, for the crowning them with successe; but indeed, because couragiousness giveth them great advantages; especially, when it is accompanied with Prudence, and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes, doth assist their indeavours, Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts, from which Fear had formerly diverted them; cou∣rage alone is sufficient to strike terrour into an enemy, who fighting more by con∣straint then good will, do usually give ground, when once they find themselves vi∣gorously assaulted. Who knoweth not that it is courage which perswadeth to invade and subject other Countries. Experience hath often evinced, that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him, who is onely intent how to defend himself; especially if he be Prudent in falling on him, in a favourable conjuncture of time, as when his forces are diverted into other imployments, or worn out or unarmed. They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar, do much ascribe them to his native Generousness, which carried him on to attempt any thing, with∣out the least fear; insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds, which spare no man, and commanded the Pylot who conducted him, not to fear, since he carried Caesars Fortune in his Boat. Never did his Souldiers shew their backs, no danger could affright him, well he knew death to be the end of life, but not that it was a mis-fortune. He built his Glory upon Conquests, and the difficulty of his enterprizes re-doubled the Force of his Courage. Fortune was alwaies his friend, and he made it apparent, that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution.

The Prosecution of War in Italy.

FOrtune indeed did much adde to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy, for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time, but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal, who first advised the expedition, who issued out all Orders under the Kings Authority, who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time, that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses, could possibly defend those pla∣ces which were assaulted, by reason of their want of Forces: And lastly, who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa, that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design. Yet however Fortune, or rather Divine Providence, which over-ruleth Armies, doth but laugh at mans Wisdome, and seemeth to de∣light in distributing both good and bad success to their designs: Thus was it, with the French and Savoyards, for the Scales seemed to turn against them, and their Con∣quests came to a Period. The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria, that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany, for the sending of a Potent Army, under the command of Feria, Governour of Milan, for the assisting of the Genoeses. The Marquess de St. Croix, was likewise com∣manded

to put to Sea, a Fleet designed for that purpose, who had imbarked neer four thousand Souldiers, in twenty five Gallies, and five Gallions of Sicilia. These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage, the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy. The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it, and not long after the Constable. Besides, divers Cities of Genoa, seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience, with joy and delight, they turn∣ed about, and before the end of June, rise against their new Governours and Ga∣risons with great violence, as if Fortune had purposely done it, to shew that mis∣fortunes seldome come single. And lastly, the ill-management of the Artillery, and want of Waggons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army (of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault) occasioned more disasters then all the rest; be∣sides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable, did not a little add to compleat them. Things being in this posture, did much incourage the Spaniards, and the Duke de Feria, that he might not lose the advantage of it, entred into Montferrat, about the beginning of July, where he took Spione by force, and not long after Acqui, which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms, and had therin placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up. The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont, and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne, that they might joyntly fall on upon the Duke of Feria; but they found him incamp'd so advantagiously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui, that they could not possibly come neer him, the Passages being so narrow, that onely two men could march a Breast.

At the same time, the inhabitants of Albengua, Novy, and Acquy, revolted against the French Garisons; and shortly after, divers other lesse places, and six thousand Genoeses comming before Gavio, the Governour and his son, cowardly surrendred the place, upon condition to be carried safely into France. The Genoe∣ses received them upon this Composition, and conducted them accordingly; but being there arrived, their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence; Gonvernon the son being hanged, the Fathers body taken up, burned, and his Ashes thrown into the Ayr (death having prevented the execution of judg∣ment upon him.) True it is, Courage doth oftentimes compell Fortune to be fa∣vourable, and the French Army, though thus persecuted, did yet make head, against the Duke de Feria, and prevented his further progress, so that he was forced to make some other diversion, by entring upon Piedmont, and lying down before Ast, with design to besiege it. The Constable was yet there, very weak, it being thought he would have died, so that he went off, and the Marshal de Crequy, upon the thirtieth of August, came into his place with four thousand French.

The same day he made a Sally, with the Prince of Carignan, forced the enemy from a Bridge, which they had kept six dayes, and made them run away with shame, though they had eighteen thousand foot, and seven hundred horse. Was not this a generous exploit of the French, and did it not sufficiently testifie, that had they been near enough to have had recruits and ammunitions from France, or had the Duke of Savoy caused those refreshments to have been brought for the Army which by the Articles of the Treaty he was obliged, they had not so easily lost, what they had so happily obtained. But they were induced to under goe those disasters which are incident to all men, who invade a Forraign Country upon the hopes of a League.

Politique Observation.

ALthough those Wars, which are begun by Princes leagued together, have of∣tentimes happy beginnings; yet it seldome comes to passe, that they do end in a good success. There need no other proof then that of the Wars, which our Kings have made in Italy, for six score years last past. But that we may not dwell upon examples, is not that Prince who trusteth in the promise of his Confederates, like the man who exposeth all his Goods upon the Sea in a leaky Vessel? Experi∣ence

hath shewed us in a thousand incounters, that Princes have so many overtures made, by which one may win upon them, and with-draw them from Leagues, that it is almost impossible to have any absolute assurance of them. One of the chiefest ties which holdeth them fast, is to have in possession some strong place, for a gage of their Fidelity; but there are few who will thus dispossess themselves; doubting least he, into whose hands it be intrusted, will retain it for good and all, by saying or perswading them that they have been defective in their word, in some one thing or other; as Charls the eighth did, after he had received the Florentine Towns in deposit. It is likewise dubious, lest the several Troops or divers Princes in an Ar∣my together, should grow jealous of one another, and then the least distrust or broyls which might arise between them, were enough to withdraw him, who ima∣gineth himself offended; and if there were nothing else, there need no more but this to draw off Confederates from a League, barely to satisfie them in their parti∣cular Interests; for seeing that is it, which is the onely end and aim of all Princes, they will no longer hold together, then it may bee for their advantage. There do oftentimes too happen very great inconveniences; especially, when their united Forces are to march into far distant places, they who border upon those Countries which are to be assaulted, take no care to refresh themselves, either by new troops or necessary provisions for the War, for that those who inhabit further off, not be∣ing easily able to provide for this defect, fall into ruine of themselves, or else their enemies quickly put them to flight. Many united Princes are never comparable to one alone, nor ever capable of encompassing such great enterprises, as a single Prince with his own Subjects, though much inferiour to them in point of numbers.

The Hugonots by the Spaniards Instigation, Arm themselves very potent∣ly against the King.

WHilest Italy served as a Theater for the acting of several Warlike exployts, the Hugonots inspired not onely with that mutinous humour, which is common to them, but also incited by the contrivances of Spain, used their utmost indeavours to divert the Kings Army, as also to fortifie and strengthen themselves both in Languedoc, and Poictou. The Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize, were the chief of the Revolt, the former took the Command upon himself of those Forces in Languedoc, the latter those in Poictou. Now though the Sieur de Soubize, had been repulsed from before the Port of Blavet, yet he got no small advantage by it; for by that means he made himself Master of six great Ships which were the Kings, and the Duke of Nemoure, which gave him opportunity of doing very con∣siderable damages. He had formerly got together, about eleven Ships of War, all very good, and a greater number of Shallops, and small Boats which being assisted with these, he had the ambition to hope he might become Master of the Ocean: In conclusion, he roved up and down upon the Coasts of Poictou and Guien, and committed such savage Cruelties, that more the Turks could not possibly have done, and to secure himself of a near and safe retreat, he seized on the Islands of Ree and Oleron, where he hastned on with the Forts which those of his party had began to build: Withall, finding the Duke of Espernon, drawn off towards Montauban, whither he was gone to ransack as shall be anon declared; he assembled together a Fleet of about seventy four Sails, of all Sizes, and entring into the Girond towards Bourdeaux, they landed about mid June, three thousand men in Medoc, and seized on the Castle, a small place scituated on the Rivers side, where he intrenched him∣self; and so over-running the Plains, where the Burdelois have several houses of Pleasure, he Pillaged them, and committed all other imaginable outrages. But he soon found the Sieur de Thoyras in Front of him, to whom the Cardinal had given Orders from the King to fall upon them, in case they should make any incursions thereabouts, who presently went to find them out with his Troop of light-horse, and

thirteen others of the Regiment of Campagne, one Company of the Garrison of Bergerac, commanded by the Sieur de Plessis, sent by the Duke of Espernon, and some few others, who had been raised thereabouts for the same purpose. Now the Sieur de Thoyras finding himself backed with these Troops, fell upon him so reso∣lutely, that he forced him to give ground, and to weigh their Anchors, and flie to∣wards Rochel, leaving good store of Arms, Cannon, Ammunition, and their Bag∣gage in their Trenches behind them. This Rebuke was so sensible to him, that he was possessed with an extream desire to be revenged for it; so that seeing the Sieur de Thoyras retire, he let go some of his Ships, and sent them under the Conduct of Verger Malagn••t, to make a second attempt on Medoc; who accordingly landed about the Point of Ambes, and committed great Devastations about the plain Coun∣try. But the Cardinal had caused Order to be given to the Country people, to bee alwaies in a readinesse, against any who should attempt upon their goods, who com∣pelled them presently to re-imbark, and joyn with the others under the Sieur de So••bize; by both which it was apparent, that there was no accident, which the Car∣dinal did not foresee, and apply a remedy to before they did appear.

Politique observation.

A Grand Minister is obliged, incessantly to watch after the necessities of the State, for prevention of any enterprizes which may be made, it will escape him very narrowly, if (taking an especial care to be informed of all Passages in the Provin∣ces) he be not acquainted withall the Combinations and Contrivances which are on foot, as also the preparations which are in agitation for a Revolt, it being im∣possible that those several Artifices, which are used for the gaining in of divers and many men, and the most secret preparations of War should be concealed from him; which once comming to his knowledge, he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place, where the Insurrection is designed to be. The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design; and if not so, yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together, and wi••l cut them in pieces one by one, before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever. Without th••s diligence he will soon find the State, and his own reputation exposed as a Prey. An Eye watching over a Scepter, and the Lyon King of Beasts, who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes, were the Hieroglyphicks, which the Egyptians made use of, to ex∣presse fore-sight, and to teach Grandees that it ough•• to be inseparable from their Authority, if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars. The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens, goes every day from one end of them to another, that hee may make all here below, sensible of the Effects of his Influences; and that Mini∣ster who hath a State in charge, ought to imploy all his cares, all his mind upon every City, upon every Province, and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man, that he may know what is done there, and apply a remedy to their con∣trivances. Me thinks they of Syracuse, gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct, when they had received intelligence, that the Athenians would war upon them, and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet, making to∣wards the Coast of Sicily. Hermocrat••s a great States-man, was not backward in exhorting them, to give necessary Orders for their defence, and to presse the Se∣nate accordingly: Whereas Athenagoras on the other side, descried it as much, and shewed them sundry reasons, why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible, indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War. But the Senators, somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Or∣ders for defence, that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle, or to continue in the danger. They began to discusse the business, that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true, it would then be needfull to make some pre∣parations; if it were false, those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the

City: And that last of all, it is better to suspect then to slight dangers, but not to shew the least Fear, by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage.

The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc, with the Process in the Par∣liament of Tholouse, against him, and all his Adherents.

ABout the same time in the end of April, the Duke of Rohan, having con∣trived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc, began the Warre, and got together about two thousand men, near Castres the chief place of his Re∣treat, and where he had a full Power, by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected. He gave out, that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms, and sworn a League with the Churches of his party, that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns, which he had an eye upon; and accordingly, he went to Puilaurens, Ruel, Soreze, St. Pauls Leviate, & Briteste, and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy, afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it, but his design took no effect.

The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King, to the Governours of the Provinces, to fall upon him, as soon as ever he should appear in the Field. The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix, was presently upon his skirts, and impe∣ded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion; but also, getting into Ruelle and So∣reze, after the other had forsaken them, he so dealt with the Consuls, that they confessed their fault, and protested not to take part with him any more. And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions, ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies; so that of Tholouse, was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves, and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall up∣on them, to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres, and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions, and the Receipt of the Kings Monies un∣to the Town of Lautrec, with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thi∣ther, as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands, as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity, and to diminish the Force and Power of that Re∣bellious City. The same Parliament too, granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods, any waies belonging to those who were revolted, both to punish them, and deter others who were ready to follow them. The Half divided Chamber of Beziers, half Hugonots, and half Papists, did as much, and declared (according to the Kings Edict, of the 25th. of January the same year) the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis, to be a troubler of the Publick Peace, as also all his Ab∣bettors and Adherents, and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons, to hold any communication with him, and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects, to fall upon any Troops that should injure them, to cut them in peeces, and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction.

But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more power∣full then all those others; for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence. The King sent a Com∣mission to the Marshal de Themines, whom his Majesty sent to those places, to ob∣serve what passed, to raise such Troops as were already in the Province, and to ad∣vance such others as might form the Body of an Army, which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle. The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny, and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field, and that no longer time might be lost, he soon after came to the place, where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army, and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac, which served for Retreits to those who were revolted. After the Companies were assembled together, and a review taken of the whole Army, he made his Forces be∣fore Castres to Plunder the Country. The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the

Rebels horse, made a Salley upon the Marshal, as soon as he came within view of the Town, but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out, and not onely so, but himself and three or four more of his own party, were lest wounded upon the place. The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts un∣der the Protection of the Army, which countenanced them in it; and notwith∣standing the many shot and skirmishes, in which many were hurt and slain, both of one side and t'other, they did their work so exactly, that there was not a Tree, Vine, or Stalk of Corn standing any where neer the City. In this interim, the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres, and led up his Army to it, and comming thither just upon day breaking, hee approached it by one of the Gates, which being soon thrown down, made way for his entrance; but thinking to surprize the Castle too, Masillac the Governour of it, repelled all his Attempts with such Courage, that having received the succours of ten thousand foot, which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier, the Duke was forced to re∣tire to Anduze, where he was not well received. After this, the Marshal de The∣mines went without more adoe to besiege St. Paul and Miatte, which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres and Lavaur; when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul, he forced it in few dayes, and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte; but they had small hopes of any comfort, so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles, which being granted, he entred and took possession of the Town.

But all this was nothing worth, if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan, and cut off his Forces, so he resolved to follow him, and over-taking him at Vianes in Albigeois, he set the Army into Battalia to fight him. The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes, and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade, which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is scituated. The Count de Carmain went to view them, and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them, it was resolved to fight them. The Marshal with his Sword in his hand mar∣ched in the Head of the Army. The Marquess de Cragny and the Count of Car∣main, took their Stations one upon his right, t'other upon his left hand, and at the same instant, the whole Army couragiously advanced towards the Enemy, with so much Resolution, that nothing more could have been wished, but onely that they had made a little more resistance, for that there was not one single man of them sa∣ved; for whilest those who made the first encounter were at it, the rest got into Vi∣anes, who were however so closely pursued by the Marshals forces, that the Regi∣ment of Normandy was hard at their heels, entring into the Town with them. Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade, where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Souldiers killed and hurt, all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he then was, from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future, especially since he saw himself so closely followed, and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc, that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours, then the Duke in a whole moneth.

Politique Observation.

HE who revolteth against a great King, seeketh his own ruine. He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise, seeing hee is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice, and he cannot expect any profit by it; for besides that, the weaknesse or indeed impossibility, unto which he is reduced by the quality of a sub∣ject, he forceth as it were his Soveraign to punish his Rebellion, by making him lose both his Life and Estate. Mahomet Prince of the Turks, had all Rebels in such de∣testation, that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle, the King of Birds, that he might by this teach his Subjects, who durst have the rashnesse, to follow that example, that they must expect the like punishment; for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those, who shall take up Arms against his au∣thority.

Some Grandees puffe up themselves, with the Greatnesse of Alexander: who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon, overthrew the Power of Persia; as also with that of the Romans, who from being at first Masters but of one City, became Lords of the whole World: But they ought to know, that nei∣ther the one or t'other of them, were presently set upon by any great Prince, but extended their Power by little and little, ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces. It is true, Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes; but seeing Christianity teacheth us, that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence, with what reason can he who revolts against his own King, hope for favour from heaven, whilest he doth act against the Laws, and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath establish∣ed in all Kingdomes.

The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon.

THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Con∣duct or successe in the Pillaging of Mountauban. According to the Orders which he had received, he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Souldiers clapped into the Town, for defence of it, this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party. His design could not be brought to any good effect untill after several skirmishes, and sustain∣ing divers Sallies out of the Town. That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him, for they then killed ten of his, and carried with them as many Prisoners, amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude, & de St. Omer; but they were soundly payed with Interest too in those following conflicts; especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same moneth, when they left about two hundred dead, besides wounded on the place, and about forty prisoners; shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town, to draw out the Rebels, but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet. But understanding that the Duke had layed up good store of Corn about a League off, they contrived to surprize it, by the help of a dark night, hoping that it would fall out for their advantage. Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town, having perceived what passed, gave intelligence of their being gone out, so they were quickly snapt: The Fight indeed was hot, but at last la Roche who com∣manded them, being hurt with three Carabine shot, and taken Prisoner too, they presently fled, and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place. In∣somuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts (so exactly had every thing been Pillaged) that at last they began to bee in very great ne∣cessities.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the several wayes to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience, the devastation of al fruits which are upon the earth neer thereabouts, is one of the best and most absolute. The Losses which the Rich receive by it, will ingage them to master the Commonalty, and to repel Mutineers by force, and to bring them un∣der the obedience which they owe to their Soveraign. There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods, to satisfie the rage of an unbridled People. Common∣ly none but they who are like to get by it, do follow any Revolter. Man is natu∣rally so carefull of his own Estate and Goods, that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them. But if Devastation bee not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience, without using other force of Arms, who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too, they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals, that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out? And thus one need not doubt, but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedi∣ence, either by Force or for their own Interest. As for Rules to be observed in

Forraging there are not any; onely to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts, to Reap if possible all the Wheat, else to burn it; to make the Grapes into Wine, or else to cut up the Stocks, as also all other Trees that bear Fruit, or from which they may make any advantage. It should be done as near the Walls as possible might bee, to take away all conveniences from them; and whilest that the Pi∣oneers are at Work, the Army ought to bee at hand to defend and shelter them, but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them.

A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonot••.

THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted, were not inconside∣rable, but that which the Duke of Montmorency got, assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche Foucaud, & de Thoyras, was much beyond them all. The Marshal de Preslin, had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis, and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel, both to pil∣lage round about that Rebellious Town, whereby to reduce them to such want, that they might not long hold out, as also to prevent their making of any attempts there∣about.

The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land, had fortified him∣self in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, it was the more important to remove him thence; because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience, so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands. But to give a good success to the business, there was need of a Fleet: To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships, of which one twenty were lent him by the Hol••anders, according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the fore-going year. His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France, with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize, and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaud, & de Thoyras, to passe over with some part of their Forces, into the Isle of Ree, to drive out those Rebels, who were in Garison in the Forts there, and to fortifie themselves. The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small onely thirty nine Vessels, would not expect the comming of the Admiral Montmorency to the Kings Ships, though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral, under favour of the conformity of their Religion, and had likewise passed his own Parole, that neither part should at∣tempt any thing untill the Treaty of Peace, which was agitating at Court, were ei∣ther absolutely concluded or broken off; which he did not faithfully perform on his part; for taking advantage of his promise given, hee took occasion to come upon him unprovided, and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea, and having the Wind and Sea favourable, in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships, and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fire-works, to fall on the Ad∣miral, whom they burned quite down in a very little while, not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim, so that above a hundred were drowned in it.

This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith, ingaged the Kings Na∣vy to pursue them four hours together. The Ayr did ring again with the Cannon shot, which sunk some of their Vessels, and killed divers of their men: But the sea∣son was so favourable to him, that he got into St. Martin de Ree, and to Chef de Bay. The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter, was ordered to speed away, and to give them Battel. He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet, who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize, for the affront he had put upon them. The Duke put forth to Sea, the Sieurs de Saint Luc, de Roche-Foucaud, and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore, under the favour of the Admirals Arrival. And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night, the Duke having given the sign for falling on, they went to At∣taque

Soubize's Fleet, which lay at Anchor in Loys Channel, under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemies Vessels, there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them, that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel, and the Sea falling off, they all stuck on the Shelf. The Duke finding them in this Condition, made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaude, & de Thoyras, amid'st the smoke of the Powder, which hindered the Rebels from discovering it. There were also ten other Ships sent out, who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay, to take order, that the Roche∣lois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re, who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval, who was going out upon that design. The Kings Army being landed, the Enemy quickly perceived it, and as soon came to receive them, and u∣sed their utmost to repel them. The Combate lasted three days out-right, with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts, the Rebels defending themselves in every place, that was never so little tenable, but it ended to the great advantage of the Kings Army, which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who com∣manded it; for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re, cut∣ting some part of the Enemy in peeces, taking other some Prisoners, and letting the rest escape into their Ships. The Sieur de Soubize was one of those, who escaped into Oleron, such care he had, that he might not be taken, that he never came into the Fight at all. They who had got clear into their Ships, would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge, the wind being fair for them: But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness to fight, gave the signal and fell upon them; the Seamen were so dexterous, that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours, there were above two thousand shot made; and though the night came on, yet the Fight ended not; for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel, pursued them with such good successe, that hee came up with them about day break, and two others of their biggest Ships, were not able to get off, for want of water, and so stuck on ground, but long they did not so continue before they were taken. It is true, those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop, and ha∣ving killed all they met with, the Souldiers who were in the Hold, set fire to the Powder, and blew up all above with such force, that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off, three of the Kings Ships were burned with it, and above three hundred men lost, amongst which were the Count of Vauvert, the Sieur de Ville Neufeu, and Veilon a Captain of Holland. This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory, yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France, in reducing the Rebels to that passe, that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea. Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired, some to Rochel, and some into other places, accor∣ding as the Wind did drive them, but never durst afterwards appear any more. These things thus ended, the Duke of Montmorancy, landed at Oleron, where he met with no resistance, the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England, so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land, of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed, who received the newes with much joy.

Politick Observation.

WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt, yet it is usually seen, that all their designs end in ill success. Experience hath made it often manifest, that such Crimes seldome go unpunished, and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example. They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing, then to those high Mountains, the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven, and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bo∣somes, seem to obscure the light of the Sun, though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day, who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts, causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency: And is it not

the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell? After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign, are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes, who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power, which they would have usurped themselves, and did not of right belong unto them? History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth, the many that are, would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely. But for the greater illustration of it, I shall say thus much, the injustice of a Cause, is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe, seeing Heaven doth commonly con∣found what Man hath wickedly built: If at any time they shall become so powerfull, as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels, yet they can never obtain a re∣mission from Heaven. They who attempt to grow great by unjust means, will in fine meet their utter ruine. God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States, to obtain advantages for some time; but at last, the violences which they Act fall upon themselves, and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge.

The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France, as Legate from the Holy Chaire, for the Affaires of the Valto∣line.

WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc. The Car∣dinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope, arrived in France and came to Mar∣seille, where he was received with great honour, as also at Lyon, according to the Orders sent by the King. He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May, and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition. I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome, before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to pre∣sent the Brief, which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris, which is a Custome so ancient, that I shall omit speaking any more of it; but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief, to give the King the Title of King of Navar, which could not be denied to him without Injustice, the Parliament refused to acknowledge it, and obliged him not to make any further pro∣cedure in the businesse untill it were amended. The Legate comming to Paris, alighted at St. James de Haut-pas, where the Clergy of the City, the concourse of the Court, and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction. After this, the Prelates of Paris came to do their res∣pects to him; there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him, the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet, as a mark that they had no power in his presence; but the Prelates not be∣ing able to stoop to this Order, by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church, it was concluded in the middle way between both, to give some satisfacti∣on to the Legate, that they should go so habited to salute him, and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame, where being come, they were to take off their Mantlets, but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right. The King sent the Duke of Nemours, the Sieur de Bonnevil, the Introductor of Embassadours, and several other Lords of great quality, to receive him at his first arrival.

At night Monsieur the Kings Brother, waited on him with a great number of Lords, and saluted him with extraordinary respects, and one his entrance accom∣panying him, gave him the right hand. The same day he had Audience from the King, where nothing passed onely Complements; but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge, hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace, he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State, as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it, and besee∣ched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy. His Majesty answered to these

three Propositions, that he was ever inclined to Peace, and that he would still be in∣duced to it; provided it were for the Publick safety, and honourable for him and his Allies. That as to what concerned the Valtoline, the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before, had made provision for all those difficulties, which have ri∣sen ever since, and that he desired the execution of it, as to the Cessation of Arms, that he could by no means hearken to it, by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it. This was the sum of what passed on both sides. The King adding in con∣clusion, that he would send some one of his Councel, to wait on him, and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation.

Within a few dayes the Cardinal, the Marshal de Schomberg, the Sieur de Her∣bant▪ Secretary of State, went to wait on the Legate from the King▪ and upon a conference he came to these two points: The first was, to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy; and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction, pres∣sing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands, and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Mar∣quis de Coeures.

M••nsi••ur the Cardinal answered, that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy, and that if he should submit to it, it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together, and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes: That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War, if either party would but hearken to Reason, seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid. That there need nothing but some pro∣vision to be made in point of Religion, to which his Majesty was much inclined: That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness, his answer was, his Ma∣jesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited, in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed, his Holyness had not any reason to complain▪ and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Be∣thun in his Majesties name, That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them; Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable, for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it: Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeu∣res shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world, did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge, for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair. But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness, that he would cause his Ambassadour, to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit; as also that after the peace should be concluded, his Maje∣sty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands, the Fort of Chi••nuennes, provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive, to the intent both of them might be demolished, which once done, he would deliver all the rest up, one after another, until they were every one razed, and that this was the most could be hoped for.

The Legat had other audiences, and other conferences past between him and the Ministers, where nothing more was proposed nor answered: But the King being at Fountainbleau, the Legate made a third proposition, which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Val••oline, requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated, without which he supposed there could be no settlement. His Majesty clearly declared unto him, that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled, and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons, his Allies, over the Valtoline.

A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him, and the Ministers upon that subject, where having made the same proposition, the Cardinal delated

hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer, and told the Legat, that his Maje∣sty having taken the protection of the Grisons, he could not consent to the dimi∣nition of their Soveraignty, especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid, since which time nothing had been altered in point of Re∣ligion: That the Treaty was to be observed, and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation; offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion. The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church, and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons, and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome, they had told him, that in conscience he could not consent thereunto.

The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him, that the divine Laws did oblige the Re∣delivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign, of what Religion soever he be; so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons, their lawful Masters, and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid, by which it was granted to them, had been approved of at Rome by the Pope, as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on, but after a consultation with the Clergy, who found no difficulty in the thing, and that the truth being still the same, his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present.

This the Cardinal spake so smartly, that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular; so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion; yet still declaring, he would not recede from his first Proposals, but under the Pope and holy See's censure. He proposed several Articles upon that score, to which the King assented; That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them, there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline, that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion; that they should not send any Governours amongst them, but such as were Roman Catho∣liques; that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom; that no Heretiques, or their Adherents should buy Houses, nor that those who had then any in possession, should any longer live there, or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques. To be short, that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse, his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons, and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline, in case they should break the conditions, of which the Pope and his Majesty were to be joynt Judges. Nothing more could be desired. But however the Legat, whether it were because he was somwhat cautious, or re∣served, or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of impor∣tance, or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope, which per∣adventure might be limited, was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed; and more especially seeing Count Gon∣damor, the Spanish Ambassador, then at Court, declared openly, that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty; for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands. The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Le∣gat's proceeding, seeing he every day created new difficulties. It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope, was one cause of it. His Holy∣ness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons, the Spaniards would disable the Counsel, in regard several of the Ro∣man Clergy were of opinion, that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it, as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards, did mightily molest and trouble him.

The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court.

NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour, caused him to dine with him, sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau, and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour: But at last they were to settle upon some resolution. The King pressed him, but he instead of facilitating the business, stood firm to his first demands: to which he was answered, that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected, so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them. Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome, and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September, hee took leave of the King, giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown. His Majesty likewise testified to him, that he had a great kindness to∣wards his Person, a great respect for his Holiness, and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair. And lastly told him, that the Affairs which he had been treated withall, were so important to the publick good, that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer, have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom, and of his Supream Courts to take their advices▪ and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution. It was hoped he would have expected the result of them, but he departed before it was suspected, and his Officers who were left behind him, could give no other reason for it, but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting.

Politique Observations.

GOD hath established two sorts of Powers, for the Government of the Uni∣verse, and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity (as the learned Hino∣mar, writing to Carloman, and the Bishops of France, saith) that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience, hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities. The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other, Kings to Ecclesiastiques, and Ecclesiastiques to Kings, yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one ano∣ther. It is true, the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal, according to the order of dignity▪ but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority; insomuch, that who is indued with it, may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it. It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons, and that of Powers; for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers, and all his Ministers to Kings; yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner; but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions, with∣out bestowing on either power to destroy the other.

Which being so, the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes, but of a Mediator to end their differences. He hath Power indeed over their Consciences, but not over their Estates, or that Au∣thority which they have received from God for the government of them. It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands, and whatever Propo∣sal he shall make to them, can be received but as Councels. It is Glorious for him, as we have said, to accommodate differences, but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority: Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with, in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals; seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity, are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot, but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak; for the ordering of which, the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled, by reason of those remedies which refresh the one, are commonly stark nought for

the other. And thus it is seldome or never seen, that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties. The highest point of Prudence in this case, is to imitate the discreet Physitian, who cannot bring to passe his intent of cu∣ring his Patient, but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one, and not annoy another part; for thus it is, unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down, bee weighed with Justice; Equality, and Moderation, they will rather provoke, then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them.

An Assembly of the Nobles, by the Kings Order, upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation.

ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate, so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies; yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assem∣bly, where the chief Lords of the Court, and the principal Officers of the King∣dome, might understand the true state of the case; and to prevent that the keeping of it secret, might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe, that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace; but that the King had absolutely refused them, by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War. Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth, but against the ho∣nour was due to the Kings Justice, which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours, when he might do it without offence to his Reputation, or the In∣terests of his Allies; as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion, as also in all others which presented them∣selves, so that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish. Now the onely way to secure it, was declaring the whole Passage before a Councel, where should be the major part of all the Nobles; and the Cardinal perswaded the King, that they should be assembled in his Majesties Presence. They who received this command, were carefull to be there accordingly: and the Councel being met, the King told them, that he had caused them to be called thither, to consult on the Af∣fairs which might relate to the Publick good, upon such Proposals as the Chancel∣lour should make unto them, who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons, and renewed from time to time, by which they tied themselves to give a free passage thorough their Countries at all times, for his Majesties Armies to go into Italy; as also, not to accord the same to any other, without his permission, shewed at last to them, how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties, had ever indeavoured by fair and foul means, to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself, to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy, as occasion should invite him to it; to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtol••nes, and that his Maje∣sty for the recovery of them, had been constrained to send the Marquess de Coeu∣vres thither with an Army, that before his Majesty had made use of any force▪ hee had consented that the places should be deposited in the Popes hands, for a certain time, and upon certain conditions; which conditions being accomplished, and the limited time expired, the Spaniards had however found means to perswade the Pope to retain them yet longer, though of right he ought not so to do, for that they were onely deposited with him. That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard, and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them, which they had refused to do, for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses, then in their own keeping: After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise him∣self of them, the Marquess de Coeuvres was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms: That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate, to try if he could obtain from his Majesty, out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair, that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness, and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Soveraignty of the Valtoline. That

these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger, in regard it implied, that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons (who were his Allies) losing of that which was their indubitable right: That his Majesty had still indeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms, and to surrender up into the Popes hands all that did not belong to them. But that to return all, which did belong to the Grisons could not be done, unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons, to the advantage of the Spaniards, and to the absolute loss of his Majesties Reputation. That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices, to know whether it were fitter to condiscend to them, or to continue the War; desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done, that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate, who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Councel though he had been importuned to it; but however, he had promised to expect it at Avignon.

The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse, and amongst other things told them, That having several times been by his Majesties command to treat with the Legat, he had smelt out, that his designs were alwaies in the Spaniards behalf, as much as possible could be, of which there needed no other proof, then the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Soveraignty, and to restore the Forts to the Pope, that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together, and retreat them, and his sudden departure after he had been re∣fused, though it had been as shamefull for the King to have granted them, as it had been hurtfull to the Grisons to have indured it. That for his part he was of opini∣on rather to resolve on the War, and that for divers reasons, which he there alled∣ged, which testified as much Courage as Prudence, then to make a dishonourable Peace, by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Ma∣jesty. The chief President of the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Soveraign Courts, said onely thus much, that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers, that it would bee a peece of Prudence to follow their opinions, and particularly, that he thought what the Mar∣shal de Schamberg had said, was very just and reasonable.

The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself, and proposed for the Cessation of Arms, alledging the inconveniency of the season: But they con∣sidering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards, onely that they might get time, and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline, it was hearkned to but by a very few persons, nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette, or the Marshal of Bassompierre, who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs, the one by his being at Rome, and the other in Spain; & so delivering their opinions against him, carried it in conclusion for the war. The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely, with-drew a little aside, and comming near the King, testified to him how much he esteemed Peace: That it was his opinion alwaies to prefer it before War, if it could be ob∣tained with safety to his Majesties honour and reputation, and without hazarding the good of the Kingdome, which was inseparably united with that of his Allies: But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals, which did not undermine both one and t'other, and which onely designed the procuring of Glory and ad∣vantages to the Spaniard, and which tended to the ruine both of France and his Maje∣sty, or the detriment of his Allies, he could not submit his thoughts to Peace. That for his own particular, he was more against it; for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain, well knew, that their chief drift in for∣cing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power, was onely that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy, and that by this means they might become Masters of it: That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France, which would have somewhat to do, to defend it self from his Arms, if he could once bring it to passe. For a place once taken on the Borders, will serve the enemy to fortifie himself and strengthen against him. After this, he gave his Ma∣jesty to understand, that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would

arise for the continuance of the War, and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added, that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things; for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches, nor his Arms would be regarded: he was of opinion, and it seemed most expedient to him, that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre, rather then conclude a Peace, upon such shamefull Conditions, as those which had been propo∣sed by the Legate. That his Majesty should send such recruits, as should make his Army be feared. That the Super-intendents would assure his Majesty, he had Trea∣sure enough for the discharging of four Musters, without touching any thing of the present Incomes. That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it. That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Vic∣tories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again, and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War, it was his advice to conclude on it, before any other thing whatever. After he had ended, no one spake any more, judging that there could not bee any other thing worth further Consideration in the businesse, so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate, and intirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded.

Politick Observation.

WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience; yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs; espe∣cially if they carry any danger along with them, without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdome, and consulting with them on it. This I think to be profitable not onely for the good of the State, but also because it cannot be doubted, but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men, to bee the most assured stay, not onely of Kingdomes but of particular families. Salust writ to Caesar, that not onely Kingdomes but private Towns too, injoyed prosperity, whilest good Counsels were in force; and that nothing but mis-fortunes had befallen them, after that compliance fear, or pleasure had been introduced amongst them: Not that a Soveraign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councellors, of what he should do, but I say he should deliberate with them, and afterwards resolve with his Mini∣sters, what is fittest to be done. He need not fear, that in so doing he doth disco∣ver any weakness, or insufficiency for that he is bound to it, by the very Lawes of Prudence, & it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons. Though the Sun be cloathed with a won∣derfull brightnesse, which ravisheth the eye to behold it; yet God hath not for∣bidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe; because they have particular Influences which though inferiour to those of the Sun, yet do they not cease to be usefull for the perfection of the World: Just so too, though Coun∣sellours who are called to deliberate on Affairs, may not be compared for under∣standing or Soul, with the King or a grand Minister; yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it, so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts, as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others; and yet do not for all this become lesse usefull or unpro∣fitable to the common good. But besides this Consideration is it not evident, that Councel is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister, if only for his discharg? The most part judge of Advices by the Events, though no rule can be more uncertain, whence it happens, that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Soveraign, and things fall out contrary to expectation, hee will bee infallibly blamed for it: And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs, yet it were not amiss to do so, for the satis∣faction of the Grandees of a Kingdome. Grandees for the most part, though ve∣ry expert both in Politick and Military Affairs, are of such a humour, that nothing will like them, nor no Resolution please them, unlesse they have a hand in it, and

they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister, who shall have perswaded his Soveraign, if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected. They are of the same humour, as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of, who being Captain of the Emperour Galba's Guards, was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever, if it came not from himself. Nothing can be more proper to de∣fend a mans self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome, as also im∣portant to ones fortune, then sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Councel, when there is any question doth arise: As once when the Spartan Embassadours came to Rome, accompanied with a certain Captain, whom Porus had sent to give a true accompt of the affairs in Armenia, though it was not at all needfull to call any ex∣traordinary Councel to resolve on the War, for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it; yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together, as Tacitus re∣porteth it, and deliberated with them, whether it were more proper to run the ha∣zard of a doubtfull War▪ or make a Peace with the Enemy; where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War, and not a man of the contrary opinion.

The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness.

IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France, those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome, to his Holinesse, and the Sieur de Bethune, were absolutely unjust. The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholiques of those Countries upon the score of Religion, to offer the Soveraign∣ty to his Holiness, and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune, that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons, a thing they could not do with their Consciences. They also framed a long discourse, in which they pretended to shew by many reasons, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries, there could not be a more proper, more plausible or just expedient found out, then to put themselves into his Holiness hands, who treating the two Kings as a common Father, might grant them passage, as it should seem best unto him, and when hee should find it proper for the good of Christendom. This discourse conducing to the Popes Interests, did not a little ele∣vate his thoughts, and he had made no great Bones to consent to it, had not the Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply, which was this, That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were, they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons, and that the King his Master would never give way to it. He well knew, that to put the Valtoline into the Popes hands, would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard, for that the Popes are either by affection or fear, more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French. But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to perswade the Sieur de Bethune, that the Proposal they had made was for the Kings advantage. They several times protested to him, that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline, did bear so great a submission to his Majesties judgment, that they would wish for nothing else, but onely that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation, which if he would, they would then do what∣ever he would command them. But in conclusion, they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Gri∣sons or Spaniards. Because they evidently knew, there would be little security or advantage to the French, either in one or t'other of these expedients; withall, that to oblige them to come under the Grisons, were to force them to flie to the Spani∣ards, which if his Majesty should do, they must of necessity run to them for assist∣ance; for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons, for that there was not any other Prince neer them, from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief. That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them; but that they doubted it would be a means to ingage his

Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard, who would ne∣ver consent to it; and that all these considered, there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope, and that France had some reason to accord to it, in respect that the Pope shewed himself very favourable to the French Interests. The Sieur de Bethune, answered them with Civilities, nothing inferior to theirs, assuring them of the affection, which his Majesty did bear to their concerns, and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them, and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace, by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion: But as to the ground-work of the business he discovered to them, that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty, that then they had no reason to exchange Masters; and especially, seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves. He open∣ly professed to them, That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supream Power over them, but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons, pro∣curing to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms. This answer was both resolute and full of Justice; but however, as Passion takes away the use of Reason, so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it; as also they thought good, That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ, by a Prelate of Milan, in which they indeavoured to clear by several reasons, which were willingly assented to by the Pope. That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See, so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal, into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religions sake.

Politique Observation.

ZEal is a Passion very commendable, when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity; but without this it passeth onely for an unreasonable fury, not a vertue. The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two quali∣ties, and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them. Indeed it is like Oyl cast in the Fire, it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages, that it hurries them, both beyond Reason and Justice. That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be, as they who are established by his hand, of which himself shewed an example, as al∣so his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal, for the Interests of Re∣ligion; if they follow any wayes contrary to them, they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them, to conspire against their persons, to ruine all with Fire and Sword, and to over run the whole land with those mis-fortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars. This is that which made the learned Origen to say, the zeal of God is nothing worth, if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God, introducing the Jews for an ex∣ample, who by an inconsiderate zeal for Gods glory, made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacriledge that ever was yet heard of against his Son. I shall add onely this, that such a zeal is not onely unprofitable for Gods service; but also ve∣ry dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is, by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities, and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars, which undermines the Foundations of States, and Religion it self, and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing, which Fury it self can be capable of.

The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to ingage him in a League offen∣sive and defensive against the Spaniard.

VVHilest the Legate was at Fountain Bleau, the Embassadour of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he onely designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion; but they to ingage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards, and desire him to fall in upon their Coun∣tries. There had been a Defensive League made with them the fore-going year, which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries, and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress. But as it is troublesom to continue a War any long time, without obtaining some Victories, they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct, made it their earnest de∣sire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards, that they might be revenged on them, The Embassadour represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships, were not the onely places the Spaniards had designed to invade, but that France too was comprised in the same design; that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany, in the Valtoline, and in Italy, were onely to make sure of the out-skirts, that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France: That he would not enter into any further proof of it, seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters; onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider, that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters, then to stay untill they en∣tred upon theirs. That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them, every one keeping himself up∣on the defensive posture, but that when any thing should be attempted on them, the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands; that they are not really so potent, but onely because they dare affault the whole World, and that they have the Courage to fall on others, because none fall on them: Which was too evident to be doubted, That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories, without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did ex∣cite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory, representing to him the lives of Cyrus, Hannibal, Alexander, Caesar, and divers illustrious Roman Captains, who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies. That there was onely this wan••ing to add to his Majesties glory, whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe, and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours. Their Artifices were so great, that nothing more could be wished for, onely that he would imbrace the design. He alledged that England would Potently assist it, That Flan∣ders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak, would gladly be delivered out of it, and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way; and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it, seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal, who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica, with what he would pay his Army, answered with the Army it self; for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe, the Ayr, the Earth, the Fire, and all the Goods of those who inhabited it, should be common to them; and in the progress of that affair, he made it evident that he was not mistaken; for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy, he never received any Supplies from Affrica. The most part of these reasons were so true, and the rest so specious, that the King must needs have wanted Courage, had he not been perswaded with them; and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point, and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessi∣ty for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard, that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition; as also in relation thereunto, that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline, by stopping the progress of his proceedings. But on the other side, his Majesty was not ignorant, that those enterprizes which he had already commen∣ced

were very great, considering in what condition France then was, and that it would be difficult to undertake any more, untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad, and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obe∣dience were totally ruined. That withall it were absolutely needfull, before any thing could be attempted on Flanders, to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria, in Germany, and to secure the Passages, by which releef might be sent to them, so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it. His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League: And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it, who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them; but the King desired the State to be assu∣red, that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies, according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance; as also; that when a fit oppor∣tunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage, he would most certainly ingage in it, for that his own glory and their good way inte∣ressed in it.

Politique Observation.

IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution, which leadeth him to make War, if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the ta∣king of advantages upon his enemies. It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms, and to make Leagues or to break Peace. Before a design be attempted, it should first be known whether it be sure, profitable, and honourable, and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it, and whether he runs any part of the danger, and above all it would be known, and that exactly too of what force the enemy is, what succour he doth expect, the diversions which he hath in other places, the advantages which he may have in Combats, by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him, from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army; and in short, all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs. A War ne∣ver ought to be begun, but with Prudence, that it may be ended with advantage. A resolution ought not to be taken, but on the present State of Affairs, ballancing Reason with hope, comparing the present with past, and never proposing those things for easie, which are seen but by halves, otherwise the successe will demon∣strate, that it was began with too much heat, and too little Prudence. The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five, in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth, of the Family of the Cara••fi; for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time, the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage. Hannibal was much to be commended, as T. Livy saith, that in all his Conduct he was acquain∣ted with his enemies intentions, as well as with his own. That Prince who ingageth himself in a War, without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine; and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself, certainly it must be when a Pro∣posal is made to him, grounded on a League; for that offensive Leagues do not al∣waies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it. If the enter∣prize will be of long continuance, then onely the different Interests of several Uni∣ted Princes, will force them to break off. Besides Time, alteration of Affairs, and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted, do commonly work some change. In short, the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies, and then every one retires to his own Quarter, so that after a great attempt, there is but small successe.

The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs, have recourse to the Kings Clemency.

THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel, and the Isle of Ree, together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced, of attempting any thing in Languedoc, so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines, forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Cle∣mency. They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies, whom they sent to him, to testifie the sense they had of their fault, and to assure him of their future fi∣delity and obedience. His Majesty was well pleased with it, and the Deputies com∣ming to him at Fonntain Bleau, about the end of August, whilest the Legate was there, there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions, which they did not make; both in behalf of themselves, as also of the Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies, that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy, that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him, that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land, to which they would not chearfully expose themselves, to contribute to his Glory. After they had made their speeches, they presented the Paper of their Complaints, humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it; for that they were grounded upon se∣veral Graces, which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants, and seve∣ral other Grants. The King received it, and appointed it to be examined.

Now although the sweetnesse of Peace, which charmeth the mind, the Poverty of the people, and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France, did generally invite all the French; to wish, that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired, yet some there were, who were divided in opinion, what was most fit to be done upon that affair; one part conceiving, that Rochel having received so great a rebuke, and finding themselves without Island, without Sea, without Souldiers, and without Vessels, they ought not to let slip such an occasion: The reason was, that in so doing they should loose a very advantagi∣ous opportunity, to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths, to demolish their Forts, and reduce them under the Kings obedience; which once done, the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined; their other Towns disabled to make any resistance, and that thus, the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power, but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it.

These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts, which look on nothing but what is before them, and just in their noses, but want discretion to look a little further; they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques, seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe, as hath been often seen; and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel, by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Ole∣ron, and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis, and in the Country about Rochel, but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely, to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline. That the King could not without dishonour, leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began, and that in case he should, it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards, to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline, as well as of the rest of Italy, where they had already sent their Armes, and had also strongly fortified themselves. That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots, for that a more favour∣able opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it. Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal, without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom, seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate; and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots, for that War and Violence, did never yet

conduce to their Conversion: Heresie being like Saffron, which grows the faster, the more it is trodden under foot, that when Heretiques have been burned, they have lived like Salamanders in the fire, when they have been cast into the Water, they have increased like Fishes, and when their heads have been cut off, they have like Trees, put out more new branches then were taken off; so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie, but onely of the Party, which was stil free for the King to do, considering the frequent grounds they gave for it; for that mutiny was naturalized in them; but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline, which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame, and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard, if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength. These were the important reasons re∣presented by the Cardinal to the King, and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots, that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline. After the paper of their grievances had been examined, his Majesty confirmed to them, whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes, granting them free Li∣berty for the exercise of their Religion, in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards, and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War, but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis, as being too important for the keep∣ing of Rochel in aw and obedience.

These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots, in the name of all the Hugonot Towns, excepting those of Rochel, Mountauban, Castres, and Milhana, who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize, and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon, without any other advantage, and without being imployed in Italy, according as they desired, they in∣treated his Majesty upon other pretences, that he would be pleased to grant some time, till their two chief Officers, and those four Cities, were joyned with them. The King granted to them that delay, upon condition it were not over long, who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken.

Politique Observation.

THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom, which hath been long breeding, so that they may make no more Insurrections, be a thing much to be desired, yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it; it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it, according to the state of Af∣fairs of the Kingdom. Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most experimented Captains of his time, made it appear in an an excellent discourse, upon the beginning of the Civil War between Ottho and Vittellius, as Tacitus reporteth it, that it would be necessary for Vittellius to be diligent: but that Orthoes Party would get advantage to execute their designe by delaying of it, until they had nothing else to do. The Dictator Cneus Sulpitius, after a great deal of consideration, resolved not to hast∣en on the War against the Gauls, upon this reason, that he would not hazard any thing upon an enemy, who was every day declining, and out of his Countries too. Indeed he had endangered himself, had he fought when they pressed him to it; whereas shortly after he might overcome them with ease. He which gives good ad∣vice for the State, ought not to be blamed for it; but the discreet Minister deser∣veth more praise, who not onely knows that it is not enough to consider by the re∣solutions of State, that which is just to be done in the Theory, but also that which the time permits, and complies with opportunities and necessity.

The Kings Army in Italy is recruited with six or seven thousand men, under the Marquis de Vignolles.

THough the peace with the Hugonots was not fully concluded, yet the Cardinal being informed of the necessity of recruiting the Army in Italy, was not de∣fective

to procure his Majesty to give orders for it. The Marquis de Vignolles was dispatched with six or seven thousand men: Who coming into Piedmont with his Forces, found the Siedge still before Veriie, a small Town upon the Po, very slen∣derly inhabited, but defended by a Castle built on a Rock, at the end of a little Hill, which was none of the worst. The Duke of Ferià, drawing his Troops out of Ast, had brought them up thither, hoping for a good success in it: But the Duke of Savoy having intelligence of his resolution, caused the Marquis de Saint Reyran, a Gentleman of Prussia, to march up within view of the Spaniards, with a thousand Foot, and by the advice of the Marshal de Cregny, he likewise caused his Army to advance and Incamp at the foot of the Hill, in certain Intrenchments, which were much stronger then the place it self.

Above three Moneths were spent in continnual Sallies and Assaults. The Duke of Feria intrenched himself to his greatest advantage: The Cannon thundred on the place with a great deal of fury; and having made at several times six or seven great breaches: The Spaniards did as often assault them, and were repulsed with a great deal of courage. They opened several Mines, one of which had seven mouthes, which they called the Hydra: but every day brought them some misfortune, so that they lost more then the besieged. In short, they got not one foot of land, which was not assoon retaken from them. In the mean time, the ill weather began to come in, and the Po to swell up, which did not a little perplex them, for they were forced to quit one part of their Trenches, by reason it was filled with water, which brought their Battery into such disorder, that most of their Cannon stuck in the Mud, and much adoe they had to get them clear off again. These disgraces hap∣pening to them, did much add to the French courage: So that on the seventeenth of November, the Constable, the Marshal de Cregny, and the Marquis de Vignolles who was but lately arrived, having considered together what was to be done; cast their thoughts on those Forts which the Spaniards had in the Plain, and resolved to assault them. The Constable gave orders for the attaquing of them; and the Troops being put into Battalia, they began a Combate, which lasted above three hours, with such heat and success to the French, that they carryed all the Forts in a trice.

In the interim, the Duke of Savoy arrived, and the enemy having drawn up three great Squadrons of Foot, and two of Horse, came Matching up in good order against the French, to try if they could recover what they had lost; but they onely retook one single Fort, which was resolved to be quitted and the night coming on, ended the Fray; in which they lost above two thousand men, and the French not above one hundred. After this Disaster, they being in great want of victuals, and having small hopes of being Masters of the place; Don Gonsal••s de C••rdova, raised the Seige privately in the night, without noise of Drum or Trumpet, and without giving the Horse any other signe, but by beating certain flint stones one against the other. They lost before this paltry Town an Army of forty thousand men: Their Commanders lost their honour, their Armes got no little discredit by it; and it should seem, God was pleased to abase the vanity of their glory, which hurried them on with extream ambition to the attempting of unjust designs,

Politique Observation.

AMbitious Princes can never raise their designs so high, as that God who hum∣bleth the Proud, and abates their power, should exempt them from divine Justice; which is pleased to pull down the mighty. His Providence doth always confine the••r force, by keeping their Interests and those of their neighbors, in an equal Ballance, for the tranquillity of the people. He who is born with a fix∣ed and contented mind, and is satisfied with those limits which he may justly pre∣tend to, and in the protection of his Allies, is not subject to these misfortunes. Ho∣nour and glory never depart from him: whereas he who resteth not within his own bounds, but attempteth all ways, tryeth all means to extend them, is usually liable

to ruin, for that every one runs upon him, to oppose his designs, and God too is delighted to abase him. The divine wisdom cannot be enough admired in this par∣ticular, which having placed two great Kingdoms near one another, maketh the one serve to moderate the ambition of the other, and to break the neck of his de∣signs, for the preservation of his neighbours: It usually endeth in nothing when one shall take from another to enrich himself. The divine wisdom doth bound in the ambition of such, and brings all their designs that way tending to confusion. It is true, God is sometimes pleased to chastise a Soveraign, and permits another to destroy him, but it is but seldom, whereas he doth commonly throw down him who raiseth himself upon the ruines of others. Darius was so insolent, that he caused himself to be stiled, the King of Kings, but what befell him? Did not A∣lexander, whom he had scorned and undervalued, take away his Life and Estates too? In the same manner it was with Arphaxates, King of the M••des, who after he had brought divers Nations under his Empire, and built the famous City Ec∣batan, became so proud, as to think nothing was able to resist him; but how quickly God did let him see the contrary, by suffering him to be chastised and conquered by the King of Niniveh? How is he delighted to shew by these examples unto So∣veraignes, that Humility in their conduct, is that which makes their designs sub∣sist, and end in glory; whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes, losses, and utter ruin?

Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline.

THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy: For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither, those others which were raised by the Grisons, and those which after much ado were sent from Venice, he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Can∣tons of Ʋry and Ʋndernal, making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence, for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards, and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador, as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio, had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it. These Recruits arrived very seasonably; for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply, which gave them the means to execute an enterprise, which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim, upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline, and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the cu∣stody of the Albanois and Capelets, amongst whom it struck such a terrour, that there was no possible means to make them stand to it; and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned. The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd, resolved with the Council of War to retake it; and on the seventeenth of October, having appointed Pont de G••des for a Rendezvous, he gave order for the Assault. The Fight was stoutly begun, and after two houres continuance, the Intrenchments were re-taken, which had been formerly lost, but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them, and with more honour, for that they were at that time exceedingly strong. After this Expedition was over, the Duke of Candale received intelli∣gence, that eight hundred foot, and four hundred of the Spanish party, had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons, which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres, he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it. The Duke mustered his Army, the better to know his own forces, and so went to in∣vest Chaumont, and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves, but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon, soon made a Breach fit for an Assault, and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them, who should appear to defend the Breach, and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates, which forced them in peeces, so that two com∣panies of French entred the Town, and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition; which was, that they should march away with their Arms onely, and

leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town: So accor∣dingly they went out, and left the Town to the Duke of Cand••le. There remain∣ed onely Morbeign•• to take in the Valtoline, and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it, but the major part of them alledged, and that very judiciously, that the place was strongly scitua∣ted, and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men, both within, and in the Country thereabouts, that it was impossible to shut them up, for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come, which was the way which they had all their provisions; and withall they concluded, it was not much mate∣rial whether they had it, or not; seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards, either to shut up, or open the Passes. Their advice was followed, and their cou∣rages submitted to the Laws of Discretion; which made it appear, that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises. Others did wish, that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place (as afterwards it was done) for that it is the most important of all the other places, not in rela∣tion to the Passages, but the securing of the Valley, and to keep all the rest in their dutyes; for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale, there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it, for the keeping of it, as being the most considerable of all, and that once done, impossible to be taken.

Politique observation.

THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence, when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise. Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories, or the taking of Towns, which many times have no dependencie upon them, but by their Resoluteness, and Constancy, which they make appear without the least dread, in doing all that can be done to vanquish. Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost; for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power.

In the making of War in a Forraign Country, it is needful (if possible it may so be done) to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first, especially if it may not otherwise be taken, then by a surprise. The reason is clear; for what ever assault is made elswhere, gives an Allarm to the whole Country, so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence, presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place, that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it. Let us first seize on Rome (said the Enemies of the Roman Empire, in Herodatus) which is the heart and Castle of the Empire, and we shall quickly have the rest with ease. The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul, untill they had become Masters of Authun, which was the chief City, and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended. And as it's true, that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates, may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole, so it is likewise most certain, that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress, hath a curb on the rest, so that he may do what he will himself, especially if he can but so order his business, that he may keep it in his power.

The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party.

THese were the most remarkable passages, both in Italy and the Valtoline, during that year; but let us now return to the Affairs at home. The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it, so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party, untill he had conferred with an

Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc, insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace. In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize some places in Lan∣guedoc, either that he might get some advantage, whereby to make himself the more considerable, which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired, or some other favourable conditions. He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois, sending five hundred men to surprize it by night, but they were stoutly repulsed, and forced to retire. He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil, Pamiers, and several others of Foix to revolt; from which places he sent out his Scouts, who committed great havocks in the plain Country. Now the evil treating of the Country people, forced the Consuls of some Towns there∣abouts, to desire the Marshal de Themines, to come with his Majesties Army to assist them, and make himself Master of those Towns. Divers were of opinion, that this Proposition ought to be rejected, because admitting it should be follow∣ed, it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list, whom at that time the Army kept in such awe, that he durst not stir a foot, or attempt any new design. But however, the Count de Carmain, considering this proffer of the Consuls, and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War, and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres, he let himself be perswaded by their entreaties to go and assist them, and taking some small Forces with him, he went and fell on Calmont, a little Town near Mazeres, from whence several of the Rebels would make fre∣quent excursions, and pillage the neighbour Country. They endured the siedge onely three daies, and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon, they ran away in the night, but the Marquis d' Ambres, who was not farre off with his Troop of Light Horse, hearing the noise of their flight, charged them, and cut the most part of them in peeces. Shortly after, they took six or seven other small places, some by storm, and some by composition. They of Masdazil, hearing of these successes, began to be afraid, and sent for a Pass to the Army, to make their Accomodation: But the Duke of Rohan found a means to conveigh in some Forces to them, which made them resolve to hold out, so that they chan∣ged their former resolution, and defended themselves, which drew down the Marshal de Themines, and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them. On the fif∣teenth of September the Town was encompassed round about, and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach, but whilst the Question was in debate, for the giving an Assault, the Breach was repaired, so that a second was made, and they within grown very resolute, repelled the Kings Army with great loss; and that which was worst of all, was the Rains falling encreased the River, and so filled up the Trenches with water, that Siege was forced to be raised, which much troubled the Marquis; but it was somwhat moderated, by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse, which he killed, took, and put to flight. The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them, and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn, for that it would at another time be taken with ease, and that the could not make any fur∣ther good progress, he went to the Assembly at Milhaud, where he made those of his party send a Courrier to the King, to accept of the Articles of Peace, which his Majesty had granted to them. His Majesty confirmed them, though they had rendred themselves unworthy, by their new acts of Rebellion. But it was necessary so to be, for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain, though Rochel was still excepted, by reason of the little inclination they had testi∣fied of keeping themselves within their duty.

Politick Observation.

THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils, and every one knows that they are the principal motives, either to begin, or con∣tinue a War. There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them, to attain those ends which they propose to themselves. It loveth none but it self, and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience, for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs. It never makes a question of the equity of any cause, but looketh on the advantages which will follow it, if it succeed well. Whence it cometh, that the first thing it doth, is to shut close the eyes against Justice, that it may the more confidently begin, or continue it's design. They who are possessed with this same Ambition, never look on any thing but through a false glass, which doth still represent things either more specious, or bigger than really they are: And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts, that they begin to presume, that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them, will never forsake them. The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities, makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace; but they ought to remember, that Fortune is like a Glass, which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough; and that God too, who delighteth in peace, doth often send down upon them, those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others. The Huntsman that he may take the Panther, knowing that he loveth Henbane, hang∣eth a good quantity of it up in the air, somewhat out of her reach, whence it happens, that she having once seen it, never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down, untill she become at last so weary, that she falls down unable any longer to stand, and so dyeth on the place. May it not safely be said, that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees? And that she useth the very same artifices to de∣stroy ambitious persons? She proposeth advantages to them, Victories and Con∣quests, but which are beyond their reach, and above their power, and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds, and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends, they will use any endeavours, or run into any rash heady attempts, she still draweth them further on, untill in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them, and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs, where they well hoped for Honour and Glory.

Prosecution of the History.

IT was matter of astonishment, to see the Hugonots so reduced, considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before, and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc, all little enough to quel them. But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration, which the Cardinal brought with him, will not much wonder at it. I might safely say, that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel, was one cause of it, seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton, that neither of them durst to stir. I could likewise attribute those effects to the sending of those Com∣panies into Languedoc, upon the first beginning of the year, who might be in a readiness to fall on them, in case they should appear, insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing; and this is really the most certain preven∣tive remedy for all Revolts. But however you may behold another Reason of State, which is the more considerable, for that it did by little and little, and with∣out being perceived, undermine the greatest prop and force of them: The little Authority which the Ministers, who preceded the Cardinal, had caused his Majesty to take upon him, and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at, either of running into the Hugonots party, or of abetting them, whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength. The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted, and either them∣selves

would go in to them, or at least lend them monyes, to make more Levyes. But now the case was altered, and things did not run in their former channels. This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs. His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it, and at last brought it to such a pass, that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly, and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Fav••urs which were bestowed on them, that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations. Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern, that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them, they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses, as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer.

But things began now to be carried in another way, and they began to live after another sort, and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience. They now began to per∣ceive it was to no purpose, to think to have that by a high hand, which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification. All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife, began presently to fall back, there having been certain peo∣ple removed from the Court, who made it their onely business to embroyl things, and like Wasps, sucked up the best of the Treasures, which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees, who lived at the Kings costs and charges, and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government. The ta∣king away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning, who were never strong, but when assisted elswhere. Thus it was apparently seen, that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal, they were after∣wards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification.

Politique Obseruation.

AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom: A State cannot but be happy, when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought, be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper, or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient; so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart, a Ministers ought to study no one thing more, then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority. But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it, he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel, the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience, the splendour which made him be honoured with re∣spect, How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties, seeing they will slight his Authority? And how shall he be able to receive respects from them, when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls? Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun: And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes, so having once lost his light, he is no longer admired or respected. The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them, and make it evident, that the dis-esteem and weakness, whereunto he is fallen, serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power. The Governours of Provinces too, they take some share, and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself; every thing is attempted without controul, and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force, which they cannot by justice. The Publique Monies are turned aside, the people oppressed, and at last all things brought into confusion. Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him, Spa••ta was governed with a good Discipline, because the Kings knew how to command, That it was rather, because the people knew how to obey: But for my part, I imagine that the hap∣piness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other; and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well com∣manding, and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them. Which if it

be true of Kingdomes in general, it is most assuredly so of France in particular, seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King, see∣ing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever, in its due order, then to restore him the self same qualities, with which he took his Birth.

The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King, Queen Mother, Monsieur, and the Princes of the Blood, and others.

AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force, if not cherished with Affection, so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes, but took extraordinary pains, to continue them in a good un∣derstanding with his Majesty. The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House, so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will. He did the more readily undertake this trouble, because he had for several years, received sundry testimonies of her favour, and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services; and it sorted so happily, that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over; but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass; for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers in∣clinations, & the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her. From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent, she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs; though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people, be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations, yet so it is, that the splendour wherewith it is atten∣ded, hath such powerful charms, that the discreetest souls, and least ambitious, have much ado to defend themselves against them. The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self, was a great impediment to his work: And the King, in whose hands the onely supream power resides, was so much the more jealous of it, for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers; and that with so much the more reason, for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them.

The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture, used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations, being assured that it would be after∣wards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King. He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address, the truth, which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence, letting her see, that she ought not to think it any strange thing, that the King should desire to be Master, or that all Affairs were revolved by his order, for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of. He used indeed his ut∣most address to impress this truth in her, letting her see, that she ought not to pretend to any part of it; That the King quitting all his suspitions, would give her more then she could wish, seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects. The Queen Mother, who did then much esteem of his counsels, did beleeve him, and she received such advantages by it, that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct, that she did no longer think of the Government, he restored her into so absolute an Authority, that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs.

This was a very great advantage, procured to her by this grand Minister, and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Ma∣jesty. The State too did not receive less profit by it; for that this good correspon∣dencie which united the Affections of the King, and Queen Mother, did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation, so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties, but remain entire, to op∣pose the Ambition of Strangers.

The Cardinal, that he might the more confirm this Union, and make it the stronger, perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor, who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother, assuring himself that this good person, whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace, replenished with Piety, and voyd of Ambition, being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences, would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them, and that he would have somwhat the more power, in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors.

Next to the Queen Mother, Monsieur was the most considerable person in af∣fairs, as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom, as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done, who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom, run out at the perswasion of those who were near them, to seise on the Government. The Car∣dinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests. There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass, Justice having infused into him with his birth, all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty. All which the Cardinal very well knew.

Neither was he ignorant, That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them; so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano, who had the honour to be nearest to his person, and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others. Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious, was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness, he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France, conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant. Monsieur the Prince, had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal, and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him, and satisfie his humour, by giving him a part in Affairs, and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests. He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit, but at last with a handsom address, he let her see, that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State, without a good understanding between the King her son and him, and that it was to contribute to his own greatness, not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced, and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals, and raising of new emotions. But whatever reasons he could then alledge, she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court; nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King, that his Majesty in some Letters to him, gave him extraordinary expressions and testi∣monies of his Favour, sometimes by asking his advice, as occasions should present, as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs, which was ac∣cordingly effected; and the King writing to him, assured him of his kindness to∣wards him, and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline, of the Hugo∣nots, and the War of Italy. By this he received an entire content and satisfaction, so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations, then formerly he had done. This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family, was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace, and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it.

Politique Observation.

THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad, is bound to settle all at home, by a strong uniting of the Royal house. The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health: If one should assault the other, the Natural Justice is violated, and the Union dissolved; which once so, the whole frame falls to nothing. Who knoweth not, that the Union of Grandees, especially those of the Royal Family, is the most sure founda∣tion of Peace and Welfare to a State? They may not be disjoyn'd from their King,

neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown, but Justice will be offended, and their Union broken, which once so, the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes. This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust, and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son, advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred, and to give them such advantages as may content them, because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects, who imagine that a Prince, who doth not affect his own Kindred, deserveth not the affections of any others; and will also give more assurance to his Government, by defending him from any insur∣rections which might be made by them. And this is the more considerable, as Ta∣citus saith, for that it is ordinary with the people, to have a particular affection; for the Kindred of a Prince, when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason, exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germani∣cus, which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius; and it cannot be doubted, but that the particular affection with which the people love them, may give them great advantages to embroyl the State, and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts. It cannot be avoyded, but that Princes nearly rela∣ted to a Soveraign, must have some hand in the Government of Affairs, and must partake with him in the Honours of the State; how can it then be done in a good order, unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another? What way can a vessel goe, when as they who guide it, do some row towards the Poop, and others towards the Prow; despising the Pilots orders, so that the vessel becomes ex∣posed to be wracked. And what may there be expected from a State, where the Princes of the Blood Royal, who have the Government of the Provinces, fall off from his Majesties designs and interests, engaging themselves in Factions and Par∣ties? Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars, which being left at random by this disunion, becomes a prey to strangers, who will be sure to take advantage of it?

The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour.

THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England, seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess; yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good corre∣spondency. The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies, who had been a long while near, and about her, as also in certain Ecclesia∣stiques, a little too inconsiderate in their zeal, was in part the occasion of it; for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence, did clash with the King her Husbands humour, and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them. The King did not much wonder at it, having of a long time known, how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are, and how they commonly end in some broyl, unless there be some one near them, who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them. But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville, his Extraordi∣nary Ambassador to the King of England, that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen, had caused any more mischiefs; which was the easilier to be done, in regard the Queen want∣ed neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband, and was onely to be bla∣med, for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel. But this was not all, there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns, which was this: The Sieur de Soubize, having fled into England, and there saved himself, had taken in times of Peace, and against the approval too of those of Rochel, a small vessel, called the little Saint John, at the Port of Blavet, which he afterwards carried to Plymouth. And not long after the English had de∣tained and unladen another Ship at Dover, called the Merchant Royal, full laden

with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers. This kind of acting was as strange as unjust, and a great noise it made. The French Merchants not be∣ing able to get a satisfactory answer in it, because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain, seised upon some En∣glish Ships, which exasperated them afresh, and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace a∣mongst Families, yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes. They do ne∣ver make up any Matches but on the score of Interests, and if any cause of difference arise amongst them, they do not at all value their Alliances; but it is well known, that those Wars which have been between such Princes, have ever been the most bloody. It was imagined, that those many Contracts which had been made be∣tween the Princes of the House of Orleance, and those of Burgogne, would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels, but the sequel made it apparent, they all served to no purpose.

Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples, yet he undid them by his intreagues: And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England, as when they were allyed by some Mariage? And indeed it ought not to seem strange, for a Soveraign hath no Kins∣man so nearly related to him as his State. A private man may govern himself ac∣cording to the Rules of Friendship, but it is otherwise with a Soveraign, who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one. His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs, that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it, which he is not bound to repell by any wayes what∣soever.

The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care.

THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past, could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together, in Languedoc, in Poictu, in the Valtoline, and Italy, as also in the Match with England, and defraying of Ambassa∣dors expences, together with Alliances with States, considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration, had found the Treasury not onely exhausted, but likewise much indebted, so that they lived upon the next years Revenues. This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence, who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve, had quickly so setled the Trea∣suries, that there was great plenty succeeded that former want. The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders, but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers: The Superintendants were also ordered, not to au∣thorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State, but upon good and just consideration. There were divers persons removed from Court, who attended there to no intent or purpose, but only had sometimes the honour to see the King. Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services. There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries, which were so exactly observed, that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done, so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made, but was afterwards filled with such great sums, that France had never seen the like.

Politique Observation.

THe King who designs great matters, and wants store of monies to execute them▪ doth onely attempt vain enterprizes. The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion, that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War; be∣cause as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews; so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist, or that Souldiers should do their duties, if there be not good store of monies to pay them, and to provide all necessaries for them. There is not onely Machiavel, who denieth this Position against the Au∣thority of Dion, Quintus Curtius, Vegetius, Cicero and Plutarch, who is of opini∣on that money is not a Nerve in War. But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity, is at least as considerable as his opinion. So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime. I must confess with him, that War may sometimes have a good successe, though the Souldiers be but ill payed, because the Authority of a grand Comman∣der, and their own Courages may very much animate them; but as that doth but seldome happen, so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it. There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy, where the Imperialists despair∣ing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid, the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them, and infused such mettle in∣to them, that they went on with great Courage, and got a great honour over the French. But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example, or any of the like nature, and shall follow them in his Conduct, shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine: Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions, that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War, though never so inconsiderable, without great practice. I know that it is not money onely, which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits, but that good Souldiers are also necessary; an experienced old Commander, courteous, generous, able in Counsels, quick in executions, beloved by the Souldiers and indued with se∣veral other qualifications necessary for command: But besides all this, though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished, yet unlesse there be good sums of monies, nothing can be really attempted: For how can a Prince without this, sa∣tisfie several Souldiers and Commanders? How can he without this make his pre∣parations of Victuals, Provisions, Ammunitions, Artilleries, and other things which cannot be had without great expences? And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed, how can he make Recruits or new Levies? Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar, sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it, but having no money he could procure no Souldiers. In the mean while, the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa, and several other Towns in Hostage, by which means he received great store of monies, of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland, and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thou∣sand men, brought twenty thousand with him.

The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels, sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition.

ALL the rest of the year at least after May, the Bishops and Clergy of France, were assembled at Paris. The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King, for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them. But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them, the affection which they alwaies had for the King, would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books, abor∣tives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France. There need no more then onely to read them, and it would soon be apparent that they were full of

seditious Doctrine; That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority, to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst stran∣gers, to stir up the people to sedition, and to kindle a flame of War in France: The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Re∣ligion. These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs, and made it ap∣parent that they were like Apothecaries, or Mountebanks Boxes, which are mark∣ed on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine, but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull: They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet, and seducers of the people to sedition, putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power, and required them to be in a straight obedience, by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice, whom God had placed over them, for the good and happiness of France; and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty, they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by gran∣ting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France, as a contri∣bution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged, as also to preserve Re∣ligion in its splendour, and to maintain the glory of the Crown. It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it, who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches, began to oppose it, as if the Church, which is part of the State, were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members, and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses.

Politique Observation.

KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to con∣tribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State, seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others. They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God, or his Apostles; for when as they lived on the earth, the Church had not any immovable Goods, and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings, that she hath since obtained that priviledge; it was never granted to her, but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessi∣ties of the State. They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it, though they may by absolute authority force it; for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency, their Soveraign power would be of little worth: And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner, doe so much the more ob∣lige them to do it; for the entreaty of him who may enforce, is a greater tye then his command: And is it not very reasonable, that as all the parts of the Body, even the most noble, do contribute to its conservation, so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it, and to establish the glory of it. The Emperour Gratian ordained, That every one should serve on publique occasions, and first of all addressed himself to execute it, not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity; and Plato saith, No man but ought to obey necessities, seeing the Gods themselves submit to them. And admit that Ecclesia∣stiques should deny, or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions, might they not with reason be reproached, as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher, who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people. Thy request, quoth the Emperour to him, is contrary to thy Profession, for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions, and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in, doest however, suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness. So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ, who recommendended no one thing more then Pover∣ty, and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver, would do an act much contrary to their profession, if they should pretend to be exempted from

those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions.

Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain.

IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain, and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France, that I may not let them slip. Henry Duke of Lorrain, a little before he dyed, finding himself without Sons, did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole, whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain, eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont, his younger Brother, giving her to understand, that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it, did really appertain to her, and that Charles her Husband had no right to it, but onely in consideration of her. However the Count de Vaudmont, desirous to preserve it to his Son, in case he should outlive his Wife, pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee, by virtue of the Will of Rey∣nard, King of Sicily; and Duke of Lorrain, his Great Grandfather, dated the twenty fifth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and six, which untill then he had never heard of; by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which u∣sually happeneth to great Houses, by subdividing those possessions which once be∣longed to them, had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar, the Marqui∣sate of Ponta-Mouson, and the Earldom of Vaudmont, and constituted his eldest Son Anthony, late Duke of Lorrain, sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lord∣ships, willing, and ordaining, that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male, gradually, and one after another, and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it. He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son, the possession of Guise, Elbauf, Aumalle, Mayenne, Joinville, and several others which he had in France, substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them, and ex∣cluding all Daughters. The original of the Will was very authentique, and Copies of it in divers places to be had. There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation, made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose, after the de∣cease of the said King, upon the thirteenth of February, in the year fifteen hun∣dred and eight, before Madam Philip of Gueldres, Queen of Sicilie, Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar, who declared, they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will.

Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed, that upon consequence of this substitu∣tion and order thus established by Will, and confirm'd by the States, himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain, and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it, but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities.

At last he declared, by a publick Instrument, that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole, his late Brothers Daughter, he was content to dis∣possess himself into the hands of his said Son, and that he did invest him with it, requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States, which he renounced to him in his behalf; and that after his decease they should de∣scend to his next Heirs Males, excluding all Females, and still preferring the eldest, who were to give the youngest Pensions, and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House.

The King, though somwhat concerned in this agreement, did not oppose it, but esteemed it as frivolous, it being free for him not to take any notice of it, because it was not presented to him for a ratification, though the curious spirits of the time, who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States, not at all concern'd in them, but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection, did talk diversly of it: Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second, upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions, was absolutely voyd, as also the Contract

of disseisure. They alledged for their chief reason, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr, observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far remo∣ved; and secondly, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty, and at Moulin in one thou∣sand five hundred sixty and six, which prohibit such substitutions for ever, but re∣strain them to the second degree•• Besides the institution which was passed, if it should so stand, it would follow of consequence, that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever, could not be vallid, especially in relation to Barr, and that which depends on the Crown of France, where his Majesty ought to be consider∣ed, not onely as common Soveraign, but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal, and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid, as also service with and against all others, it being not allowed to a Vassal, to alter (without the Kings authority who is chief Lord) the nature of the Fee, a∣gainst the Order established by Custome. Thirdly, they added for the confirmati∣on of their opinions, an example very considerable which was this. It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand, in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four, between John the valiant Count de Montfort, after∣wards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain, son of John Count of Montfort, of the one party, and Jane Dutchess of Brittain, daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu, elder brother to the said Count of Montfort, of the other party. That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain, no Female should inherit the said Dutchy: They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good, unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it, for that it was contrary to the Custome; by vertue of which said Custome, the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement, against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him, as being the neerest, and daughter to the eldest Brother; and that therefore they intreated the Com∣missaries and Deputies, who were the Arch-Bishop of Rei••ns, and the Marshal of Boucica••d, to ratifie and confirm their Award, which they did: That upon the score of this Ratification, the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain, by being preferred before the Females. That Rai∣nard the second in not having followed this order, for the Dutchy of Barr, and those other Lands which depended on France, had made his said Will and Substitu∣tion absolutely void in it self. Fourthly, the best Historians did moreover alledge, That this same Will of R••ynard the second, was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain, but had been abrogated from time to time: As for those Lands which related to France, they answered, that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after, dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act, whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent, that his Heirs Males and Females, might suc∣ceed to inherit those lands in France, though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome, as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing, granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven, in the moneth of May, preferring by this Act, the Heirs females of Claudius, before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain, and the sons of the said Anthony. That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation, the said preferrency had been gran∣ted to the daughter of Claudius, in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumal∣le; as also in the Principallity of Joinville; in which it is declared, that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands, excluding the sons of the late Duke, at least from all which related to France. Sixthly they added, that as for what hath dependence from the Empire, the Will ought not to be valid, neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging, which are upon that side of the Rhine, and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self: By vertue of which, the daugh∣ters have ever succeeded, excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related, and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without

the Emperours consent to that purpose, first had and obtained. On the other side there were some others who were of opinion, that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid, there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge; that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes, but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people; provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended, were not injured in it, he might abrogate such usances, and that no one could pretend to oppose it, no not the Lord Paramount himself, for that he was not at all concerned in it, ad∣mitting his particular Rights were preserved to him, seeing as the Lawyers say, That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country, for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self. Their main reasons were, That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount, and a Liege Lord; that indeed it was granted, a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord, but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him, and that he may at least dispose of them with his States, not to alienate; but certainly to substitute and appoint them. That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount, whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government, it being not any thing of con∣cern to him, provided his rights were preserved to him, and that his Homage, Ser∣vice, and Obedience were paid him. That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States, their oppositi∣on however were not of any validity, for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests. That withall this reason was so much the more considerable, in respect of those States which have depen∣dance on the Empire; because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France, for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour, but onely to serve him, and contribute to the ne∣cessities of his State.

They alledged one very considerable reason, as to what concern'd his Majesties interests, in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown, making it apparent, that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males, that rather on the contrary, his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it, seeing by this means, the States of Lorrain, would al∣waies remain in the Possession of some small Prince, whose weakness alone, if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity, would force him to con∣tinue in his duty; whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed, it would of consequence fall out, that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince, from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service, as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain, who married Raynard, it is apparently known to every one, of what great concern it is (without being beholding to examples) for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours.

As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines, which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree; besides the first institution, that is to say, from the Institutor, and the instituted, who succeedeth the intestate, they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution, seeing he was the fourth from Anthony, who was the first instituted. For this An∣thony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis, which Francis left them to his son Charls, and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son, who was father to Nicole, which Henry having no sons, Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession, he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances, and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals, that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals, ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them. They likewise answered, in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande, that that ex∣ample could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the

succession, for that a single example createth no Law, as the Lawyers say; because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power.

And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will, and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it, for that no Testator whatever, contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life, doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest.

Besides that, the Ratification made by the States two years after, did sufficient∣ly evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony, and that it might safely be said, he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth, that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius, capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him, not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males; but because it might happen in time, that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions, and in that case it would be needfull, that their Father were naturali∣zed to bring them into Possession. That the same thing might be said, in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle, and the Principallities of Joinville; as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth, and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain; for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve, that the Messieurs de Guise, who drew on the said Treaty, would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain, by excluding of the daughters, seeing it had not as yet been contradicted, there not having hitherto been any daughters, who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain, in exclusion of the Males, but onely Madam Nicole, and Claudius of Lorrain, who were then in competition. That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne, daughter to Duke Anthony, and Christian daughter to Duke Charls, they could not null the Will, for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them, which thing did not however give them any right at all. These answers seemed plausible enough, whence it followed, that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements, they presently con∣cluded that the Will ought to be in its full force, and put in execution, and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties; but the King could onely judge of them, as to what related to his Crown; for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests, and he hath no power but God above, which can Ar∣bitrate concerning it.

Politique Observation.

THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men, seemeth to be so much the more lawfull, in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence, who hath created women onely to obey; who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people, whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost, hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession, but in default of sons. And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say, that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin, still observing this Order, The Male should be preferred before the Female, and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir? Sol••n one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity, made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth, as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates: And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters, if the sons should present themselves to accept of it, as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian. Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia, when he saith, the Male children are the Pillars of houses; that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People, that the Sacri∣fices are made in their names, that it belongeth to them, to transact Publick affairs, and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born, do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them, and carrying them into other

places. And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families, it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties, where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet. It is true that Liege Lords, being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains: But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it, because it is very advantagious for them; especi∣ally if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected. This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince, whose power he will never have any reason to fear, which is no small ad∣vantage to him, whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes, they may become their Masters, and may not onely not ren∣der that service which is due by Liege men; but on the contrary, may bring such troubles to them, as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies, who may make a War upon him: It seemeth likewise to be without any ground, that he should pretend a power to hinder them, seeing his right extend onely to the investiture, to the Homage, to the Tribute, to the Service of War, and fidelity, in which he can∣not be damaged if they are preserved to him. Of what importance is it then, whe∣ther it be a son or a daughter, which payeth him his Homage Tribute, and other du∣ties as a token of submission. In that case it ought to be indifferent, for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince, whence it comes that every one being in a ca∣pacity to dispose his rights, as shal best please himself, especially when no one is preju∣diced by it, there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males. Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made, in fundamental Customes of Countries; and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law, which excludeth the daughters from the Crown; so it is very doubtfull whe∣ther it be in the Power of the States themselves of some Countries, to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns.