The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu. (Book 1)

Anno 1624.

GOD, who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over∣rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure, hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns, whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power. The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them un∣to the pertaking of his Authority. And if he hath ordain∣ed intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions; he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth, who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes. But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority, yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius. His Prudence, which guides all things by Weight, Number, and Measure, hath affected, that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians, whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art; so there should likewise be in Regality, Caesars, Constantines, and Charlemains, whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others. As it is said in Philosophy, (Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum.) The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse. And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King, under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happi∣ness to be now governed? To speak truth, his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory, that many ages have seen; his Prudence, Valour, and Justice do shine with so much splendour, that without doubt, they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes. He never affected any Title

but that of Just; because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions; knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings, that it was it, which rendered their Majesty most venerable. That it was it, which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes; and lastly, that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace. But we should offend against that very Justice, if we should deny h••m the Title of Great, which his Scepter gives to him: The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited; the Title of August, which his vertue hath acquired; the Title of Conquerour, which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him. His digni∣ty maketh him the greatest of Kings; his Power the strongest; his Conduct the wisest; his Treasuries the Richest, and his Vertue the most just. We have seen some Clouds arise, which have seemed to obscure his light; but they have onely ser∣ved to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct, and he hath ever dispel∣led from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France. He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father, to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great. And I think it may be said with truth, if Fortune d••id set limits to Philips Conquests, that there might be some subjects for his Son A∣lexander to shew his courage on; Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince, in suppressing civil wars, that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria. In pro∣secution of these two designs, he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back: That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn; that he disarmed Heresie, over all the Kingdom; that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds, and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy. Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him, that his actions should be as so many miracles, and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects, as illustrious by his victories and triumphs. Which being so, how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity? were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates, but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach? It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince, but it is just to declare his vertues: And if the first be for∣bid by the Laws of Secrecy, the acknowledgement which is due to their merit, and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the seco••d: This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign, and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence, if it had been mute on this occasion; so necessary will it be to those, who shall govern France in future Ages, to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him. I confess, I am not able to find words equal to the great∣ness of his Actions; but I had rather want words, then acknowledgements for my King, and affection for my Country. but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately, as the heroick Actions of great Princes, have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them.

A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers, who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels, and to put them in execution. For the better choosing of whom, I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy, that there are three sorts of them.

The first Eminent, who are able to govern all by their own discretions, and who have a Prudence vigorous enough, to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others; who see all, penetrate into all, judge of all, and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs.

The second may be called Indifferent, who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things, or to execute them, but have a good capacity to apprehend the judge∣ments of others in their Counsel, and so to govern affairs by their directions, that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes.

The third and last have so little Judgement, that they are neither able to manage

affairs by their own, or the advices of others; whence it happens, that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults, and to put all things into Confusion. Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers, if he would design any great attempts, or carry them on to a good success. If he himself too, be of this number, they will bring wonders to passe, if he be not, he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him. For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great, seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits, to govern; if not by their Authority, at least by their Counsels, the rest of Mankind. It is a dange∣rous fault to choose Ministers at a venture; and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians, who chused their Magistrates by Lot, it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence, and still to prefer the most capable. The Proverb saith, Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius, a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse; and true it is, that not all are proper for all affairs. Men must be fitted to their Commissions, least they not having abilities proportionable, do not onely ruine the most glorious designs, but withall, make them end in great mis-fortunes. If men have never at∣chieved any thing greater then States and Empires, surely they cannot do any thing more glorious, then to govern them well; and since Causes ought to be proporti∣oned to effects, it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places. That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest. That Arm which should throw furthest, ought to be strongest; that light which should shine in many places, ought to be liveliest; and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation, should have most vigour in then power. Which being so, ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker, then that of o∣thers, seeing be is to dive into truths? His Memory, ought it not to be stronger, seeing it ought to preserve more Species? ought not his Soul to be more capable, seeing it ought to be more Universal? ought not his Wisdome to be greater, since he must comprehend more reason? and ought not his Prudence to be more perspi∣cacious, seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs? An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life, but he who hath the charge of governing a State, ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius. God who is the first reason and mover of Nature, may be his ex∣ample in this kind, and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Admi∣nistration of a Kingdome, ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others; that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society, and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels. Not to follow this rule, were to put all into confusion and disorder, and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun, saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures, is, To place Fools upon the Tribunal, and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground. It were to set a Sailor to the Helm, and the Pilot to the Oar; it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile, to the last or the least of all the Celestial Spheres.

The Reception of the Cardinal into the Administration of the STATE.

THose eminent qualities which raised the Cardinal from above the pitch of other men, induced the Queen mother to present him to the King her Son, to assist his Councels, which qualifications, had not been alone sufficient for the Admini∣stration, if not accompanied with Fidelity. Although this Vertue seems to have lesse splendor then others, yet this is it which is so needfull a quality, that the grea∣test Souls are not proper for that condition if their Ambition, Covetousness, or their private interest, are able to divert them upon any occasion whatsoever. But in whom did it ever appear with so much splendor, as in the Cardinal, who did al∣waies make it his end, never to seek for Honour and Wealth but in his Majesties service? Which his Majesty had very singular proofs of, by his management of those important Affairs, whilest he was Secretary of State, and he had one most ample particular assurance of it, in his removal from the Court; during all which

time, his Majesty could never find that he held the least intelligence with the Queen Mother, or those Grandees of State, to make Cabals contrary to his Authority, though he had understanding enough not to be ignorant of some means which serve to imbroyl things on such occasions. At first he was contented to Officiate like a good Prelate in his own Diocess, without medling in any publick affairs, but those which are common to all good French men, who have any knowledge thereof; and being afterwards removed into Avignon, he had no other intention, but of con∣versing with his Books, and such vertues as are required in those of his Coat; testi∣fying by this great reservedness, that he was so much the more worthy of those im∣ployments, which had formerly been conferred upon him, according to that of the wise Polititians, There are none fitter to command, then those who obey with mo∣deration and fidelity; the reason is, in obeying they learn to command, and that all men do willingly submit to them, who being private men have lived modestly and in-offensively. But how could the King be capable of the least suspicion of his Fidelity, after that one Procedure of his which was seen by the whole Nation, when he was recalled from Avignon, to divert the Queen Mother from those de∣signs, which they who had advised her to with-draw from Bloys to Angoulesm, did perswade unto her? It was no little honour for him, to see that they who had so ill created him, did yet believe he had sincerity enough to serve them in such an occasion as that was. He got an accruement of Glory too, by his Loyalty in his quick dispatch to that great Princess, and by declaring to those Grandees then with her, that whatever opportunities he had to make them repent of those injuries they had done him, yet he would never deceive or betray them.

The Queen Mother was in a good Hold, the greatest part of the Princes and ma∣ny Lords offered her their service; insomuch that would he have joyned the facul∣ties of his mind to those forces which they might have raised, he might have held them so much play, that they would have found themselves intangled. It seemed he was invited to testifie a sensible apprehension in the Queen his Mistresses behalf, he having received from her hands many signal favours in recompence of the services he had done unto her, and that then he had nothing to hope for but her good opi∣nion, so much had those Gentlemen thwarted him. But neither the resentments of former indignities, nor his indeavours in his Mistresses behalf, nor the hopes of a greater Fortune, nor the consideration of his own interest, could ever so little shake him in his Fidelity. After he was arrived at Angoulesm, and that his own merit had restored him to that place of esteem, which he formerly held in her Majesties good favour, he proposed no other end in his discourse, but to set her right with the King. He presently assured her, that he suffered in the disasters to which her enemies had brought her, and not resting barely there, he made use of this com∣passion, to insinnuate himself more effectually into her soul, and to gain a greater power over her spirit, that he might improve to advantage the charms, which his complaisant humour had given him, and shewed clearly to her, that if she thought it her mis-fortune, not to be Mistress of his Majesties Person and Councel, her con∣dition would be much more to be deplored, seeing she was no better then a Slave to the designs and Wills of those who hurried her into broyls, and that she could not chuse a worse party into whose hands she might commit the management of her own interest. Hee made it evident to her, that Arms were but a weak means in France to restore people to the Government, seeing his Majesties have been ever Victorious; they who provoke him doe but totally destroy themselves. Of this truth, he produced several examples, which are recorded in all Revolts from time to time: Lastly, he convinced to her, that she might with ease re-assume that Au∣thority from whence she was fallen, would she but re-unite hers with the Kings in∣terests; that if shee should not obtain all at the first dash, shee ought to expect some thing from time, but with confident assurance, that the King her son had such natural resentments for her, that they alone would force him, to accord her whatever she could with reason expect, though he were not invited to it by her pru∣dence, or the Counsels of those who had the honour to be her servants. That du∣ring

her separating her self from his Majesty, she could hope for nothing but scorn and debility, whereas she should no sooner oblige his Majesty by restoring to him, her heart and affections, but she would find her self attended back to the Court, honoured and obeyed by all the world as she was formerly wont to be. These were some of those reasons which he laid before her; and true it is, that his Pru∣dence animated with his Fidelity, induced her to resolve upon that Accommodati∣on which hath so long kept their Majesties in a strict union, and France in so sweet a repose.

His Majesty did better understand then any other person, all the particulars of the Cardinals negotiation, and apprehended so great an esteem of his Fidelity, that he thought no consideration able to undermine it; and seeing that one, accompa∣nied with many other eminent qualities, hee was easily convinced, that he had not in his whole Kingdome, a person more capable or worthy of the Administration then himself. Who can describe with what dexterity the whole face of Affairs were changed, which before were managed but lamely and by halfs? Whereas hee conforming himself to those inclinations, which carried his Majesty to great de∣signs, perswaded him to set them forwards, and assisted him in their execution. Formerly all affairs were carried without secrecy, so that strangers had all the in∣telligence of their resolutions; which they dis-appointed and obstructed, before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot. But this great Minister, knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel, and that none are better then those which continue un∣known even after the execution, brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence, of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought. In∣deed it was so much the easier for him so to do, his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was. Formerly, every one was impatient at the obstacles and de∣lays of the Marquess de la Vieville; whereas after his establishment, all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent, for his Majesties service, were over-joyed that they were to Treat with a Minister, whose Countenance was a Throne of sweet∣ness and bounty, and whose words have so powerfull a Charm, that they still went away satisfied, what ever difficulties were proposed by them. Besides, they were constrained, as it were to pay him all respects; and the Gravity too, which the Gra∣ces have bestowed upon him, is so agreeable and taking, that the respect which it begets in the soules of men, never thwarts that love which is due unto him, and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him.

The ancient Allies of this Crown, formerly left for a prey to their enemies, be∣gan to be confident to him, as soon as ever they had known him, and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a meer defensive, they betook them to their Arms, not onely to oppose those unjust Usurpations, which were made upon them, but also to assault and set upon those who had began them. In short, as he never declared himself to be for any Faction; but on the contrary, shewed himself much averse to all Rebellions; both the Grandees of the Kingdome and Hugonots too, were not long to learn that it would become them for the future, to live within the limits of their obedience: And lastly, not being able to away with any Mutiny, he soon be∣gan to make them take some course of living, which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdome: so that every one had the content to see France flourish, both at home and abroad, and to acquire its former lustre, which hath alwaies made it ac∣knowledged to be the first Kingdome of Europe.

The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France.

THe first considerable affair, which presented it self after the Cardinals admit∣tance to the Administration, was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria, his Majesties Sister, with Charles Prince of Wales, the present King of Great Brit∣tain. The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up, knowing that if France and England were leagued together, they would become so considerable as

that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing; so he indeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alli∣ance with England; and accordingly hee proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales, giving some hopes by Paraquance, that he would restore the Pa∣latinate, though he had as little mind to deliver it, as the King of Great Brittain had earnest Passion to recover it. He held on this Treaty at least twelve years, yet finding every day new excuses, to defer the conclusion of it: But at last the King of Great Brittain, detected his deceipt, which had lain hid under those delays, and found out, that his design was onely to gain time, untill all the daughters of France were married elsewhere: at least he had great conjectures of it; to clear all, and bring it to a conclusion, he thought good that the Prince of Wales, should in person go into Spain. Hee had not been there many dayes, before it was known, both to himself and those of his Counsel, that they had been untill that time entertained with vain hopes, however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country, where he might receive much damage by it, but being return'd into Eng∣land; he informed King James his Father of it, with so much anger, that they re∣solved to break with him, rather sooner then later to avoid exposing themselves to the dis-esteem which other Princes might have of their management of this affair; and withall to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation. This re∣solve was as soon executed as concluded, and King James having summoned a Par∣liament, at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate, informed them of the many reasons which he had to beleeve, that the Spaniards had no in∣tention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty; that the onely end of their design was, to gain time and to fortifie them∣selves in the Palatinate, and so to settle themselves there, that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence, and therefore hee thought it fit no longer to hearken after it. The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease, to be∣leeve these reasons, they having testified on divers occasions, their suspicions of the Spanish tricks, and in conclusion, thought good not to regard any more their Pro∣positions of the Match. But the King of Great Brittain stayed not long there, for the Prince of Wales his son (who had now good esteem of France, and a liking for the Kings Sister whom he had seen, as he passed thorough that Court, without discovering himself) had perswaded him to give him leave to seek for that Prin∣cess in marriage, which was proposed in Parliament, and carried without much dif∣ficulty for many reasons which were there alledged; particularly, That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion, it was to be beleeved, they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholicks, as the Spaniard would have done. It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassadour into France, who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty; so that the King forth∣with made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland. The latter set forward about Mid-May. He had order first to wait on the King alone, and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate, but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal, and if rejected, not to make any more noise of it; accordingly hee met his Majesty and Compiegne, he began to consider about means to recover the Pa∣latinate, and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity, that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister. The King who understoood that Proposals of this nature, how remote soever ought not to be re∣ceived but with honour, testified that he had a great esteem of it, and forthwith debated it with his Ministers, to give him an answer; it was concluded, That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesties Sister; That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopefull: That History records above twenty Al∣liances between France, England, and Scotland: That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion, considering what had been granted to the Spaniard: That great Princesses are in this particular, in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality, by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth, so that having once lost their opportunities, they live to see the Har∣vest

of their Beauties reaped by years, without ever marrying; whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made, this result was signified to the Earl of Holland, who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy, yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty, untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty. Who upon the receiving of that news, dis∣patched with all diligence, the Earl of Carlisle, with full power to conclude the Match. The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him, that they might confer together what they had to do, and afterwards being come near to Campeign, the King hearing of it, commanded the Duke of Cheuruse, to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility, and withall to entertain them magnificently, and defray their charges during their abode at Court. The day after their arrival, they had Audience given them, and the Proposals which they made appeared so rea∣sonable, that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved, appoin∣ted Commissioners to treat with them. The Cardinal was at that time newly ad∣vanced to the Administration, but he made it apparent, that he was not a Novice in the management of it; for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty, he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation; but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business, that he could not enough admire his Prudence.

Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match, hee represented to him, that England once leagued with France by this Alliance, there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes, since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France, to re-establish them; which being so, their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria, but over∣poize them too, with never so little assistance from those Princes: That the happy successe which would follow, would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State, as discredit and confusion to his enemies: Moreover, that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots, this marriage would be of great use, as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain, from assisting them, as also, because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Ro∣chel; in short, That there was great hopes to beleeve, the Princess might much ad∣vance the Catholick Religion in England, if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband. So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse, judging it requisite, to use addresse and pru∣dence for the speedy effecting of it.

The King did very wel relish the Consideration, and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty, his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs, and quickneth expeditions, did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct, that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion; and that which I finde in it most to be admired, is, That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture. England also did forthwith joyn with France, to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany, that he might at∣tempt the re-establishment of the Palatine; and the year following, the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King, which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel. The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse, without the ill conduct of some who accom∣panied the Princess, and without the death of King James. For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France, that one day he openly said be∣fore divers Lords of the Court, that the King had gained more upon him, then any of his Predecessors, and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives, but his own too, in defence of his interests, and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France; and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion, if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the mar∣riage consummated; for the Passion which he had already in her behalf, though he had never seen her was so sensible, that he was heard say, with a great deal of ten∣derness, which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature;

That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter, nor that of the Prince his son, without leave from the Queen her Mother, but withall that he was much bound to her, because after she had read them, she laid his under her Pillow, but his sons in her Bosome, to shew that she did rely upon him, and lodge his son in her heart.

Politick Observation.

ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Prin∣cipal means, which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome. By them it is, that we o••ten see those great fires of War which con∣sumed them, extinguished, and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people. Thus Hugh the Earl of C••a••lins son, by his Marriage with Alice, Inhe∣ritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn, restored peace to both, who had along time groaned under the miseries of War. Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orl••ance were allayed for some time, by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus, second (son to the Duke of Orleance, who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn) with Katharine of Burgogn. And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples. Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice, upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei, whereby to ob∣literate, the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them. But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages. For how often have Princes inlarged thei•• bounds by that means? Who knows not that the House of Austria, had not been thus Potent, but by Alliances, and that the marriage of Heti••gis▪ Inheritrix of Ʋltrich, Burg, Longravat, and Alsace, with Albertus sirnamed the Sage; of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria, Carintia, Tyrol, and Go∣ricie, with the Emperour Albertus the first; of Jane Inheritrix of Castile, Arra∣gon, S••cili••, and Naples, with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria; of Anne Inheri∣trix of Hungaria and Bohemia, with the Emperour Ferdinand the first, brother to Charles the Fifth, have been the true Rise of its Grandure, which was inconside∣rable at that time, they had no other honour, but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland? Besides, Princes allyed by marriage common∣ly joyning their Forces together, do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion, and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power. Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match, be∣tween Charles Duke of Burgogn, with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York, and Sister to Edward King of En••l••nd, which would have joyned the Eng∣lish Forces with those of B••rgogn, by demanding that Princess for Charles his bro∣ther, though he had no intention to marry him to her, he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion, with an enemy so Potent as she was. It is true, if the Aliance of France with England, was then thought to be disad∣vantagious to the good of France; yet now, that which may be concluded on with them, is of so much the greater concernment, because having nothing more to do, then to ballance the house of Austria, it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design, then by this means; for this being one of the power∣fullest Kingdomes in Europe, will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns, with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance. France cannot hope that England would (upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever) relinquish their own particular interests, seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them; but it will have good reason to beleeve, that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour, or some great Consideration; and on the contrary, that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes, where they could receive nothing but Glory. After all, F••ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them, might much damage us, and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs, which would follow, if it were left undone, and by that means to pre∣vent the uniting of our enemies with them.

The Cardinal knew, That that Minister who hath a care of the Church inte∣rest, draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State▪ Accordingly, he did particularly imploy himself, to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England. The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence, that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular, but imagined as their Ma∣ster did, that the diversity of Religion which was in France, would induce them, not to be too earnest; only of an Assurance, that the Princess and those of her re∣tinue, should have free liberty to exercise that Religion, whereof they made pro∣fession; but the Cardinal quickly told them, That the King his Master, being more obliged by divers Considerations, to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard, they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they.

He represented to them that his Majesty, being the eldest son of the Church, and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed, if he pro∣ceeded upon other terms; besides, that this Alliance could not be concluded, with∣out the consent of the head of the Church. That it would be ill received at Rome, if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourab••e to the Catholicks, then those which were granted to the Spaniards. To which for the present the Embas∣sadors replied, That the King their Master, had not procured the Parliaments con∣sent for this Alliance with France, and breaking off that with Spain, but in conside∣ration, that they would not have been so strict, in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks; and withal, that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences, which would in time happen to their State. The Cardinal was not wanting to reply, that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament, were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced, that their Treaty was onely feigned, and that they had other designs, then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales, and as for what related to the Peace of the State (he answered) that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks, could not trouble it, seeing experience hath eviden∣ced it on a thousand occasions, that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions, then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of re∣ligion, That, that is it, which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience, and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince, who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced: That in truth, Re∣ligion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out, before it be fully set∣led in the soul; but after that, it will be so far from being changeable by force, that rather on the contrary, violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more; be∣cause those things are more difficult then the, care which ought to be had for their conservation. That in effect, this Maxime was verified in France, where the li∣berty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace, had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war. These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it. But it was not sufficient to perswade them, the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull. It cannot be denied, but there were great hopes of obtaining it, considering his particular inclination, he himself being well disposed to be converted, and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the prin∣cipal difficulties, in the Catholick Beleef, and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun (sent at his intreaty by the King, to sound him upon some other points) to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catho∣licks in London; indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous, lest the Parliament should not consent to it, they having a great power in the resolution of affairs. This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it, to send the Marquess de Effiat into England, in the quality of an extraordinary Embassa∣dour, to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage. In his instructions were particular orders, to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain, to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour,

and moreover, to tell him in particular, that considering the Parliament was com∣posed of Protestants and Puritans, he ought to suspect them on this occasion, that himself being party against them, there was no apparence of any reason, to de∣lay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest; Moreover, that it was danger∣ous for a Soveraign, to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion, see∣ing that it teacheth to despise life; and who so despiseth his own life, is master of any other mans, of what condition so ever he be. That this constraint is repug∣nant to the safety of Kings, of which in History are many examples, especially in these latter ages. These reasons were very considerable, but withall the Marquess D' Effiat, followed them home with such address, and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings, as they had done upon his Embassadours minds, who indeed did much contribute by their Letters, to bring it to a resolution.

Articles of Marriage, between the King of Great Britain, and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France.

THe Negotiation was so fortunate, that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks, and accordingly, his Ma∣jesty gave command to his Embassadours, to accord it, and on the 10th. of No∣vember, they were signed by them with the Cardinal, upon these conditions: That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion, together with all her Officers and their children; that to this purpose, she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses, a Bishop and twenty eight Priests, to administer the Sacrament, Preach Gods Word, and doe such other Offices as their Function required.

That the children which should be born of this marriage, should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess.

That all the Domesticks which she carried into England, should be French and Catholicks, chosen by the most Christian King, and they dying, she might take o∣thers into their place, French and Catholicks, by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain.

Moreover, that both the King of Great Brittain, and Prince of Wales his son, should bind themselves by oath not to attempt, by any means whatsoever, to make her change her Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it, and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order, that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular, which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty.

That the English Catholicks, should not be any more hunted after for their Re∣ligion, nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion, and that such seizures of their Goods, as had been made since the last Act, should be restored to them.

And generally, that they should receive more liberty and favour, in respect of the Alliance with France, then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty.

This was as much as could be desired for the present, in behalf of Religion, until the Princess (who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul, which could render a Princess beloved) should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit, and the Prince of Wales her husband, and so finish the re∣mainder, which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour, with the more confidence, because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands, and Father in Law, when they are once intirely loved by them.

Politique Observation.

THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince, from the Prin∣cess whom he marries; Women have so natural an art to perswade men, and to lead them to what they desire, that there is hardly any thing impossible for them

to do: Their beauty alone hath such strong charms, that they imprint in the soul, by their eyes, all the affections they have a mind to, and the Love wherewith they are cherished, gives them so great a power, that if they have never so l••ttle ingenu∣ity, one cannot defend himself from their perswasions, and if it be thus true in ge∣neral, it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them. History, is so full of Proofs of this nature, that one must be altogether ignorant, if he knows not, that the divine Providence, hath di∣vers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose. Thus Clotil••a daugh∣ter to the Duke of Borgogn, was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband, imbraced the Christian Religion, and banished Idolatry out of his States.

I••g••nd Sister to Childebert King of France, being married to Hermenegild, King of the G••ths, converted him to the Holy Ch••ist••an Faith.

Chie••umte, daughter to the King of Mer••e in England, married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint.

Th••••d••linda. wife to ••••g••lulph, King of the Lombards, perswaded him and a great part of his people, to lay by their false Gods, and to live under the L••ws of he Gospel.

Gizel, daughter to H••nry Duke of Bavier, and Sister to the Emperour, Henry the first, being married to Ste••h••n the first of that name, King of Hungaria, made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in ••race the F••••th of Jesus Christ, and thus many others of the like examples do verifie, that Q••eens have ever had a great power in this particular, and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith, The unb••lieving Husband, shall b•• sanctifiedly the be∣lieving Wife. Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory, besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive, that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons, that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages.

In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Re∣ligion and the State, his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister. It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns, which his Majesty gave her in marriage, that she should renounce all successions either Paternal, Maternal, or Collateral, which might befall unto her; and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother, the Queen Mother, so to do she did renounce, and the King of Great Britains. Embassador, did ratifie it, that in future no such pretensions might arise, to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes, as formerly had been. Withall, he took such tender care of all advantages for her, that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever.

It was agreed upon by his care, that the Prince deceasing without issue, the mo∣ny should be totally restored to her, to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France.

That if he had children by this marriage, there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned, the other being moveable, that the last twenty of the third part, should be made a yearly rent to her, during her life, that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling, por annum. returning French mony, at sixty thousand Crowns rent, which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses, one of which should be such, and accordingly furnished that she might make her usuall residence there.

That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her, by the King of Great Britain, as a marriage favour, which should remain to her and hers, as well as those which she then had, as also such as she should have in future.

That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices, in those lands which should be given her in Dower, and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie

or an Earldome, that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood, to return into France, whether she had children, or not, that in case she should return, the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis, with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality.

That her house should be furnished with such dignity, and should be filled with as many Officers, as any Princess yet had, or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain, upon the late Treaty which had been proposed. Briefly, that for the as∣surance of these conditions, he, of the two Kings, who should be deficient to ac∣complish what belongeth on his part to do, should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other, as a penalty for breach of them.

This was as much security as could be had for the present, but one thing is not to be forgotten, which was, that all the Treaty, all the promises given and taken, and all the Acts which were concluded on, passed in the Kings name, as the Person, to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain, and which he might do according to his own pleasure, and upon such conditions as he should think fit; whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on.

Custome, may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void▪ if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed. The Popes have found by the Canon Law, that they have this Power: Particularly Alexander the third, who when a Bishop asked him the Question, whether Marriage between the Chil∣dren of two Gossips were allowable, answered him, yes, in case the custome of the Country did permit it. But I shall say moreover, that the same Pope hath de∣clared that there might be such Customes in France, which might annull marriages, though on the other side, those of Rome may license them. According to that answer, which was made to the Bishop of Amiers, who desiring to know if a mar∣riage made with a Eunuch were good, was answered, that the general custome of the French Church, was to dissolve it, and he was contented so to permit it, though the Roman Church used the contrary. It is the Custome of France, that no Prin∣cesses or Ladies of great quality, whose marriages may be of concern to the State, may marry, but by and with the Kings order and consent. The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable, in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England, who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld, with Bauldwin grand Forrestier, and afterwards first Earl of Flanders▪ he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates & Clergy of France. assembled at Senlis, though she were at her own disposal, by her first marriage and royalty, though Pope Nicholas the first, would have pickt a quarrel at it, and have confirmed it. Some one perchance, not well informed, may suppose, that this Pope wanted courage, but there is no reason for it: seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife, leaving his first, though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue▪ did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife, and to receive his first; as also to dispossess two Bishops, who had Abetted the dis∣order; the true reason is, he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Ju∣dith to re-marry without the Kings consent. The third Race, affords us another proof, reported by a Historian▪ who deserves so much the rather to be credited, he being generally known for one of the enemies of France. It was the marriage contracted by Proxy, between Maximilian, and Anne of Brittain. It's true, it was not consummated as that of Judith was; but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings. His Majesty making use of his Power, declared it Null, by reason of that default. In fine, it was allowed for naught, and both parties remained Free, Maximilian afterwards marrying Mar∣garet of Milan; and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain, and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages.

If these examples evince to us, the Antiquity of this Custome, and how the Church hath allowed of it, we cannot suspect or doubt, but that they are grounded upon just reasons, seeing the marriages of persons of such quality, are of great importance

to the State, and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War, and serve for a Stair-Case to such, who aspiring higher then they ought, raise enterprizes against the So∣veraignty, as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed; it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on, that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent. So that neither men or women who have had them in their posses∣sion, did never make a difficulty to promise, either by Oath, or any other assurance, that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and ap∣probation.

Philippes Auguste, took security of Mahaut, Countess of Flanders, that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn, should separate, she should not re-marry without permission. Philip Earl of Namur, promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders, his Neeces, whose Guardian he was without his consent. Jane Countess of Flanders, promi∣sed by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King, that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort, but with his allowance. Jane daughter to Philip of Bur∣gogn, being delivered to King John, by the Treaty between him, and the Earl of Savoy, amongst other things it was then concluded, that she should be married where his Majesty should think fit•••• provided it were not to the Daup••ine his eldest son. And Francis Duke of Brittain, ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight, not to marry either of his two daughters, without his advise, under the penal for∣feiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold, and for the greater security, he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee.

The Deputation of Father Berule, to his Holiness, to obtain a Dispen∣sation for the above-mentioned Marriage.

THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father, made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty, That in consideration of that diversity of Religion, between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected, to obtain the said Dispensation, the Cardinal propo∣sed to the King, to send Father Berule, Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory, and to commit the charge of it to him, as a person capable of such a ne∣gotiation and whose Piety (which amongst the People is extreamly recommend∣able) might take off all shadows or apparencies, which the weakness of their sen∣ses, or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it. It should seem he did fore-see that Fury, wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage. So angry they were, that they had not prevented it, not reflecting, that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world, that they would have done the self-same thing. But that I may not be hindred by those outragious spee∣ches, which proceeded from those spirits puft up with Ambition, who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them, and to oppose their unjust designs. I shall inform you, that the instruction, which was give to Father Berule was, to go to Rome with all diligence, and to obtain the Dispensati∣on from the Pope, to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness, That the King of Great Brittain, having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the Kings Sister, in marriage, for the Prince of Wales his son, his Majesty was the more in∣clinable, to hearken to the Proposition, because hee looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English; as heretofore a French Princess married into Eng∣land, had induced them to imbrace Christianity. But that the Honour which hee owed to the Holy Chair, and in particular to his Sanctity, who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism, in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth, had not per∣mitted him to conclude upon the Treaty, before the obtainment of his Dispensati∣on. That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest, not onely of the Ca∣tholicks in England, but of all Christendome, who would receive great advantages by it, that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princesse, seeing she is as firm, as

could be desired both in the Faith a•••• Piety. That she should have a Bishop•• and eight and twenty Priests, to do all Offices. That she should have none but Catholicks in her Houshold. That the King of Great Brittain, and the Prince of Wales, would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath, not to solicite her directly or indirectly, neither by themselves, or any other persons, to change her Religion: Moreover, that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princesse, there were great hopes, that she might be intirely beloved by the King (who was well disposed already to become a Catholick) and by the Prince of Wales, That shee might the more contribute to their conversion, in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Father-in-Laws, when Love hath gotten any power in their affections. That for her part, she was so zealous in Religion, that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design: That admitting God should not succeed her i••tentions either upon King James, or the Prince of Wales, there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed, seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholique Religion until they were thirteen years old; and that their first seeds of Piety, having being instilled into their souls, and cultivated with carefulnesse, when they became capable of good Instructions, might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits, that is, so strong a Faith, as might not be shaken by Heresie in a riper age. And after all, That the Catholiques of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it, seeing both the King of Great Britain▪ and the Prince of Wales, his Son, would oblige themselves by wor•• and deed, not to hunt them out▪ or when they were discovered, to punish them: To free out of Prison all such as were layed up; to restore them their Monies and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act, if they were possible to be had; and generally to treat them with more favour, than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on. Lastly, he had order to inform the Pope, that to render a greater respect to the Church, he had con∣ditioned, that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholique form, like that which was observed they Charl••s the Ninth, in the Mariage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth, then King of Navarr.

These things spoke in their own behalf, and were so eminently visible, that no doubt could be made of them. The Father Berule too, wanted neither Ability nor Good-will, but represented them to his Holyness with such dexterity, that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer. 'Tis true, the Pope would not grant him a dispence without conferring with the Cardinals, that he might give no jealousie to Spain, who had been dealt with in the very same manner, when they desired a Dispensation for the In••anca, but they were of his own naming, and such as no one could think, were more subject to Passion than Justice. So they met di∣vers times about it, and though it were with the ordinary delayes of the Court at Rome (without which they esteem no affair, can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough) yet in sine, they referred the expediting of the Di∣spensation to the Popes pleasure. All that was cross in the business, was barely this. Father Boriel•• being naturally addicted to refine all things, was perswaded, that there had not been assurances strong enough, obtained from the English for the securing and hindring the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princesses children; the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion; the continuation of forcing English Catholiques to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catho∣lique Religion, and the holy See, though indeed it had been expresly concluded and agreed on, That the King of England and Prince of W••l••s should engage both by Writing and Oath, not to enforce them any more. However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit (not acquainting the ••ieur••d•• Bethune with it, though the Cardinals Prudence had tyed up the said Father B••rul•• in his Instructions, not to doe any thing without him) to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensa∣tion, to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicu••ars.

So that he following his own sense, and specious reasons, upon which he re∣lyed, his Holyness dispatched him upon those conditions, and sent him back to the King with all diligence.

Politique Observations.

IF Piety prohibit Ministers to doe things contrary to Religion; Prudence obli∣geth them to referre the management of affairs to Persons who have the repu∣tation of an extraordinary Honesty, especially to the transacting of such things, which notwithstanding their innate Justice, may provoke any evil spirits: For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles, which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State, yet the most part, ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions, judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them. Opinion guides the whole world, and sets a price upon virtue it self; and the reputation alone of him who negotiates, may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful. If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man, he will be hardly perswaded, that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity, will engage himself in unjust designs. The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions, and the opinion which is conceived of him, is so absolute an Empire, that there is no Appeal from his Judgement. It is an ancient saying, Truth is the strongest thing in the world: But however, if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people, Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her. The prescrip∣tions of a Physitian who is in esteem, doe even passe for good: And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall. The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof, but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self. Scipio the African, would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol, pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concern∣ing the affairs of the Commonwealth, and all this he did, that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety. Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave, which he called Jupiters Grot, and thence brought them all written, perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity: And this was an easie way to per∣swade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to, God himself hath thought it very proper too, when he would bring any great thing to passe, for he hath cho∣sen usually such men, who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people be∣lieve that whatsoever they declare, could not be but truth: He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men, and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice, with the many graces, that it were almost impossible for the most part not to be∣lieve them.

The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador.

AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope, and that the Articles of Ma∣riage had been coucluded, upon the twentieth of November, His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-cler••s, one of his Councellors and Secreta∣ry of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador. He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales, the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intel∣ligence, and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to a∣gree to the Mariage, was the consideration, that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood, this would render it indissolvable. After these Complements were once past, he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ra∣tified,

and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words. He discharged himself with honour, both to the one and t'other Commission; and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance; he at last con∣cluded with such dexteritie, that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France; and in particular for his Majesties Interests, and so invi∣ted them to a quick consummation of the Treatie, that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change. This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised, and which both of them were readily disposed to effect, and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evange∣list not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Ro∣man Catholique Apostolique Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it. They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which con∣cern'd their Religion, than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain, not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church, and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion, provided they exercised it in private, and lived in obedience, as good Subjects ought to doe; and finally, both of them signed and delivered two Deeds, for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises. After all this, his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques, so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it; and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage, there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake, without being any more troubled for the future; and for what related to all in general, there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal, directed to the Lord Conway, Secretary of State, commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd, that it was his Majesties plea∣sure, no farther prosecution should be made against them: and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor, Treasurer, to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and to all other chief Officers; principally requiring the Grand Treasurer, to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer, with order not to do the like hereafter; and thus by obtaining their Promises Words, and Assurances, they had as much secu∣rity as they could wish for, could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse.

Politique Observation.

THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred, that ours have some∣times scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath, of what they once gave upon their words. It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England, at the Camp neer St. Aubin, Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice, if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence, by the Prior of St. Martin the fields. Indeed, there being nothing more inviolable than the word of a Prince, it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity, or to desire his ratification by Oath. The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration, that another swore for him; now to de∣sire that he himself should swear, were to decline that respect which is due unto him. However, the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom, that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath, when they are of any great importance; which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in. The Laws look upon it for so venerable▪ that they never permit it to be broken, what ever advantage hap∣pen by it. Perjury is condemned as a double sin, because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God, who is invoked as a witness, but also Faith,

which is the most sacred Bond of humane society. Which Laws too, do oblige Princes much more then other men, to keep their Oaths, because if they once for∣feit their reputation of being faithfull, they have not any thing left them which is considerable.

Christians ought to be most precise in this point, if they would not be put to the blush, at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels. It is much to be lamented, that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation; that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths, if they may but get any thing by it, they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius, (though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity) who thought the Art of well-lying, a great piece of vertue, and that it was an Index of a good Wit.) then that of the Common-wealth of Rome; which was so religiously faithfull for their words, that Ptolomey King of Egypt, left his young son their tuition and protection, without the least apprehension of suspition. Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity, as soon as he came of age, they deli∣vered up the Kingdome into his own hands.

The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland.

AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign, the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw, & d' Esten, extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Holla••d came likewise thither, to desire his Majesties Assistance, and the renewing of the ancient Alliance. The League being ended, and the enemies of their Liberties, beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine. The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies, then to keep his own People in obedience, received them with all kind of favour, and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires. His Majesty knew, that their Protection was Honourable, that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed, that what Assistances he gives them, are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity, and withall that it was full of Justice. The History of Holland had taught him, that the Prin∣ces of Austria, by their altering the Fundamental Laws, and oppressing the pub∣lick Liberty of those Countries, had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them, that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Autho∣rity, to shake off the yoke of their obedience, by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland. An ancient saith, that Power is full of equi∣ty, which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble, and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies, those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind, and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country. This in parti∣cular was so much the more assuredly just, for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People, and upon Conditions cannot infringe them, and not lose their Authority; and especially if they break Covenants, which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience. The Hollanders were acknowled∣ged for Free and Soveraign People, in the Treaty of the League made, Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain, and Arch-Dukes of Flanders. And in the same quality have the Kings of England, De••mark, and Sweden, the most part of the Hans Towns, the Common-wealth of Venice, and many Princes of Germany, ever trea∣ted with them; whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises. A work of Justice so much the more certain, for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War, every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude, from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him.

Besides these important reasons, the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make, by defending of them, that it is above three∣seore years together, that they have obliged not onely this State, but the most part

of Europe to assist them, to ballance the Power of Spain, and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country, that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated; be∣sides, that it was now much more necessary, in regard the Garisons were to be esta∣blished in the Valtoline, and it would concern the State to make him some diver∣sions, that might entertain his Armies elsewhere; withall he found, that if he did assist Holland with these succours, it would ingage them to do as much for him, when occasion should require it, which was no inconsiderable thing, as Henry the Great found by experience, when he was by them assisted, against those unjust oppositi∣ons which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him: He himself too might fall into the same necessities, seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes, is like a Calm at Sea, which as it is often over-blown with storms, so that too, is no less subject to interruption, by civil or forraign Wars. These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands. And his Majesty whose greatest plea∣sure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage, gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours, of a strong succour, and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance.

His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them, and this great Minister, who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution, having determined them, concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign, by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan, three Millions, and two hun∣dred thousand Livers in three years. On condition, that they should re-imburse them, three years after the War was ended. That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever, without his advice and interposition. That if he had any occasion of Ships of War, they should furnish him either for sale or hire, at a reasonable Price. That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars, they should repay him one half of the said summs of money or assist him with Ships, according to the Proportion of that which was lent them. That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland, to be conducted to Calais or Diepe. And thus in one and the same moneth, the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable; by the resolution of the Match with England, which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests, by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries, by which he divert∣ed them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done.

Politick Observation.

IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King, certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States, for reciprocal assistance in War, do no less contribute towards it, provided they be well established. Two States well uni∣ted, are undoubtedly stronger then one alone, and as an ancient Author saith, if an enemy should prevail against one, yet two would be able to oppose him. Partner∣ship is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading, and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces, and if there be such profit to be made out of it, I suppose they are very necessary; for the divine wisdome hath so dispo∣sed all Kindomes, that they have all need one of another. Aristotle saith, nibil p••r se subsist it, nothing is able to subsist by it self onely, and if in the Microcosm, every part is needfull for one another, not excepting the most noble. God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns, with such equality, that they are never able to increase it, without mutual assistance from one another. Upon this foundation it is, that all Alliances are established. It is absurd to beleeve, that the bare friendship of Princes, can be a sufficient Bond, seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually, as is apparent to all men; for that they usually break them, when once they appear against their concernments. If ever there be occasion to unite them together, it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy, and that they would hinder his growing strength, and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours, and consequently upon themselves.

In fine, it was upon that score that the I••alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans, representing to him, that if he did not keep them in continual exercise, they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes, and then enter upon his own Country too: And it was for the same reason, that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions, allied themselves with the English, though otherwise they hated them; and that Ferdinand King of Naples, allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew, and Laurence de Medicis, that they might oppose the French, who then threatned them.

Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile, and thence sent to the Castle of Caen.

VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties, and that the Car∣dinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails, the Marquis de la Vieville, who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs, inform'd the King, that the Colonel d' Ornano, Governour to the Duke of Orleans, his Bro∣ther, took such a course as would in time trouble the State: The he had not for∣got any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur, and to gain such a power over his spirit, that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family: That before he had gained the Mounsieurs af∣fection, he made his brags openly, that he would get the Mastery over him, to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch: That he began to sow di∣strusts in the mind of that Prince, and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect, Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him: That he took advantage of his good favour, to make himself feared; and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty, of which there were many particulars, and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court. This was so much the more to be feared, for that the greatest misfortunes, and the most part of Civil Wars have no other begin∣ning, then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings. The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal, and having demanded his advice, of what was proper to be done in that occasion, he did not at all dissemble the danger, it would be, to permit this procedure of the Colonel: But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to; but on the contrary, he represented to him, that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees, provided that they would confesse their errors, especially if there be a meanes to prevent any conse∣quence of danger: That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages, and are also capable to repent them; and afterwards to doe great services: That the mo∣deration which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders, hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscar∣riage at all: That this Repentance, was the more reasonably to be hoped, from the Colonel d' Ornano, who till then had lived within those limits, which ought to be observed by those of his condition, that his Father had given him a good ex∣ample, by those services which he had done until his death: That he had in∣deed forgot himself, but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more, in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves, whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency: Moreover there was reason to hope, that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his for∣mer countenance, would make him sensible of his fault, and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surpri∣sed would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin, instead of raising him into a higher condition.

This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation; and the

King, who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice, onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano, to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit, untill he were permitted to return to the Court, but the Collonel being confident, that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him, had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order, perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him, and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances, that he might not be forced from the Court. The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible af∣fection. However, the King gave him to understand, that his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect, especially to preserve that neer friendship, wherein they had alwaies lived: So he had nothing to reply, and his Maiesty to punish the insolence, which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will, commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile, and shortly after in the Castle of Caen.

The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes, he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment, that there was not any protestation of fide∣lity left unmade by him, from his friends to his Majesty; and finally, having re∣course to the Cardinals intercession, that grand Minister, whose Counsels are ne∣ver accompanied with rigour, unless, when he is inforced by Justice, dealt so with his Majesty, that at last he procured his liberty. After the Marqness de la Ʋiville who had diverted him, had been so unhappy, his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison, and beleeving his Promises, restored him in his place with the Mon∣sieur; and withall, gratified him with a considerable sum: Whereas he, instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment, of his Liberty, or of the Benefits, which he afterwards received; threw himself upon the Intregues of women, and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men, who put it into his head, that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt, which made him conceive so great a vani∣ty, that he boasted in many places, that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur, to carry him from the Court, unless himself were made a Marshal of France.

The Collonel d' Ornano, is made Marshal of France.

THE King upon advice had, was counselled by people of Quality, either to Ar∣rest him, or make him Marshal of France, otherwise some great mishap might follow. The King was inclined to chastise him, not being able to indeavour or consent, that any such honour should be granted to him, out of fear, or to hin∣der his doing of more villanies. However, his Clemency moderated his just indig∣nation, and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe, to reduce him within his duty, and to make him carry himself better for the future. It is true, the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts, and withall begged him to pardon him, seeing in creating him a Marshal, there would be no cause of fear, for that it would be as easie then as before, to clap him up into the Bastile, and that what punishment should be inflicted on him, would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World, in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged; so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal, signalizing his Conduct by acts of mer∣cy, not less considerable, then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned.

Politick Observation.

IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince, with design to prevail against his So∣veraign, for besides that, a Soveraign grows quickly jealous, if he finde any to pertake of that Honour, which is due to himself alone. Which one thing is the or∣dinary fomentation of Civil Wars. Tiberius testified a great resentment, for that their Chief-Priests, making their prayers, to the Gods for his health, took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius, though they were neer a kin to him,

and the next successours to the Empire, he acquainted the Senate with it, as also the Priests, and briskly told them he was offended at it. The same Emperour see∣ing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother, did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse, that those Honours which were given to Wo∣men, should be moderate, and that he himself too would use the same modesty, in those which were offered to him? When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards, courting Caligula, did he not rattle him up with high language, for that he forsook the Sun setting, to adore him Rising:

Kings are so sensible in this particular, that it is not without trouble, that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children: Thus, though Philip of Ma∣cedon, did intirely love Demetrius his son, yet he was much offended, when the Macedonians followed him in Troops, and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour. But admit this jealousie do not spring up, how∣ever such like actions ought not to be allowed, seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State. It is also true, that (men not being less capable to quit their wic∣ked designs, then to hatch and contrive them) it were dangerous to drive things to extremity, and to ruine them at the same instant, they were discovered. That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion, who makes use of violent reme∣dies, upon the first beginning of a sicknesse, without staying to expect what Na∣ture might do of her own self, and that Minister is too severe, who discovering some designs against his Masters service, presently destroys the Authors of it, with∣out giving time, that they might repent themselves. Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus, for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders, before he had given leisure to those who were guilty, to repent: But on the contrary, Julius Agrico∣la, is much commended, in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledg∣ment of a fault, and did not cruelly chastise any, when there was the least hopes of amendment; above all, a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation, when he is newly admitted into affairs, and it is conducing to his Masters service, in regard it is a means to render himself beloved. The Sun at his Rising never appears bur∣ning hot, his heat is welcome and favourable, and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World; and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example, and ought to take it for granted, that whatsoever favours he shall do at the begin∣ning of his Conduct, will gain him the affection of the People, and in prosecution will heap up upon him, as much Happinesse as Glory.

The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans, and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse.

THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Orna∣no, which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down, and then again to raise him up to great Honours, were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year: For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration, and to the Superin∣tendance of the Treasuries, she was pleased so to cast him down, that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August, and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse. To speak truly, it was no such great cause of admiration, seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in, & to have taken a great delight, as it were, to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows, every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct, which accustometh all men to this Law, that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour, they must then of necessity fall back again, and that sometimes with such violence, that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities. No one can be ignorant of this truth; but as Envy doth fre∣quently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince, so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards, to write, that the Cardinal was the cause of it,

by reason of the fear he was in, least the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour.

But how little hath this Enemy of this King, as wel as of his Ministers, proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth? After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ, had of the Marquis, they made no long use of him, without be∣ing sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only. He went from St. Germans too with too much flowting, ever to invite his Majesty by his services, to make him the Minister of his Intentions. Besides, could he be so extream ignorant of the Cardinals high and eminent Genius, in perswading himself that the Cardinal could be any wayes suspitious of the Marquis's undermining his For∣tune? It were to perswade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light; it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence, seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs. Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had layen hid during the night, and maketh the Stars, which twinkle in the dark, to withdraw themselves upon his first approach. The Cardinal entering upon the Administration, and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels, was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis, and to hide under the vailes of an obscure darkness, those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendor, might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him: And who so would accuse him in this occasion, must also reproach the Sun for ha∣ving too much light, and to call that in Great Persons a Crime, which ren∣ders them the more to be admired. Every one then knew the true causes of the Marquis's disgraces, the King having given an Accompt of it to the Parlia∣ment the very day after his Arresting; that he might be accused, as his Majesty observed, to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct (which indeed was such, that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting) That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesties presence, without acquainting him with it: That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him, contrary to his order: That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted, in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons, upon his Majesty; and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those, in whom hee might put a most intire confidence, all all which is so true, that the King, that he might not take him unprovided, had of∣ten given him advice to alter his behaviour, and to become more exact in prosecu∣tion of his Orders, and more reserved in his words, and in his procedure, as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter.

After all which, his faults were so much the more known to the King, he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court, by those out∣rages wherewith he had provoked them, when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them, and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits, which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty, as soon as ever he was entred upon the Treasury. For they being once so provoked, wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it, and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers, who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain, to his own profit and his Father in Laws, the Sieur de Beaumarchais, one of the Treasurers; all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison.

Politick Observation.

NO one can doubt, but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs, finds them in disorder, is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them; but the Laws of Prudence teach us, that it ought to be with moderation and affability,

without which, he doth like a rash Physitian, who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion, and using too much rigour towards his Patient, doth so move and heat his natural temperature, that his sicknesse by it, is rather increased then di∣minished. It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extre∣mity to another, and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred, which will not onely render all his designs and labour to no purpose, but also expose him too to very great dangers. The first Actions of a Minister are they, which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred, which he shall afterwards reap from the people: a harsh rigorous procedure, can procure him nothing but ill will, and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices neer this Prince; and though those Customes and Uses, which he would alter, be abuses to the State; yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together; upon which con∣sideration it will be absolutely necessary, to give them time to know better, and to disuse them by little and little. The wise Tatitus saith, he who finds an estate in disorder, shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of in∣veterated Habit, and redress it afterwards with dexterity, rather then to fall pre∣sently aboard it, and to break all in peeces by a precipitated rashness; and he fur∣nisheth us with two examples, both very considerable for their contrariety: The first is Tiberius, who finding the People in a great licentiousness, which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperour Augustus had brought them too, seemed at first not to regard it; his Prudence making him judge it improper, to treat them with severity so soon, and that it was fitter for him to dissemble with them a little while; which procedure of his gave an advantagious issue to whatsoever he de∣signed: Whereas the Emperour Galba, though a better Prince then Tiberius, was as unfortunate as rash, in that at his very first comming to the Crown, he attempt∣ed with his utmost power, to redress those dis-orders which he found: He spilt the blood of such as were Malefactors, with much severity, and shewed himself to be very covetous; which behaviour of his rendred him so odious, that not many moneths after, he was slain in the midst of Rome by his own Souldiers. It is with the People, as with a sick man, who if in a Dropsie, he have not water given him to drink, though in it self very hurtfull, throws himself into dangerous extremities, so they, if presently restrained from those Liberties and Freedomes which they had used to injoy, do run into Desperation and Fury, and eagerly push at the destructi∣on of those, whom they suppose Authors of the Alteration. Above all, it is ne∣cessary that a Minister, who would change the face of affair with time, should use a great deal of sweetnesse, and a singular Lenity in it, because insolency and impe∣tuousnesse are evil qualities, which do not at all conduce to the dispatch of Affairs, and have no other operation, then to render them odious who use it. It makes the most justifiable remedies insupportable; whereas courtesie and kindness, sweetens any anguish, and makes it passe for very reasonable. People do in some sort, rather love disorder in a Minister, provided he be tractable; then vertue, if he be hard of access, rough, or insolent. His commands will carry more Power with them, if they be accompanied with gentleness, then if set on with Force and Fury. For which reason I should wish to him the temper of Aristides, who amongst other good qualities that he had, was master of a great affability, which gain'd him the heart of all the World, so that afterwards he might do what he would himself; or the Hu∣manity of Pompey, which was such, that never any one went dis-satisfied out of his Presence; or the courtesie of Augustus whose Gates were ever open to all who would make addresses to him, and whose Petitions himself received with an admirable cur∣tesie. It is to the examples of these wise men, he ought to conform himself, not with an easinesse or too great a facility, that rather foments publick dis-orders; but with the noble couragious sweetness of Brutus, who according to Plutarch was be∣loved of all People, for his natural goodness, though the intention of his Will was so upright, that he knew not what it was to stoop to the toleration of any dis∣orders.

The Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, are advanced to the Super∣intendency of the Exchequer.

AFter the dis-favour of the Marquesse de la Vieville, his Majesty being necessi∣tated to put into his place a super-intendent; upon whose Prudence and Fide∣lity in the Administration of the Finances, he might safely rely, took advise of the Cardinal, well knowing that it is in vain to choose Officers if the are nor able well to execute their places, because they are as it were the Soul and main-spring, by which he shall arrive to any good successe.

This grand Minister then discoursing with his Majesty upon this subject did not any longer conceal those aggrievances, which several men did complain of in the Marquess de la Vieville, but thought it necessary to set two in his place. His rea∣son was, That the regulating of the Finances, wes much different from that of the Administration of the State; because if the division and envy which should arise between two Ministers, would draw on many inconveniences; yet the mis-under∣standing which might make a separation between two super-intendents, would be the more advantagious, it being somewhat impossible, that two men, who are grown jealous of one another, should divert the monies from the Treasury, either of them fearing, least his Fellow-brother should detect him. His advice was, to chuse two such as were of great Honesty, because admit that one should be corrupted in his Office, yet the other might stand firm. Besides this, he advised him to cast his eyes upon such men, whose age and experience had made them of good capacities. He thought ancient men, and such as were versed in affairs, more proper then o∣thers, because they are naturally inclined to more stayednesse, and have a greater respect and authority then young men to move the people, to submit to those Im∣positions, which shall be charged upon them: That the experience which they have by age, is the more needfull in affairs of concern, for without that experience Age doth rather make men unweildy and unapt for business; & that this same experience, is known for one of the most solid Foundations of Wisedom, of which no one can be more assured, then he who had often been deceived by Fortune, and who hath found to his cost, that he ought to trust but a few, and to be confident but of a little. Moreover, he proposed too chuse such, as were neither too poor nor too rich; not very poor, fearing least the power of disposing the Treasuries, might work upon their dispositions, to mis-imploy it to their own uses, that they might raise themselves out of their Poverty and Needinesse; not very rich, least the pow∣er and Authority which they possess might invite them to attempt whatever should be suggested to them: Above all, he advised his Majesty, not to place in such Offi∣ces of charge and trust, any, but men of understanding, and such as bad some go∣vernment in their own affairs, there being no reason to intrust the second affairs of the Kingdome with people of but an indifferent Capacity; nor no hopes but of ruine and confusion from such whose life hath been disorderly, and these are the chiefest good qualities of which a Super-intendent of the Finances ought to bee Master.

The King was not ignorant of these truths, but was glad to find them confirm'd to him, by the approbation of this grand Minister, and in prosecution of it, desi∣ring him to name some men in particular, upon whom his Majesty might cast his eys, to fill up those vacant Offices. He proposed to him the Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, as persons in whom these qualities were eminent. Their Age and Experience had made them ripe for all sorts of business; their Birth and For∣tune had favourably imparted to them the gifts of Body and Mind. Lastly, that most men gave them the Honour of esteeming them both Valiant and Loyal; so his Majesty, equally depending upon their reputation, and the Cardinals advice, honoured them with the Super-intendency. It cannot be denied, but that most of the Cardinals faithfull creatures, reflecting upon the little service, which the Sieur

de Marillac, would have done the State in his own person, took occasion to talk of it, that the should be so preferred into affairs, without remembring those extra∣vagancies of his, during the Confederacy. But such ought to consider, that re∣solutions ought not to be judged by the event, that the wisest Counsels are some∣times attended with ill success, as well as the most rash and unadvised attempts; and I shall tell them withall, that the Cardinal could hardly have imagined, how much it was to be wished, that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his, which he manifested during those troubles, in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be ma∣ster, when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State, which moderation of his, gave good cause to hope that his riper Age, had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his youn∣ger days.

Politique Observation.

SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust, which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs; as also, that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none, or to remove a person from the Gover∣ment, whose reputation and conduct, seems to ingage a Trust in him; so on the contrary, the confidence which a Minister hath of a person, who hath the repute of a great vertue (though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct) is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie. A depraved Nature can beleeve no one, hardly himselfe, whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect, that there need no great labour to make them be credited. I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses; whereas given in a little excess, they presently kil∣so doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it mo∣derately, and on the other side, if too much made use of, it causeth a thousand disast∣ers both to the State and the Minister himself. Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet; hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him; no one cometh neere him, but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design; if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect, he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him, and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion: And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself, his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of con∣versation with him. I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State, and yet being denied the liberty of presenting them∣selves, do at last hate the chief Minister, when they think themselves dis-respected. On the contrary, confidence puts the mind in great repose, gaines affection from all the world, induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome, and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs, and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests.

The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence, for they never made any diffi∣culty, to re-place those again into their Offices, whom they had formerly removed. They recalled Camillus whom they had banished, made him Dictator, honoured him with the Consul-ship, and General of the Army under Marcus L••vius com∣mand, whom they disgraced: And the Emperour Augustus, instead of punishing Lucius Cinna, who whould have attempted upon his person, had such confidence in him, that he not onely did not distrust him, but advanced him to the Consul-ship, and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him, that he was ever after very faithfull, and very affectionate to all, which concerned him: Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable, and they who have heretofore been incendiaries, may turn to be faithfull servants: Whence it comes, that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men, is that it be not with excesse, not totally and absolutely to lay

by, and reject all who have been culpable of evil management, but to examine the true cause of their disorder, whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident, if the occasion which induced them, be removed or not, and whether there be good ground to beleeve, that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition, judging so much the more favourably of those who are re∣puted vertuous, because the integrity of a Prince, and his principal Minister of State, is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy; but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct, if they abuse that confidence which it had of them.

The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre, is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France, by the death of Monsieur de Sillery.

FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville, for the advancement of these two Councellors of State, death would also take its turn to shew its power; giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery, to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre, to the charge of Chancellour of Franch. This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb, after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time, both in matters of his Counsel, the Seal, and his own particular importment: whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him, not long before by those bad Offices, which the Marquess de la Vieville did him (who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him) was but a Triumph to his vertue. He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister, to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery, that he might be eased of the trouble of the world. He made known both to his confident friends who visited him, and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters, that this change, wrought not upon his Constancy, and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind. He told them, that he had alwaies held it for a max∣ime, to consider Accidents by their true cause, which is the divine Providence, and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer, it were but reasonable to conform our wills, to those orders which are established here upon earth; that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places, doth not follow so much their persons, as their fortunes; and that the solitude wherein he now was, made him find it so by experience, that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants; that in fine, he in-joyed a great liberty, such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable im∣ployments; that the sweetnesse which he found in it, invited him to lament their condition, who were still bound to such Slaveries: And that lastly, the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty.

It was a middest such prudent meditations, that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court, untill at last death came to put a peri∣od to his days, but left his Glory and Reputation fresh and alive in the memories of all, who knew him. After his death, his Majesty gave the Chancellorship to Monsieur de Halligre, which was done by the Cardinals advice, who would by no means divert his Majesty from raising of him unto this utmost pitch of Honour, which was usually accorded unto such as were Treasurers at that time, and upon such an occasion; not that he was ignorant, that his Age rendered his Mind somewhat too weak for the weight of such a charge; for the well performance of which, it was not enough, barely to have acquired the Ornaments of a singular Honesty, which was however very commendable: But he could not resolve to dis-counte∣nance him, it being his first entrance upon the Administration, and early dayes with him; so that he rather aimed to supply the others defects, by his own proper inge∣ny, which was able enough to defend the State from suffering, as to hinder him from his advancement; withall he hoped, that giving him often, the honour of ad∣mitting him to be neer him, he might form him by his Counsels, and render him

more capable and vigorous in the trans-acting of great Affairs. He though too, that his redoubled cares for some small time, might be requited in future, which in∣vited him to take that trouble upon himself, as also, because he would not cast off a person, whom he found Keeper of the Seal, and in reputation of a Sublime virtue.

Politick Observation.

TO judge with certainty of the ability or insufficiency of a man, for management of great affairs, is a thing very difficult. If it often happens that the most active souls do not well away with affairs of little concernment, it is not lesse com∣mon, to see some who make themselves be admired as in indifferent imployments, who being raised to those of a little higher degree, acquit themselves very badly. To verifie which, Vespasian being over-seer of the Scavangers (before he came to the Empire) committed so many mis-carriages, that the Emperour commanded his cloaths to be daubed all over with filth and dirt; but when Fortune had once raised him up to be Soveraign, he soon made it evident that the evil conduct, for which he was once blamed, proceeded from nothing but to shew that he was not born for love and mean actions. Men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small, low imployments, that they give but a slender character of their abilities: On the other side, some have attained to a great reputation, in the discharging of small affairs, and in prosecution of time being advanced to those of greater weight, have found their ruine and confusion in them. Galba may serve for an example of it, seeing before he was Emperour, he shewed so much Prudence in the dispatching those affairs which were committed to him, that every one conceived a very great esteem of him, but being come to the Empire, he soon lost it. If any one de∣mand a reason of it, I suppose there is none but this; that as there ought to be a proportion between Causes and Effects, that they may operate within the Sphere of their power, so men ought to be adopted to charges in imployments, conform∣able to their capacities and sufficiencies; for that mens minds have certain bounds prescribed to them, within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause; but if you advance them above, or depresse them below those Spheres, they shew nothing but debilities and mis-carriages. It was in this respect that Tacitus speaks of Poppeus Sabinus, when he said that he was sufficient∣ly capable of those imployments which were intrusted with him, but not of any higher. Titus Livy was not much out of the way too, when speaking of the Di∣ctatorship of Lucius Quintius Cicinnatus, he said, that he had a courage equal to his charge, but not great enough to be General of the Army. Now in this incer∣tainty, it should seem to relish somewhat of injustice; peradventure too of im∣prudence in a Chiefe Minister, to oppose the advancement of a man whom hee finds in imployment, and in the reputation of an honest integrity. It would relish, as I said, of Injustice; because his integrity and conduct, re∣duct, represent him for deserving, and of imprudence too, because vertue having the property of pulling down a hatred upon those who oppresse it, it will certainly gain him the dis-esteem and dis-affection of the people, should he have hindred the t'others good fortune; besides the noblest glory of a powerfull man consists in being able to hurt, but at that same times to do most good to all men, especially to those who are vertuous. A man may easily be perswaded that a Minister is vertu∣ous, if he favours persons of merit; and on the contrary, that he hath none but wicked designs, if he bring them into disgrace, and of this he ought to take the greater consideration upon his first entrance into the Government, because he hath then the fittest opportunity of gaining upon the Peoples affections. Alexander knew of what concernment this particular was, when as a certain Lord of his Retinue complained that he gave no estate to any but persons of great vertue, he was an∣swered by him that he courted vertue, that she her self might pay him Homage over all the world.

Enquiries into the Misdemeanours of the Finances.

THE Sieur de Marillac being honoured with the Super-intendency of the Fi∣nances, his unquiet spirit could not rest long time without giving some object to his violence, the Finances he levelled at, and soon set them into such confusion, that they who behaved themselves in their charges with the greatest innocency, knew not where to hide their heads, It is true, that it was so much the more impor∣tant, to the good of the State, to represse those mis-demeanours of many, who did openly squander away the Kings monies (which are the Sinnews both of the State and War) in that their ill management did necessitate the imposing of new Taxes upon the People, in that they deprived particular men of such summs as the King had granted them, not onely by way of gratification, but sometimes of just∣ice; and in that these unjust dealings gave means to many amongst them, to make vast expences (a dangerous example to the publique) Yet should hee have had for-born driving those enquiries to that height which he did, and from infusing into the Kings Soul such a sharpnesse against them, that they all past for criminals indiffe∣rently together in his Majesties opinion.

The order which was followed was this, There was out of each Parliament one Councellour elected by them, who was reputed of extraordinary integrity to be for∣med into a Court of Justice to them, were joyned certain Masters of Requests, and two Presidents of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris. Leave was given to all In∣formers, who would appear to give in their complaints against any Officer, or his Deputy, to the Procurator General, and there was so exact an Inquisition made of all their deportments, that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm, which was falling down upon them. This Court continued from the end of October of this year, untill May in the year following; however it was with more threats then punishments, there being onely one put to death and some few in Effigie.

Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence, to imploy that Benignity which is natural to him, towards the mo∣derating his Majesties just anger against them, as well to testifie upon his first entrance into the Administration, that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors; as also in regard it was necessary to terrifie and affright those who were culpable, to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice. But in the end, seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick, with an ap∣prehension either of loosing their Honours, or their lives, and to compare them∣selves in good earnest, as much as could possibly be desired, and withall to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons, to establish such orders in the Treasuries, that it should be impossible to divert any of the monies, or to defraud any persons of such sums, as his Majesty should order to be payed unto them, he then became the Mediator of their Peace. It is true, it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past, and setting up a better order for the future; for he brought them to condiscend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers, and for the better kee∣ping them in aw, it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up, to inquire into their Actions, and he procured such order to be established in the Finances, that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errours. The King was so exasperated against them, that it was no little difficulty to per∣swade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for. But hee, knowing that the ways of reason, are those by which his Majesty is to be regained; he so followed them, that he soon re-placed him in his usual moderateness of tem∣per, and representing to him, that it was Clemency was that virtue, which made Princes like unto the Divinity, that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers, how culpable soever, that their offence was not more criminal then that of Rebellion, in which the major part of the French, had in several Wars hereto∣fore been imbroyled, that he would have so much the lesse reason, ever to repent of

the favour he should do them; for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du Mayne, after he had reduced him to his obe∣dience, viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace, was the pardon∣ing of Rebels, That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon, see∣ing they had no other punishment then Banishment for Robbing of Publique Trea∣sury. That the end of a great Prince, is rather to make his Officers good, then to chastize them. That it was enough thus to punish their Purses, so that they might both remember it, and suffer for it; that Vespasian had given him a very commend∣able example, when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Trea∣suries, in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire, and that he looked upon them as a Meadow, which is mowed at some time or other, or as upon Spunges which are squeezed, when a man would get any thing out of them.

These reasons were so unanswerable, and made such an impression upon the Kings mind, that following the instincts of his natural Bounty, he resolved to par∣don them. Accordingly, he Repealed the Chamber of Justice, and accorded to them the favour which they desired, and they established such Orders and Rules, which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests, to live very stayedly.

Politick Observation.

IT is no new thing to see the Publick Exchequer ill governed. The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks, as Polybius and Chirisophus, in Zenophon witnesse, the latter of which reproacheth them with it, that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark, who might not be reproved for it. Aristides general Treasurer of Athons, manifested publickly, that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republick, not onely in his time, but before, had robbed them of a good quantity, not so much as excepting Themistocles. Gylippus, did divert a great part of those Riches; which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his, under the Tyles of his house. When he sayd, if one should look in such a place, he might find good store of Owls; meaning Gold and Silver, upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl, by reason of the Athenians, which was accordingly sifted out, and deliver∣ed into the hands of the Ephores, who punished him very severely for it. For the same fault amongst the Romans, was Sylla accused by Consorinus, who grounded his indictment upon this, That he having but little wealth left by his Father, inso∣much that he was forced to lodge in a hired house, and was now become excessively rich. It would be easie to produce many of the like examples, not but there have been in all ages, honest, upright men, in whose hands the Publick Treasuries have been regulated, with much fidelitie, and who have not deserved lesse praise then Pericles, of whom Thucydides reports, that he had not increased by one onely dragm of Silver, the Estate which his father left him, notwithstanding the great imployments he had in the Treasuries. But I can tell you, there have been some Persons in the Ages last past, who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Trea∣sury, that they have gloried in being made rich by it.

If this Crime then be so ancient, the use of punishing them, being once convict is as old, the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it, in the examples of Gylippus, Lisander, and many others; but must he not needs be very imprudent, who would not punish them at all, seeing the defrauding of a Treaty, is a Poyson, which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles: And lastly, which decays its vigour, that it is rendred uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious. Ves∣pasian, as Suetonius saith, inforced the Receivers of his Treasury, to render an ac∣compt of what they received from their fathers, and to restore him the surplusage, as if they had robbed him of it.

The Laws of France are more severe, and they have been often executed, against the greatest of the Kingdome, amongst others, Father de la Berche Engneraud de

Marigny, le Sieur de Giac, & Camus de Beaulieu, were convicted of this Crime, under King Philip, Lewis his son, and Charls the 8th. and accordingly condemned to die for it.

Philip de Valois made an Assembly very remarkable, of the three States, in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers, render an accompt, and to intrust the dis∣posal of the Publick Money, into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men; who it was hoped, would manage them with more Fidelity. In fine, a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby, and they had joyned to them for Counsel, four Bishops, and four Knights. Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France, was then clapt up in Prison, and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines.

The Affairs of the Valtoline.

AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State, the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline; but that I may write it with more perspi∣cuity. I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair, and to observe to you, that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps, not unlike a great Ditch, separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons, and those which are on the Coast of Italy. It is not of very large extent, not being above twenty leagues in length, and one in breadth, but is very fertile, and of great importance, serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians, to bring Forces out of Germany into Ita∣ly, as well to defend as to increase their States. The Venetians were not ignorant of it, when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth, Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it, to have free passage through it, as their occasions should require, though France had the onely Power to dispose of it, according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th. and renewed by Henry the Great, Anno 1602. during the time of his own life, the life of the pre∣sent King, and eight years after his decease. Which Alliance with them, gives great offence to the Spaniards, which caused them to make another League with the Grisons, to whom the same Passages were assured, for the safeguard of Milan: However after a long Treaty made in the year, 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey, and that of France re-setled; it is true, it was not for any long time, because the Venetians having been at variance, with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, and the house of Austria, sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons, who contracted another league with them, which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs, insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them; that of Plauta for the Spaniards, and that of Deslia for the Venetians, which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day. The difference was such, that from the year 1617, to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them, in which sometimes one party, sometimes another had the better of it. At last the Valtolines, annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions, which the Protestant Grisons used over them, and otherwhiles pretending that they would a∣bolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them, they made a general revolt, and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan, massacred all the Protestants they met with. In July 1620, the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cru∣ell act, whereas they to secure themselves, from the revenge which they expected, had recourse to the Governour of Milan, who glad at heart to make an advan∣tage in this occasion, was not backward in sending them souldiers, and building them Forts in their Valley.

The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession, could not succour the Grisons with his Armies; but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere, extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain, to require, and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored, and all things re-placed into their former state and condition. The Marshal took extraordi∣nary

paines to procure it, and at last obtained it, and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid, in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there, and with a Proviso, that the Can∣tons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon.

But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty, procured the Catholique Cantons, by their mony, to deny their consents, which one thing being deficient, they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty; and moreover, made one at Milan, with the Deputies of the Grisons, and two o∣thers, with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold, by which they got great advantages in those Countries, and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country.

This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous, as also the Princes of I∣taly and Germany, which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Au∣stria, and having made their complaints to his Majesty, his Majesty, who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons, concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice, in February 1623, for the executing the Treaty at Madrid, and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline.

This League made the King of Spain suspect, that they began to smel the U∣surpation which he had made, so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to pre∣serve it, ••he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Mi∣lan had built, in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands, and those of the Holy Seat, to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty, which should be made to end all those differences. The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit, both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid, as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep. However, his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope, consented to it, upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months, during which time, the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome. The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France, and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain, and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair, there were divers Proposals made; France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valto∣line, or for security of all such as made profession thereof: But they would ne∣ver agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages, with so much peremptoriness. During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed, and Ʋrban the eighth being set in his place, after his first entrance upon the Popedom, proposed new Articles of Accommodation, which compri∣sed as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques, which were readily accepted to by France, but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards, for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages.

Their Refusal surprised the Pope, but he being made by some of their Mini∣sters, who had represented to him, that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to, in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline. His Holyness proposed to them, to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders, in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques, but upon no other occasion whatsoever. To this the King would in no wise agree, be∣cause to have granted them free passage there, upon what occasion soever, were to give them the whole end of their design, which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy, as we shall ••ls∣where declare, and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition; more especially the Venetians, who (should that thing be assented to) have good cause to complain of France: Besides, that Article

was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid, for the execution of which, this Trea∣ty was onely intended. That withall, the King was in a League with those of Ve∣nice and Savoy, and had engaged his Word, his Honour, and his Faith, to re∣settle things in their former state. It is true, the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards, and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included, but however had not signed them, and the King disowned them, and declared, that he having done it contrary to his order, he was not bound to ratifie it, and principally seeing he himself too, had not assented to them, but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother, and the Sieur de Pisieux his Ne∣phew.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still, and see another invade his neigh∣bours for certain Passages or Countries, which may lay his States, as it were, hedge by hedge, and especially if those places may serve for a In-let, or Door to give succours to his own Allies, such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength, for that united States are stronger then when disunited. Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks, are fordable by every one, and are not feared at all, until all their waters run in the same channel; and divided E∣states may easily be surprised, whereas if united, they are capable of giving jea∣lousie to their neighbours, as also to make attempts upon them.

It is a common saying in Philosophy, Vis unita fortior, united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars. Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention; he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl, both which he chose for the purpose, of a different humour and strength; the one of them weak, but ingenious, the other strong, but rash; the latter, in obedience to Sertorius command, took a whole handful of the Horses tayle, and tugging with all his force, could not pull it off; the second took a quite contrary way, he pull'd them off hair by hair, until he quite made an end; whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate them∣selves either in a Fight, or upon a March, he told them, they had seen, that u∣nited Forces are hard to be vanquished, but easily overcome if disunited. If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man, from permitting an Invasion in any Coun∣try, it is the more necessary to be prosecuted, when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies, and to receive succour from them, for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves, for once being lost. Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all. That Prince who suffers them to be usurped, exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey, and cuts off one of his own armes, wherewith he might have defended him∣self.

For this very reason it is, that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy, have presently been on foot to defend it, as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy, which once lost, they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards, seeing they could not be assisted by France, which hath ever been their Protectrix, as also, that France, if occasion were, could not receive any succours from them.

The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune, to Rome as Ordinary Embassador, and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery.

THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised, the King was obliged to call him home, and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune, a man of great judge∣ment and reputation, to whom he gave expresse order, to declare very resolutely to the Pope, that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline, and to beseech him in his Majesties name, that he would use his authori∣ty to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid, that according to the rules of Justice, the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them, both in the Valtoline, as also in the rights of the League at Caddee. A little after his departure, his Majesty received advice, that the resolution of denying those passages, was approved of at Rome, so he dispatched one to him upon the way, that he might every day be more resolute, and that hee publish it aloud to all the world, to stop the Spaniards mouths, who made people beleeve, that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them.

The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome, acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge, that the Pope no more doubting of his Ma∣jesties resolution, told him, he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline. The Sieur de Bethune, was for the present satisfied with it, and gave notice of it to the King, But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular, he very briskly told his Holiness, it would be a thing of very ill conse∣quence, to deliver them into the Spaniards power, seeing if it were once done, a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided. That it were no lesse a∣gainst the Interest of Religion, to surrender them to the Grisons who were Here∣ticks, and that the best expedient which could be taken was (but by the By he pro∣posed it onely as from himself) either to raze them, as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on, or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves, seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them, then with any others. The Pope found him∣self so intangled, that he knew not what to resolve, so that the businesse, had been Wyer-drawn into a great length of time and delays, if he had not been pressed by those Protestations, which were several times represented to him: That the King his Master, after he had imployed all the means of a Treaty to no purpose, would have recourse to those to his Arms, without any more ado, to obtain that by force, which was denied to the justice of his Reasons.

His Holiness being thus hard put to it, would willingly have delivered up the Forts into the hands of the Valtolines; but one thing which hindred him was, he would be re-imbursed of those Charges which he had expended, for their preservation du∣ring the deposit. The Spaniards offering to give him satisfaction in it, did invite him to deliver them up to them. But the Sieur de Bethune, making him the same proffers from the King, did so puzzle him, that afterwards he could not deliver up the Forts to one, without offending the t'other, and without making a breach be∣tween them. Now to dis-ingage himself from these broyls, he made divers Propo∣sals, but all tending to delays, the Sieur de Bethune, acquainting the King there∣with, received express Order, not to consent to any expedient of that nature, and rather to press his Holiness, to leave the Fort in the Spaniards hands, then to use any longer delays; because his Majesty was fully resolved, not to let the year pass away without somewhat of Action, and in case he could get no other determinate resoluti∣on, that he should write to the Marquess Coeuures, presently to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline.

Politick Observation.

IT is usual with Princes, who are Mediators of Peace between other Soveraigns, to amuse those Embassadours which are with them upon that accompt, with di∣vers new Proposals, which themselves judge not to be feasible. When they find things hard to be concluded on, they hope, that time may in fine produce some a∣greeable overture, both to one and t'other, which may induce them to lay down their Arms; or else, they indeavour by this means to give time to him, whom they would incline to favour, to draw his forces together, and put himself into a posture of defence. In such Encounters an Embassadour ought to be both Prudent and Stout: Prudent he ought to be, that he may dive into the qualities and consequen∣ces of such Propositions as shall be made unto him, either to reject them, if in∣convenient, or to make appear that it is on good grounds, he doth not accept of them. Couragious too he ought to be, to maintain his Masters Interests, with strong Reasons and Generosity, without fear of being importunate, and without making a scruple of speaking out, when need requires. If he discovers any weak∣nesse, ir-resolution and dulness of Soul, if he be slow in finding out expedients, or do not well discuss such propositions as are made to him, he cannot escape the cen∣sure of the World; on the contrary he will gain the more honour, if by his viva∣city, address, and vigour, he shall effect with ease, those affairs, which otherwise would be intricate and Thorny, and free his Country from Wars, and allay the ex∣asperations of his enemies; and in fine, reduce the most obstinate to be governed by the Rules of Reason. It w••ll be an act of Prudence in him, not to bewray the least ap∣prehensions of fear, to see his Master ingaged in a War, which if he should, his enemies would soon make advantage of it; on the contrary, he ought rather to imitate the re∣solution of Quintus Fabius, who being sent from the Romans to the Carthaginians, presently told them, that he should be most glad, if there might be any expedient found out for an accommodation, which would be for the good of both parties, if it might not be, he there presented them too Gages, one of Peace and t'other of War, that they might chuse which they pleased. He will be much blamed, who suffers himself to be amused with frivolous Proposals, made onely to gain time; as it befell the Embassadours of Dyonisius the Tyrant, who being sent to the Syracu∣sian to treat a Peace, were entertained by Dion General of their Army, with se∣veral specious Propositions but without any conclusion, until he had re-edified a good part of the Wall, by which the Town should have been taken, and then had no other answer but this, That the Syracusians could make no Peace with Dyonisius, unless hee renounced the Soveraignty, and content himself with some meaner Ho∣nours. An Embassadour ought sometimes to excite and press that Prince with whom he treats, when he cannot draw any reason from him, and if his Instances shall be looked upon as importunities by him; yet his master will esteem them for marks of his Courage and Fidelity; however, such remembrances ought to be with respective honour due to Persons of Quality. For being a little toucht, they rouze up themselves, but if provoked by offences, they run into extremities. An Embassadour of Genoa, did heretofore suggest as much to Galeas Duke of Milan, by a witty invention, when he was so obstinate that he could not procure so much as Audience from him; he presented him (among other things) a Vessel, on which he had laid a Basil-plant, the Duke was surprized at it, and knowing not what it signi∣fied, sent to know the Embassadours meaning, the Embassadour willingly waited on him, and told him, that the Genoveses were as all other Princes, like that Plant, which if a little rubbed in the hand, sends forth a very sweet smell, but if pressed untill the juyce come out, it breeds Scorpions; thus he obtained much of what he desired by this means. To be short, Kings are of that humour, that if an Embassadour should be so inconsiderate, as to domineer and use outragious spee∣ches; it would onely breed Scorpions, that is Bloody Wars, by provoking of their anger; but if he be Prudent and Generous, to press with dexterity and moderation,

they will become sensible, and be reduced in fine to whatsoever shall reasonably be desired from them.

The Marquess de Coevures, is sent to the Cantons of the Swisses, for the Grisons affairs.

THE orders in this negotiation, were executed with a great deal of Prudence and Courage; however all would not do, to obtain any reason from the Spa∣niards, who never want opportunities, of making advantages out of the rediousness of a Treaty. The Cardinal who knew of old, all their tricks, advised the King, not to stand dallying upon the means of a Treaty, as formerly; but forthwith to make use of his Arms, to reduce them to terms of Justice.

This way of proceeding, was much different from those which had heretofore been used; the intent of it being, to raise up the Renown and Reputation of the French, amongst strangers to make no difficulty of taking up their Arms, to obstruct the enterprizes of the house of Austria, rather then to suffer their allies to be lon∣ger oppressed; the Ruine of whom, would undoubtedly shake the Foundations of this Empire it self. This Generous resentment, was concurrent with his Majesties inclination, so that he resolved to send the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzerland, at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome. There were two Instructions delivered to him; by the first, he was ordered to re-unite all the Swisse Cantons, with his Majesty, to dispose the Catholicks, to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid; and to espy if in this re-union, there might not some way be found out, for to re-place the Grisons into the Soveraignty of the Val∣tonine.

The second was to be kept private, if the first took effect, else he was comman∣ded to incourage the Grisons to rise, who should receive assistance from his Maje∣sty of such Troops as should be necessary, according to such orders, as should be received; there went with the Marquess, all the Grisons Captains, who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment, who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline, to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known, and to give intelligence to the Marquess of those Countries. But that which was the best guide of all, was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres, pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisses, upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as mony; and the other part upon the first expences of the war, if there should be any occasion to begin it.

Upon his comming into Swisserland, he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there, so that it was impossible for him, on the sudden, to open the peoples eyes, that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruine. He imployed the Sieurs de Mesnim, & du Mesnil, to negotiate with them in smal Assemblies; and presently after his arrival, he went to Baden, but it was with lit∣tle success untill the General meeting in August at Souleur. In the ixterim, he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains, either by distributing the Kings money amongst them, or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them. To the Catholicks he gave assurances, that his Majesty did not inte∣ress himself for the re-stating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline, but withall necessary conditions, for the exercise of the Catholick Religion, which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish. As for the Interest of the Church, and the good of their State, it was evidently demon∣strated to them, that the losse of the Valtoline, would presently be followed, by that of the three Grisons, which were inleagued together, and of which the Arch-Duke Leopold had already gotten a good part, That after the dis-uniting of those confederates, the Spaniard being master of the Passages, would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons, which brought into them a great profit, and made them upon that score very considerable. In brief, that it would quickly be easie for to invade their Country, and that he would the sooner attempt it, for

that he did not want any pretensions, to intitle himself to the Mastery of it. These important reasons, strenthened with the payment of their Pensions, did so shake some of the Cantons, that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent, that there should be souldiers levied for the King, and such Provisions of Ammunition, as every place should require. But the Martquess chief endeavour was, at the Assem∣bly at Souleur, where he shewed a Master-peece of Prudence, speaking very highly of his Masters name and succours, and making use of the mony which he had brought with him, both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them, if not all, yet the most part of his desires. The Catholicks accorded to ratifie the Treaty of Madrid, declaring however, that they did not intend to become bound to re∣cover the Valtoline by force. Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich, for the Levies of those Souldiers, which they had pro∣mised; and withall, got it to be approved by all the Cantons, onely that of Sou∣leur excepted, which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction, refused to declare it self. It is true the Catholicks consented to it, but upon condition onely it were for France, but there was a little more then so intended in it, for the Marquess demanded them for the service of his Master, and of his Allies, without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons.

In Prosecution of time, and not hoping to procure any greater assistance, he be∣gan to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline; but however it was, after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Gri∣sons, where the Sieur de Land••e, & de Vaux, imployed by his Majesty, had put things into a very good posture, and untill he had received his Majesties expresse orders and commands.

Politick Observation.

COmmonwealth••, especially Popular are hardly perswaded to any great under∣taking••, they are naturally so in love with Peace, That there is not any Warre how glorious or profitable soever, which they would prefer before it. Princes are capable of being ingaged upon divers considerations, either for the love which they bear to their Allies, or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with; or out of an apprehension of what may follow; or out of such jealousie as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have, or by neernesse of blood, or by the compassion which they have of others miseries, and the Ambition to become Pro∣tectors of their States. But Republicks are not touched with any of these conside∣rations. All such as are called to a Common Councel, think of nothing but their own particular Interest, and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the injoyment of their Revenue, or stops their Commerce, or their Labors, as War is a greater and more considerable evil then any others, which you can make them sensible of, and they can be drawn to nothing, but in case of absolute desperate extremity. Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring then others but as most voices carries it, not their merit who advise it, so they are no more re∣garded then Reason is, when as a multitude of different Passions, entertain the Will upon some pernicions object. It is to no purpose for a man, to attempt to shew them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits, have not a thing so noble as to look further then the time present, they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them, and they will much sooner be perswaded to beleeve that Fortune, who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs; because themselves want wit to govern them, will defend them from those evils which they are threatned with, then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover, their closer covetous homou, abhominates any thoughts of expences, without which War cannot be maintained, and the noise of Guns and Drums onely, do so beat their Imagination, that if perchance they hear talk of a Siege or a Battel; poor ouls it quite skareth them out of their little wits. It were to be wished they had smore heart and foresight upon such occasions, for the length of time, which they

ever take; before they make any resolution; is an enemy to good success. Delibe∣ration ought to be taken, and that with great Prudence, but to spend too much time in it, is very dangerous, because opportunities are lost by it, and peradven∣ture such opportunities as the like are never afterwards to be met with, for putting a design in execution.

The Florentines shewed a remarkable example of this particular, when as Lewis the 12th, passed into Italy, against Lodowick Duke of Milan: The King desired to make a League with them, that he might make use of their Passages for his occa∣sions, so they sent their Embassadours to treat with him. Now the Embassadours, having agreed to remain Newters in the thing doing, and that the King passing in∣to Italy should take them into his Protection, they delayed the ratification of the Treaty for so long, that they could not fully resolve any, untill his Majesty was up∣on the point of getting the Victory. Whence the King judging that they rather sought his Alliance by force, then by friendship, testified by his carriage the little esteem he made of them.

The League between the King, Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Ve∣nice, for the restitution of the Valtoline.

UPon the advice which the Marquess de Coevures had sent the King, of the state of affairs amongst the Swisses and Grisons, his Majesty commanded the Cardinal, to consult with Signeur Marco Antonio Moresini, the Venetian Em∣bassadour, and the Abbot Scuglia Embassadour of Savoy, upon reasonable Pro∣positions and Articles, for the effecting that design of a League, which had been formed amongst them, for the restitution of the Valtoline. This Grand Minister, following the inclinations of his great Soul, which will not let him indure, that strangers should find any thing, but what was ful of Generosity in his Masters Affairs, gave a quick dispatch to them, and withall imaginable Prudence. The sum was, That the Arms of France, Savoy, and Venice, should come to a Rendezvouz upon the 15. September. Those of France at Bresse, those of Venice about Milan, near the Valtoline and Grisons, and those of Savoy between Milan and Genoa: That there should be drawn out of the Army at Bresse, a Regiment of 1000 or 1200 foot and 400 horse, to march with the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzeland, the rest to remain under the command of Monsieur de Constable, which should joyn with those of Savoy to enter upon the State of Genoa, and make a strong diversion there, and entertain all the Spaniards Forces which were in Italy, and deprive them of the Valtoline. That order should be given to the Marquess de Coevure, fortwith to raise 3000 Grisons, and 3000 Swiss. That it was agreed between one and t'other, that these Levies should execute the whole design, under the name and colours of the King, and the said States Confederates, that all the charges of the enterprize, should be born by them three, to wit, Venice should furnish the Cannon, Ammunitions of War, and all necessary Provisions of Victuals, but the charge of it to be divided as before, it being unreasonable, that she should pay all. Besides Count Mansfield who was then in France, offered to maintain an Army of 25000 foot, and 7000 horse, under the Prince Palatines name, they paying him three hundred and sixty thousand Livres a moneth, to invade the Countries of the house of Austria, in Germany, and to in∣force them to a rest••tution of part of the Palatinate, by this forcing in upon them.

The Cardinal represented to the Embassadours, that these Proposals could not be but glorious, seeing the end of them was, to assist a Prince their Ally, and one despoyled of his estates; but moreover, very advantagious, because prosecuting those designs, they should so divert the Armies of Spain, that they would never be able to address themselves to recover the Valtoline. This was unanimously agreed upon amongst them, and in fine resolved, that each of them should contribute to the payment of those 360000 Livres a moneth, viz. the King 180000. Venice 120000

and Savoy 60000. It true, commonwelths do hardly resolve on great enter prizes, especially when there is a necessity of great expence. So Venice made a de∣nial to contribute to this charge, as also to make one in the diverting which was made about Genoa, but laid all upon the King and Duke of Savoy, as shall be decla∣red in the year following. These orders being thus put in execution, the King writ to the Marquess of Coevures to testifie to him, how much he approved of this nego∣tiation, and of those means which he had proposed to establish the Grisons in their ancient authority, and commanded him to take the field with such Troops as hee should levy, and such others as should be sent to him, seeing the Sieur de Bethune had given him to understand, that there was no more hopes of doing any thing by the way of a Treaty. He was also inform'd of those conclusions which were made with Venice and Savoy, that he might govern himself accordingly; and lastly assured him that he should want for nothing.

Politique Observation.

THough most Leagues which are made between Princes upon any design, are blamed by many, by reason of the short continuance of them, as also of the little successe which usually hath attended them; yet they are not onely profitable on many occasions, but also very necessary. Defensive Leagues ought to be so much the more esteemed; because (as Aristotle saith) no Country is able to sub∣sist of its own proper force. And offensive too are not less considerable; seeing they give means to Princes, to make such Conquests, as without them they durst not attempt. The first of these Truths may be authorized by the example of the Samnites, who resisted the Romans by their own proper strenth, as they told Hannibal. as long as they were able to defend themselves; but in process of time, finding themselves too weak, they associated themselves with King Pyrrhus, and to make way for the t'other. It is not most certain that the association of Chri∣stian Princes, gave them the means to carry away from the Turks, a most signal Victory in the Battel of Lepanto, which neither of them in particular could with reason hope for. It is true, the effects of Leagues, have not been alwaies over happy, because several Princes making them for different interests, easily break them as soon as they have gotten their pretensions, be it by force or composition. But the disgraces of this kind, ought to be laid upon the right horse, that is, upon the Imprudence and want of fore-sight of those who have managed them, not on the Leagues themselves. It is not enough to contract them, but they ought to be pro∣secuted with favourable Conditions, and with Persons from whom assistance may be had; and who, if they should slip their necks out of the Collar, might not do us any displeasure in it. They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes, upon a place, which is designed to be assaulted, either in relation to Passages, or in respect of having from them Ammunitions, both of War, and necessary victuals, as there shall be occasion. Hannibal knew this full well, when as he was upon his expedition into Italy, and made a League with the French and Spaniard; he took Hostages of them, and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds. The Romans did the same, when they made war upon the Lacedemonians, by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt, without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on. Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity, it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them, by way of Hostage; to the end, that their interest to perserve them, may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions. If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy, had taken such a course as this, were it onely in point of Passages, we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers, nor indeed to so many disgraces; yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences, there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances: However, as it ought to be taken for granted, that they will start aside. in case the enemy give them satisfaction, to their interests, so there ought still to bee

Forces ready which may clap in upon them, and supply their deficiencies. It is a trouble to see them break their words, yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League, to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise, by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it, and by dividing expence between them, which else must be undergone by one alone. It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part, but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it, and to be prepared for the worst. Moreover, it is profitable to make Leagues, not onely with States, but with Princes and their Successors, and to contract them with greater certainty, then Edward the fourth King of England did, who having recourse to one of our Kings, after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome, had not other answer, but that the League was made with the King of England and his State, and that he being no longer King of Eng∣land, France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances, imploy their Arms against him, who was present Master of the Crown. To be short, it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made, may not serve for a pre∣text for them who would fall off. There must not be so much as the least starting hole left, for them to creep out, or to break their words, especially if they make any accompt of their reputation, which is inseparable from their fidelity, for with∣out that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter.

The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline.

AT the same time, that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coe∣vures, he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune; which told him, that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy, by those ways which he had till then tried, so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort; who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary, he resolved forthwith to take the field, concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it, and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly, without giving them leave to provide themselves, he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble. He had long before given order to 3 Swiss, and 3 Grisons Collonels, to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men, so that he had nothing else to do, but to send them word to be ready; on the other side, the Residents of Venice and Savoy, being come to him, they had agreed upon all things together: The Sieur de Mesnil, had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich; for the Swisses and Grisons forces, and the Resident of Ʋenice, undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo, for such forces as should march into the Republick; that which was most troublesome, was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons, it would be impossible to keep it from being known, and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline. The Popes Nuntio, called Scapy, and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it, who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swis∣ses, or the marching of any Troops which the King should send; but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed, for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made, had given too particular an assurance of it; by means of the money, and the promises which were made them, that they should be seconded with a puissant succour, against any who should attempt any thing against them up∣on that accompt. But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull, that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them; so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts, that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual. His re∣medy was to cause his Horse to march four by four (that is all such as were sent him from Bresse) and to secure the Canton of Bern, for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment; seeming after he was once entred, as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means, to the Grisons. It was enough that these Cantons were by

several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces, upon so just an occasion as this was, and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not, seeing if they should, they might be forced to it, without breaking the Laws of Equity. Thus he, being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani, had induced them to take, resolved not to demand it, untill he were upon the very point of passing; because they should be better advised, then to deny him, when they find him in a condition not to be hindred, they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it,

All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design, he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich, to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons, and to perswade them to rise, and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field, and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis, to enter into the Grisons to seize upon the Passages of Steitch, and Pont du Rhin, and there to for∣tifie themselves, which was presently dispatched accordingly. They seized on them with such dexterity, that little or no resistance was found in the doing of it. At the same time too, the Marquess of Randan. advanced with those Forces which were bout Zurich, and the Cantons did not oppose their Passage in the least, they being not in a condition to deny them; from thence he marched to Meinfi••ld, where he took no small pleasure to see himself amongst the Grisons: And being not igno∣rant how needfull it was to keep these people united, because dividing of them leaves them liable to the mercy of their enemies, that he might render them more affecti∣onate and procure succours from them; he took great care to set all right in this particular; and indeed his Prudence took so effectual a course for it, that a few days produced very happy effects of it. He was nimble enough to make them shake off the Yoke of the Arch-Duke Leopold's Officers, who had usurped upon them the ju∣risdiction, to make them renounce the Oath of Obedience, which was unjustly ex∣acted from them; to re-unite the three Confederate Grisons into their ancient Corporation, with those Liberties and Soveraignties which they had injoyed before the late Wars; to establish their ancient Seals of Leagues; to obtain a General Pardon for all their Rebellious Subjects in the Valtoline, Chiavennes, and Bormio, and to confirm the ancient Alliance with the Crown of France, except those Here∣ditary Countries of the House of Austria, and their Confederation with the Swis∣ses. During this, all the adjacent Forces were gotten in a Body, and leaving 2000 foot and a 100 horse, under the command of the Si••ur de Harcourt, for the guard of Coi••e, and those Forts of Pont du Rhin & St••itch, he advanced upon the 25. November, towards the Valtoline, with 6000 foot, and 300 horse. It was debated what place should be assailed; after each one bad delivered his opinion, he follow∣ed his own inclination, which was to march towards Tiran, to open a Passage for inter-course with the Venetians, and to draw assistance from them, as occasion should require. As soon as they were advanced to the Valley Du Monast••re, the Garrison in the Fort discovered them, and set in on fire, not staying to expect their comming. Thence he passed to the Valley of Poschain, and forced the Souldiers who were gotten into the Tower of Casaccio (with a resolution to stop the Pas∣sage of the Mountains) to dis-lodge the next morning ▪ so that he became Master of the place. These were the beginnings of this victory: But the people of the Country of Bormio, terrified at the sight of the Kings Army, presently waited up∣on him, and sent their Deputies to him to beseech him in all their behalfs, that he would be pleased to receive them under his Majesties Protection. They were recei∣ved into his Favour, with confirmation of their ancient Liberties and Priviledges, and assurance of the onely exercise of the Catholick Religion; withall he left there some Companies in Garrison, who were to keep the Passages. That which did trouble him amidst this Prosperity was that he had onely 4000 men left; however his valour would not give way that he should lose the day after so fair an advantage, though he had no more Cannon, without which the Forts in the Valtoline seemed impregnable, yet hee resolved to supply this defect by the Courage of his Souldier. Piautermala was the first place, which he met in his way, which was so

fortified that he might have been stopped there, had but the souldiers within beha∣ved themselves as they ought; but he made his approaches so resolutely, that the Souldiers seemed to be made all of Brass, so little did they esteem or care for the Musquet shot, which strook such a terrour into them, that they left the place, and gave him free liberty to enter, which he did the same day with most of his Compa∣nies in the Valtoline.

The Marquess de Bagny General of the Popes Army, gave presently an Alarum to all the Valley, who finding himself unable to make resistance; especially, seeing the Venetians joyned with him, sent sveral Proposals of agreement. But the Mar∣quess de Coeuvre guessing it was only to amuse him, and give time to Serbelon Captain of the Spaniards to advance his Companies, presently commanded Collonel Salis to make the approaches to the Town with his Regiment; during two days there past many skirmishes between them, the success of which forced the Marquess de Bagni to retire into the Castle, but the Marquess de Coeuvre presently entred the Town, and forthwith constrained him to render, though indeed upon honourable terms, granted in favour to the Pone, to whose Ensigns the King had commanded all sort of respect and honour should be paid.

The quick surrender of this place invited the Marquess de Coeuvre to prosecute his designs, and having sent his forces toward Sondrio, the Inhabitants had forth∣with opened the Gates, if the Governour of the place had not opposed; though he too was not long before he delivered it up. For the Marquess having Planted those Cannon which he had received from the Venetians, saluted the Castle with 40 or 50 Cannon shot, which dis-mounted all their Guns, and hurt and killed ma∣ny of their Souldiers, and forced the Governour for to march out upon com∣position.

These were the principal Exployts of War, which the little season of the year, and the Snows then falling, would permit him to do, but it was a sure gage of the Conquest of all the Valtoline, which was taken (as I shall hereafter declare) in the 3. first moneths of the following year.

Politick Observation.

NO one but a great Captain knows how to manage an enterprize to advantage; It is an effect which proceeds not but from a Prudence raised above the com∣mon pitch, and which is onely proper to an extraordinary courage. The order which ought to be observed in such occasions is, principally to conceal as much as possible may be, the real design under some imaginary apparencies and pretences, which may be thought specious. It will be a difficult thing thus to do, in respect of those many persons, to whom there is a necessity of imparting it, to dispose of things for action; however one may dissemble the time and place of execution untill the very last, and admitting things begin to be ripe, it will nevertheless be expedient to do some such things as may perswade the world, that every thing will not be yet a while concluded on; and when it is, it must be given out to be in other places then those which are designed to be assaulted. This will be a means to take those places unprovided, and those who keep them being unprepared for a defence, will be for∣ced to surrender. The Romans judged this thing to be of so great importance, that they consecrated all their enterprizes to Silence; and in fine, there are few men who have been sorry to have kept their designs private, but many who have received great losses by their making them publick. Perseus King of Macedon, purposing to fall upon the Romans, had not discretion enough to keep his design private; so that the Senate hearing of it, gave such effectual orders for the making a defence, that the Commonalty of Rome, did sooner hear of the Victory against him, then of the beginning of the War. All such as follow his Imprudent example, can ex∣pect no better a success from Fortune; after this once done, he must go seek a new opportunity, and a favourable occasion to put his resolutions into actions: It be∣ing most certain, that opportunities are the greatest weights in affairs, and that

from thence it is, that the good or ill success most frequently doth depend. God hath chosen Times and Seasons which are most proper, for that which he would bring to passe; and a wise man shall make no small advantage by it, if he take time by the Fore-lock, for having once turned his back, it is impossible to effect any thing to advantage. If Trees put forth their Blossomes, either too soon, or too late, it is a great chance if there bee any fruit at all; just thus the good suc∣cesse of a business, is so restrained and dependant upon Opportunity and Time, that a few days will either make or mar the whole design. It was for this reason, that Julius Caesar, as it is delivered by Suetonius did not so much look after those times, in which he had resolved to execute his designs, as after those opportunities which Fortune should present to him, his usual course being to chuse such times as were the most dangerous, and when one would have imagined he would not have taken the Field. Place too, is not of lesse consequence then Time, experience frequently evidencing it for truth to such as are in the Wars, if it be either in a March, in Quarters, or Battel, which are the thrre principal Actions of War. It was place which gave the English the advantage of getting a Victory against King John, and to take him Prisoner, which glory they had never got, had it not been for their seizing upon certain rising grounds and Vineyards, which were near the place of the Battel. But when as time presents a favourable occasion and place too, then it is, that all expedition ought to be used, not to lose them; for the delaying of a business Mines the most hopefull and glorious expectations and designs: whereas diligence gets a thousand advantages and victories. Had the Sieur de Chaumont fu∣riously marched on against Bolognia, he had certainly reduced the Pope to that extremity, that he must of necessity have made a Peace, there being but a very few people in the City; whereas going on but slowly towards the siege, he lost the op∣portunity which Time had presented to him.

It is necessary to accompany this Promptitude with vigour and courage, such as may astonish an enemy, and surprize him; for though Fortune be a friend to the couragious and daring, yet all must make way and give place to the valour of him who attempts with resolution; & this vertue is known for one of the most assured be∣ginnings of a victory. To be short, if a man hath made himself once Master of any place of Importance, he ought not to rest there, but he must prosecute his advan∣tage, and improve it to the very utmost with vigour and strength, that he may reap those fruits which usually attend such actions. If the Christians had done so, after the Battel of Lepanto, they had in reason reduced the Turk to strange extremities, but their defect in that particular, gave him leisure to recruit his forces, and to make himself presently as strong as ever.

The Hugonots Man several Vessels under the Command of the Sieur de Soubize, and seize upon the Port of Blavet.

WHile the Kings Armies were thus busied in the Valtoline, the Hugonots who have ever taken the advantage of Forraign Wars, would not lose this op∣portunity of doing something conducing to their designs; it was with great regret that they beheld the Fort St. Lewis built some years past, before Rochel, which so checked them, that they were forced to keep within their duties. But their inso∣lency was great enough to complain by their Deputies, that it had been promised to them by the Treaty at Montpellier, it should be razed: To which it was answered, that the Promise was made to them, upon cond••tion that they should establish the exercise of the Catholick Religion in Rochel; that they should restore those Goods to the Church, which they had usurped from it; and that they having been de∣fective in performing what ought of their parts to be done; so that they could not pretend his Majesty ought to demolish it, seeing they had treated with him upon even terms: This answer was full of Justice, but it not being correspondent to their Rebellious Humours, they could not think themselves contented, so that finding his Majesties Armies busied abroad, they resolved to seize upon some place or other,

the importance of which should be such, that it should compel his Majesty to raze the Fort, that he might get the other place out of their hands. In order to which design, they armed several Vessels of War, under command of the Sieur de Sou∣bize, pretending to make some long voyage, but resolving to send the Fleet to∣wards Brittain to make themselves Masters, if it were possible of Blavet, otherwise called Port-Lewis. This enterprize was carried with such secrecy, that neither the. Rochelois, nor the rest of their Party did know it; to the end that if it did not hit right, they might dis-own it; but in case it should succeed well, they were then to rise in Languedoc, Zantoign, and Poicton, thinking that his Majesty not being Po∣tent enough to follow the War in the Valtoline, and against them too, would quick∣ly consent to the razing of the Fort, to draw them to lay down their Arms. In order to this design, as soon as ever the Sieur de Soubize, heard that the Marquesse de Coevure was at it tooth and nayl with the Marquess de Bagny, he presently put out to Sea, and dispatched two small Vessels before him to Blavet, to understand the condition of the place, which they would find more liberty to effect, then those who should conduct them by pretending they came from a long voyage. But the night following, he comming thither about nine a clock, and upon the intelligence which they gave him, that it was very ill guarded, he marched into the Port with about a thousand men, besides the Seamen upon the Ships. There wanted nothing necessary for a surprise, he seized upon six ships, belonging to the King, and Duke of Nemours, and presently after landed and took the Town, there remained no∣thing but the Fort which he did not get by a happy default of his Conduct; for had he forthwith assaulted it, it was so slenderly guarded, that he had entred without any resistance, but he having first given the Allarum to the Town, he who com∣manded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence, and to shut the Gate; but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power; for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain, hearing of it, presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province, with order to bring all the men they could, every one of which came with great diligence. The Duke of Vendosm comming Post, found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort, with store of Souldi∣ers, Victuals, and Ammunition. The Duke of Rets and Brissac, came at the same instant of time, as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts, and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together, it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one, with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize, and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port, as also to assault the Town in six several places. The Fort was finish∣ed in a trice, and a Battery presently Planted, but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted, both he and his Souldiers forsook the place. Withall, to bring the design to a good passe, they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was, and the Cannon did such execution, that he was forced to hoise Sail, which he did by the help of a dark night, and a strong wind, which carried him over the Cables, that were overthwart the Port, though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships, and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port, which were taken; and in fine, he sled towards Rochel, who were not behind hand, as also the whole body of the Hugonots, to dis∣own it; by their Deputies, and by their Declarations which they sent the King.

Politique Observation.

IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces, not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace, upon places of importance, especially on the Sea-Coast, and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars. For what neglect is committed in this point, doth much help and assist those who would im∣broyl things, and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them.

Holy Writ tels us, That they of the Tribe of Dan, being informed that the In∣habitants of Laish, were secure and suspected nothing, went, assaulted them, took

their Town without resistance, put them all to the Sword, and burned their City. Did not Francis the first, upon his expedition into Italy, and by the surprize of Villa Franca, teach all Governours of all Places, that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards, and that it is without reason, that they think themselves secure, either by the strength of their Fortifications, or by the far distance of their enemies. For Prospero Collonna, who commanded that Town, and making merry without the least suspicion, upon confi∣dence that the King was far enough off from him, was surprised by the Sieur de Pa∣lisse, which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters. It is true, he him∣self might be excused, in regard his Sentinels were taken, and that some of the In∣habitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse, but however the whole mis∣fortune was laid in his dish: though he was a brave Commander, yet he was much blamed, it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say, I did not think I was in any danger. For this very reason it was, that Iphicrates, one of the Athe∣nians most renowned Captains, would have his Army alwaies upon their guard, or in a posture to fight, during times of Peace; in the same manner, as if in the heat of War; and he answered some who misliked his curiosity, that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized. Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place, he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude. That in Commanding all, he is bound to watch for all; that he remember Governments are called charges, and that the name of Charge which he hath, ought to teach him, that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence, and that the place which is intrusted with him, is not barely recommended to him, but he to the place, to be guarded and conserved with his best care.

Anno Dom. 1625.

EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time, to consider the Face of the World, when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us, to behold that fair Star, establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr, before troubled with Tempests; to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before, languishing, and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter, and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse, which the Hoar Frosts, and Snows had left behind them. But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France, presently after it had pleased his Majesty, to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs, who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory, began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour, and to dispel by little and lit∣tle those causes of Civil Wars, which did every year renew themselves in the State, to set bounds to the ambition of strangers, and to establish such an order under the Kings authority, which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes. The increase of glory, which his Majesty every day gave to this Mi∣nister, did serve to augment his courage, and raised new lights in his Soul, subtilized his Prudence, and furnished him with occasions, to demonstrate to the World, that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations, to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop. He could not be enough admired, seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment, and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites (who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them) had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master. He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State, of a thousand fair opportunities. That it is

impossible to serve the Publick, and injoy the pleasures of this life, he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion, and cer∣tainly if pleasures could not bewitch him, interest nor profit could never Charm him, or get any power over his Will. Honour was the chief aim, which he pro∣posed in all his actions, which he sought for in his Masters glory, and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it: But that, which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was, that imitating that manner of opera∣ting used by the Divinity, which is invisible as his Essence. There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light, before any resolutions were heard of, or before any Orders taken were perceived; whereas before, there was not any thing concluded on, which did not make more noise then the effects. We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this Histo∣ry, and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground. That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust, after he had known the eminen∣cy of his Genius, the wisedom of his Counsels, his fidelity not to be shaken, the dexteriousness of his Conduct, which hath nothing parallel with it, he likewise total∣ly gave himself up to his Majesty.

Politique Observation.

A Minister is obliged in the same manner, to make his Masters greatnesse, and that of the State his principal aim and end; he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity. That then Ministers are the Suns, which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People. As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day, to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour, and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below; but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the im∣ployment whereunto he is arrived, that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families, is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister, and that the Ad∣ministration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans, which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian, but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition. Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to, and how can he hope to atchieve that, without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master, and his own Ministration. The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy, by preferring his own, before his Masters Interests.

The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent, unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve. He who is truly generous expects no other re∣compence for his Actions, then the honour and satisfaction to have done them. Also he cannot be ignorant, that Virtue doth scatter such rays, as make her venerable in the sight of all men, and in this consists in the height of glory.

Particular between the King and Cardinal, for the good of the STATE.

MOnsieur le Cardinal, knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers, who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace; in which time, they give leave to strangers, to increase their powers, and instead of cutting off the Causes, do onely skin over disorders in the State, did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency, but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once a∣gain to France, which it had in the beginning of its Empire. It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers, which are nearest, and as it were at hand upon him, then those which are further off, though they be of a worse consequence, and at this passe had things been a long while together: Whereas the livelinesse of

the Cardinals Soul, which penetrates into the Ages to come, presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature, and made him apprehend the other the more easily, in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them, but onely by the weak∣nesse of those who had the management of affairs. He made it quickly apparent to him, that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace, do by little and little weaken and decay the State, without being aware of it, that they do mol∣lifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose, who by such waies are ex∣posed to the violences of strangers, who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms, and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours. His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian, who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse, discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition, and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him.

Sir, said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel, though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet, hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers, have brought his State into disorder, because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent; yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much trou∣bled at it, for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity; so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate, by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed, who though they have been very affecti∣onate to your service, have not however had Souls high enough to second the Ge∣nerosity of your intentions. You may easily remedy all this, according as you have designed, there need only wel to know the Causes, and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable, and the State will soon be in safety. Your Majesty may command me any thing, for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you, and I can∣not have any greater pleasure, then to sacrifice my life to your glory. And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse, what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs. I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you, that I have observed four things, which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and dis∣ability of this State. The first is Forraign, and is nothing but the unbridled Ambi∣tion of the Spaniard, which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe, and car∣ries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States, which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom, of which too he hopes to be one day Master, when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers, and made it destitute of succours from its Allies. The other three are Domestick and at home, which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts, which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom, from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise. The second is, the excessive licencious∣nesse of the Grandees, who do so much detract from your greatnesse, by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought. The third is, the want of dis∣ciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes, which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies. The fourth is, the want of conside∣rable Foundations in the Treasury, to commence War upon occasions, and to sup∣ply them as long as need shall require, I suppose that these are the original Sources, from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France, and I imagine, if your Majesty can but drayn them up, there is nothing more to fear: But on the contrary, all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for. The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Bla∣vet, whilest you were succouring the Grisons, testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party, would take all advantages, whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts. Those Civil Wars, which the Princes do yearly renew, are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse, that you can∣not enterprise any thing abroad, nourishing the people in disobedience, and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty, which is one∣ly due to your Majesties Scepter. In the same manner, the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France, will in fine give them

means to usurp that too; at least strenuously to attempt it, if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition. In fine, the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot, and the small Revenues in the Treasury, do reduce your Ma∣jesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad, or revolts at home. There∣fore my chief advice is, that your Majesty would give orders accordingly, and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance, and become as terrible to strangers, as they have boldly offended it. This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence, which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune. The King whose Soul is truly Royal, understood the sageness of it, and having discoursed with him more at large, he resolved to do accordingly, as we shall in the prosecution of this year.

Politick Observation.

THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State, then to see a Minister take no other care, then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace; for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken, so they weaken themselves by idleness. The greatest Monarchs which are governed, without some high designs of inlarging themselves, have never continued any long time without mis-fortune, and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them, is a Presage of a dangerous turn. They who think on nothing but Peace, do by little and little unawares weaken them, and reduce them to impotencie, then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth, by idlenesse and want of Imployment, and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers, who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies, knowing it to be needfull, to keep their Souldiers in breath, and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it, as also to vent the violent heats of the youth, who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars? It is said to bee for this reason, that Edward the third, concluding the Treaty at Bresigni, would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain: And that Philip the Fair, made his Son John passe the Sea, that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not, that if Henry the 2d. after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers, and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria, by car∣rying his Armies out of France, the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars, which were upon the point of destroying it. It is not the Property of humane Af∣fairs to subsist long in the same degree, and who attempts so to conserve it, designs an impossibility. States like those who float upon the Waters, are in continual motion, and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory, shall soon see it unravelled to nothing, when he would stop there, he will find it sliding back. How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition, when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards; and seeing who∣ever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power, shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition. That Minister commits a great fault, who doth not con∣sider what is within the compasse of a State, seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces, but in the ruine of his enemies, and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse. He ought not to be lesse circum∣spect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation, then in eying his Masters own subjects, and to keep them in obedience; who neglects one or t'other, shall soon see his ma∣ster exposed to dangerous storms, his authority despised, his power weakned by the strength of strangers, and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies.

New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures, to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline.

WE have seen about the end of the last year, the resolution which his Maje∣sty took to assist the Grisons, oppressed by the House of Austria, and to

send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army, to recover the Valtoline. I shall now proceed to add, that looking upon those just considerations, (which I shall now tell you) proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty, necessitated the dis∣patching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres, to advance and prosecute the conquest, so happily begun. The Marquis not to lose any oportunity, took time by the foreloc••, and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer, and according to his Majesties orders and instructions, he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare, all the places, were they never so little considerable, which had been seized upon in the Valtoline; as also in the Avenues, the Fort of Rive only excepted, bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes, which were never so much as touch'd. He began this conquest about December in the last yeare, by the taking in of Planta, Mala and Tyran; and in the beginning of this he pro∣secuted it, with so good success, that every place was under his Majesties obedience. After the reducing of Tiran, the Army drew towards Fondrio, which Town sur∣rendred at first summons; but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon, and a breach being made, they were obliged to force it, and carry it by assault, which they did with such advantage, that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it.

This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne, Travona and Orbino, that they sent their Deputies, to render themselves. But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol, he assaulted it, and found more resistance then in any other place, whether it were because the place was well fortified, or be∣cause they within, had resolved to defend it: he took the paines to plant some Can∣nons upon a Battery, and to make a breach for an assault; but they seeing them∣selves a small number, and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege, rendered themselves upon composition. The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp, was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue, whilest him∣self was at Travone, which he forced after a long siege; so that there only remai∣ned the Fort of Rive, toward which he advanced the Armie, but it was expe∣dient first to passe by Campo, where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters, and to force them out of it: The resolution was taken to fight them, and orders given accordingly, which the Spaniards perceiving, they clapt some Regiments in∣to Campo, to fortifie it, and seeing our men come on, they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes, and received them with all the markes of a resolute cou∣rage, but without any advantage, for that ours assaulted them so strongly and cou∣ragiously, that without longer holding the businesse in suspence, they forced them to retire in disorder; and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victo∣ry, they would still have gone on, but were met with by fresh Spaniards, who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine, but with little successe too; for ours being presently seconded, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and follow∣ed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo: The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage, and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security, presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French toge∣ther, who were dispersed up and down; but this could not be done so soon, but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight, return'd and fell upon them, killed some and put the rest into disorder: However it is true, this advantage lasted not long, for our men fought so stoutly, that the Spaniards lost more men then wee, and resolved to quit Campo the day following, and to retire themselves to Rive. Their successes were very happy, and they who would know the true cause of them, must understand, that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss, and to the valour of his souldiers, yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse, who advised to this enterprise, who contrived the meanes, and re∣moved all obstacles, and began it in such a time, when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda, and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts, they being in the Popes hands, with whom the Spaniard had so wrought, that he should not part with them, either by terri∣fying

him, that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons, who were Here∣ficks, or by giving hopes, that in the conclusion there would be some means of ac∣commodation found out, but all was to keep them in their own power.

Politique observation.

HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils, hath more share in the glory of them, then they who execute and act them: It is Prudence which prevents an enemy, and taketh him at unawares, which diverts his Forces, and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage, that he is easily over∣come. Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History, that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State, doeth more then all the Arms of the world; and Philoso∣phie teacheth us, that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world, that is it which renders men most like the Deity, whose property it is, as the Apostle saith, to do all things by the Counsel of his will. T. Livy being much of the same mind, saith, he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers, that who so knoweth best to command, deserveth the first place, and who so to obey, the second place: It can∣not be denied, but that there is as much need of executing, as giving good advices, because if there were no one to put them into action, good Counsels would be to no purpose; but withal it must be concluded: That Counsel is so much the more excellent, in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue, which is Prudence, whereas action the effect of it, is the Child only of force, which is much beneath it. The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for se∣veral things, somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords, and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy, by and by to stop some leak in the Ship, where the water breaks in, and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot, whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies, he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks, to guide her home without being wraked, by those operations of his, which are so much the more noble then theirs, by how much the acts of the Soul, surpasse those of the Body. Who can without injustice, ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise, then to him who by the fulness of his Soul, first contrived it, digested it by his Prudence, found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working, removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it, foresaw all difficulties in it, and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on, to a happy successe? To speak truly it cannot be, without robbing him, of that which justly belongs unto him. But who can doubt of this truth after he, who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest, and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost, the Au∣thor of Truth, hath said it? Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force, and a wise man deserves more honour, then he who is esteemed valiant.

The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette & the Sieur de Bethune, to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline, which were in his keeping.

THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours, given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes, leagued with those of Venice and Savoy, for recovery of the Valtonine. The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy, he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette, that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted, being garded by his Ensigns, testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune, that he might tell him how much he resented it.

The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it, sent to demand audience, not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances, as to discover his disposition, which anger would lay open sooner then any thing, and to fortifie him against such discourses,

wherewith the Partakers of Spain, would endeavour to exasperate him.

As soon as the Pope saw him, he told him, he could never have imagined, that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church: but his Holiness was not long unanswered, the Sieur de Bethune telling him; That the King his Master was far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained; that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particu∣ler, (whom he honoured with extraordinary respects) that on the contrary, he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Autho∣rity: That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise, in regard he had been often times told, that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason, the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts, which lawfully belonged to them, that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power, seeing the deposit was ended by those several in∣stances and reasons, which were remonstrated to him; as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins, of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied: and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands, by reason of that great difficulty, which the Spaniards made to assent to it; and seeing it was pretended, and that upon good reasons, to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves, who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name, though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them, which being so, he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Ma∣sters proceedings, in regard he being only as an Umpire, who created between them in the quality of a Common Father, he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired, or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France.

These reasons were so considerable, that the Pope could not but have rest con∣tented, had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards; but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings. And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience, did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be; but on the contrary, his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him, and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army, hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures, if he should not with-draw his Army, and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado, that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt, the Spaniards should make them pay for it again, and should do that which their Interests led them too, with∣out being with-held by any consideration; and in fine, protested to him, what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter. But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors, who cannot indure there should be any State affair, and not subject to his Will, he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force. The Sieur de Bethune in∣deavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat, in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons; sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutche•• of Ʋrbin; and other times by assu∣ring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti, who had some influence over his Inclinations, by the Protestations which he made to them, that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions; and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master; which however were refused by them, that they might not appear to be partial; as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux, who was one of the richest Matches of France, to his Nephew Don Thadee, who did not a little like of it, though he accepted not of it, he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War, who should not agree upon certain places, to put them in deposit in a third persons hands, and he who is the Depositary, ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them, so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties. Anti∣quity looked upon Deposits as sacred, and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge, and one of the Depositary Laws, is declared to be, that who so refuseth to render them, renders himself culpable of a great Injustice; because he would usurp against natural Reason, that which doth not at all belong to him. Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans; he, who denied the Deposit was condemned to death; and Herodotus saith, that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money, which he had received of a Milesi∣an, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, to know what he should do in the businesse; who was thus answered, That neither he nor his family, could any long time live up∣on the face of the earth, and that in effect they were already rooted out. Whence he concludeth, that it were best for him who hath a Deposit, to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it. And how well hath Ari∣stotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime, when he saith, that that man who be∣comes guilty of it, is much more unjust, then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him; because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity, as he doth who deni∣eth what was lent to him; but also those of friendship and fidelity; in considerati∣on of which the Deposit was entrusted with him. I shall onely adde this, that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it, he ha∣ving no right to become their Arbitrator, unlesse they agree among themselves; as to be really and without delay restored to them, when they shall have agreed upon condition between them. It is however, dangerous to chuse a Person for a Deposi∣tory, who pretends a Superiority, or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect; because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity, to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others, so it is hazardous, least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator. Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary, it ought to be included in the Instrument, that he shall not be∣come Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise. Above all this, one thing ought to be observed, when as the Pope is Depositary, as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him; for that he in some sort preten∣ding a Power over Kings, he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences, and withall may become Partial. Which being so, such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded, by reason of the diffi∣culties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls. There are but a few Princes of such Fidelity, as that of the late King Henry the Great, who having leave to passe with thirty five thousand men into Geneva, when he besieged Fort St. Katharine, was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it, which they assured him was easily to be effected: He answered them, that it would be a most unjust action, to repay with Infidelity and Treachery, that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him.

The Pope sends towards the King, the Sieur Bernardino Nary, to testifie to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceedings of the Marquess de Coevures in the Valtoline.

WHilest they were hard at it in the Valtoline, Cardinal Spada the Popes or∣dinary Nuntio in France, made great complaints to the King of the Mar∣shal de Coevures proceedings, and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty, to testifie to him his great discontent at it. But they were re∣plyed

to, with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business, that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceedings. They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons, to ayd their Auxiliaries, but only at the very last extremi∣ty, and after he had seen several faire proposals neglected, which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way; That as for the Mareshal de Coeu∣vres proceedings, they had been such, as had deserved if rightly understood, more to be commended then condemned; That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association, to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines; That he had setled the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion in and amongst the Grisons, in all places where formerly it had been banished, and as for that particular place of the Valtoline, he had permitted the exercise of none, but that of the Catholique Religion; That if he came with men armed against his Ho∣liness his People, he was provoked to it, by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesties Allyes, and against his own forces to, wher∣by they openly made it apparent, that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards: yet withal that these actions of theirs, had not diverted the Mar∣quis of Coeuvres from treating the Marquis de Bagny, and all others who were un∣der him in the Vallee, not only with civility, but with as much reverence, as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those, who were sent in his behalf. That after all, the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands; that whilest there were means of accomodation, his Holiness had no reason to complain, that he had been any way neglected, until the time which had been concluded on, had been expired, and that there were no hopes of an agree∣ment. All those which were proposed being hitherto refused, or retarded, which gave advantage to the Spaniard.

These reasons did evidence the integrity of the Kings actions, but however as his Majesty had even shewed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat, and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness, for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England; he hearkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada, and the Sieur Nary. The principal one, and upon which they most insisted, was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months, in the County of Chiavenne, in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated, which being thought reasonable, his Majesty assented to it, and a Post was pre∣sently sent to the Marquis de Coeuvres, to stop his farther proceedings. It is true the Post came not, til after Chiavenne was taken, so that the Cessation was void in that particular, but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives, during the whole terme of the said two months, to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction.

Politique Observation.

THat King, who undertakes any affair of weight, which may provoke his neighbour Princes, ought to fix himselfe in a steddy resolution, not to be sha∣ken by any Propositions or complaints, which shall be made to him. He must take it for certain, that all who are any way concern'd, will send their Ambassadors to him, as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions, to represent their in∣terests to him, and to presse him to be mindful of them; but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer, who being once in, and to passe over some Arm of the Sea, lets the Tempest whurle, and the waves swell up as they please, he not thinketh on any thing, but how to get on shoar; The same reasons, which were the grounds of his resolution, ought to be the rules of his answers, which he shall make to such Ambassadors; and if it bee but well considered, all their urgen∣cies and instances, ought to bee the more suspected by him, that they were only made to amuse him, if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived, by the Princes who send them. The Lacedemonians were much troubled that the•• had given audience to Themistocles, who was sent to them from the Athenians up••••

an Embassassie, to make delayes, and that in the means time they might fortifie themselves. Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while, making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors, whom the Athe∣nians had commanded to be joyned with him, but in conclusion they smelt it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortifie the Citty of Athens.

The Order which a King should take in such a businesse, is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies, to discover his intentions. If they are on∣ly of spie, as it many times happens in war, under pretences of making proposals of Peace, my advise is to return them back again, as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus; withal to cause them to be watched, and to have an eye upon all their actions. Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassa∣dors, who were sent from Xerxes, to hinder their associating themselves, with all the other Towns of Greece, should not speak with any particular man, during their short stay in the Citty. I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceedings, he ought to receive them with honor, to treat them magnifiently, and to give them a favorable audience, that they may not com∣plain, there was any deficiency, of paying them all the duties of hospitallity: But as to the subject of their negociation, he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs, with as much courage as prudence, to fortifie his Soul with such motives, as inga∣ged him in his enterprise, as with so many impregnable Bastions, without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever, but to prose∣cute his work, till he bee come to the very end he had proposed to himself, or at least so neer as possibly he may, withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said, every one who fights doeth not conquer, and the Con∣querors, do not alwayes were the Garland.

The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Venice, negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy.

THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy, and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up, it would be a great inconveniency to him, so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection, he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy, to oppose that which had been concluded between the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice, and at the same time, he summoned all his Estates, and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown, to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War. Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King, Duke of Savoy, and Venetians would divide it between them; so every one of those little Princes, being touched in his own Interests, was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence. The Partisans of Spain say, that this Alliance between their King, the Duke of Parma and Modena, the Common-wealths of Genoa, and Lucqua, had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria, Governour of Milan, and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys, who should come to Genova, and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix, who was to be Admiral, they reported too, that all the Kingdomes of Spain, and the Grandees of the whole Nation, were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men. But all these black stormy Clouds, vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms, and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes, as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year.

Politique Observation

THE Affairs of Christendome, were brought to that passe, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, did partake with the Interests of all other Princes. The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other, and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other. If any one ask a reason hereof, it may be ascribed to that emulation, which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them, so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power; but to speak more rightly, the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain, for that either of them have their particular motives. The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians, have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy, not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it, and consequentially, they do easily violate all Rights and Justice, not reflecting, that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians, stood but a little while, it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation, which was the de∣struction of their Power: Now with France it is quite otherwise, whose State be∣ing grounded upon Justice, doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms, but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it. France hath no design but to preserve it self. Spain to increase it self; France knoweth that safe∣ty consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another; and therefore it is, that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent, that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her, or her Allies. Spain on the other side, which hath long since formed and contrived a design of ma∣king it self master of all Europe, conceiveth that there is wrong done him, if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates, or take up Arms for their defence. Now to cement them in this dispute, either of the two Crowns have their Allies, which are tied to them by several Bonds, that is, by diffe∣rent considerations France hath such for her Allies, who suspect the Power of Spain, and fear they shall be set upon by it: Spain hath others, who take part with the In∣terests of the House of Austria, as issued from thence by some relation or other, and who are so far from France, that being not easily releeved, they are forced to keep all fair with them, and serve them in their designs, under the hopes, that by this means they may at least procure that favour, which the Cyclop promised Ʋlysses. In this last from I range the Italians, who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been, hath been to them, by reason of their distance from one another, and the difficulties of passing Forces in∣to their Country, do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard, it being easie for him to seize upon their States, Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them. Experience hath made it evident, that they were never faithfull to the French. They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes, by allying themselves with them, but after they had occasioned great expences, and all to no purpose, they fell off from their words, as Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d. though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour. The onely means to unite them really with France, and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain, whom they have no great inclination to, were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers, which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province, which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal, in the possession of Pignerol.

The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France, Venice, and Savoy.

AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices, which are used to surprize the minds of People, and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought

most proper to inflame their Courages to War: So the Spaniards were not back∣ward to countenance their designs, by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France, Savoy, and Venice; and with all that Justice might ap∣pear to be with them, to make use of Religion and Piety, as a Cloak to their knave∣ry. They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to in∣vade the Indiaes; That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d. to make himself Master of France, and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate, and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline. It gave their Li∣bellers opportunity to say, that the King of Great Britain, and the Swiss Protestants were ingaged in the same League, though in truth, there was onely the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice comprised in it. They called it by the name of the Protestant League, but with so little truth, that there was no appearance of it; and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League, seeing they had on their party the Elector, the Princes of Upper Saxony, the Dukes of Luneburg, the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt, and the most part of the Lutherans of Ger∣many, so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks.

By which one might beleeve, they would place even God himself amongst this number, because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs. They declared every where, that their onely intention for their parts, was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline, and to root out Heresie, though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented, and which gave them most advantage, was headed by Rodolph, Planta, and several other principal Hereticks of that Country. Neither did they stick to say, that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons. But they went not away without a reply made to them, which was this, that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated, but when they contrived Combinations against the State, and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals, they were equal∣ly punished with the rest, without any respect had to their Religion. To be short, they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People, Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines, though for the most part, those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons, were Hereticks; desiring to make People beleeve, that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion. But besides, that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth, any one might easily know, that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen, either Catholicks or Hereticks, and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free; so that it was easie to answer them, that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns (before any considera∣tion could be had of what Religion they were) as Gods Lievtenants, and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ, and by their deeds, no one had any cause to complain of them at all; and thus all their Reasons tended onely to sur∣prize peoples understandings, who were weak, but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding, to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambiti∣on; and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud, when as his Majesty had pro∣posed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion, and the Liberty of Catholicks, which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines, or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great, from obtaining his Absolution from Rome, after his Conversion; though they every where Proclaimed, that the design of their Army in France, was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men, to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion. So in the Heathens time, the Governours of the City of Rome, after they had, to no purpose, used their utmost indeavours, to hinder the Peo∣ple from being elected into Offices, had at last their recourse to Religion, and made them beleeve, that they having consulted the Gods on that affair, were assured by

them, that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty, were to prophane them; which being so, saith T. Livy, they forthwith desired them, to recede from their pretentions, they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods, then of their own particular Interest. They well knew that the peo∣ple were much addicted to Religion, and that it were so much the more easie to sur∣prise them upon that accompt, they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes, the genuine reasons of State, or of Religion it self. Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire, was not contented by his pretending a great Treason, to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba; but moreover told the Souldiers, the more to inflame them, that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest, that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them. After all, these fetches can one∣ly surprize silly people, they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort, are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation, they ought more to regard their actions then their words. They learn by experience that such kind of People, cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money, who daub over their base allay, with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it. But Princes are now so accu∣stomed to see through their disguises, that they are no more to be over-reached by them, and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people, they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies.

Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots.

THere need no more to proove, that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards, to hide the injustice of their designes, then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France, which when undi∣vided, hath been alwayes so potent, that it hath impeded the cours of their pro∣ceedings; and therfore it was, that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them, as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline. Those great losses, which the Heretiques continually had had, for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc, alwayes kept them waking, especially after the Peace of Montpellier, they well perceiving that those small Routs, which they had suffered, did threaten their party, with an utter destruction.

The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them, were not backward to fo∣ment it, and laboured very much, to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan, who were the only eminent persons, to command their arms. Their designe took effect: These two Brothers, being met at Castres, to consider on such Propositions, which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year, resolved to rayse those of their Party, the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc. The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis) of which wee have already spoken, about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution, as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party. This Dut∣chesse, that she might use her utmost dilligence, went most commenly by torch∣light in the night time in her Coach, which being in mourning, and withall furni∣shed with eight black Horses, served rather to strike a terror into the Country peo∣ple, (who were not used to see such spectacles) then to gain any the chief men of their towns. But the Cardinals vigilance, was the principal obstacle, which ren∣dered all their Combinations void. He induced the King to send with all hast, about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc, with certain Re∣giments, to oppose the first commotions, and to employ many persons of discre∣tion, to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns, and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties. The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest, which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party, and made them believe, that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel; That the losse of their Religion was inevitable, if they did not defend themselves by Armes, and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel, was an assured signe of it, as also those other ad∣vantages

which he had taken against them. He prevented them in believing his Ma∣jesties Edicts and Proclamations, by that supposition which he instilled into them, that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books; That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques. It's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations, that most were taken with them, particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns, certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Re∣ligion, to encourage them, and to stir up the Popular Ministers, who after this looked for nothing but when to rise, not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to, were contrived by the Spaniards, who make open profession of being their ennemies, and who pretended not, to make use of them, but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy.

Politique Observations.

NO one but a King ought to take up Arms: As formerly among the Romans, it only belonged to the Consuls, who had the superintendency of State, to open the two gates barred with Iron, and fastned with a hundred hinges, which were opened in token of war: so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules, it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy, and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies, because he had attempted it, without the command of the People and Senate. Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God, no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever, without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion. True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War, how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext? And those Hereticks who make professi∣on of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ, have ill studied it, if they have not observed this truth in it, that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though In∣fidels then others. God saith in Esay, speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians, who had no knowledge of his holy name. I have called thee though thou hast not known me, I have named thee by thy name, and have raised thee up to honour and power, though thou hast had no knowledge of me; and I will, that both they of the East and West shall know, that it is I who have established thee, and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth, that hath not received his Power from me and my hand; and afterwards he addeth, that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand, that he might bring the Nations into Subjection, whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings, who breaketh the Gate of Brass, and bursteth the Bars of Iron, to whom all things are manifest, and nothing is con∣cealed from him. Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant, and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were. Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen, besieged, taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem, razed the Walls, demolished the Houses, burned the Temple, prophaned the San∣ctuary, took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service, killed the Kings Children, with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple, and carried the re••t Captive into Babylon: Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God; yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch, saying, to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People; God who hath created men, and the beasts of the Field by his great power, and stretched out Arm, hath given it to whom he pleased, and hath placed it in the hands of his ser∣vant Nebuchadonozer. He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son; submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke, and serve him; and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke▪ God wil visit him with the Famine, the Sword, and the Pestilence: Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Bal∣thasar his son, to the end they may live as long upon the Earth, as the Heavens shall indure. Which being so, can it be lawfull or in the power of men, for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings? Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Autho∣rity, to give them a Law contrary to Gods command? In St. Pauls time, and the

rest of the Apostles, there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith, yet they commanded that they should be prayed for, and that they should give them all manner of Honour, Subjection, and Obedience, and to bear themselves hum∣bly before them, for the love of God and a good Conscience: Whence it is, That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable, that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince, under whom God hath subjected them, or to assume to themselves any power over him, to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions. Subjects have not by the Law of God, any other defence then flight. That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians, and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince, or Commonwealth and Com∣monwealth, yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign.

The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted.

THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots, whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline, obliged his Majesty to do the like by him, in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa. It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War, but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first; a weaknesse worth the ob∣servation, in regard there was not one Fort there, excepting that of Rive, which could indure any long Siege: So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them, un∣lesse their Arms who would re-take them, be so strongly diverted, that they may be hindred from comming to them: Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts be∣fore they were deposited in the Popes hands, was a sufficient token of his design, long since concluded on in his Counsels, of making himself absolute Master of Italy; it being most probable, that who so once seizeth on the dore, would likewise enter upon the whole house. It being thus manifestly necessary to oppose the progress of this ambitious design, it could not be better effected then by the assaulting of Genoa, which is the onely Port of entrance on this side of the Alps, which being shut up, and preventing his ingress on that side, he could hardly bring in any Troops at all, especially if the Forts of the Valtoline were no longer in his possession. With∣all, the State of Genoa did not onely serve the Spaniards as an Inlet into Italy, but also to convey souldiers into Germany and the Low Countries, and for a Mine from whence they extracted good store of mony, so that the depriving them of it would be no small weakning to him: These were the true reasons which invited the King to this attempt which were so just, that it appeared lawfull, that State being the one∣ly Flower, which the negligence of some of our Kings have suffered to be pulled out of this Crown, and the Spaniard could have no more reason to complain of his Majesties entring upon Genoa, which was under their Kings Protection, then the King of France had, to lament his seizure of the Valtoline, of which his Majesty of France had had the Protection for many years together. The King was neces∣sitated to make use of the Duke of Savoy in this affair, both that he might have free passage thither, and also furnish himself by that means, of Cannon and provisions for the Army. The Cardinal perswaded the King to make him chief of the expedi∣tion, whereby the more to ingage him. All this was dispatched in a conference had with him at Suze, by the Constable of Lesdig••ieres. The Marshal de Crequis re∣turned to the Court after October in the last year, to give an accompt to his Majesty of what might be expected from him, and the Sieur de St. Gerry, was sent back to the Duke and Constable, with those resolutions which had been concluded on, in relation to their Proposals, and with order to the Constable to raise forces necessary for the design. The Duke was the more inclined to it, seeing the injuries which the Genoeses had done him but lately, were a just cause to begin a War. He declared in his Manifest, that they had destroyed the limits, which parted the Lands of Genoa and Piedmont, and had incroached upon his Territories, that they had violently ta∣ken

away the Fee of Zuccarel, and withall offered indignities to his Effigies, as a mark of the hatred which they did bear him: These just offences did oblige him to resent them; but he being too weak to carry on a War against them, where he should quickly find the Spaniard in the head of them, was very glad of the Kings assistance and willingly accepted of the honour of commanding in chief all such For∣ces as should be sent, which being thus contrived, they could onely passe under the notion of Auxiliaries: And if it were honourable for the Duke to be the head of such an enterprise, it was not lesse advantagious for the King to raise by this means a diversion, able to find work for all the Powers of the House of Austria, with∣out making an absolute breach with them. The Cessation preserved at that time the Forts in the Valtoline, and ingaged the Duke by so many Interests and concerns in the War, that it was impossible for him to fall off or be unfaithfull, and not find his own ruine in it. And the Cardinals counsel in this particular, passed for an effect of his incomparable Prudence.

These things being thus concluded on, and orders given out accordingly, the King commanded the Marshal de Crequis to return back to the Constable of Lesdiguierres, with further confirmation of what ever had formerly been sent to him by the Sieur de St. Gerry in order to his Proposals. It would not have been amiss to have inga∣ged the Venetians in this design which was attempted, but Common-wealths are so long, and so hardly induced to resolve upon any great affair, that it was done without them. The Constable passed over the hills, about the beginning of the year, with ten thousand foot, and two thousand horse, and there met with the Marshal: On the second of February, the whole body of the Army consisted of five and twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, every one ready to march about the end of February, which strook such a terrour into Rome, that the Pope and the most part of them, knew not what to think of it, but apprehending that they should shortly see all Italy in a flame of War, and fearing lest the sparkles of them might fall on them, and consume that sweet repose which they then in∣joyed.

Politique Observation.

JT is great Prudence in a King who would enterprize a forraign War, to make him∣self sure of that Prince which is nearest the Country he would assault; it was for this reason that Scipio designing to carry the War in Affrica, against the Carthaginians, procured a League to be made between the Romans and Cyphax, but as it is a thing very difficult to keep Princes Confederates in a War any long time together, in which they have little interest: So it is a great peece of Wisdome to make him chief of it, when a design cannot be executed without him, by reason he is master of the passa∣ges, and it is from him onely that recruits can be had, as also Ammunitions of War for the subsistance of the Army. To avoid the ordinary mis-fortunes of Leagues, it were necessary that those Princes with whom one doth ingage, were obliged by o∣ther tyes then those of Fidelity which is due to their words; and if it be so impor∣tant for all Allies, it is much more necessary for him. Had Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan been touched with this fear, and beleeved he could not have broke off the Alliance with France without losing his Estate, he had never been worse then his word, with those of our Kings, who had not carried their Arms into Italy, but upon the assurance he had given him of his Fidelity. And who seeth not that the King that doth thus, hath an advantage of assaulting his enemy, without making an absolute breach with him. He hath an advantage very considerable seeing it serves him to put his own Estates in safety, and that he doth ingage that Prince so much the more strictly, whom he makes chief of his design, to keep his word with him; because if he once break off he may freely abandon him, and suffer him to pe∣rish under his enemies Arms, without putting himself to the trouble of making a Treaty of Peace, or breaking the Laws of Alliance, which do not oblige to any fur∣ther assisting of him, who hath once broke his word.

The Pope sends the Cardinal Barberine in the quality of a Legate in∣to France, to negotiate the Peace between his Majesty and the King of Spaine.

THE Pope, who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Chri∣stian Princes, as well as that of Soveraign Bishop, was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming, out both in France and Italy. The condi∣tion of France mooved him with pitty, it being both against the Church, as well as against the Kings authority; but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy. He had some apprehensions to for his own States, doub∣ting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy; this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine, or into some other neuter place, where the two Kings Deputies might be found, to negotiate a Peace; as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins, and Aldobrandine, for the Peace of Savoy; His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Be∣thune, as a thing which he had resolved on, and told him, that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment, and that he would willingly pre∣fer his desires, and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other. He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra, to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered, that he was very capeable of the Legation. But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster, living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did, would commonly judge by the rules of devotion, which being so, it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline, more then by the specious pretext, which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion, and thus considering all in a spiritual way, without regarding those interests of state, which would happen, there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications, to make the peace between the people, who should be interessed it it. It was said in few words, and no reply on the one side or the other. The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design, and proposed to send the Car∣dinal Barberin his Nephew, who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotia∣tion, and to make the voyage between France and Spain.

Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardi∣nals of the Consistory, yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negoti∣ate this business. Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline, he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose, but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge, he would not te∣stify to his Holiness, that he misliked his choyse, only upon the first motion of it, he expostulated it with his Holiness, and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person, who being so neerly related to him, could not but be very dear to him; thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him, then all others; and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter, that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour, in which the greatest diffi∣culties were contained, without which finding the business all confused and undige∣sted either in France or Spaine, it would of necessity follow, that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court: But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew, who took a singuler delight to please him, took no notice of it, and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse, and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals, out of the gates of Rome, according to the usual custome. They who had been upon the same employments before him, return'd back to Rome for a few dayes, that he might take orders for their occasions, but did not appear on any publique employments. The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey, made him prolong it no more then one day, so that he set out immediately punctually

observing his Holiness command, of using an extraordinary industry, to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy, to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father, by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine.

Politick Observation.

IT is no lesse Glorious, then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes; one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun, is to establish such a Temperature, and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements, that they may all subsist together, and contribute to the preservation of the universe; for without this as the Naturalists have observed, the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing, by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them: Just so the moderation which the Popes (who are in the Church, as the Sun in Heaven) shall use amid'st the broyls and wars, which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes, is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor. If it be honourable to them, it cannot be lesse advantageous to, seeing their authority, is never so considerable as in times of Peace, and that their Ora∣cles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection. Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this, they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth, who took the flesh upon him, that he might bring peace to all the world, which also he recommended to his Apostles, as the thing he would have most cheri••hed: Thus to do, is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master: this is to follow his intentions, and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed; but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes, they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest: For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities, would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper: so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes, when once they take part with any particular interest: for who so once appears partial, is no longer fit to be credited, or to make any proposal which will not be suspected.

Father Berule arriveth at Rome, to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France, to be married with the Prince of Wales.

LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin, to make his journy into France, we shall anon overtake him at the Court, and take notice of what passed in his negociation. Let us now speak of another important Affair, which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister: we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer, that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded, Father Berule was sent to Room, to procure a disperse for it, where being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune, he supplicated his Holiness, on his Master behalf, that he would bee pleased to grant him the di∣spensation for it.

The Pope receiv'd him, with such honour, as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes; and as to that which concern'd the dispense, his Ho∣liness told him, that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards, when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spaine, he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then, and could not now conclude it, without acquainting them with it; but however promised him, that they who were suspected to be against the French interest, should not be called to the consultation, but that others which favoured it should be put in their places: but withal to testifie his good will to the King, he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards, that is, he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence, that he might give the quicker dispatch to it. With∣in

in a few dayes after, he named the Cardinals, but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself, whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards, with whom he had no great mind to em∣broyl himself, or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties, as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense: and this was as much as passed upon the first motion, though afterwards many disputes did arise, either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affaires in the Court of Room, to seek all advantages for Religion, and to raise questions where there are none, that their final results may be the more vallid; or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private▪ had perswaded them to ad some other things in the dispense, then had been concluded in the Articles. These difficulties thus risen, ingaged the Sieur de Bethune, who understood not whence they came, to joyn himself to the Father Berule, and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness, that the great zeal his Master had for the Church, had induced him to take a great deal of paines, for the obtaining the most advanta∣geous conditions in the Articles, that could be hoped for by the English Catholi∣ques. That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage, should be brought up by the Queen, only until their age of twelve yeers, but the King not contented with that, had obtained it until the thirteenth yeer, which was no inconsiderable businesse, because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion, as will not easily be rooted out in future. He was not deficient in representing to him, both the hapiness and glory, that it would for ever be to his Popedom, if the eldst son who should be born, should re∣ligiously preserve those instructions in his riper age, which the Queen should give him, and at last establish the Church of England in it's liberty and splendour. That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage, which might happen by it hereafter, especially seeing in the last Article, the King of Great Brit∣tany promised to treat with more sweetness, and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholiques, in behalf of the alliance with France, then otherwise he would have done, for that of Spain; that he was bound by oath to perform it; that it was true, the Spaniards had demanded more, that is, a publique Church in England, but withal they could not procure it to be granted, and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected, then what had been alreaded concluded; that all which is to be wished, is not alwayes possible; and after all, that the three princi∣pal things which ought to be considered had been agree to, which was the assu∣rance of the Princess her conscience, the education of such children as God should blesse her with, and the liberty of Catholique: he also went and related the same to the Deputies. At last after three several meetings upon the business, they thought (so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes, when he discoursed with them in private) that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the di∣spe••se, according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns: but they would needs have this added, that those servants, who were to wayt upon such children as God should give to the Princess, should be Catho∣liques and chosen by her, during the age that they were to be under her goverment. That the English should not by any means endeavour, to draw off the Princesses servants from the Catholique Religion, nor those of the Messieurs her Children, whilst they should remain with her. Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things, and that the King of France, should pro∣mise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed, to which the King of Eng∣land should oblige himself. The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder, that they should so earnestly ad those Conditions to the Articles, which were not only capa∣ble of retarding, but also of quite breaking of the match, and consequently bring the English Catholiques into a greater persecution then ever. But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal, which was a little too hot, and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals, with such strong impressions, that they were irresistably bent up∣on it, this good man making it appear by his transaction, that the most spiritual men,

are not alwaies the most proper persons to be imployed in negotiation of State; by reason of the subtlety of the spirits, which do refine things a little too much, and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others, and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Lawes even of a necessity it self.

Politique Observation.

IT is a great Imprudence in an Embassadour, to move contrary to his Instruction, and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense: Orders are to Embassadours as Compasses to Pylots, and as a Pylot ex∣poseth himself to the danger of Shipwrack, when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio, so an Embassadour endangereth the success of his negotiation, if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him: he ought to consider, that the person who imploys him, hath more knowledge of the Affair then himself. That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit, those are the onely means which he is commanded to follow, that must guide him to the end of his Affair, and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not onely run the hazard of losing himself, but also of bringing his Master into such trouble, as he wil have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them. The Athe∣nians did heretofore, think this to be a business of so great importance, that they condemned their Embassadours to die, whom they had sent into Arcadia, for one∣ly returning home by another Coast, then that which they were commanded, though they had well dispatched the Affair they were imployed on, as it is reported by Eli∣an. It is true, the face of things may alter after an Embassadours departure, and if so, he must have his eyes in his head, it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him, for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair: But in case Af∣fairs be not altered, he is bound to stick close to his Instructions, under penalty of being very faulty; Manlius did not spare his own son, for fighting with the Ene∣my contrary to his order, though he got the better of them; for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his Generals command, though he be assu∣red to overcome him: And that Embassador deserveth severely to be chastised, who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him; for the manage∣ment of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State, then the Conduct of a War. Those spirits which are most acute and subtle, are most subject to slip into this defect, because they are more wedded to their own opinions, and will ever be refining of things more then need requires, esteeming more their own thoughts, then all the orders which shall be given to them; and this is it which made Thucydides say, Those Souls which are a little more steady, are propperer for negotiations, then those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness.

The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispence for the Match with England.

THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio, with expresse order not to deliver it, untill the King of England should ingage himself by Oath, to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted, and untill the King of France had given it under his hand, that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles, to which the King of England should ingage, to be fully accomplished. The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King, and his Maje∣sty was not a little surprized at it, to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England, and to seek for a new dispence from Rome, when some moneths had been passed over in the soliciting for the former. Indeed it was so much the more troublesome, in respect, that these obstructions might to∣tally break it off, which might not onely breed quarrels between the two Crowns

but divers mis-fortunes upon the Catholicks in England. A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio, and it was there represented to him, of how little importance these new Articles ••ere, in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things, especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess, that is, by her Domestiques and servants, and by those of the Princess were to be Catholicks, which did tacitely imply; that the Children should be brought up by Catholicks. This was easie to be demonstrated, but the Nuntio being of an im∣pertinent nature in affairs, as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests, beseech∣ed the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfie his Holiness, without imbroy∣ling the business with the King of England; promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear, for the taking away all obstructi∣ons and difficulties, which might bring any delay to the marriage. In prosecution whereof, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with, and the King writ to his Majesty of England, to desire him to condiscend to those alterations which the Pope had made, letting him see how frivolous they were.

The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder; but how∣ever seeing it had been agreed, that the children who should be born of this match, were to be educated by the Princesse, untill their respective ages of thirteen years, and that her servants were to be Catholicks, and to have all freedome for the exercise of their Religion, hee consented to all that was desired; as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholick, and should have no trouble in their Religion; accordingly hee sent all manner of assurances to the King, but not a word of swearing to it, which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance. The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected; the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope, where∣in she promised upon her Parol, not to chuse any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her, but such as should be Catholicks. All Conditions be∣ing thus resolved on, it was verily beleeved, there could be no further difficulties rai∣sed at Rome. There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea, the other by Land, to the Sieur de Bethune, with Orders to procure the dispense to bee amended withall expedition, and to beseech the Pope in his Majesties name, to dis∣patch it according to the Articles, which had been newly agreed on, without ex∣acting a new Oath. The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence, and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty; he spake to the People with a great deal of affection, by re-presenting to him those great bles∣sings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown, and with what zeal his Majesty had imployed his Arms against the Hereticks; all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair, in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice, both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him; as also, because his Actions gave great assurance, that he would never omit any occasion, which might tend to the advan∣tage of the Church. He forgot not to represent to him, the dangers that would en∣sue from a total breach, by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage, and the severe usage that the Catholiques in England would consequentially lie under. That what his Holiness had thought fit to adde to the Articles already concluded on, was in a manner included in them already, and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those, who should have the honour to be neer the Princess; however, that his Master the King, that he might testifie the respect which he bore his Holiness, had written to the King of Great Brittain who had con∣sented to it, excepting onely in the point of taking a new Oath, which he would no more press him upon, in regard of that Oath which he had already made in respect of Religion, the Princess and her servants, and the Liberties of the English Catho∣liques; and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath. That there was sufficient provision made, both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience, for her Domestiques and Children, seeing they were to re∣main

mayn with the Princess, as well as the children; which being so, it would of ne∣nessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion. He told him likewise, that the King his Master being bound to his Holi∣ness, for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain, was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King. That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness, with all earnest∣ness, and not rest barely there, but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obli∣ged to grant him his request, seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity, seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion, that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages, without any dispense.

These were the chief reasons, which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Ho∣liness, and likewise to the Cardinals, who were deputed in the businesse of the di∣spense. They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them, and testified a great readinesse, to do that which was desired of them. The Pope sent word to the Cardinals, that they should give a quick dispatch to the business, that he de∣sired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for, both that he might ac∣knowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church, as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of Eng∣land. Accordingly they met together, and concluded on it as the King desired, and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio, that it might be deli∣vered to the King, who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain.

Politick Observation.

JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage, it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time. No Affair can ob∣lige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice; but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize. He who doth not take this truth, for a rule in his Conduct, will be subject to commit great faults, and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World, That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will; he doing whatsoever best pleases him, but the latter, is obliged to necessities, and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things. Thus though it be allowed such men, on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends, to raise up some scruples and difficulties, whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing (it being usual with most men, little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease) yet when it is once evident, that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs, will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them, they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it: For what refuse they shall af∣terwards make, will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction, then that of Prudence.

The death of James King of Great Brittain, and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son, and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France.

DUring the negotiation for the dispense, King James of Great Brittain, fell very sick at Theobalds, twelve miles distant from London. After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague, which weakned him exceedingly much, he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him, and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason, and recommended to him those Officers, who had faithfully served him. But especially his little grand children, the Infants of the Electrix Pa∣latine his daughter, encouraging him to make use of that power, which he should

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leave him, for the re-establishing of them, in their Fathers Dominions; and then finding himself declining into his Agony, he gave him his blessing, wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms, which he should shortly leave to him. About the end of March he died, at which instant the Heralds (according to the custom of England) proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain, who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him.

He having a great desire to be married, the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse, to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name. The King too desired to see an end of the businesse, so that upon the first arrival of that power, the execution of it was no longer deferred. The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May, in the presence of the King the Queens, all the Princes and great Lords of the Court, by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud, who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies, on the Sunday following, being the eleventh of May, in the Church of Nostre Dame, in the quality of Great Al∣moner. I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done, only I shall say nothing was omitted. The Espousals were made upon a Theater, raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church. Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony, where the King and three Queens were assistants. Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there, who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier, retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse, as representing the King of Englands Person, who was of a different Religion; but they went again to receive his Ma∣jesty at the same door, as soon as Masse was ended, and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall, where the King dined with the Queens, his Mother, his Wife, and his Sister, the Duke of Chevreuse, the Earles of Carlisle and Holland, the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise, Elboeuf, and of Chevreuse, with the most magnificencies, that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies, could invent. There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris, and the Cannons made such a noyse, as if Heaven and Earth would have come together.

The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain, to go over into France, and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him.

THese things thus past, the Duke of Buckingham (the King of Great Britains favorite) was commanded to go into France, to desire the King, that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be, to come to him. He arrived at Paris about the end of May, and during that little stay which he made, he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency. The King granted him his de∣mands, and the Queen of Great Brittain departed about the beginning of June. She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother, the Queen Regent, Mon∣sieur the Kings Brother, and almost all, who were considerable in the Court: going thorough Amiens, she was received there with the same honour, as is do to the King himself, he having so commanded it. In this place, shee took her Leave of the Queen Mother, but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on, and Monsieur the Kings Brother attended by most part of the Court, con∣ducted her to Boulongne, where she was imbarked, in the greatst Ship of the O∣cean, which was richly prepared for her. The Windes were so favourable, that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let, where the Cannons Drums and Trumpets, endeavoured in emulation of one another, to testifie their noyse, which should most welcome her, with there greatest mirth at her first entrance. The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the Rivers side, where the Perfums and pleasant smels, might make her an exchange of those ill sents of the Sea, into an ayr of Amber, Orange and Jessamy Flowers. The King of Great Brittain, whom she had sent to entreat, he would be pleased to stay until the mor∣row

before he saw her, by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea, came accordingly the day after to meet her, with all that was Illustrious in his Court; and shewed, That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul, by those respects and extraordinary inventions, to render her first entrance pleasing to her. They dined together, and that night lay at Canturbury, where the Mariage was con∣summated to the equal contentment, of the two Crowns of France and England.

Politique Observation.

MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues, which gives most luster to Kings, who are no otherwise esteemed great, but by their abilities to do greater things then others. That is it, which makes their names glorious amongst Stran∣gers, and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects. Philoso∣phers say, actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject, which produceth them; whence it comes to passe, that that of Kings being the most emi∣nent of al others, they should not do any but magnificent things: and thus the Empe∣ror Dioclesian said publiquely. If this virtue be wel beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it, then at their own, or those of their Families ma∣riage, for at such times most especially it is, that strangers and their own subjects too, do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts; which at other times they themselves are but seldome seen; so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern, then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect, to the doing of which, no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions, doth very much contribute: Withall, if expences ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made, what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on, then either their own, or the marriages of those of their Blood? Besides, seeing Wealth is not gi∣ven them by Heaven, but onely to be honourably imployed, how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with, on such occasions as those are? would it not passe for an extream meanness of spirit? The goods of private men are their own, and for their own uses, insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please; but it is not so with Kings, they are obliged to imploy that which is lent them, towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Re∣verence and Honour into the Minds of the People, which is due unto them. Those great Costs and Charges, which are layed out on frivolous matters, are as soon for∣gotten as the whistling of the Wind, neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent; but it is not so when well used, and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs. It is to imitate God (if done in order) who hath not onely the power of working outward Miracles, but also of doing them with weight, number, and measure.

It is most certain, Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendring themselves admired amongst men, by their magnificent Actions, to which purpose a noble expence, doth extraordinarily much conduce.

Intreagues of the English Embassadour with some Ladies of the Court, dis∣covered by the Cardinal.

THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome, in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage, forced the English Embassadour to a long stay in France. Now whether it were for diversion, or to make any advantage by their stay, they strook into acquaintance with certain Ladies, under pretence of Gallant∣ry; but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France, and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intreagues, that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Masters advantage. Their meetings were so frequent, that it gave a cause of suspicion; especially to those who were not ignorant, that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls, to raise

Factions and foment them. There were many entertainments made at the Court, to serve for a pretext to their interviews. It was well known, that there had been divers Essays made, to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies, and had some share in their beleef, and withall, some small beginnings of discontent; insomuch, that the King was acquainted with it, and concern'd to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of, amongst others, the Dame de Vervet was one, and to fore-see that, the excesse of their conservation might not produce other effects, then those of Gallantries. But as they verily beleeved the Cardinal, to have been the Promoter of his Majesties resolution in that thing, so they conceived so great a ha∣tred against him, that they had much ado, to be induced to pardon him, though hee did not for his part much trouble himself at it, for that he onely acted for the service of his King, and the good of the State.

Politique Observation.

THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs, yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions, and broyls, as al∣so to disclose any secrets. Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with de∣ceit to insnare, and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilfull to ingage men, gives them so absolute an Empire over them, that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover, or perswade them to do, if once they make it their business. That weakness of theirs which layes them open to be Preyed upon, is the thing which gives them most Power over mens Souls; were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them; they would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire. I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation, design∣ing to involve us in sin, made his first addresses to Eve, rather then upon the man, knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end, if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits; who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus, affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives, not that hee might indulge his Senses, or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures; but that hee might fish out of them, any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-ad∣vantage or Ruine? and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device.

Open War in the State of Genoa.

WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth, Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy. The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French, being all well provided, the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa, the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places, and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves. The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father, and the Marshal de Crequy, with the Constable his Father-in-law. The King, in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France, consented that the Duke should give the word, and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont. The Or∣der which they observed was thus, That the Constable should march with the Avant guard, towards the Coast of Loppiata, and his Highness with the body of the Ar∣my towards Cremolin. The Constable comming before Loppiata, the Inhabitants made some small resistance, but they were soon forced, and their Town Pillaged, to strike a terrour into others: this induced those of Gua, a City belonging to the Ter∣ritories of Genoa, to send their Keys to the Duke, who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment, to Quarter there, found some resistance, for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time, had put in some Forces there, to defend it; so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie, to march thither with certain Compa∣nies,

which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces, that they presently lest the place, and Captain Martin Corseque, delivered it at the first summons. The City of Novy which is very large, sent at the same time, to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates; and accordingly he seized on it, and then turn∣ing towards Gavy, he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans, whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place, and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyn∣ed with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees, some Modenois, and other some Parmesans, who pretended to defend the Town. But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage, in a fight which lasted neer two hours, and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse, not far off the same place, they routed them with such good success, that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours, killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place, took above a thousand Prisoners, and amongst them the chief Commanders. Upon this defeat, they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy, which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa. The Castle is built on a Rock, and the Town well fortified; insomuch that many were of opinion, it would be a hard task to take it, seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedi∣tion which he made in the time of Francis the first, into the River of Genoa, could not take it in. But the Constables courage, which was not used to stoop under any Fear, did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town. He who command∣ed it, made a Sally, with about three hundred men, of which two hundred were slain in the place, which so terrified those of the Town, that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates; provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges, which was granted to them; and the Constable being got into the Town, began to besiege the Castle. At the first, the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it, discharging several shot into the Town, beleeving that the Castle could not be battered, and supposing there were not any points of Rocks, upon which any Cannon could be mounted to com∣mand it; but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossi∣ble to the courage of the French; for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon cer∣tain Rocks, which did so awe him, that he was forced to surrender upon Composi∣tion on the last of April. Some Spanish Relations say, that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot, then forced by the Cannon to surrender; but their anger was at the Constable, who had made himself Master of the place. After these happy exploits, the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army, to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego, where the Genoveses were intrenched, and to make way for the Siege of Savonne. He presently forced their Trenches, so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains, defended with a good Castle, and several small Forts, his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault, after he had taken in those little Forts, though it seemed capa∣ble of holding out a longer Siege, which was executed with so much resolution and good successe, that the place was won in an instant, the besieged yeelding them∣selves (as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured) upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance, for there were at least two hundred killed and taken, together with seven Colours, which were sent by the Prince, to the Princess of Piedmont, and afterwards to the King, together with those three and twenty others, which were taken at the defeat of Ottage, and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp, Caracciolo and Catanda, fent by the Duke of Savoy, as the the fruits of those Victories, which his Majesties Armies had obtained, with a Let∣ter in answer to that which was brought him, by the Marquess de Saluce. The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Pl••ve, he destroyed the Country towards Albengua, the Magistrate of which place, sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants; accordingly, he entred into the Town with some few Troops, and from thence went towards Orvietta, which the Genoveses had newly surprised, but he forced it in a few dayes time. After this once

done, he summoned the City of Ventimelia, the inhabitants made some shew of re∣sistance, but the Prince being come within a League of it, they soon sent their de∣sires to be admitted to Composition. The Castle made some difficulty of surren∣dring, but when the Governour had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks, where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms, he resolved to do as the Town had. Thus in the moneths of March, April, and May, did the Armies of Savoy, over-run in the State of Genoa, all that did resist them, and made themselves Masters, not onely of the places by us na∣med, but of divers others, to the number of one hundred seventy four, strong and weak, so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordina∣ry boldnesse and courage.

Politique Observation.

FOrtune, or to speak more properly, Divine Providence doth commonly favour those, who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise. Not that God worketh miracles, for the crowning them with successe; but indeed, because couragiousness giveth them great advantages; especially, when it is accompanied with Prudence, and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes, doth assist their indeavours, Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts, from which Fear had formerly diverted them; cou∣rage alone is sufficient to strike terrour into an enemy, who fighting more by con∣straint then good will, do usually give ground, when once they find themselves vi∣gorously assaulted. Who knoweth not that it is courage which perswadeth to invade and subject other Countries. Experience hath often evinced, that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him, who is onely intent how to defend himself; especially if he be Prudent in falling on him, in a favourable conjuncture of time, as when his forces are diverted into other imployments, or worn out or unarmed. They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar, do much ascribe them to his native Generousness, which carried him on to attempt any thing, with∣out the least fear; insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds, which spare no man, and commanded the Pylot who conducted him, not to fear, since he carried Caesars Fortune in his Boat. Never did his Souldiers shew their backs, no danger could affright him, well he knew death to be the end of life, but not that it was a mis-fortune. He built his Glory upon Conquests, and the difficulty of his enterprizes re-doubled the Force of his Courage. Fortune was alwaies his friend, and he made it apparent, that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution.

The Prosecution of War in Italy.

FOrtune indeed did much adde to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy, for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time, but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal, who first advised the expedition, who issued out all Orders under the Kings Authority, who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time, that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses, could possibly defend those pla∣ces which were assaulted, by reason of their want of Forces: And lastly, who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa, that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design. Yet however Fortune, or rather Divine Providence, which over-ruleth Armies, doth but laugh at mans Wisdome, and seemeth to de∣light in distributing both good and bad success to their designs: Thus was it, with the French and Savoyards, for the Scales seemed to turn against them, and their Con∣quests came to a Period. The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria, that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany, for the sending of a Potent Army, under the command of Feria, Governour of Milan, for the assisting of the Genoeses. The Marquess de St. Croix, was likewise com∣manded

to put to Sea, a Fleet designed for that purpose, who had imbarked neer four thousand Souldiers, in twenty five Gallies, and five Gallions of Sicilia. These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage, the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy. The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it, and not long after the Constable. Besides, divers Cities of Genoa, seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience, with joy and delight, they turn∣ed about, and before the end of June, rise against their new Governours and Ga∣risons with great violence, as if Fortune had purposely done it, to shew that mis∣fortunes seldome come single. And lastly, the ill-management of the Artillery, and want of Waggons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army (of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault) occasioned more disasters then all the rest; be∣sides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable, did not a little add to compleat them. Things being in this posture, did much incourage the Spaniards, and the Duke de Feria, that he might not lose the advantage of it, entred into Montferrat, about the beginning of July, where he took Spione by force, and not long after Acqui, which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms, and had therin placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up. The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont, and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne, that they might joyntly fall on upon the Duke of Feria; but they found him incamp'd so advantagiously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui, that they could not possibly come neer him, the Passages being so narrow, that onely two men could march a Breast.

At the same time, the inhabitants of Albengua, Novy, and Acquy, revolted against the French Garisons; and shortly after, divers other lesse places, and six thousand Genoeses comming before Gavio, the Governour and his son, cowardly surrendred the place, upon condition to be carried safely into France. The Genoe∣ses received them upon this Composition, and conducted them accordingly; but being there arrived, their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence; Gonvernon the son being hanged, the Fathers body taken up, burned, and his Ashes thrown into the Ayr (death having prevented the execution of judg∣ment upon him.) True it is, Courage doth oftentimes compell Fortune to be fa∣vourable, and the French Army, though thus persecuted, did yet make head, against the Duke de Feria, and prevented his further progress, so that he was forced to make some other diversion, by entring upon Piedmont, and lying down before Ast, with design to besiege it. The Constable was yet there, very weak, it being thought he would have died, so that he went off, and the Marshal de Crequy, upon the thirtieth of August, came into his place with four thousand French.

The same day he made a Sally, with the Prince of Carignan, forced the enemy from a Bridge, which they had kept six dayes, and made them run away with shame, though they had eighteen thousand foot, and seven hundred horse. Was not this a generous exploit of the French, and did it not sufficiently testifie, that had they been near enough to have had recruits and ammunitions from France, or had the Duke of Savoy caused those refreshments to have been brought for the Army which by the Articles of the Treaty he was obliged, they had not so easily lost, what they had so happily obtained. But they were induced to under goe those disasters which are incident to all men, who invade a Forraign Country upon the hopes of a League.

Politique Observation.

ALthough those Wars, which are begun by Princes leagued together, have of∣tentimes happy beginnings; yet it seldome comes to passe, that they do end in a good success. There need no other proof then that of the Wars, which our Kings have made in Italy, for six score years last past. But that we may not dwell upon examples, is not that Prince who trusteth in the promise of his Confederates, like the man who exposeth all his Goods upon the Sea in a leaky Vessel? Experi∣ence

hath shewed us in a thousand incounters, that Princes have so many overtures made, by which one may win upon them, and with-draw them from Leagues, that it is almost impossible to have any absolute assurance of them. One of the chiefest ties which holdeth them fast, is to have in possession some strong place, for a gage of their Fidelity; but there are few who will thus dispossess themselves; doubting least he, into whose hands it be intrusted, will retain it for good and all, by saying or perswading them that they have been defective in their word, in some one thing or other; as Charls the eighth did, after he had received the Florentine Towns in deposit. It is likewise dubious, lest the several Troops or divers Princes in an Ar∣my together, should grow jealous of one another, and then the least distrust or broyls which might arise between them, were enough to withdraw him, who ima∣gineth himself offended; and if there were nothing else, there need no more but this to draw off Confederates from a League, barely to satisfie them in their parti∣cular Interests; for seeing that is it, which is the onely end and aim of all Princes, they will no longer hold together, then it may bee for their advantage. There do oftentimes too happen very great inconveniences; especially, when their united Forces are to march into far distant places, they who border upon those Countries which are to be assaulted, take no care to refresh themselves, either by new troops or necessary provisions for the War, for that those who inhabit further off, not be∣ing easily able to provide for this defect, fall into ruine of themselves, or else their enemies quickly put them to flight. Many united Princes are never comparable to one alone, nor ever capable of encompassing such great enterprises, as a single Prince with his own Subjects, though much inferiour to them in point of numbers.

The Hugonots by the Spaniards Instigation, Arm themselves very potent∣ly against the King.

WHilest Italy served as a Theater for the acting of several Warlike exployts, the Hugonots inspired not onely with that mutinous humour, which is common to them, but also incited by the contrivances of Spain, used their utmost indeavours to divert the Kings Army, as also to fortifie and strengthen themselves both in Languedoc, and Poictou. The Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize, were the chief of the Revolt, the former took the Command upon himself of those Forces in Languedoc, the latter those in Poictou. Now though the Sieur de Soubize, had been repulsed from before the Port of Blavet, yet he got no small advantage by it; for by that means he made himself Master of six great Ships which were the Kings, and the Duke of Nemoure, which gave him opportunity of doing very con∣siderable damages. He had formerly got together, about eleven Ships of War, all very good, and a greater number of Shallops, and small Boats which being assisted with these, he had the ambition to hope he might become Master of the Ocean: In conclusion, he roved up and down upon the Coasts of Poictou and Guien, and committed such savage Cruelties, that more the Turks could not possibly have done, and to secure himself of a near and safe retreat, he seized on the Islands of Ree and Oleron, where he hastned on with the Forts which those of his party had began to build: Withall, finding the Duke of Espernon, drawn off towards Montauban, whither he was gone to ransack as shall be anon declared; he assembled together a Fleet of about seventy four Sails, of all Sizes, and entring into the Girond towards Bourdeaux, they landed about mid June, three thousand men in Medoc, and seized on the Castle, a small place scituated on the Rivers side, where he intrenched him∣self; and so over-running the Plains, where the Burdelois have several houses of Pleasure, he Pillaged them, and committed all other imaginable outrages. But he soon found the Sieur de Thoyras in Front of him, to whom the Cardinal had given Orders from the King to fall upon them, in case they should make any incursions thereabouts, who presently went to find them out with his Troop of light-horse, and

thirteen others of the Regiment of Campagne, one Company of the Garrison of Bergerac, commanded by the Sieur de Plessis, sent by the Duke of Espernon, and some few others, who had been raised thereabouts for the same purpose. Now the Sieur de Thoyras finding himself backed with these Troops, fell upon him so reso∣lutely, that he forced him to give ground, and to weigh their Anchors, and flie to∣wards Rochel, leaving good store of Arms, Cannon, Ammunition, and their Bag∣gage in their Trenches behind them. This Rebuke was so sensible to him, that he was possessed with an extream desire to be revenged for it; so that seeing the Sieur de Thoyras retire, he let go some of his Ships, and sent them under the Conduct of Verger Malagn••t, to make a second attempt on Medoc; who accordingly landed about the Point of Ambes, and committed great Devastations about the plain Coun∣try. But the Cardinal had caused Order to be given to the Country people, to bee alwaies in a readinesse, against any who should attempt upon their goods, who com∣pelled them presently to re-imbark, and joyn with the others under the Sieur de So••bize; by both which it was apparent, that there was no accident, which the Car∣dinal did not foresee, and apply a remedy to before they did appear.

Politique observation.

A Grand Minister is obliged, incessantly to watch after the necessities of the State, for prevention of any enterprizes which may be made, it will escape him very narrowly, if (taking an especial care to be informed of all Passages in the Provin∣ces) he be not acquainted withall the Combinations and Contrivances which are on foot, as also the preparations which are in agitation for a Revolt, it being im∣possible that those several Artifices, which are used for the gaining in of divers and many men, and the most secret preparations of War should be concealed from him; which once comming to his knowledge, he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place, where the Insurrection is designed to be. The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design; and if not so, yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together, and wi••l cut them in pieces one by one, before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever. Without th••s diligence he will soon find the State, and his own reputation exposed as a Prey. An Eye watching over a Scepter, and the Lyon King of Beasts, who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes, were the Hieroglyphicks, which the Egyptians made use of, to ex∣presse fore-sight, and to teach Grandees that it ough•• to be inseparable from their Authority, if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars. The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens, goes every day from one end of them to another, that hee may make all here below, sensible of the Effects of his Influences; and that Mini∣ster who hath a State in charge, ought to imploy all his cares, all his mind upon every City, upon every Province, and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man, that he may know what is done there, and apply a remedy to their con∣trivances. Me thinks they of Syracuse, gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct, when they had received intelligence, that the Athenians would war upon them, and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet, making to∣wards the Coast of Sicily. Hermocrat••s a great States-man, was not backward in exhorting them, to give necessary Orders for their defence, and to presse the Se∣nate accordingly: Whereas Athenagoras on the other side, descried it as much, and shewed them sundry reasons, why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible, indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War. But the Senators, somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Or∣ders for defence, that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle, or to continue in the danger. They began to discusse the business, that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true, it would then be needfull to make some pre∣parations; if it were false, those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the

City: And that last of all, it is better to suspect then to slight dangers, but not to shew the least Fear, by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage.

The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc, with the Process in the Par∣liament of Tholouse, against him, and all his Adherents.

ABout the same time in the end of April, the Duke of Rohan, having con∣trived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc, began the Warre, and got together about two thousand men, near Castres the chief place of his Re∣treat, and where he had a full Power, by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected. He gave out, that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms, and sworn a League with the Churches of his party, that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns, which he had an eye upon; and accordingly, he went to Puilaurens, Ruel, Soreze, St. Pauls Leviate, & Briteste, and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy, afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it, but his design took no effect.

The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King, to the Governours of the Provinces, to fall upon him, as soon as ever he should appear in the Field. The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix, was presently upon his skirts, and impe∣ded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion; but also, getting into Ruelle and So∣reze, after the other had forsaken them, he so dealt with the Consuls, that they confessed their fault, and protested not to take part with him any more. And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions, ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies; so that of Tholouse, was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves, and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall up∣on them, to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres, and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions, and the Receipt of the Kings Monies un∣to the Town of Lautrec, with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thi∣ther, as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands, as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity, and to diminish the Force and Power of that Re∣bellious City. The same Parliament too, granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods, any waies belonging to those who were revolted, both to punish them, and deter others who were ready to follow them. The Half divided Chamber of Beziers, half Hugonots, and half Papists, did as much, and declared (according to the Kings Edict, of the 25th. of January the same year) the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis, to be a troubler of the Publick Peace, as also all his Ab∣bettors and Adherents, and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons, to hold any communication with him, and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects, to fall upon any Troops that should injure them, to cut them in peeces, and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction.

But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more power∣full then all those others; for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence. The King sent a Com∣mission to the Marshal de Themines, whom his Majesty sent to those places, to ob∣serve what passed, to raise such Troops as were already in the Province, and to ad∣vance such others as might form the Body of an Army, which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle. The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny, and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field, and that no longer time might be lost, he soon after came to the place, where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army, and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac, which served for Retreits to those who were revolted. After the Companies were assembled together, and a review taken of the whole Army, he made his Forces be∣fore Castres to Plunder the Country. The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the

Rebels horse, made a Salley upon the Marshal, as soon as he came within view of the Town, but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out, and not onely so, but himself and three or four more of his own party, were lest wounded upon the place. The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts un∣der the Protection of the Army, which countenanced them in it; and notwith∣standing the many shot and skirmishes, in which many were hurt and slain, both of one side and t'other, they did their work so exactly, that there was not a Tree, Vine, or Stalk of Corn standing any where neer the City. In this interim, the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres, and led up his Army to it, and comming thither just upon day breaking, hee approached it by one of the Gates, which being soon thrown down, made way for his entrance; but thinking to surprize the Castle too, Masillac the Governour of it, repelled all his Attempts with such Courage, that having received the succours of ten thousand foot, which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier, the Duke was forced to re∣tire to Anduze, where he was not well received. After this, the Marshal de The∣mines went without more adoe to besiege St. Paul and Miatte, which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres and Lavaur; when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul, he forced it in few dayes, and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte; but they had small hopes of any comfort, so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles, which being granted, he entred and took possession of the Town.

But all this was nothing worth, if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan, and cut off his Forces, so he resolved to follow him, and over-taking him at Vianes in Albigeois, he set the Army into Battalia to fight him. The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes, and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade, which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is scituated. The Count de Carmain went to view them, and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them, it was resolved to fight them. The Marshal with his Sword in his hand mar∣ched in the Head of the Army. The Marquess de Cragny and the Count of Car∣main, took their Stations one upon his right, t'other upon his left hand, and at the same instant, the whole Army couragiously advanced towards the Enemy, with so much Resolution, that nothing more could have been wished, but onely that they had made a little more resistance, for that there was not one single man of them sa∣ved; for whilest those who made the first encounter were at it, the rest got into Vi∣anes, who were however so closely pursued by the Marshals forces, that the Regi∣ment of Normandy was hard at their heels, entring into the Town with them. Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade, where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Souldiers killed and hurt, all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he then was, from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future, especially since he saw himself so closely followed, and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc, that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours, then the Duke in a whole moneth.

Politique Observation.

HE who revolteth against a great King, seeketh his own ruine. He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise, seeing hee is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice, and he cannot expect any profit by it; for besides that, the weaknesse or indeed impossibility, unto which he is reduced by the quality of a sub∣ject, he forceth as it were his Soveraign to punish his Rebellion, by making him lose both his Life and Estate. Mahomet Prince of the Turks, had all Rebels in such de∣testation, that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle, the King of Birds, that he might by this teach his Subjects, who durst have the rashnesse, to follow that example, that they must expect the like punishment; for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those, who shall take up Arms against his au∣thority.

Some Grandees puffe up themselves, with the Greatnesse of Alexander: who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon, overthrew the Power of Persia; as also with that of the Romans, who from being at first Masters but of one City, became Lords of the whole World: But they ought to know, that nei∣ther the one or t'other of them, were presently set upon by any great Prince, but extended their Power by little and little, ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces. It is true, Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes; but seeing Christianity teacheth us, that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence, with what reason can he who revolts against his own King, hope for favour from heaven, whilest he doth act against the Laws, and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath establish∣ed in all Kingdomes.

The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon.

THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Con∣duct or successe in the Pillaging of Mountauban. According to the Orders which he had received, he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Souldiers clapped into the Town, for defence of it, this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party. His design could not be brought to any good effect untill after several skirmishes, and sustain∣ing divers Sallies out of the Town. That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him, for they then killed ten of his, and carried with them as many Prisoners, amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude, & de St. Omer; but they were soundly payed with Interest too in those following conflicts; especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same moneth, when they left about two hundred dead, besides wounded on the place, and about forty prisoners; shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town, to draw out the Rebels, but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet. But understanding that the Duke had layed up good store of Corn about a League off, they contrived to surprize it, by the help of a dark night, hoping that it would fall out for their advantage. Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town, having perceived what passed, gave intelligence of their being gone out, so they were quickly snapt: The Fight indeed was hot, but at last la Roche who com∣manded them, being hurt with three Carabine shot, and taken Prisoner too, they presently fled, and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place. In∣somuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts (so exactly had every thing been Pillaged) that at last they began to bee in very great ne∣cessities.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the several wayes to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience, the devastation of al fruits which are upon the earth neer thereabouts, is one of the best and most absolute. The Losses which the Rich receive by it, will ingage them to master the Commonalty, and to repel Mutineers by force, and to bring them un∣der the obedience which they owe to their Soveraign. There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods, to satisfie the rage of an unbridled People. Common∣ly none but they who are like to get by it, do follow any Revolter. Man is natu∣rally so carefull of his own Estate and Goods, that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them. But if Devastation bee not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience, without using other force of Arms, who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too, they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals, that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out? And thus one need not doubt, but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedi∣ence, either by Force or for their own Interest. As for Rules to be observed in

Forraging there are not any; onely to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts, to Reap if possible all the Wheat, else to burn it; to make the Grapes into Wine, or else to cut up the Stocks, as also all other Trees that bear Fruit, or from which they may make any advantage. It should be done as near the Walls as possible might bee, to take away all conveniences from them; and whilest that the Pi∣oneers are at Work, the Army ought to bee at hand to defend and shelter them, but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them.

A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonot••.

THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted, were not inconside∣rable, but that which the Duke of Montmorency got, assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche Foucaud, & de Thoyras, was much beyond them all. The Marshal de Preslin, had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis, and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel, both to pil∣lage round about that Rebellious Town, whereby to reduce them to such want, that they might not long hold out, as also to prevent their making of any attempts there∣about.

The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land, had fortified him∣self in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, it was the more important to remove him thence; because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience, so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands. But to give a good success to the business, there was need of a Fleet: To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships, of which one twenty were lent him by the Hol••anders, according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the fore-going year. His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France, with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize, and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaud, & de Thoyras, to passe over with some part of their Forces, into the Isle of Ree, to drive out those Rebels, who were in Garison in the Forts there, and to fortifie themselves. The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small onely thirty nine Vessels, would not expect the comming of the Admiral Montmorency to the Kings Ships, though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral, under favour of the conformity of their Religion, and had likewise passed his own Parole, that neither part should at∣tempt any thing untill the Treaty of Peace, which was agitating at Court, were ei∣ther absolutely concluded or broken off; which he did not faithfully perform on his part; for taking advantage of his promise given, hee took occasion to come upon him unprovided, and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea, and having the Wind and Sea favourable, in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships, and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fire-works, to fall on the Ad∣miral, whom they burned quite down in a very little while, not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim, so that above a hundred were drowned in it.

This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith, ingaged the Kings Na∣vy to pursue them four hours together. The Ayr did ring again with the Cannon shot, which sunk some of their Vessels, and killed divers of their men: But the sea∣son was so favourable to him, that he got into St. Martin de Ree, and to Chef de Bay. The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter, was ordered to speed away, and to give them Battel. He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet, who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize, for the affront he had put upon them. The Duke put forth to Sea, the Sieurs de Saint Luc, de Roche-Foucaud, and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore, under the favour of the Admirals Arrival. And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night, the Duke having given the sign for falling on, they went to At∣taque

Soubize's Fleet, which lay at Anchor in Loys Channel, under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemies Vessels, there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them, that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel, and the Sea falling off, they all stuck on the Shelf. The Duke finding them in this Condition, made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaude, & de Thoyras, amid'st the smoke of the Powder, which hindered the Rebels from discovering it. There were also ten other Ships sent out, who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay, to take order, that the Roche∣lois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re, who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval, who was going out upon that design. The Kings Army being landed, the Enemy quickly perceived it, and as soon came to receive them, and u∣sed their utmost to repel them. The Combate lasted three days out-right, with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts, the Rebels defending themselves in every place, that was never so little tenable, but it ended to the great advantage of the Kings Army, which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who com∣manded it; for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re, cut∣ting some part of the Enemy in peeces, taking other some Prisoners, and letting the rest escape into their Ships. The Sieur de Soubize was one of those, who escaped into Oleron, such care he had, that he might not be taken, that he never came into the Fight at all. They who had got clear into their Ships, would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge, the wind being fair for them: But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness to fight, gave the signal and fell upon them; the Seamen were so dexterous, that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours, there were above two thousand shot made; and though the night came on, yet the Fight ended not; for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel, pursued them with such good successe, that hee came up with them about day break, and two others of their biggest Ships, were not able to get off, for want of water, and so stuck on ground, but long they did not so continue before they were taken. It is true, those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop, and ha∣ving killed all they met with, the Souldiers who were in the Hold, set fire to the Powder, and blew up all above with such force, that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off, three of the Kings Ships were burned with it, and above three hundred men lost, amongst which were the Count of Vauvert, the Sieur de Ville Neufeu, and Veilon a Captain of Holland. This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory, yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France, in reducing the Rebels to that passe, that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea. Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired, some to Rochel, and some into other places, accor∣ding as the Wind did drive them, but never durst afterwards appear any more. These things thus ended, the Duke of Montmorancy, landed at Oleron, where he met with no resistance, the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England, so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land, of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed, who received the newes with much joy.

Politick Observation.

WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt, yet it is usually seen, that all their designs end in ill success. Experience hath made it often manifest, that such Crimes seldome go unpunished, and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example. They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing, then to those high Mountains, the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven, and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bo∣somes, seem to obscure the light of the Sun, though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day, who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts, causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency: And is it not

the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell? After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign, are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes, who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power, which they would have usurped themselves, and did not of right belong unto them? History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth, the many that are, would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely. But for the greater illustration of it, I shall say thus much, the injustice of a Cause, is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe, seeing Heaven doth commonly con∣found what Man hath wickedly built: If at any time they shall become so powerfull, as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels, yet they can never obtain a re∣mission from Heaven. They who attempt to grow great by unjust means, will in fine meet their utter ruine. God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States, to obtain advantages for some time; but at last, the violences which they Act fall upon themselves, and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge.

The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France, as Legate from the Holy Chaire, for the Affaires of the Valto∣line.

WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc. The Car∣dinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope, arrived in France and came to Mar∣seille, where he was received with great honour, as also at Lyon, according to the Orders sent by the King. He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May, and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition. I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome, before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to pre∣sent the Brief, which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris, which is a Custome so ancient, that I shall omit speaking any more of it; but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief, to give the King the Title of King of Navar, which could not be denied to him without Injustice, the Parliament refused to acknowledge it, and obliged him not to make any further pro∣cedure in the businesse untill it were amended. The Legate comming to Paris, alighted at St. James de Haut-pas, where the Clergy of the City, the concourse of the Court, and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction. After this, the Prelates of Paris came to do their res∣pects to him; there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him, the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet, as a mark that they had no power in his presence; but the Prelates not be∣ing able to stoop to this Order, by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church, it was concluded in the middle way between both, to give some satisfacti∣on to the Legate, that they should go so habited to salute him, and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame, where being come, they were to take off their Mantlets, but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right. The King sent the Duke of Nemours, the Sieur de Bonnevil, the Introductor of Embassadours, and several other Lords of great quality, to receive him at his first arrival.

At night Monsieur the Kings Brother, waited on him with a great number of Lords, and saluted him with extraordinary respects, and one his entrance accom∣panying him, gave him the right hand. The same day he had Audience from the King, where nothing passed onely Complements; but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge, hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace, he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State, as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it, and besee∣ched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy. His Majesty answered to these

three Propositions, that he was ever inclined to Peace, and that he would still be in∣duced to it; provided it were for the Publick safety, and honourable for him and his Allies. That as to what concerned the Valtoline, the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before, had made provision for all those difficulties, which have ri∣sen ever since, and that he desired the execution of it, as to the Cessation of Arms, that he could by no means hearken to it, by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it. This was the sum of what passed on both sides. The King adding in con∣clusion, that he would send some one of his Councel, to wait on him, and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation.

Within a few dayes the Cardinal, the Marshal de Schomberg, the Sieur de Her∣bant▪ Secretary of State, went to wait on the Legate from the King▪ and upon a conference he came to these two points: The first was, to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy; and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction, pres∣sing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands, and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Mar∣quis de Coeures.

M••nsi••ur the Cardinal answered, that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy, and that if he should submit to it, it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together, and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes: That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War, if either party would but hearken to Reason, seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid. That there need nothing but some pro∣vision to be made in point of Religion, to which his Majesty was much inclined: That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness, his answer was, his Ma∣jesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited, in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed, his Holyness had not any reason to complain▪ and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Be∣thun in his Majesties name, That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them; Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable, for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it: Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeu∣res shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world, did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge, for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair. But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness, that he would cause his Ambassadour, to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit; as also that after the peace should be concluded, his Maje∣sty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands, the Fort of Chi••nuennes, provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive, to the intent both of them might be demolished, which once done, he would deliver all the rest up, one after another, until they were every one razed, and that this was the most could be hoped for.

The Legat had other audiences, and other conferences past between him and the Ministers, where nothing more was proposed nor answered: But the King being at Fountainbleau, the Legate made a third proposition, which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Val••oline, requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated, without which he supposed there could be no settlement. His Majesty clearly declared unto him, that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled, and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons, his Allies, over the Valtoline.

A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him, and the Ministers upon that subject, where having made the same proposition, the Cardinal delated

hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer, and told the Legat, that his Maje∣sty having taken the protection of the Grisons, he could not consent to the dimi∣nition of their Soveraignty, especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid, since which time nothing had been altered in point of Re∣ligion: That the Treaty was to be observed, and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation; offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion. The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church, and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons, and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome, they had told him, that in conscience he could not consent thereunto.

The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him, that the divine Laws did oblige the Re∣delivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign, of what Religion soever he be; so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons, their lawful Masters, and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid, by which it was granted to them, had been approved of at Rome by the Pope, as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on, but after a consultation with the Clergy, who found no difficulty in the thing, and that the truth being still the same, his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present.

This the Cardinal spake so smartly, that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular; so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion; yet still declaring, he would not recede from his first Proposals, but under the Pope and holy See's censure. He proposed several Articles upon that score, to which the King assented; That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them, there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline, that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion; that they should not send any Governours amongst them, but such as were Roman Catho∣liques; that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom; that no Heretiques, or their Adherents should buy Houses, nor that those who had then any in possession, should any longer live there, or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques. To be short, that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse, his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons, and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline, in case they should break the conditions, of which the Pope and his Majesty were to be joynt Judges. Nothing more could be desired. But however the Legat, whether it were because he was somwhat cautious, or re∣served, or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of impor∣tance, or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope, which per∣adventure might be limited, was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed; and more especially seeing Count Gon∣damor, the Spanish Ambassador, then at Court, declared openly, that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty; for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands. The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Le∣gat's proceeding, seeing he every day created new difficulties. It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope, was one cause of it. His Holy∣ness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons, the Spaniards would disable the Counsel, in regard several of the Ro∣man Clergy were of opinion, that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it, as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards, did mightily molest and trouble him.

The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court.

NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour, caused him to dine with him, sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau, and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour: But at last they were to settle upon some resolution. The King pressed him, but he instead of facilitating the business, stood firm to his first demands: to which he was answered, that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected, so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them. Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome, and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September, hee took leave of the King, giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown. His Majesty likewise testified to him, that he had a great kindness to∣wards his Person, a great respect for his Holiness, and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair. And lastly told him, that the Affairs which he had been treated withall, were so important to the publick good, that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer, have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom, and of his Supream Courts to take their advices▪ and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution. It was hoped he would have expected the result of them, but he departed before it was suspected, and his Officers who were left behind him, could give no other reason for it, but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting.

Politique Observations.

GOD hath established two sorts of Powers, for the Government of the Uni∣verse, and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity (as the learned Hino∣mar, writing to Carloman, and the Bishops of France, saith) that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience, hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities. The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other, Kings to Ecclesiastiques, and Ecclesiastiques to Kings, yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one ano∣ther. It is true, the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal, according to the order of dignity▪ but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority; insomuch, that who is indued with it, may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it. It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons, and that of Powers; for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers, and all his Ministers to Kings; yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner; but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions, with∣out bestowing on either power to destroy the other.

Which being so, the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes, but of a Mediator to end their differences. He hath Power indeed over their Consciences, but not over their Estates, or that Au∣thority which they have received from God for the government of them. It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands, and whatever Propo∣sal he shall make to them, can be received but as Councels. It is Glorious for him, as we have said, to accommodate differences, but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority: Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with, in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals; seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity, are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot, but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak; for the ordering of which, the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled, by reason of those remedies which refresh the one, are commonly stark nought for

the other. And thus it is seldome or never seen, that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties. The highest point of Prudence in this case, is to imitate the discreet Physitian, who cannot bring to passe his intent of cu∣ring his Patient, but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one, and not annoy another part; for thus it is, unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down, bee weighed with Justice; Equality, and Moderation, they will rather provoke, then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them.

An Assembly of the Nobles, by the Kings Order, upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation.

ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate, so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies; yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assem∣bly, where the chief Lords of the Court, and the principal Officers of the King∣dome, might understand the true state of the case; and to prevent that the keeping of it secret, might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe, that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace; but that the King had absolutely refused them, by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War. Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth, but against the ho∣nour was due to the Kings Justice, which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours, when he might do it without offence to his Reputation, or the In∣terests of his Allies; as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion, as also in all others which presented them∣selves, so that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish. Now the onely way to secure it, was declaring the whole Passage before a Councel, where should be the major part of all the Nobles; and the Cardinal perswaded the King, that they should be assembled in his Majesties Presence. They who received this command, were carefull to be there accordingly: and the Councel being met, the King told them, that he had caused them to be called thither, to consult on the Af∣fairs which might relate to the Publick good, upon such Proposals as the Chancel∣lour should make unto them, who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons, and renewed from time to time, by which they tied themselves to give a free passage thorough their Countries at all times, for his Majesties Armies to go into Italy; as also, not to accord the same to any other, without his permission, shewed at last to them, how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties, had ever indeavoured by fair and foul means, to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself, to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy, as occasion should invite him to it; to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtol••nes, and that his Maje∣sty for the recovery of them, had been constrained to send the Marquess de Coeu∣vres thither with an Army, that before his Majesty had made use of any force▪ hee had consented that the places should be deposited in the Popes hands, for a certain time, and upon certain conditions; which conditions being accomplished, and the limited time expired, the Spaniards had however found means to perswade the Pope to retain them yet longer, though of right he ought not so to do, for that they were onely deposited with him. That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard, and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them, which they had refused to do, for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses, then in their own keeping: After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise him∣self of them, the Marquess de Coeuvres was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms: That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate, to try if he could obtain from his Majesty, out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair, that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness, and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Soveraignty of the Valtoline. That

these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger, in regard it implied, that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons (who were his Allies) losing of that which was their indubitable right: That his Majesty had still indeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms, and to surrender up into the Popes hands all that did not belong to them. But that to return all, which did belong to the Grisons could not be done, unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons, to the advantage of the Spaniards, and to the absolute loss of his Majesties Reputation. That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices, to know whether it were fitter to condiscend to them, or to continue the War; desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done, that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate, who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Councel though he had been importuned to it; but however, he had promised to expect it at Avignon.

The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse, and amongst other things told them, That having several times been by his Majesties command to treat with the Legat, he had smelt out, that his designs were alwaies in the Spaniards behalf, as much as possible could be, of which there needed no other proof, then the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Soveraignty, and to restore the Forts to the Pope, that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together, and retreat them, and his sudden departure after he had been re∣fused, though it had been as shamefull for the King to have granted them, as it had been hurtfull to the Grisons to have indured it. That for his part he was of opini∣on rather to resolve on the War, and that for divers reasons, which he there alled∣ged, which testified as much Courage as Prudence, then to make a dishonourable Peace, by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Ma∣jesty. The chief President of the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Soveraign Courts, said onely thus much, that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers, that it would bee a peece of Prudence to follow their opinions, and particularly, that he thought what the Mar∣shal de Schamberg had said, was very just and reasonable.

The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself, and proposed for the Cessation of Arms, alledging the inconveniency of the season: But they con∣sidering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards, onely that they might get time, and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline, it was hearkned to but by a very few persons, nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette, or the Marshal of Bassompierre, who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs, the one by his being at Rome, and the other in Spain; & so delivering their opinions against him, carried it in conclusion for the war. The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely, with-drew a little aside, and comming near the King, testified to him how much he esteemed Peace: That it was his opinion alwaies to prefer it before War, if it could be ob∣tained with safety to his Majesties honour and reputation, and without hazarding the good of the Kingdome, which was inseparably united with that of his Allies: But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals, which did not undermine both one and t'other, and which onely designed the procuring of Glory and ad∣vantages to the Spaniard, and which tended to the ruine both of France and his Maje∣sty, or the detriment of his Allies, he could not submit his thoughts to Peace. That for his own particular, he was more against it; for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain, well knew, that their chief drift in for∣cing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power, was onely that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy, and that by this means they might become Masters of it: That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France, which would have somewhat to do, to defend it self from his Arms, if he could once bring it to passe. For a place once taken on the Borders, will serve the enemy to fortifie himself and strengthen against him. After this, he gave his Ma∣jesty to understand, that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would

arise for the continuance of the War, and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added, that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things; for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches, nor his Arms would be regarded: he was of opinion, and it seemed most expedient to him, that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre, rather then conclude a Peace, upon such shamefull Conditions, as those which had been propo∣sed by the Legate. That his Majesty should send such recruits, as should make his Army be feared. That the Super-intendents would assure his Majesty, he had Trea∣sure enough for the discharging of four Musters, without touching any thing of the present Incomes. That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it. That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Vic∣tories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again, and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War, it was his advice to conclude on it, before any other thing whatever. After he had ended, no one spake any more, judging that there could not bee any other thing worth further Consideration in the businesse, so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate, and intirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded.

Politick Observation.

WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience; yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs; espe∣cially if they carry any danger along with them, without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdome, and consulting with them on it. This I think to be profitable not onely for the good of the State, but also because it cannot be doubted, but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men, to bee the most assured stay, not onely of Kingdomes but of particular families. Salust writ to Caesar, that not onely Kingdomes but private Towns too, injoyed prosperity, whilest good Counsels were in force; and that nothing but mis-fortunes had befallen them, after that compliance fear, or pleasure had been introduced amongst them: Not that a Soveraign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councellors, of what he should do, but I say he should deliberate with them, and afterwards resolve with his Mini∣sters, what is fittest to be done. He need not fear, that in so doing he doth disco∣ver any weakness, or insufficiency for that he is bound to it, by the very Lawes of Prudence, & it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons. Though the Sun be cloathed with a won∣derfull brightnesse, which ravisheth the eye to behold it; yet God hath not for∣bidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe; because they have particular Influences which though inferiour to those of the Sun, yet do they not cease to be usefull for the perfection of the World: Just so too, though Coun∣sellours who are called to deliberate on Affairs, may not be compared for under∣standing or Soul, with the King or a grand Minister; yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it, so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts, as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others; and yet do not for all this become lesse usefull or unpro∣fitable to the common good. But besides this Consideration is it not evident, that Councel is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister, if only for his discharg? The most part judge of Advices by the Events, though no rule can be more uncertain, whence it happens, that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Soveraign, and things fall out contrary to expectation, hee will bee infallibly blamed for it: And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs, yet it were not amiss to do so, for the satis∣faction of the Grandees of a Kingdome. Grandees for the most part, though ve∣ry expert both in Politick and Military Affairs, are of such a humour, that nothing will like them, nor no Resolution please them, unlesse they have a hand in it, and

they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister, who shall have perswaded his Soveraign, if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected. They are of the same humour, as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of, who being Captain of the Emperour Galba's Guards, was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever, if it came not from himself. Nothing can be more proper to de∣fend a mans self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome, as also im∣portant to ones fortune, then sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Councel, when there is any question doth arise: As once when the Spartan Embassadours came to Rome, accompanied with a certain Captain, whom Porus had sent to give a true accompt of the affairs in Armenia, though it was not at all needfull to call any ex∣traordinary Councel to resolve on the War, for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it; yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together, as Tacitus re∣porteth it, and deliberated with them, whether it were more proper to run the ha∣zard of a doubtfull War▪ or make a Peace with the Enemy; where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War, and not a man of the contrary opinion.

The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness.

IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France, those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome, to his Holinesse, and the Sieur de Bethune, were absolutely unjust. The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholiques of those Countries upon the score of Religion, to offer the Soveraign∣ty to his Holiness, and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune, that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons, a thing they could not do with their Consciences. They also framed a long discourse, in which they pretended to shew by many reasons, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries, there could not be a more proper, more plausible or just expedient found out, then to put themselves into his Holiness hands, who treating the two Kings as a common Father, might grant them passage, as it should seem best unto him, and when hee should find it proper for the good of Christendom. This discourse conducing to the Popes Interests, did not a little ele∣vate his thoughts, and he had made no great Bones to consent to it, had not the Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply, which was this, That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were, they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons, and that the King his Master would never give way to it. He well knew, that to put the Valtoline into the Popes hands, would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard, for that the Popes are either by affection or fear, more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French. But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to perswade the Sieur de Bethune, that the Proposal they had made was for the Kings advantage. They several times protested to him, that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline, did bear so great a submission to his Majesties judgment, that they would wish for nothing else, but onely that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation, which if he would, they would then do what∣ever he would command them. But in conclusion, they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Gri∣sons or Spaniards. Because they evidently knew, there would be little security or advantage to the French, either in one or t'other of these expedients; withall, that to oblige them to come under the Grisons, were to force them to flie to the Spani∣ards, which if his Majesty should do, they must of necessity run to them for assist∣ance; for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons, for that there was not any other Prince neer them, from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief. That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them; but that they doubted it would be a means to ingage his

Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard, who would ne∣ver consent to it; and that all these considered, there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope, and that France had some reason to accord to it, in respect that the Pope shewed himself very favourable to the French Interests. The Sieur de Bethune, answered them with Civilities, nothing inferior to theirs, assuring them of the affection, which his Majesty did bear to their concerns, and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them, and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace, by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion: But as to the ground-work of the business he discovered to them, that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty, that then they had no reason to exchange Masters; and especially, seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves. He open∣ly professed to them, That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supream Power over them, but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons, pro∣curing to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms. This answer was both resolute and full of Justice; but however, as Passion takes away the use of Reason, so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it; as also they thought good, That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ, by a Prelate of Milan, in which they indeavoured to clear by several reasons, which were willingly assented to by the Pope. That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See, so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal, into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religions sake.

Politique Observation.

ZEal is a Passion very commendable, when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity; but without this it passeth onely for an unreasonable fury, not a vertue. The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two quali∣ties, and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them. Indeed it is like Oyl cast in the Fire, it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages, that it hurries them, both beyond Reason and Justice. That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be, as they who are established by his hand, of which himself shewed an example, as al∣so his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal, for the Interests of Re∣ligion; if they follow any wayes contrary to them, they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them, to conspire against their persons, to ruine all with Fire and Sword, and to over run the whole land with those mis-fortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars. This is that which made the learned Origen to say, the zeal of God is nothing worth, if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God, introducing the Jews for an ex∣ample, who by an inconsiderate zeal for Gods glory, made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacriledge that ever was yet heard of against his Son. I shall add onely this, that such a zeal is not onely unprofitable for Gods service; but also ve∣ry dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is, by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities, and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars, which undermines the Foundations of States, and Religion it self, and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing, which Fury it self can be capable of.

The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to ingage him in a League offen∣sive and defensive against the Spaniard.

VVHilest the Legate was at Fountain Bleau, the Embassadour of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he onely designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion; but they to ingage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards, and desire him to fall in upon their Coun∣tries. There had been a Defensive League made with them the fore-going year, which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries, and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress. But as it is troublesom to continue a War any long time, without obtaining some Victories, they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct, made it their earnest de∣sire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards, that they might be revenged on them, The Embassadour represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships, were not the onely places the Spaniards had designed to invade, but that France too was comprised in the same design; that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany, in the Valtoline, and in Italy, were onely to make sure of the out-skirts, that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France: That he would not enter into any further proof of it, seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters; onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider, that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters, then to stay untill they en∣tred upon theirs. That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them, every one keeping himself up∣on the defensive posture, but that when any thing should be attempted on them, the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands; that they are not really so potent, but onely because they dare affault the whole World, and that they have the Courage to fall on others, because none fall on them: Which was too evident to be doubted, That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories, without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did ex∣cite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory, representing to him the lives of Cyrus, Hannibal, Alexander, Caesar, and divers illustrious Roman Captains, who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies. That there was onely this wan••ing to add to his Majesties glory, whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe, and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours. Their Artifices were so great, that nothing more could be wished for, onely that he would imbrace the design. He alledged that England would Potently assist it, That Flan∣ders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak, would gladly be delivered out of it, and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way; and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it, seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal, who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica, with what he would pay his Army, answered with the Army it self; for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe, the Ayr, the Earth, the Fire, and all the Goods of those who inhabited it, should be common to them; and in the progress of that affair, he made it evident that he was not mistaken; for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy, he never received any Supplies from Affrica. The most part of these reasons were so true, and the rest so specious, that the King must needs have wanted Courage, had he not been perswaded with them; and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point, and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessi∣ty for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard, that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition; as also in relation thereunto, that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline, by stopping the progress of his proceedings. But on the other side, his Majesty was not ignorant, that those enterprizes which he had already commen∣ced

were very great, considering in what condition France then was, and that it would be difficult to undertake any more, untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad, and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obe∣dience were totally ruined. That withall it were absolutely needfull, before any thing could be attempted on Flanders, to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria, in Germany, and to secure the Passages, by which releef might be sent to them, so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it. His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League: And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it, who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them; but the King desired the State to be assu∣red, that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies, according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance; as also; that when a fit oppor∣tunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage, he would most certainly ingage in it, for that his own glory and their good way inte∣ressed in it.

Politique Observation.

IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution, which leadeth him to make War, if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the ta∣king of advantages upon his enemies. It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms, and to make Leagues or to break Peace. Before a design be attempted, it should first be known whether it be sure, profitable, and honourable, and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it, and whether he runs any part of the danger, and above all it would be known, and that exactly too of what force the enemy is, what succour he doth expect, the diversions which he hath in other places, the advantages which he may have in Combats, by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him, from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army; and in short, all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs. A War ne∣ver ought to be begun, but with Prudence, that it may be ended with advantage. A resolution ought not to be taken, but on the present State of Affairs, ballancing Reason with hope, comparing the present with past, and never proposing those things for easie, which are seen but by halves, otherwise the successe will demon∣strate, that it was began with too much heat, and too little Prudence. The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five, in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth, of the Family of the Cara••fi; for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time, the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage. Hannibal was much to be commended, as T. Livy saith, that in all his Conduct he was acquain∣ted with his enemies intentions, as well as with his own. That Prince who ingageth himself in a War, without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine; and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself, certainly it must be when a Pro∣posal is made to him, grounded on a League; for that offensive Leagues do not al∣waies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it. If the enter∣prize will be of long continuance, then onely the different Interests of several Uni∣ted Princes, will force them to break off. Besides Time, alteration of Affairs, and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted, do commonly work some change. In short, the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies, and then every one retires to his own Quarter, so that after a great attempt, there is but small successe.

The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs, have recourse to the Kings Clemency.

THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel, and the Isle of Ree, together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced, of attempting any thing in Languedoc, so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines, forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Cle∣mency. They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies, whom they sent to him, to testifie the sense they had of their fault, and to assure him of their future fi∣delity and obedience. His Majesty was well pleased with it, and the Deputies com∣ming to him at Fonntain Bleau, about the end of August, whilest the Legate was there, there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions, which they did not make; both in behalf of themselves, as also of the Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies, that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy, that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him, that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land, to which they would not chearfully expose themselves, to contribute to his Glory. After they had made their speeches, they presented the Paper of their Complaints, humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it; for that they were grounded upon se∣veral Graces, which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants, and seve∣ral other Grants. The King received it, and appointed it to be examined.

Now although the sweetnesse of Peace, which charmeth the mind, the Poverty of the people, and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France, did generally invite all the French; to wish, that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired, yet some there were, who were divided in opinion, what was most fit to be done upon that affair; one part conceiving, that Rochel having received so great a rebuke, and finding themselves without Island, without Sea, without Souldiers, and without Vessels, they ought not to let slip such an occasion: The reason was, that in so doing they should loose a very advantagi∣ous opportunity, to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths, to demolish their Forts, and reduce them under the Kings obedience; which once done, the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined; their other Towns disabled to make any resistance, and that thus, the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power, but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it.

These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts, which look on nothing but what is before them, and just in their noses, but want discretion to look a little further; they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques, seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe, as hath been often seen; and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel, by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Ole∣ron, and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis, and in the Country about Rochel, but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely, to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline. That the King could not without dishonour, leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began, and that in case he should, it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards, to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline, as well as of the rest of Italy, where they had already sent their Armes, and had also strongly fortified themselves. That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots, for that a more favour∣able opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it. Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal, without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom, seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate; and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots, for that War and Violence, did never yet

conduce to their Conversion: Heresie being like Saffron, which grows the faster, the more it is trodden under foot, that when Heretiques have been burned, they have lived like Salamanders in the fire, when they have been cast into the Water, they have increased like Fishes, and when their heads have been cut off, they have like Trees, put out more new branches then were taken off; so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie, but onely of the Party, which was stil free for the King to do, considering the frequent grounds they gave for it; for that mutiny was naturalized in them; but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline, which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame, and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard, if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength. These were the important reasons re∣presented by the Cardinal to the King, and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots, that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline. After the paper of their grievances had been examined, his Majesty confirmed to them, whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes, granting them free Li∣berty for the exercise of their Religion, in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards, and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War, but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis, as being too important for the keep∣ing of Rochel in aw and obedience.

These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots, in the name of all the Hugonot Towns, excepting those of Rochel, Mountauban, Castres, and Milhana, who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize, and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon, without any other advantage, and without being imployed in Italy, according as they desired, they in∣treated his Majesty upon other pretences, that he would be pleased to grant some time, till their two chief Officers, and those four Cities, were joyned with them. The King granted to them that delay, upon condition it were not over long, who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken.

Politique Observation.

THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom, which hath been long breeding, so that they may make no more Insurrections, be a thing much to be desired, yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it; it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it, according to the state of Af∣fairs of the Kingdom. Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most experimented Captains of his time, made it appear in an an excellent discourse, upon the beginning of the Civil War between Ottho and Vittellius, as Tacitus reporteth it, that it would be necessary for Vittellius to be diligent: but that Orthoes Party would get advantage to execute their designe by delaying of it, until they had nothing else to do. The Dictator Cneus Sulpitius, after a great deal of consideration, resolved not to hast∣en on the War against the Gauls, upon this reason, that he would not hazard any thing upon an enemy, who was every day declining, and out of his Countries too. Indeed he had endangered himself, had he fought when they pressed him to it; whereas shortly after he might overcome them with ease. He which gives good ad∣vice for the State, ought not to be blamed for it; but the discreet Minister deser∣veth more praise, who not onely knows that it is not enough to consider by the re∣solutions of State, that which is just to be done in the Theory, but also that which the time permits, and complies with opportunities and necessity.

The Kings Army in Italy is recruited with six or seven thousand men, under the Marquis de Vignolles.

THough the peace with the Hugonots was not fully concluded, yet the Cardinal being informed of the necessity of recruiting the Army in Italy, was not de∣fective

to procure his Majesty to give orders for it. The Marquis de Vignolles was dispatched with six or seven thousand men: Who coming into Piedmont with his Forces, found the Siedge still before Veriie, a small Town upon the Po, very slen∣derly inhabited, but defended by a Castle built on a Rock, at the end of a little Hill, which was none of the worst. The Duke of Ferià, drawing his Troops out of Ast, had brought them up thither, hoping for a good success in it: But the Duke of Savoy having intelligence of his resolution, caused the Marquis de Saint Reyran, a Gentleman of Prussia, to march up within view of the Spaniards, with a thousand Foot, and by the advice of the Marshal de Cregny, he likewise caused his Army to advance and Incamp at the foot of the Hill, in certain Intrenchments, which were much stronger then the place it self.

Above three Moneths were spent in continnual Sallies and Assaults. The Duke of Feria intrenched himself to his greatest advantage: The Cannon thundred on the place with a great deal of fury; and having made at several times six or seven great breaches: The Spaniards did as often assault them, and were repulsed with a great deal of courage. They opened several Mines, one of which had seven mouthes, which they called the Hydra: but every day brought them some misfortune, so that they lost more then the besieged. In short, they got not one foot of land, which was not assoon retaken from them. In the mean time, the ill weather began to come in, and the Po to swell up, which did not a little perplex them, for they were forced to quit one part of their Trenches, by reason it was filled with water, which brought their Battery into such disorder, that most of their Cannon stuck in the Mud, and much adoe they had to get them clear off again. These disgraces hap∣pening to them, did much add to the French courage: So that on the seventeenth of November, the Constable, the Marshal de Cregny, and the Marquis de Vignolles who was but lately arrived, having considered together what was to be done; cast their thoughts on those Forts which the Spaniards had in the Plain, and resolved to assault them. The Constable gave orders for the attaquing of them; and the Troops being put into Battalia, they began a Combate, which lasted above three hours, with such heat and success to the French, that they carryed all the Forts in a trice.

In the interim, the Duke of Savoy arrived, and the enemy having drawn up three great Squadrons of Foot, and two of Horse, came Matching up in good order against the French, to try if they could recover what they had lost; but they onely retook one single Fort, which was resolved to be quitted and the night coming on, ended the Fray; in which they lost above two thousand men, and the French not above one hundred. After this Disaster, they being in great want of victuals, and having small hopes of being Masters of the place; Don Gonsal••s de C••rdova, raised the Seige privately in the night, without noise of Drum or Trumpet, and without giving the Horse any other signe, but by beating certain flint stones one against the other. They lost before this paltry Town an Army of forty thousand men: Their Commanders lost their honour, their Armes got no little discredit by it; and it should seem, God was pleased to abase the vanity of their glory, which hurried them on with extream ambition to the attempting of unjust designs,

Politique Observation.

AMbitious Princes can never raise their designs so high, as that God who hum∣bleth the Proud, and abates their power, should exempt them from divine Justice; which is pleased to pull down the mighty. His Providence doth always confine the••r force, by keeping their Interests and those of their neighbors, in an equal Ballance, for the tranquillity of the people. He who is born with a fix∣ed and contented mind, and is satisfied with those limits which he may justly pre∣tend to, and in the protection of his Allies, is not subject to these misfortunes. Ho∣nour and glory never depart from him: whereas he who resteth not within his own bounds, but attempteth all ways, tryeth all means to extend them, is usually liable

to ruin, for that every one runs upon him, to oppose his designs, and God too is delighted to abase him. The divine wisdom cannot be enough admired in this par∣ticular, which having placed two great Kingdoms near one another, maketh the one serve to moderate the ambition of the other, and to break the neck of his de∣signs, for the preservation of his neighbours: It usually endeth in nothing when one shall take from another to enrich himself. The divine wisdom doth bound in the ambition of such, and brings all their designs that way tending to confusion. It is true, God is sometimes pleased to chastise a Soveraign, and permits another to destroy him, but it is but seldom, whereas he doth commonly throw down him who raiseth himself upon the ruines of others. Darius was so insolent, that he caused himself to be stiled, the King of Kings, but what befell him? Did not A∣lexander, whom he had scorned and undervalued, take away his Life and Estates too? In the same manner it was with Arphaxates, King of the M••des, who after he had brought divers Nations under his Empire, and built the famous City Ec∣batan, became so proud, as to think nothing was able to resist him; but how quickly God did let him see the contrary, by suffering him to be chastised and conquered by the King of Niniveh? How is he delighted to shew by these examples unto So∣veraignes, that Humility in their conduct, is that which makes their designs sub∣sist, and end in glory; whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes, losses, and utter ruin?

Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline.

THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy: For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither, those others which were raised by the Grisons, and those which after much ado were sent from Venice, he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Can∣tons of Ʋry and Ʋndernal, making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence, for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards, and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador, as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio, had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it. These Recruits arrived very seasonably; for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply, which gave them the means to execute an enterprise, which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim, upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline, and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the cu∣stody of the Albanois and Capelets, amongst whom it struck such a terrour, that there was no possible means to make them stand to it; and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned. The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd, resolved with the Council of War to retake it; and on the seventeenth of October, having appointed Pont de G••des for a Rendezvous, he gave order for the Assault. The Fight was stoutly begun, and after two houres continuance, the Intrenchments were re-taken, which had been formerly lost, but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them, and with more honour, for that they were at that time exceedingly strong. After this Expedition was over, the Duke of Candale received intelli∣gence, that eight hundred foot, and four hundred of the Spanish party, had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons, which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres, he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it. The Duke mustered his Army, the better to know his own forces, and so went to in∣vest Chaumont, and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves, but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon, soon made a Breach fit for an Assault, and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them, who should appear to defend the Breach, and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates, which forced them in peeces, so that two com∣panies of French entred the Town, and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition; which was, that they should march away with their Arms onely, and

leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town: So accor∣dingly they went out, and left the Town to the Duke of Cand••le. There remain∣ed onely Morbeign•• to take in the Valtoline, and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it, but the major part of them alledged, and that very judiciously, that the place was strongly scitua∣ted, and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men, both within, and in the Country thereabouts, that it was impossible to shut them up, for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come, which was the way which they had all their provisions; and withall they concluded, it was not much mate∣rial whether they had it, or not; seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards, either to shut up, or open the Passes. Their advice was followed, and their cou∣rages submitted to the Laws of Discretion; which made it appear, that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises. Others did wish, that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place (as afterwards it was done) for that it is the most important of all the other places, not in rela∣tion to the Passages, but the securing of the Valley, and to keep all the rest in their dutyes; for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale, there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it, for the keeping of it, as being the most considerable of all, and that once done, impossible to be taken.

Politique observation.

THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence, when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise. Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories, or the taking of Towns, which many times have no dependencie upon them, but by their Resoluteness, and Constancy, which they make appear without the least dread, in doing all that can be done to vanquish. Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost; for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power.

In the making of War in a Forraign Country, it is needful (if possible it may so be done) to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first, especially if it may not otherwise be taken, then by a surprise. The reason is clear; for what ever assault is made elswhere, gives an Allarm to the whole Country, so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence, presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place, that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it. Let us first seize on Rome (said the Enemies of the Roman Empire, in Herodatus) which is the heart and Castle of the Empire, and we shall quickly have the rest with ease. The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul, untill they had become Masters of Authun, which was the chief City, and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended. And as it's true, that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates, may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole, so it is likewise most certain, that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress, hath a curb on the rest, so that he may do what he will himself, especially if he can but so order his business, that he may keep it in his power.

The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party.

THese were the most remarkable passages, both in Italy and the Valtoline, during that year; but let us now return to the Affairs at home. The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it, so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party, untill he had conferred with an

Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc, insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace. In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize some places in Lan∣guedoc, either that he might get some advantage, whereby to make himself the more considerable, which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired, or some other favourable conditions. He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois, sending five hundred men to surprize it by night, but they were stoutly repulsed, and forced to retire. He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil, Pamiers, and several others of Foix to revolt; from which places he sent out his Scouts, who committed great havocks in the plain Country. Now the evil treating of the Country people, forced the Consuls of some Towns there∣abouts, to desire the Marshal de Themines, to come with his Majesties Army to assist them, and make himself Master of those Towns. Divers were of opinion, that this Proposition ought to be rejected, because admitting it should be follow∣ed, it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list, whom at that time the Army kept in such awe, that he durst not stir a foot, or attempt any new design. But however, the Count de Carmain, considering this proffer of the Consuls, and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War, and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres, he let himself be perswaded by their entreaties to go and assist them, and taking some small Forces with him, he went and fell on Calmont, a little Town near Mazeres, from whence several of the Rebels would make fre∣quent excursions, and pillage the neighbour Country. They endured the siedge onely three daies, and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon, they ran away in the night, but the Marquis d' Ambres, who was not farre off with his Troop of Light Horse, hearing the noise of their flight, charged them, and cut the most part of them in peeces. Shortly after, they took six or seven other small places, some by storm, and some by composition. They of Masdazil, hearing of these successes, began to be afraid, and sent for a Pass to the Army, to make their Accomodation: But the Duke of Rohan found a means to conveigh in some Forces to them, which made them resolve to hold out, so that they chan∣ged their former resolution, and defended themselves, which drew down the Marshal de Themines, and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them. On the fif∣teenth of September the Town was encompassed round about, and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach, but whilst the Question was in debate, for the giving an Assault, the Breach was repaired, so that a second was made, and they within grown very resolute, repelled the Kings Army with great loss; and that which was worst of all, was the Rains falling encreased the River, and so filled up the Trenches with water, that Siege was forced to be raised, which much troubled the Marquis; but it was somwhat moderated, by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse, which he killed, took, and put to flight. The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them, and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn, for that it would at another time be taken with ease, and that the could not make any fur∣ther good progress, he went to the Assembly at Milhaud, where he made those of his party send a Courrier to the King, to accept of the Articles of Peace, which his Majesty had granted to them. His Majesty confirmed them, though they had rendred themselves unworthy, by their new acts of Rebellion. But it was necessary so to be, for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain, though Rochel was still excepted, by reason of the little inclination they had testi∣fied of keeping themselves within their duty.

Politick Observation.

THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils, and every one knows that they are the principal motives, either to begin, or con∣tinue a War. There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them, to attain those ends which they propose to themselves. It loveth none but it self, and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience, for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs. It never makes a question of the equity of any cause, but looketh on the advantages which will follow it, if it succeed well. Whence it cometh, that the first thing it doth, is to shut close the eyes against Justice, that it may the more confidently begin, or continue it's design. They who are possessed with this same Ambition, never look on any thing but through a false glass, which doth still represent things either more specious, or bigger than really they are: And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts, that they begin to presume, that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them, will never forsake them. The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities, makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace; but they ought to remember, that Fortune is like a Glass, which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough; and that God too, who delighteth in peace, doth often send down upon them, those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others. The Huntsman that he may take the Panther, knowing that he loveth Henbane, hang∣eth a good quantity of it up in the air, somewhat out of her reach, whence it happens, that she having once seen it, never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down, untill she become at last so weary, that she falls down unable any longer to stand, and so dyeth on the place. May it not safely be said, that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees? And that she useth the very same artifices to de∣stroy ambitious persons? She proposeth advantages to them, Victories and Con∣quests, but which are beyond their reach, and above their power, and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds, and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends, they will use any endeavours, or run into any rash heady attempts, she still draweth them further on, untill in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them, and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs, where they well hoped for Honour and Glory.

Prosecution of the History.

IT was matter of astonishment, to see the Hugonots so reduced, considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before, and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc, all little enough to quel them. But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration, which the Cardinal brought with him, will not much wonder at it. I might safely say, that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel, was one cause of it, seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton, that neither of them durst to stir. I could likewise attribute those effects to the sending of those Com∣panies into Languedoc, upon the first beginning of the year, who might be in a readiness to fall on them, in case they should appear, insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing; and this is really the most certain preven∣tive remedy for all Revolts. But however you may behold another Reason of State, which is the more considerable, for that it did by little and little, and with∣out being perceived, undermine the greatest prop and force of them: The little Authority which the Ministers, who preceded the Cardinal, had caused his Majesty to take upon him, and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at, either of running into the Hugonots party, or of abetting them, whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength. The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted, and either them∣selves

would go in to them, or at least lend them monyes, to make more Levyes. But now the case was altered, and things did not run in their former channels. This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs. His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it, and at last brought it to such a pass, that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly, and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Fav••urs which were bestowed on them, that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations. Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern, that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them, they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses, as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer.

But things began now to be carried in another way, and they began to live after another sort, and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience. They now began to per∣ceive it was to no purpose, to think to have that by a high hand, which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification. All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife, began presently to fall back, there having been certain peo∣ple removed from the Court, who made it their onely business to embroyl things, and like Wasps, sucked up the best of the Treasures, which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees, who lived at the Kings costs and charges, and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government. The ta∣king away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning, who were never strong, but when assisted elswhere. Thus it was apparently seen, that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal, they were after∣wards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification.

Politique Obseruation.

AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom: A State cannot but be happy, when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought, be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper, or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient; so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart, a Ministers ought to study no one thing more, then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority. But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it, he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel, the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience, the splendour which made him be honoured with re∣spect, How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties, seeing they will slight his Authority? And how shall he be able to receive respects from them, when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls? Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun: And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes, so having once lost his light, he is no longer admired or respected. The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them, and make it evident, that the dis-esteem and weakness, whereunto he is fallen, serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power. The Governours of Provinces too, they take some share, and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself; every thing is attempted without controul, and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force, which they cannot by justice. The Publique Monies are turned aside, the people oppressed, and at last all things brought into confusion. Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him, Spa••ta was governed with a good Discipline, because the Kings knew how to command, That it was rather, because the people knew how to obey: But for my part, I imagine that the hap∣piness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other; and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well com∣manding, and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them. Which if it

be true of Kingdomes in general, it is most assuredly so of France in particular, seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King, see∣ing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever, in its due order, then to restore him the self same qualities, with which he took his Birth.

The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King, Queen Mother, Monsieur, and the Princes of the Blood, and others.

AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force, if not cherished with Affection, so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes, but took extraordinary pains, to continue them in a good un∣derstanding with his Majesty. The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House, so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will. He did the more readily undertake this trouble, because he had for several years, received sundry testimonies of her favour, and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services; and it sorted so happily, that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over; but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass; for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers in∣clinations, & the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her. From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent, she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs; though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people, be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations, yet so it is, that the splendour wherewith it is atten∣ded, hath such powerful charms, that the discreetest souls, and least ambitious, have much ado to defend themselves against them. The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self, was a great impediment to his work: And the King, in whose hands the onely supream power resides, was so much the more jealous of it, for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers; and that with so much the more reason, for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them.

The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture, used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations, being assured that it would be after∣wards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King. He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address, the truth, which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence, letting her see, that she ought not to think it any strange thing, that the King should desire to be Master, or that all Affairs were revolved by his order, for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of. He used indeed his ut∣most address to impress this truth in her, letting her see, that she ought not to pretend to any part of it; That the King quitting all his suspitions, would give her more then she could wish, seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects. The Queen Mother, who did then much esteem of his counsels, did beleeve him, and she received such advantages by it, that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct, that she did no longer think of the Government, he restored her into so absolute an Authority, that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs.

This was a very great advantage, procured to her by this grand Minister, and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Ma∣jesty. The State too did not receive less profit by it; for that this good correspon∣dencie which united the Affections of the King, and Queen Mother, did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation, so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties, but remain entire, to op∣pose the Ambition of Strangers.

The Cardinal, that he might the more confirm this Union, and make it the stronger, perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor, who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother, assuring himself that this good person, whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace, replenished with Piety, and voyd of Ambition, being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences, would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them, and that he would have somwhat the more power, in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors.

Next to the Queen Mother, Monsieur was the most considerable person in af∣fairs, as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom, as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done, who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom, run out at the perswasion of those who were near them, to seise on the Government. The Car∣dinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests. There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass, Justice having infused into him with his birth, all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty. All which the Cardinal very well knew.

Neither was he ignorant, That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them; so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano, who had the honour to be nearest to his person, and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others. Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious, was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness, he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France, conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant. Monsieur the Prince, had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal, and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him, and satisfie his humour, by giving him a part in Affairs, and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests. He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit, but at last with a handsom address, he let her see, that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State, without a good understanding between the King her son and him, and that it was to contribute to his own greatness, not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced, and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals, and raising of new emotions. But whatever reasons he could then alledge, she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court; nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King, that his Majesty in some Letters to him, gave him extraordinary expressions and testi∣monies of his Favour, sometimes by asking his advice, as occasions should present, as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs, which was ac∣cordingly effected; and the King writing to him, assured him of his kindness to∣wards him, and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline, of the Hugo∣nots, and the War of Italy. By this he received an entire content and satisfaction, so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations, then formerly he had done. This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family, was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace, and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it.

Politique Observation.

THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad, is bound to settle all at home, by a strong uniting of the Royal house. The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health: If one should assault the other, the Natural Justice is violated, and the Union dissolved; which once so, the whole frame falls to nothing. Who knoweth not, that the Union of Grandees, especially those of the Royal Family, is the most sure founda∣tion of Peace and Welfare to a State? They may not be disjoyn'd from their King,

neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown, but Justice will be offended, and their Union broken, which once so, the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes. This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust, and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son, advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred, and to give them such advantages as may content them, because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects, who imagine that a Prince, who doth not affect his own Kindred, deserveth not the affections of any others; and will also give more assurance to his Government, by defending him from any insur∣rections which might be made by them. And this is the more considerable, as Ta∣citus saith, for that it is ordinary with the people, to have a particular affection; for the Kindred of a Prince, when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason, exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germani∣cus, which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius; and it cannot be doubted, but that the particular affection with which the people love them, may give them great advantages to embroyl the State, and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts. It cannot be avoyded, but that Princes nearly rela∣ted to a Soveraign, must have some hand in the Government of Affairs, and must partake with him in the Honours of the State; how can it then be done in a good order, unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another? What way can a vessel goe, when as they who guide it, do some row towards the Poop, and others towards the Prow; despising the Pilots orders, so that the vessel becomes ex∣posed to be wracked. And what may there be expected from a State, where the Princes of the Blood Royal, who have the Government of the Provinces, fall off from his Majesties designs and interests, engaging themselves in Factions and Par∣ties? Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars, which being left at random by this disunion, becomes a prey to strangers, who will be sure to take advantage of it?

The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour.

THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England, seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess; yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good corre∣spondency. The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies, who had been a long while near, and about her, as also in certain Ecclesia∣stiques, a little too inconsiderate in their zeal, was in part the occasion of it; for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence, did clash with the King her Husbands humour, and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them. The King did not much wonder at it, having of a long time known, how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are, and how they commonly end in some broyl, unless there be some one near them, who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them. But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville, his Extraordi∣nary Ambassador to the King of England, that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen, had caused any more mischiefs; which was the easilier to be done, in regard the Queen want∣ed neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband, and was onely to be bla∣med, for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel. But this was not all, there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns, which was this: The Sieur de Soubize, having fled into England, and there saved himself, had taken in times of Peace, and against the approval too of those of Rochel, a small vessel, called the little Saint John, at the Port of Blavet, which he afterwards carried to Plymouth. And not long after the English had de∣tained and unladen another Ship at Dover, called the Merchant Royal, full laden

with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers. This kind of acting was as strange as unjust, and a great noise it made. The French Merchants not be∣ing able to get a satisfactory answer in it, because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain, seised upon some En∣glish Ships, which exasperated them afresh, and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace a∣mongst Families, yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes. They do ne∣ver make up any Matches but on the score of Interests, and if any cause of difference arise amongst them, they do not at all value their Alliances; but it is well known, that those Wars which have been between such Princes, have ever been the most bloody. It was imagined, that those many Contracts which had been made be∣tween the Princes of the House of Orleance, and those of Burgogne, would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels, but the sequel made it apparent, they all served to no purpose.

Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples, yet he undid them by his intreagues: And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England, as when they were allyed by some Mariage? And indeed it ought not to seem strange, for a Soveraign hath no Kins∣man so nearly related to him as his State. A private man may govern himself ac∣cording to the Rules of Friendship, but it is otherwise with a Soveraign, who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one. His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs, that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it, which he is not bound to repell by any wayes what∣soever.

The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care.

THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past, could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together, in Languedoc, in Poictu, in the Valtoline, and Italy, as also in the Match with England, and defraying of Ambassa∣dors expences, together with Alliances with States, considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration, had found the Treasury not onely exhausted, but likewise much indebted, so that they lived upon the next years Revenues. This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence, who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve, had quickly so setled the Trea∣suries, that there was great plenty succeeded that former want. The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders, but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers: The Superintendants were also ordered, not to au∣thorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State, but upon good and just consideration. There were divers persons removed from Court, who attended there to no intent or purpose, but only had sometimes the honour to see the King. Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services. There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries, which were so exactly observed, that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done, so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made, but was afterwards filled with such great sums, that France had never seen the like.

Politique Observation.

THe King who designs great matters, and wants store of monies to execute them▪ doth onely attempt vain enterprizes. The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion, that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War; be∣cause as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews; so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist, or that Souldiers should do their duties, if there be not good store of monies to pay them, and to provide all necessaries for them. There is not onely Machiavel, who denieth this Position against the Au∣thority of Dion, Quintus Curtius, Vegetius, Cicero and Plutarch, who is of opini∣on that money is not a Nerve in War. But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity, is at least as considerable as his opinion. So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime. I must confess with him, that War may sometimes have a good successe, though the Souldiers be but ill payed, because the Authority of a grand Comman∣der, and their own Courages may very much animate them; but as that doth but seldome happen, so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it. There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy, where the Imperialists despair∣ing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid, the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them, and infused such mettle in∣to them, that they went on with great Courage, and got a great honour over the French. But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example, or any of the like nature, and shall follow them in his Conduct, shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine: Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions, that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War, though never so inconsiderable, without great practice. I know that it is not money onely, which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits, but that good Souldiers are also necessary; an experienced old Commander, courteous, generous, able in Counsels, quick in executions, beloved by the Souldiers and indued with se∣veral other qualifications necessary for command: But besides all this, though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished, yet unlesse there be good sums of monies, nothing can be really attempted: For how can a Prince without this, sa∣tisfie several Souldiers and Commanders? How can he without this make his pre∣parations of Victuals, Provisions, Ammunitions, Artilleries, and other things which cannot be had without great expences? And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed, how can he make Recruits or new Levies? Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar, sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it, but having no money he could procure no Souldiers. In the mean while, the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa, and several other Towns in Hostage, by which means he received great store of monies, of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland, and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thou∣sand men, brought twenty thousand with him.

The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels, sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition.

ALL the rest of the year at least after May, the Bishops and Clergy of France, were assembled at Paris. The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King, for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them. But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them, the affection which they alwaies had for the King, would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books, abor∣tives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France. There need no more then onely to read them, and it would soon be apparent that they were full of

seditious Doctrine; That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority, to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst stran∣gers, to stir up the people to sedition, and to kindle a flame of War in France: The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Re∣ligion. These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs, and made it ap∣parent that they were like Apothecaries, or Mountebanks Boxes, which are mark∣ed on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine, but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull: They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet, and seducers of the people to sedition, putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power, and required them to be in a straight obedience, by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice, whom God had placed over them, for the good and happiness of France; and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty, they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by gran∣ting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France, as a contri∣bution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged, as also to preserve Re∣ligion in its splendour, and to maintain the glory of the Crown. It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it, who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches, began to oppose it, as if the Church, which is part of the State, were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members, and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses.

Politique Observation.

KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to con∣tribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State, seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others. They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God, or his Apostles; for when as they lived on the earth, the Church had not any immovable Goods, and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings, that she hath since obtained that priviledge; it was never granted to her, but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessi∣ties of the State. They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it, though they may by absolute authority force it; for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency, their Soveraign power would be of little worth: And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner, doe so much the more ob∣lige them to do it; for the entreaty of him who may enforce, is a greater tye then his command: And is it not very reasonable, that as all the parts of the Body, even the most noble, do contribute to its conservation, so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it, and to establish the glory of it. The Emperour Gratian ordained, That every one should serve on publique occasions, and first of all addressed himself to execute it, not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity; and Plato saith, No man but ought to obey necessities, seeing the Gods themselves submit to them. And admit that Ecclesia∣stiques should deny, or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions, might they not with reason be reproached, as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher, who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people. Thy request, quoth the Emperour to him, is contrary to thy Profession, for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions, and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in, doest however, suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness. So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ, who recommendended no one thing more then Pover∣ty, and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver, would do an act much contrary to their profession, if they should pretend to be exempted from

those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions.

Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain.

IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain, and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France, that I may not let them slip. Henry Duke of Lorrain, a little before he dyed, finding himself without Sons, did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole, whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain, eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont, his younger Brother, giving her to understand, that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it, did really appertain to her, and that Charles her Husband had no right to it, but onely in consideration of her. However the Count de Vaudmont, desirous to preserve it to his Son, in case he should outlive his Wife, pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee, by virtue of the Will of Rey∣nard, King of Sicily; and Duke of Lorrain, his Great Grandfather, dated the twenty fifth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and six, which untill then he had never heard of; by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which u∣sually happeneth to great Houses, by subdividing those possessions which once be∣longed to them, had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar, the Marqui∣sate of Ponta-Mouson, and the Earldom of Vaudmont, and constituted his eldest Son Anthony, late Duke of Lorrain, sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lord∣ships, willing, and ordaining, that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male, gradually, and one after another, and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it. He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son, the possession of Guise, Elbauf, Aumalle, Mayenne, Joinville, and several others which he had in France, substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them, and ex∣cluding all Daughters. The original of the Will was very authentique, and Copies of it in divers places to be had. There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation, made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose, after the de∣cease of the said King, upon the thirteenth of February, in the year fifteen hun∣dred and eight, before Madam Philip of Gueldres, Queen of Sicilie, Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar, who declared, they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will.

Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed, that upon consequence of this substitu∣tion and order thus established by Will, and confirm'd by the States, himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain, and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it, but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities.

At last he declared, by a publick Instrument, that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole, his late Brothers Daughter, he was content to dis∣possess himself into the hands of his said Son, and that he did invest him with it, requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States, which he renounced to him in his behalf; and that after his decease they should de∣scend to his next Heirs Males, excluding all Females, and still preferring the eldest, who were to give the youngest Pensions, and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House.

The King, though somwhat concerned in this agreement, did not oppose it, but esteemed it as frivolous, it being free for him not to take any notice of it, because it was not presented to him for a ratification, though the curious spirits of the time, who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States, not at all concern'd in them, but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection, did talk diversly of it: Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second, upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions, was absolutely voyd, as also the Contract

of disseisure. They alledged for their chief reason, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr, observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far remo∣ved; and secondly, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty, and at Moulin in one thou∣sand five hundred sixty and six, which prohibit such substitutions for ever, but re∣strain them to the second degree•• Besides the institution which was passed, if it should so stand, it would follow of consequence, that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever, could not be vallid, especially in relation to Barr, and that which depends on the Crown of France, where his Majesty ought to be consider∣ed, not onely as common Soveraign, but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal, and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid, as also service with and against all others, it being not allowed to a Vassal, to alter (without the Kings authority who is chief Lord) the nature of the Fee, a∣gainst the Order established by Custome. Thirdly, they added for the confirmati∣on of their opinions, an example very considerable which was this. It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand, in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four, between John the valiant Count de Montfort, after∣wards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain, son of John Count of Montfort, of the one party, and Jane Dutchess of Brittain, daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu, elder brother to the said Count of Montfort, of the other party. That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain, no Female should inherit the said Dutchy: They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good, unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it, for that it was contrary to the Custome; by vertue of which said Custome, the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement, against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him, as being the neerest, and daughter to the eldest Brother; and that therefore they intreated the Com∣missaries and Deputies, who were the Arch-Bishop of Rei••ns, and the Marshal of Boucica••d, to ratifie and confirm their Award, which they did: That upon the score of this Ratification, the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain, by being preferred before the Females. That Rai∣nard the second in not having followed this order, for the Dutchy of Barr, and those other Lands which depended on France, had made his said Will and Substitu∣tion absolutely void in it self. Fourthly, the best Historians did moreover alledge, That this same Will of R••ynard the second, was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain, but had been abrogated from time to time: As for those Lands which related to France, they answered, that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after, dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act, whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent, that his Heirs Males and Females, might suc∣ceed to inherit those lands in France, though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome, as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing, granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven, in the moneth of May, preferring by this Act, the Heirs females of Claudius, before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain, and the sons of the said Anthony. That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation, the said preferrency had been gran∣ted to the daughter of Claudius, in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumal∣le; as also in the Principallity of Joinville; in which it is declared, that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands, excluding the sons of the late Duke, at least from all which related to France. Sixthly they added, that as for what hath dependence from the Empire, the Will ought not to be valid, neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging, which are upon that side of the Rhine, and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self: By vertue of which, the daugh∣ters have ever succeeded, excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related, and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without

the Emperours consent to that purpose, first had and obtained. On the other side there were some others who were of opinion, that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid, there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge; that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes, but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people; provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended, were not injured in it, he might abrogate such usances, and that no one could pretend to oppose it, no not the Lord Paramount himself, for that he was not at all concerned in it, ad∣mitting his particular Rights were preserved to him, seeing as the Lawyers say, That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country, for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self. Their main reasons were, That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount, and a Liege Lord; that indeed it was granted, a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord, but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him, and that he may at least dispose of them with his States, not to alienate; but certainly to substitute and appoint them. That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount, whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government, it being not any thing of con∣cern to him, provided his rights were preserved to him, and that his Homage, Ser∣vice, and Obedience were paid him. That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States, their oppositi∣on however were not of any validity, for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests. That withall this reason was so much the more considerable, in respect of those States which have depen∣dance on the Empire; because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France, for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour, but onely to serve him, and contribute to the ne∣cessities of his State.

They alledged one very considerable reason, as to what concern'd his Majesties interests, in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown, making it apparent, that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males, that rather on the contrary, his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it, seeing by this means, the States of Lorrain, would al∣waies remain in the Possession of some small Prince, whose weakness alone, if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity, would force him to con∣tinue in his duty; whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed, it would of consequence fall out, that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince, from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service, as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain, who married Raynard, it is apparently known to every one, of what great concern it is (without being beholding to examples) for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours.

As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines, which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree; besides the first institution, that is to say, from the Institutor, and the instituted, who succeedeth the intestate, they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution, seeing he was the fourth from Anthony, who was the first instituted. For this An∣thony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis, which Francis left them to his son Charls, and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son, who was father to Nicole, which Henry having no sons, Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession, he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances, and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals, that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals, ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them. They likewise answered, in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande, that that ex∣ample could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the

succession, for that a single example createth no Law, as the Lawyers say; because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power.

And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will, and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it, for that no Testator whatever, contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life, doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest.

Besides that, the Ratification made by the States two years after, did sufficient∣ly evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony, and that it might safely be said, he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth, that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius, capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him, not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males; but because it might happen in time, that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions, and in that case it would be needfull, that their Father were naturali∣zed to bring them into Possession. That the same thing might be said, in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle, and the Principallities of Joinville; as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth, and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain; for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve, that the Messieurs de Guise, who drew on the said Treaty, would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain, by excluding of the daughters, seeing it had not as yet been contradicted, there not having hitherto been any daughters, who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain, in exclusion of the Males, but onely Madam Nicole, and Claudius of Lorrain, who were then in competition. That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne, daughter to Duke Anthony, and Christian daughter to Duke Charls, they could not null the Will, for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them, which thing did not however give them any right at all. These answers seemed plausible enough, whence it followed, that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements, they presently con∣cluded that the Will ought to be in its full force, and put in execution, and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties; but the King could onely judge of them, as to what related to his Crown; for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests, and he hath no power but God above, which can Ar∣bitrate concerning it.

Politique Observation.

THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men, seemeth to be so much the more lawfull, in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence, who hath created women onely to obey; who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people, whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost, hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession, but in default of sons. And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say, that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin, still observing this Order, The Male should be preferred before the Female, and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir? Sol••n one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity, made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth, as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates: And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters, if the sons should present themselves to accept of it, as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian. Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia, when he saith, the Male children are the Pillars of houses; that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People, that the Sacri∣fices are made in their names, that it belongeth to them, to transact Publick affairs, and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born, do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them, and carrying them into other

places. And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families, it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties, where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet. It is true that Liege Lords, being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains: But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it, because it is very advantagious for them; especi∣ally if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected. This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince, whose power he will never have any reason to fear, which is no small ad∣vantage to him, whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes, they may become their Masters, and may not onely not ren∣der that service which is due by Liege men; but on the contrary, may bring such troubles to them, as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies, who may make a War upon him: It seemeth likewise to be without any ground, that he should pretend a power to hinder them, seeing his right extend onely to the investiture, to the Homage, to the Tribute, to the Service of War, and fidelity, in which he can∣not be damaged if they are preserved to him. Of what importance is it then, whe∣ther it be a son or a daughter, which payeth him his Homage Tribute, and other du∣ties as a token of submission. In that case it ought to be indifferent, for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince, whence it comes that every one being in a ca∣pacity to dispose his rights, as shal best please himself, especially when no one is preju∣diced by it, there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males. Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made, in fundamental Customes of Countries; and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law, which excludeth the daughters from the Crown; so it is very doubtfull whe∣ther it be in the Power of the States themselves of some Countries, to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns.

Anno 1626.

The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards.

WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud, dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth; dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder, and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes, hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year, in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the V••lte∣line were so much afflicted: But to go on with the prosecution of that which hap∣ned after the raising of the siege of Verrue, untill the conclusion of the Treaty; I must tell you, that after those advantages obtained, the Duke of Savoy being sug∣gested by those happy successes, and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country, desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture, as also to enter upon Mallan, that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War, and by that means be revenged of them. This was according to the temper of his Soul, who could not indure any quiet, but the Constable ae Lis∣diguiers, and the Marshal de Crequy, who desired not to attempt any thing which

might not sort to their Masters glory, opposed his design, representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army, which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective, intrenched in a place very advantagious with Can∣non, and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions, and that neither the season nor condition of their forces, would consist with the besieging any place in Milan, without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation. These reasons were very considerable, and the Constable without losing any more time, and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont, withdrew himself towards Granoble, after he had put the Troops in Garison, un∣der the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Ʋxelles. In the mean while, it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs, and to receive his commands, he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke, because hee doubted, that he would induce the King to Peace; as also, least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League, and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish. This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him, as well to defend his Interest, as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy; and having dispatched him a few dayes after, they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February, where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires, they were obliged for the better conside∣ration of their Propositions to put them down in writing; accordingly, they pre∣sented them to his Majesty, who assisted by his Ministers, examined them with great deliberation; and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs; and withall, the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises, hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army, though the effect of it was di∣verted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain, which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon.

Politick Observation.

HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favou∣rable Treaty of Peace, who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries, brings all things into necessities, deprives the people of their liberties, maketh the land barren, destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces, tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldi∣ers; and that on the contrary, the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty, the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes, and the joy of Nations, that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour, leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods, making Arts to flourish, Justice to Reign, and banish∣ing all fear, which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness, whilest there are any troubles. It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth, decked with its verdure, painted with all sorts of Flowers, inriched with the diversity of Trees, which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted, replenished with all fruits and spices, and flowing with Milk and Honey, then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter, converted into Snow and Ice, become stiffe and dis-coloured, and the Land Barren, and over-flowed with Water. So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive, when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them, to restore them the free use of their own Goods, to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet, to drive away necessity from them, to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs, then to see them remain idle, and without exercise, in the want of the greatest part of necessaries, not daring to go out of their Gates, besieged by War in their Towns, and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine.

The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson.

FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded, It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain, who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected, resolved to use his utmost to accom∣modate things in a peaceable manner, and accordingly made several overtures that way tending, to the Sieur de Fargis, Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty, who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither; and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel, Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace. Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis, that he should answer to such overtures as had been made, that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it, if it might be made upon Honora∣ble and safe conditions; and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads. First, that the Span∣jards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline, next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons, and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion, he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently, but with so much heat, that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez, they at last set down their several proposals in wri∣ting, which being agreed upon, they were signed by them, though the Sieur de Fargis, had no power so to do. The Sieur de Fargis conceiving he had dispatched a great affair, presently sent away the Treaty to the King, who was not a little surprised, as also his Ministers, to find a Treaty of peace concluded by his Ambassa∣dor, who had no Authority for it, nor had ever sent any word of advice about it. His Majesty seemed by this precedure to be obliged to recall him, and at his return to treat him according to his deserts: but his prudence guiding him in it, he would not presently conclude so to do, but proposed the business to be debated by his Ministers. Many were of opinion absolutely, to reject this pretended Treaty, not onely because the Form of it was ill, but because it was likewise an offence to the Kings Allyes, it being concluded without them; and withall, the haste and eagerness which appeared in the Spaniards was a manifest sign of their weakness, which might not be passed by without taking some advantage of it.

But the Cardinal taking hold of the discourse, told his Majesty, that prudence did not so much tye men up to consider the Forms as the substances of things, and withall told him that he thought it more proper to stand to the conditions, of the Treatie, then to dispute the manner of the Treatie; and how the Sieur de Fargis had concluded it; He confessed that those Termes which his Majesty had desired, were not expressed with all the circumstances and limitations, as was to be wished, and yet he represented to him, that it was no small matter to have obtained of the Spaniards, the chief points which were demanded; for they renounced the passages in the Valtoline; they were contented the Soverainty should remaine in the Grisons, and in conclusion he freely declared, That to his apprehension it were not proper rashly to reject that Treaty, for that the Spanish Ambassador had lately told the Marshal de Schomberg, that in case there were any thing to be altered in point of form, or if any of the Articles were too harsh, it would be more proper to review and amend them, then to neglect the reuniting of the two Crowns. Then he in∣formed his Majesty, how that his taking up Arms was for the establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty and to preserve the passages of the Valtoline for France, in excluding the Spaniards quite from them, and that his Majesty obtayning both one and t'other he might both with advantage and reputation, hearken to the peace. That true it was his Allyes might complain of it, but without any sea∣son, if once those ends were obtained, for which the league was made, and with∣all the small successe of the Army in Italy made it apparent, there was little to be got by it. In short, he beseeched his Majesty to weigh one thing of great conside∣ration,

which was that Rochel not being yet reduced under his obedience, it would be an easie matter for the Spaniards to stir up the Hugonots to revolt, who finding themselves countenanced and supported by several Princes of the Court, would divert one part of his Forces, and would impede his sending of so many Forces as would be needfull on t'other side the Hils, so that instead of expecting a good Issue of the wars in Italy, there was great fear of many dangers in it. The Prudence of this incomparable Minister, urged so many strong reasons, that they were impossi∣ble to be answered, so that his Majesty resolved to lay hold on those advantages in the Treaty and to amend what should be thought fit in it; To which purpose Orders were dispatched to the Sieur de Fargis, with command to induce the Count d'Olivarez to agree to them, and in case he should make and difficulty of it, that he himself should presently take his leave and return home, to give an accompt of his business.

The Sieur de Fargis having received them, on the fifteenth of February, ad∣dressed himself with all dilligence to repair the fault which he had committed, and also in his letters to his Majesty testified a great deal of sorrow for it, which how∣ever did not with hold him from running into a second, for he concluded upon and signed another Treaty with the Count d'Olivarez, somewhat better indeed then the former, but not strictly conformable to his Orders and instructions, so that sending them to his Majesty, they would not be accepted of unlesse once more amended: and also his Majesty that he might take away all suspition from the Marquis de Mirabel, that he did approve of this manner of proceeding in his Ambassador he wished in a publique audience, that Fargis had been but as discreet as he was; that the first time, he did a thing of his one brayn, without any autho∣rity, and that in the second he had not followed his Orders and Instructions, for which he should exemplarily be punished. But that in the mean time both him∣self & the King of Spain did reape some benefit by his Folly, in that they might both discover one anothers minds to be without gall, and to be well enclined to peace, of which that he might give an evident testimony, he would send a Treaty to his Ambassador with the least alteration that could be, and such a one as the King of Spain, would not make any scruple to accept of.

The Treaty was drawn up, and before it was dispatched the King gave one part of it to the Prince of Piedmont, and to the Venetian Ambassador who both having several particular designs quite different from that of the league, neither of them did approve of it, either in substance or form; and the Prince himself took his leave of the King to return into Piedmont. The Marquis de Mirable, was informed of their resentments, who seeming to suspect an absolute breach, pressed very earnestly for a quick dispatching of the Treaty away towards Spain, in such manner and form as his Majesty desired it should be amended, and gave great hopes that all things would be concluded in a happy end. So the Treaty was sent away to the Sieur de Fargis who received it at Barcelona, and as his own Interests as well as those of France did excite him to it, so he played his part so dexterously with the Count d'Olivarez, that it was soon after signed and concluded between them, and antidated from the fifth of March at Mouson, to evade any complaints of Cardinal Barbarini, who had bin at Barcelona, before the Treaty was signed and had no hand in it, for fear onely of some great delayes, which he might have raised, because he had no other answer made him to those overtures of his for peace, but onely complements and thanks, & assurances that the peace was concluded. The chief Articles were, That the Affairs of the Grisons and the Valtoline should be restored into the same state, they were before the war, in the year one thousand six hundred and seventeen, preser∣ving by this means the Soverainty to the Grisons, and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France, in whose actual possession they then were; that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline, but only the Roman Catholique and Apostolique, that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates, all Catholiques either of the Grisons or the Valtolines. That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons, who should not however

have any power to refuse the Ratification of them: That all the Forts in the Val∣toline should be restored into the Popes hands, to be forth with rased and de∣mollished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity, to settle peace be∣tween such of their Allyes as had ingaged in the wars with them, and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abbetting or assistance, to the continuing of the war between them, without having first used all fair means and wayes, for the setling of a peaceable and friendly agreement. Thus were all the grounds of diffe∣rence between them ended and concluded, to the great Happiness of Christendom, though by away in it self extravagant enough, and contrarie to all usual Forms.

Politique Observation.

IN all Treaties of great Importance. It is more material to adhere to the sub∣stances then the formalities of conditions. Formalities are indeed, necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed, and there is great reason to rest satis∣fied when that same end is once obtained. What sence is there not to accept of that which is aymed at when occasion doeth present, but to leave it off to the ha∣zard of time and Fortune, and all to finish it, with certain Ceremonies, which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing? The end say the Philosophers, hath this propertie, That it terminateth all motion; and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the center of the Earth, the end which the Creator of Nature hath a∣scribed unto it.

So the Artificer, when once he hath perfected his workmanship, forbeareth any further labour about it; and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or ar∣tificial, do prefer rest before motion, if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth.

Who knoweth not that Publique peace is the end of a wise Prince, and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war, and that he would never design war but only for the obtayning of a quiet sure rest? The sick person would never have any recourse to the Phisitian, if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order.

And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war, when there is an over∣ture offered for accepting of an honorable and advantageous peace? to do so were point blanck against the prescribed rule of Justice, of which both art & nature giveth us examples. Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty, they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation, in the same manner, as the motions of nature; and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained: So the wisest Polititians doe lay by the considerations of all for∣malities, when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to them∣selves.

The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace, between France and Spain.

AS soon as the Treaty was concluded, his Majesties next care was to induce his Allyes to ratifie it; The Pope was first of all acquainted with it, who was overjoyed at it, and openly declared to the Sieur de B••thune that he took no no∣tice at all, of the extraordinary manner had bin use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it, only that he might rejoyce with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace: I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too, for the Resolution which he had taken of sen∣ding six housand men to Pepeinheim, for the guarding of the Fort of Rive, assuring him that he had not done it, but only to vindicate the injurie which had been done him by the Spaniards, who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holi∣ness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines; as also in some sort to repell the

injurie which had been offered to the Holy Chair, when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensignes, and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards, that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty. But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty, for he heard at the same time from the Si••ur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it, and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded.

The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy, to perswade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned.

NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness, so the Sieur de Bethune, satisfied him with it, by representing to him, with what respects the King his Master had treated him, by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished. All the Princes of Italy, who were not entred into the league, did testifie a great deal of joy at the news of the accomodation; but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Veniee, who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented, for that the Treaty had been concluded without them; though in real∣lity, they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it, seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together: But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed, his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them, to recompense by some extraordinary 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy, by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke. His Instruction consisted of three particualrs, The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson, and to qualifie his resent∣ments for that it had been done without him. The second was to dispose him to∣wards a cessation of Arms, with those of Genoa, and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration, and lastly to treat with him, concerning the interests of his house, and withal to proffer him his Majesties assistance to raise him, to the greatest point of glory, that he could aime at. Upon the first of these three points, the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand, that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it, had deprived his Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness, and that his Majesty having had advise upon it, was counselled to lay hold on peace, in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome, considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy, and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace, for which the League had been contrived, all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour. Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness, that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace, that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Com∣mon-wealth of Genoa by arbitration, in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet, and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions. The King would embrace them very affectionately, and as his own; and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satis∣faction and content, either by disputing the business by reason, and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point, which had no relation to any thing of the League, and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither, for that it was designed only to al∣lay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion, that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince, and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things, as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness, and that it

doth bring them to that point which is pretended, commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations, and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope, to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus, as wel in re∣gard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom, as also in regard of his particular valour, which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World, that this Title could not with Justice be denied him, and that there was not any King in Christendom, which would not be wel satisfied with the admissi∣on of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation, into that degree and quality.

The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Ve∣nice, for the Affairs before-mentioned,

THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence, that he obtained all he could desire: The Cessation of Arms was consented to; and accordingly, proclaimed in Milan, Genoa, and Piedmont. The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of, and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus, to the Sieur at Bullion, who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty; and told him, that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it. On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Com∣mon-wealth of Venice, to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodati∣on of Mouson, and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons, the Valtolines, and the Swisses. Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion, to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions, and he had likewise particular order to ad•…•… to the Common-wealth of Venice, That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace, seeing it freed them from a chargeable War, subject to many accidents, and in which well they might lose much, but gain little. And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline; the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know, that such a pretension as that was, would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of ac∣commodation, and that all that was to be wished, was sometimes impossible to be effected: Besides that, the keeping up of the Fort; would be a great charge, ei∣ther in relation to the necessary expences, for the giving of a full satisfaction, or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison, and who at last cast too, might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard, if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army. He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines, was not to indure any Rule or Go∣vernment, and that they would never have indured any long time together, that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger, and that the Spaniards know∣ing their natures to be such, would alwaies be inciting and assisting them under∣hand to retake them; so that the keeping up of the Forts, would instead of secu∣ring the Treaty, onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth; as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline, who are in perpetual fears and jealousies, and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards at∣tempts, which would put them to vast charges, and force them too at last to yeeld to reason. And he was commanded by his Majesty, that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests, to tell them, that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years, he knowing how passi∣onately they desired it; and moreover, that his Majesty would in case they should request it, enter into a defensive League with them.

The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily, that the Com∣mon-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them, in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs; and left it to his Majesty to consider, whether all those advantages which were to be wished for, were com∣prised

in the Treaty, and that for their particulars, they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League, assuring the said Sieur de Chasteau∣neuf, that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance, which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France, which was as much as could be desired from them. Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went to∣wards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy: The Instructi∣ons which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts, was to joyn him∣self with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observa∣on of the Treaty. The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it, but accepted of the Treaty, as also to pay every year unto the Grisons, five and twenty thousand Crowns, which had been imposed on them: But as for the Grisons, there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them, without any resolution; but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty, for his assistance, and acknow∣ledged themselves infinitely obliged to him. But as to the Treaty, they desired they might send their Deputies towards his Majesty to represent to him the difficul∣ties which did arise in their acceptation of the said agreement, by reason of the al∣teration of Justice, seeing the Magistracy and Authority, was given into the hands of the Valtolines. They accordingly sent their Deputies to make their com∣plaints, but after they were once fully informed of the Justice of those reasons which invited them to accept of the Treaty, seeing otherwise it would be impossible to preserve the Soveraignty of the Valtoline to them, or to defend themselves from a perpetual War with the Valtolines, who being under-p••••••pped by the Spaniards, would never submit to their longer government of them; as also that the Sove∣raignty of Justice was well payed for by a great sum, and that themselves too might be chosen into the Magistracy as well as the Valtolines, they did at last accept of it, and were content to receive the Treaty. So the Sieur de Chasteauneuf con∣tinued on his journey towards Switzerland, for the satisfying of his Majesties pleasure, who had commanded him to induce the Cantons both Catholick and Pro∣testant to accept of the Treaty, seeing they had not a little contributed to the re∣covery of the Valtoline, by those Troops which they had sent thither, and that it were not amisse to ingage them in the execution of those Articles of Peace, for that they might be very much assisting towards the preserving of the Valtoline in that condition as had now been resolved on. To the Catholiques he represented, that they had great reason to be satisfied with it, seeing the Catholique Religion was established so firmly in the Valtoline; and to the Protestants he alledged, that considering the Soveraignty was maintained to the Grisons, they had reason to rest contented; accordingly, the Catholicks resolved to subscribe to it and to perswade the Grisons to do the like. And the Protestants after some difficulties at first, being shortly after assembled at Aran, resolved likewise to imbrace it, excepting as to what concern'd Religion, and delivered their Declaration at the same time to the Sieur de Chasteauneuf. And thus the Treaty being accepted of all hands, that were any wayes concerned in it, there remained onely the putting it in execution.

Politique Observation.

AN Embassadour who is imployed to make a Treaty of Peace, is chiefly bound to represent to them, with whom he treateth, the great inconvenicences unto which thich they expose themselves by continuation of the War. For as Interest is the onely rise from whence all the motions of Princes do flow, so he need not doubt but that Interest too will lead them to any thing, if he finds a means to perswade them that War will be prejudicial to them. He ought not to be unmindfull of letting them know, that a Prince may not either with Justice or Prudence make a War, but onely that he may obtain a most certain and advantagious Peace; as also that that Prince who would continue a War, after a Peace is offred to him, with those two conditions annexed, is as unreasonable as an Artificer, who after he hath given his work the best most curious form, that it is capable of, should however

still continue his care and pains, to perfect it, though unable to give it any other or better form then he hath already done.

This once done, it behoveth him to tell them in words tempered both with Prudence and Courage, that the successe of War is uncertain, and that many Princes have fallen down from their great hopes and victory into misfortunes and losses: That the divine Providence hath often permitted those Princes, who are over ob∣stinate for the continuing of Wars, to be rebuked with disgraces and shame. That the Holy Scripture giveth us a notable example of this truth in that of the Tribe of Benjamin, who refusing these overtures of Peace, which were made to them, by the rest of the Tribes, when they intreated them to abandon the Gibeonit••s, who had offended them, were shamefully overcome, and their Cities Pillaged; That many having given way to their Ambition to perswade them to the Conquest of their Neighbours. Have seen their own States exposed as a Prey to their particular enemies: That many things appear easie in discourse, which are difficult to be put in execution. That they are not the most generous Princes, who suffer themselves to be led on with Passion, to inlarge their Borders, but they who im∣ploy their powers with prudence and equity; That a Prince hath glory enough, if he can but give his Subjects the means of injoying that felicity which is the end of the Politique Government; which happiness being linked with Peace, he ought not at any time to refuse the accepting of it when proffered with advantagious condi∣tions: In fine, he will make a great impression upon their Souls to incline them to conclude a Peace, when to as he shall discourse to them, that Princes who are ambi∣tious of their neighbouring States, are like unto hunger starved appetites, who never satisfied, but desirous to devour all, do weaken and destroy their natural heat by the excesse of those meats wherewith they fill themselves; and that in the same manner it is with those, who not contented with that state and condition whereto their Birth or Fortunes had assigned them, suffer themselves to be hurried away with an insatiable desire of usu••ping upon others; and in fine, onely weaken and impoverish themselves, and their Subjects by a continuation of Wars, which layeth them naked to the cruelty of their enemies, inforceth them to leave their Lands untilled, squee∣zeth from them all their means towards the Contribution of the War, and some∣times too casteth them into rebellion, when as once they begin to be weary with the violences of the Souldiery: and adding to these misfortunes the constant attend∣ants upon War the want of all those good things which are so plentifully injoyed with Peace, it wil be a most efficacious means to cause them to lay down their Arms and to accept of that peace, which is so offered to them.

Prosecution of the History.

IF it was a businesse of some difficulty to perswade the Allies to accept of the agreement, it was no whit lesse troublesome, to execute those Articles which had been concluded particularly for demolishing those Forts in the Valtoline: The two Armies could by no means be drawn off untill the Forts were slighted, which was no small charge to the two Kings as well as to his Holiness, who had carried six thousand men as far as Milan; whence is followed that it was treated both in France, Spain, Rome, Milan and Valtoline, in what manner it should be done, and so many difficulties did arise, that it was November before any thing was re∣solved on; and the execution of it deferred untill February in the year one thousand six hundred twenty seven. The Treaty was to this effect, that the Forts should be restored into his Holinesse hands to be forthwith demolished; but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it, and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands, for reparation of the injury, which had been dore him as he perswaded himself, when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him, and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them. France did not at all stand upon re••••oring them into the Popes hands, but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards

hands to be by them demolished, to which effect he desired that his Holiness, would only send in so many Souldiers, that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters, which his Holiness would not be drawn to, and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it, as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power, they might find some way or other, to get them into theirs and so demolish them, which many amongst them thought to be very honourable, though divers others were of a contrarie opinion, as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master, who had first caused them to be built.

The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline.

AFter many contestations off and on, the King to end all differences, gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours, any thing that was reasonable to be do, and between them it was at last concluded, that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty, who commanded the Popes Forces: that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places, as were not included in the deposite, That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up, they should presently demolish them; That the Arms, Artillerie and Ammunitions of war, which belonged to the Spani∣ards, should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted, his Holiness Forces, as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiav••nnies; These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty, which after it was ra∣tified by the King, the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua, whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace, concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts. There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie, Ammunitions of war, victuals and the deposit, and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope, upon his en∣trance into those Forts, which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit. Upon the fifteenth, the demolition was began, and so many labors came to finish it, that in six dayes it was all ended. The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France, and his Majesty, for a just and worthy recompence of his services, bestowed in him the Ho∣nour of Marshal de Campo; and thus the respect and reference, which the two Crowns made to the Pope, were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another.

The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope.

THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope. They are bound to it by duty, seeing as St. Bernard saith, he is the high Priest, the Soveraign Bishop, the Prince of Bishops, Heir to the Apostles, that he is like Abel in his Priority, Noah in his Government, Abra∣ham in his Patriarch-ship, Melchisedech in his Order, Aaron in his dignity, Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement, St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God, seeing he is the cheef of Christians, the Shepheard of the people, the Rod of the Mighty, the Hammer of Tyrants, the Father of Kings, the Light of the World, and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth: And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities, do make him amongst other Potentates here below, the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars? And then looking on his Per∣son, and beholding the Object whom he doth represent, which is no other than

God himself, ought not every one be perswaded to treat him, withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord, who governing States by the hand of Providence, doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion, as Prin∣ces respect those for his sake who belong unto him. To speak truth, this honour∣ing them is a Loadstone, which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven, which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes: And if neither of the two consi∣derations should be potent enough, over the minds of Kings, to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope; yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a ve∣ry Politick and considerable reason, which is to preserve themselves in Peace. For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief, and a general father of Jesus Christs family, who might accom∣modate their differences, and might by his Counsels moderate, the violence of those, who make unjust attempts, and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies.

If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him, what credit could he have, to conclude or effect such things amongst them? what esteem could he have to end their differences. They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdicti∣on, without medling in temporal affairs, but in the interim, the fire of war would often break out amongst them, with such fury that both themselves & estates would be consumed in the Flames of it: Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with res∣pective honour, and admit of his perswasions with esteem, his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all, and he might with ease accommodate their divisions, by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him, he might re∣store peace to the Nations, and stop the course of all violent proceedings.

Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois.

AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes, so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad, but indeavoured the procu∣ring it for those of Rochel, and to establish it in France, both for the greatest good of the people, and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at. Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town, whom he had gained by opening their eyes, and who were potent enough, with several others, to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party. So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots, comming to Court to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace, which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past, were accompanied with those of Rochel, who came in their behalf to offer their submissions, and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party. It is true, they did not so much repent for their Rebellion, as they were sorry for those inconveniences, which the Kings Army had put upon them, then command∣ed by the Marshal de Themines, who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis, and who pressed so close upon them, that they could not peep out, but in danger of being taken: For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods, and that all their Traffique was spoiled. Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Re∣bels, whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up, of which they gave assured proof, by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty, to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty. The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party, did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel; as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him, some∣what powerfuller then the rest. There had then been newly discovered a Combi∣natiyn between divers Princes and Lord, of the Court as shall be anon declared, and amongst others, one of their designs, was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party; so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities, it were the ready way to let open a door for War, and to give

those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand; for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City, to raise all the party. And last of all, this great Minister laid down before his Majesty, That the English (being as they were picking a quarrel with us, to which they were inclined) would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France. These reasons of State were of great weight, and fit to be considered, of which his Majesty being sensible, he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired, and the Car∣dinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles, and full of basenesse, as formerly they had been. The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation, on condition they kept no Ships of War; that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome: That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them: That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them: That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis, and the Islands of Ree and Oleron, onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse, he would settle such a course in it, as those of Rochel, might receive no trouble by it, either in their Commerce, or the injoyment of their goods. These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February, and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them, thinking them∣selves happy, for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty. By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots, his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent, as also he as∣sisted his Allies in Germany, he eased the people, and went on labouring in the means, for restoring of that happinesse and glory, which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome. I shall onely adde, that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty, sent Commissaries to Rochel, who were received there with great honour: Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres, for the establish∣ing the exercise of Religion, and setling things into such order, that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace, had not that people been extream∣ly much inured to Rebellion.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example, yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it, and to give them peace, when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow, by any new revolt, which joyning their flames with the former, might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion. It could not be any weakness of heart, or necessity (to which as an Antient saith, the Gods themselves are obedient) will force him to it. It is no fault to fear, when as there is a just ground for it, but it is rather a great piece of prudence, and a vertue, without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this. Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example, when as Badius, that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him, in saving his life, and giving him back his Ransom, made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes. This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs, did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate, used his utmost power to regain Badius, by assuring him, that if he would but return to Rome, those wounds which he had that day received, would bring him great rewards: Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message, and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design, sent him a very goodly Horse, and five hundred drachma's of Silver, which did so oblige him, that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him, so that from that time forward he would never in∣flict any punishment upon those who were revolted. It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe. A discreet Mini∣ster

ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions, then to hazard the State in any eminent danger, by too much stiffenesse in resolu∣tion, for the punishing of those who are revolted, when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance, by which means they may hazard the successe of the War.

An Edict against Duels.

JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad, and with the Hugonots at home, but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient, if not setled amongst the Nobility, who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels. It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons, that it was one of the greatest parts of glory, for a wise man and a Christian, to overcome his own emotions of anger, and to forgive his enemies. So this great Minister insinuated into his Ma∣jesty, who was already zealously desirous of Justice: That nothing was so contra∣ry to the Law of God, and the welfare of his own State, as Duels, in which there every day perished many of the Nobility, and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France. It was no hard matter, to perswade him to stop the further course of it, by the terrours of those punishments included ••n an Edict against all such, as should bee found guilty of the breach of it. The Edict contained, that all such as should for the future fall into that crime, either challenging or challenged, should be ever after deprived of all their Char∣ges, Pension or other gifts, notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace, which they might procure or obtain, either by surmise or otherwaies; and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices, they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility, declared not to be Gentlemen, but Yeomen, and punished with death. And besides, that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated: That the person who carrieth a Chal∣lenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years: That all such as should assault or fight with one another▪ upon any occasion, should be proce••ded against and punished, as if the design to fight had been premeditated. That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence, and in their persons after their returns in the same manner, as if it had been committed in France. And lastly, that such as should take with them either a Second or Third, should be punished with out more a do, with death: As also all such, who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel.

These were the chief punishments included in the Edict, and upon the publica∣tion of it, his Majesty took a solemn oath, not to she any favour to those who should break it, and commanded his officers, that if it should happen that his Ma∣jesty, might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it, they should take no notice of it, and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in en∣ding any difference which might arise between the nobility, giving them authority, that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction, which should by them be injoyned, they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment, and such others as might be inflicted on them, be forth with degraded of their nobi∣lity▪ It was however much to be doubted, lest those, who should be challenged and did n••t fight would be esteemed as cowards, but to prevent that disorder, his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare, that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage, generous and prudent conduct, and deserving to be imployed in Military commands; and hee did likewise promise by oath before God, that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges.

Politique Observation.

PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them; for who so hath the Authority in his hands, and maketh not use of it, to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws, is no lesse guilty, then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors. The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings; but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders, are guilty of the same crime.

How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished, seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God, when he said, his Blood shall be spilt, that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour. And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword. I may safely say, there is not any Crime so enormous as this, for the man who commiteth it, taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself, according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans, Ven∣geance is mine, and I will repay it. And it is not only an attempt upon Gods pre∣rogative, but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be af∣flicted with: For as a great losse of Blood, extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies, maketh our faces become pale, and rendreth nature weak and languishing: So likewise is it with Duels, which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobi∣lity, in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State, which mightily impair the force of it, exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty, and bringing it into a lan∣guishing condition: And if the State be injured in it, those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses; for with, the life of their bodies, they likewise lose that of their Souls, by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance, who is sel∣dome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie, with some no∣table chastisement, unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance: For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed, which cost him so much, and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy, which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power, and such miracles of his love, and all for their sakes?

The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent, which finds wayes to perswade men, that it is glorious to be revenged, and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords, is a great losse to their Honour. But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable, which is so contrary to God's Laws? It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages, but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge. This same vertue is no fury, and transportation of the mind, to things against both humane and divine Laws: But it is a vigorous reso∣lution; commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers, especi∣ally when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State. Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues, and who so goeth beyond those bounds, falleth into the extremity of vice, whence it hapened that Agesilaus said, according as Plutarch reporteth it, That valour ought not to be regarded, if not accompanied with Justice. Now that which is shewed upon private authority, is it not quite contrarie to it? Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels, just as he would his enemies. In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute. Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him, If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too, but being a man I must endure it with patience. Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God, and forbidden by nature? Honour would be but ill grounded, if it had any dependance, upon an unruly passion; it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue, and none but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it, but by vertuous wayes.

The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit.

WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means, for the esta∣blishing of Peace in the State, There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris, especially between the Doctors of Divinity; and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit, one Sanctarellus by name, which treated of the power Popes had over Kings, which book had been approved by their Chief President, by his Holinefs Vicegerent, and by the Master of the Holy Palace. His Doctrine was very strange, teaching that Popes had a Power of direction, or ra∣ther correction over Princes, that they might not onely excommunicate them, but deprive them of their Kingdomes too, and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, whether it were for Heresie, Apostacy, or any other great publick Crime, whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons, or for their not de∣fending the Church; and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit. They who were clear sighted, attributed this work to the Spa∣niards Ambition, which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neigh∣bours, and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters, and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King, by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders, and of some as∣sistance which the Princes of Germany, who were oppressed by them, did hope for from his Majesty. These tricks of theirs are so ordinary, that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow, and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition. But that we may not be longer stay∣ed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion. I shall only add, that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors, and was opposed by several books, which were then set out; and that the whole Body of di∣vinity did condemn it; some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it; But the Parliament, which is the depositarie of the Kings power, that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle, called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them, and obliged them to sign a Declaration, by which they should condemn the said Book, and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors, and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France, and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman, with prohibition to the Sta∣tioners to sell any of them.

That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope.

IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Autho∣rity, by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine, then to oppose any vio∣lences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly, who likened this authority to the apple of the eye, which may not be touched though never so little, but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it; for to say truth, it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed, when once the authority is entrenched upon, or shaken, though it be but a very little. But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame, who should suffer, that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power, which might despoil them of it? Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees, who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased, if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin, uncapable of ruling, suspected of heresy, or a favourer of heretiques? were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation, when and as often as they

would, or had power so to do? Besides, what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent, and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous, & which too was but now late risen up again, in these last ages, and in the time of Gregory the seventh, who first attempted to make it vallid? The King never ceaseth to be King, until he be deposed by him, who first consti∣tuted him to be King, or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Con∣stitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority; Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God: He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads, and God hath not appoin∣ted, that either Apostasie, Heresie, or any other Crime should be the condition, which should shake them out of their Authority, for that both good and bad do equally raign, as we have heretofore said, and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself; nor can they be deprived of their Authority, for any crime whatever. Besides, if they could be deposed by Popes; it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power, for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction, now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular, that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them. Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius, Polagius the first to Childebert, one of our Kings, and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius, and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned; The most mo∣derate of them who uphold this error, cannot maintain against these reasons, the power of dispossing Kings, which they ascribe to the Pope; they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have, and that they do not so much excer∣cise it in despoyling them from commanding, as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them; But how frivolous is this evasion? For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right, and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ; But I shall passe farther on, and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition, as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes, by any means or way whatsoever, for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority, entrusted in their hands, but they are bound to leave it entire, not maymed to their successors. Whence it hapned that Philip the Long, intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders, granted to them for their security of his observing the league, that they might rise against him, and withdraw themselves from his obedience, if he should faile in that which did belong to him or his part, but he was hindred by those of his counsel, who represented to him, that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition.

The subtil means which the Cardinal used to joyne the Princes of the lower Saxony, into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria.

THough Peace was very necessary for France, yet it was no lesse needfull to prevent the rising of the house of Austria, in Germanie, which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties, especially since the Treaty of Ʋlm. For the same reason it was that the King of great Brittaine sen∣ding Count Mansfeld with an Army, to endeavour the restablishment of his Bro∣ther in Law the Palatine, his Majesty ayded him with two thousand Horse and a good summe of mony, but these Forces were not enough, to oppose those of the Emperor, but it was requisite to send more and greater; England would have en∣gaged the King to have joyned in an Offensive league, and declared the war against him, but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals, for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt, so they were rejected: But

the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal, which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master, and did give life and heat to that designe which the Princes of Germany, had heretofore resolved on, of putting themselves into the field, in defence of their liberty, and for the restablishing of those, who had been forced out of their States.

The King, who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judg of those counsels which are given, quickly conceived the goodness of this, and in order therunto he sent about the end of the year, last part, the Sieur de la Picardiere, to the King of Denmark, the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Citties; His in∣structions were to represent to the King of Denmark, and those other Princes, that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms, for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers, and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatned, and the ancient friendship, which had al∣wayes kept their States in good Union, obliging his Majesty to be sollicitous, of their Interests, had induced him to send a proffer unto them, of what ever was within his power. They had beseeched his Majesty, not to engage himself in any league with Germany, without giving them notice of it, which he had not only order to assure them of, but also to promise them, the summe of a Million of livures in two years time, and French Troops besides. He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch, because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions, that the successe of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the rea∣dy and dexterous excecuting of them, and that when as much time is taken in deli∣beration, the most favourable oportunities are lost by it. But these reasons were needless, for by that time that he came to them, he found them with their Arms in their hands, and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea, to joyne with those of the other Princes, who began to threaten the Empeour, and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs: Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution, setting them on, by pro∣posing to them what a glory it would be to them, to restablish their Allyes, and also by telling them with oportunities of advantage, they had against the Emperours Forces who were but weake, and much dispersed, by reason of the warres in Italy and the Valtoline, whereas their Army was fresh, and numerous, and all their Forces met in a Body together. He had particular order not to demand any thing in pre∣judice of the Catholiques, His Majesty having no other end in his intentions, but the setling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes. Who had been clapt out of their States; And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Citties, as well as Princes, which Towns and Citties were no lesse against the war, then the Princes were for it, by reason their Traffick was into Spain, and they much suspected, least if they should declare against the house of A••stria, the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade; He was commanded to visit them in his progresse, and to perswade them, to associate themselves with the Princes in the league, as also to contribute toward the mainte∣nance of the Army, and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to joyne in the designe, they would then run a very great hazard, least the King of Denmark fall upon them, who had an old grudg to them, and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them, especially now that he had his Arms in his hand: and that if he should be to weak to force them, he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lub••c, and of other places too by stop∣ping up the straight of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily passe, and also that of Hambourg and Breme, by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel, which do belong unto him; That in case such a misfortune should befal them, all their Allyes, would undoubtedly abandon them; That the King of Spain could not assist them, he being to far off, that he had not one Ship upon that Sea, and that as for himself and the King of great B••itt••ige, they could not in conside∣ration of the King of ••en••ark, take care or notice, to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover, which should make any voyadge

into Spain, which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed; so that it would bee much better for them to league themselves with the Princes, which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies, and that the King of England, and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance: These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier re∣ceived, and all which he effected with so great judgement and good successe, that he he went not from them untill he had seen their Army march into the field, and per∣swaded the Auseatique Towns, to joyn in League with the Princes. This was not a work of small importance; for the resolution of this Enterprize, was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson, for∣ced them to abandon the Valtolin••, and to relinquish the designs, which they had in Italy, and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet. His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the businesse, for carrying on to that perfection, the design of uniting the Au∣seatique Towns and the Princes of Germany, and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them, as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign, to in∣gage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia, by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League, who did in the revolution of the year, make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies.

It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person.

IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome, it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes, to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so pre∣vented from attempting any thing against France. It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History; for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him, did raise them so many new broyls, that he hrought them to an impossibility of ex∣ecuting their wicked intensions against him. Above all this one means ought to be made use of, when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms, that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories. The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes, and there is great reason of fear, if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent; for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes, cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power.

It is the highest point of Wisedome, to assault ones enemy by a third hand, to raise a League against him, in which one is not any thing concerned; but onely to contribute some monies, or send some Troops thither, which may be as occasion serves disowned; for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth pro∣pose, without any great expence, and without putting any thing in hazard or dan∣ger? An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage, then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him; at least he will by this means be so busied, that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours, but rather how he may best defend himself, and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him, but preserveth Peace in his own Country, one is at little or no charge, and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries: The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty, after he hath resolved upon, and set down this truth for the founda∣tion of his good successe. That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged, to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences, and to represent all those things and rea∣sons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and

perswade them to. He ought to let them know, that the Peace in which a great Prince is left, doth raise great suspicions, and serves to no other end, but onely to augment his Force, and establish his Power, that not long after he may attempt new designs. That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lo∣vers of the Sweets of Peace: That it is much better to prevent an Enemy, then to stay in expectation of him; by which means he may be taken unprovided, and consequently be the easilier ruined, whereas staying for him, will give the lesse abi∣lities to our selves for our defences, by letting him take what advantages he plea∣seth against us: That those who love quiet in an over great measure, do never sub∣sist long; for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage, and lesse resolution, to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them: That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies, to fortifie them∣selves for the commencing a War, and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them, when he hath reason on his side, both but adde to their Insolences and Courages: That a false glosse of Peace, will at last deprave into a base and true servitude: That after all, it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies, if they will joyn and unite their Forces; for by every ones contributing the to War, they will have a greater power, and with lesse charge then their enemies: That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition, whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World; and by thus insinuating to them the glory, utility and facility of the design, they cannot but let themselves be per∣swaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection.

Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State.

IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet, as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds. The humour of the French is full of Action, and they are no soo∣ner clear of one broyl or War, but they are desirous of beginning another. The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet, but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court, not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm, did still ingage it in some new Commotions. Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours, as the cause which gave it, which was nothing else, but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm, and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties: Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licenti∣ousnesse, they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke. The most expert amongst them, acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man, who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands; whence if fol∣lowed that they layed their heads together and contrived, how they might bring him into some disgrace, or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern. As their design was extravagant, so the wayes which they proposed to ac∣complish it were extreamly difficult. They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it, for that he was too clear sighted, not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Mini∣ster, and too too indulgent of his States good, to deprive it of so prudent a supporter; so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways, proper to attain their end. The first was to put all things into confusion, & then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand, by which means they might bring things to that passe, that they might have none above them, but God to Pray too. The other was to form so powerful a Party a∣mongst the Princes, that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty, to con∣strain him to banish the Cardinal, and to compel him to be ruled by their directions. This Cabal consisted of a great many persons, which as it could not be done but with a multitude, so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it: There were di∣vers reports spreadabroad of what they intended, which were published, though whisperingly, with a great deal of insolency, and at the same time it was known

that a Favourite of Buckingham's, said openly in England, That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King, and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours, that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any dan∣ger, and Heretiques placed in their room, though contrary to the Articles of mar∣riage. There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination, who talked so openly and confidently, that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers; it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity, and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Se∣neschal of the Bourbonnois, to make enquiry of the truth, who gave a great light of the whole matter, by his informations. It was likewise discovered that Madam de Che••••reuse, being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of, did not a little promote the un∣dertakings, by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior, and Chalais to execute it; both which were ingaged by love to her; as also that the Colonel de Ornano, abusing Monsieurs goodnesse, and the credit which his place gave him, did abso∣lutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated.

The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal, being deeply in love with a Lady of quality; had discovered to her the summe of their design, and amongst other things had assured her, that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise, he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot, in Chalais father in Laws house, that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business. His design took effect, and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish, it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth, and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this busi∣ness of discovery. He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano, was the Ringleader of the Plot, hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry, his Princesse would assume to her self, those advantages which he then had over his Spirit; That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty, not to remove any of them from the Court, and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed; That to this effect, they endeavoured the brea∣king of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de M••ntpensier, and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon, which would more neerly ingage Mon∣sieur to their Interests; or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Prin∣cesse, which might be a means to shelter, and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family. That this once effected, they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together, and in this manner, they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court. It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at. The Cardinal was not defective, in acknow∣ledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular, and he might cer∣tainly have made very great advantages by it, had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs.

Politique Observation.

IT is a very great Imprudence, to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State, under hope of not being discovered. It cannot be denied, but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed; For who would commit them, if he thought he should be detected? But who knoweth not, that there is a cer∣tain blindness which attendeth on sin, like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul, which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous

and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness? Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error, must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel, That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out, nor nothing how secret soever, but time shall discover, God who over-ruleth King∣doms, and watcheth for their conservation, will not permit, that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons, should remain concealed; and it oftentimes so fals out, That Justice being guided by his Providence, causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it. All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer, and experience hath often shewed, that it is almost impossible, for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it: If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it, yet can he never forbear the discovery of it, by some Actions, which will speak it to those of understanding. And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence, under whose Laws, few would enforce themselves to live, if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self.

Aristole, did judiciously answer him, who demanded what was the most diffi∣cult thing in the World? when he said, that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known; since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret, but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue. Indeed whatever is once known to three persons, is quickly after made common to all; for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of, relateth it to his friend, and so from one to another it comes to be published. According to which, History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived, yet at length brought unto light.

Plutarch saith, that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messe∣nians, was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons, in∣to which the desire of rule had ingaged him, and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit his wickednesse to be found out, and himself severely punished; and it were needlesse to produce any the like examples, for that History is full of them,

The Marshal of Ornano Arrested at Fountainbleau, and carried Prisoner to the Castle of Bois de Vincennes.

••T were a dangerous folly to give them who contrive against the State, time to execute their designs. Accordingly the King resolved with advice of his Coun∣cel to secure the Ring-leaders of the conspiracy, yet still pretending ignorance both of the persons and their intentions. He had been ever since the beginning of the Spring at Fountainbleau, not so much for his recreation, as because it was ea∣sier to dive into the bottome of those Intreagues in such little Towns then at Paris, the vastnesse and confusion of which is sufficient to hide and shelter the greatest wickednesses. The whole Court attended him, and the cheef of that Faction fai∣led not to be there. But his Majesty needed no other witnesse then his own eyes to discover their frequent meetings, nor other proofs but his own ears to convince the Marshal de Ornano to be the chief of that Cabal, and of the extream Passion that they had to hinder Monsieurs match by his frequent discoursing with his Ma∣jesty whole hours together upon that Subject. He was not ignorant, that Princes were jealous of no one thing more, then of their own authority, and upon that ground it was, that he principally indeavoured to incite the King, by making him be∣leeve, that those who perswaded him to marry Monsieur were not very affectionate to his service, that this marriage of Monsieur would quickly raise him up Children, and as soon as hee should have a Male, every one would consider him as a ri∣sing Sun, that the Grandees would forsake his Majesty to follow him, and that he would soon find a power set up in the State, able to confront his own Authority.

This Artifice was subtle, and fitted to cast a Myst before his Majesties eyes, had he not been before hand well informed of his design; and if after mature considera∣tion of the reason, he had not concluded it of lesse consequence then the breaking of his wicked devices. His importunities the true witnesses of his excessive Passi∣on, made his Majesty conclude that it was not safe any longer to defer the secu∣ring of his Person, and he thought it so much the more necessary, from the rule which he had learned in Tacitus, that for the hindering the progresse of a Conspi∣racy against the State, it would be needfull to make sure of the cheef; because most commonly all the others are then left with as little motion, as the Members of the body, after the head is once cut off; besides imprisoning of him, Monsieur too was in a manner secured; accordingly his Majesty returning from hunting up∣on the fourth of May, gave command to some Companies of his Life-guard, to beset the wayes between Fountain-bleau and Paris, to seize upon those of the Ca∣bal, if they should indeavour to save themselves by flight; in fine, his Majesty cau∣sed him to be Arrested by the Sieur de Hallire Captain of his Guard, he was im∣prisoned in the Castle, and from thence guarded to the Bois de Vincennes, where a few moneths after he died of a stoppage in the Bladder.

In the mean while his Majesty, who never speaks openly any one sillable, which may be of consequence in affairs, kept close the reasons which obliged him to re∣strain him, neither did he shew any coldnesse in his carriage to his Complices, as well that he might prevent their running into extremities, and oblige them to quit them∣selves of wicked designs; as also that hee might have an opportunity to seize on Monsieur de Vendosm, who was suspected to be of that party, his Majesty was plea∣sed to signifie to the Queen his Mother, that he had imprisoned him by reason of-some broyls he had intended to raise between him and his Brother: Monsieur having notice of it, went presently to wait upon the King, who assured him of the truth of it, and told him the same reason which he had sent the Queen his Mo∣ther; to which Monsieur answered, that if he should be convinced of the truth of it, he would be the first that should prosecute Justice against him; but withall, that it were proper to consider whether his enemies had not made this contrivance against him; but he could not contain himself upon this occasion, as in divers others from testifying his displeasure at it.

Politique Observation.

••T is expedient after the discovery of a Conspiracy, to wink at those who are guilty, for the better preventing of them, and seising on their chief instruments: The reason is, because they soon draw their necks out of the Collar, if they have the least suspicion of being detected; and sometimes so fortifie themselves, that it becomes almost impossible to hinder the execution of their intentions, or to secure their persons. Lewis the eleventh was very dexterious in this particular, as Philip de Consinus relates in several places of his History, particularly in the reception he gave the Constable of St. Paul, when he came to him near Noyon in the year one thousand four hundred seventy three, he received him with so many endearments, and gave him so many fair words, that the Constable thought himself bound to beleeve him. The King dissembled for two years together, the hatred which hee bore unto him, because his other affairs did not concur with his resolution of cha∣s••ising him; but at last he cut off his head, it is likewise reported, that hee would let his son Charles the eighth, learn any other Latine then the Proverb, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, so much did he esteem dissimulation to be a quality ne∣cessary in a Prince, which amongst private men passeth most commonly for a Vice. The wise Fowler spreadeth not his Nets for one or two Birds, but expects until the whole flight, or the greatest part of them light together, that he may take a great many at once; and so a wise Prince who would secure himself of the chief heads of a Conspiracy, knows well how to dissemble with them, till such time as occasion presents it self, that he may snap them all together, or at least those without whom

the rest are not able to attempt any thing considerable, that he may bring in prac∣tice the saying of Seneca the Tragedian, that hee who takes notice of a Conspi∣racy before the Complices bee imprisoned, looseth the occasion of punishing them.

The Cardinal beseecheth the King to permit his retirement from the Court.

THE Soul of Monsieur the Cardinal did like the Palm undergo with Courage all those burthens which were imposed upon him, neither was he much moved at those pernicious contrivances, though he knew his own ruine was the principal which they aimed at. However to remove all pretences which his enemies might raise to asperse him. That his fortune was built upon the losse of divers men of quality, if they should be punished according to their deserts, and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State, should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves, he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court. He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice, seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power, Authority, and Glory, which he had acquired for his Master, and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State. Great and Noble Souls, cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory; and accordingly, he testified to the whole Nation, that he did not at all consider his own Interests. Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself, and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it, he entreated the King being then at Foun∣tainbleau, that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours, by reason of some indisposition, which he found growing upon him, which the King gave way to, and being there, he was visited by Monsieur, what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment, as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy, whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse; not∣withstanding all her aversions from it, that he might ingage him in his Majesties in∣terests, and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal. From thence it was, that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty, beseeching him, that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself. He presented to him, that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service, then his glory and the good of his State; but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion, and the fire of dissention ready to flame out, and all with design for his ruine. That he would little esteem his life, if imployed in his Majesties service, and for the good of his Crown; but that it could not but trouble him, to see him∣self basely Butchered in the midst of the Court, as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it, he being every day attended by a multitude of men, whom he knew not, and not having any one near him, who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him, that in case his Majesties pleasure were such, that he would command him to continue neer him, and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy, because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him, ending his dayes by such a death, to which he could not be exposed, but his Majesty must remain injured and offended; did ob∣lige him to think good to retire himself from the Court. He added, that his want of health too which was much impaired, by that great concourse of people, with which he was dayly over-pressed; did make him beleeve, he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs, and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request, in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him use∣lesse in his service.

He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother, and begged her to imploy her

Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests. But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement; that on the contrary, the King openly declared, he would never give his consent to it, he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom alrea∣dy, of that credit and esteem, which he had raised his Arms unto amongst stran∣gers, of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques, of the good Or∣der which he had established in the Treasuries, and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter. The Queen Mother too, conside∣ring over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State, to be deprived of a grand Minister, how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests, at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal, so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him, no longer to think of absenting himself, and to let him know that his services were too well known, to procure an assent for his departure; and lastly, that he need not be af∣flicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him, nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health, for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other. Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in re∣spect of their Majesties will and pleasure, submitted all his resolutions accordingly. The King too, that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health, as∣signed Guards to him, who were to wait on him every where, and defend him from any attempts of his enemies, he commanded the Sieur de Folain, to have an especial care, that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him, but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him, about some urgent Affairs. These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will, which his Majesty did bear towards him, and I think that the honour he got in this Action, was more considerable then all the rest; for by it he evinced to the whole Nation, that hee was not tied to the Court; but onely for his Majesties service, and that his own par∣ticular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him.

Politique Observation.

IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue, ho∣noured by a Prince with a great power, should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them. The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth, which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light, then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit, and the great∣nesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees, that they make use of factions and divisions against him. We have elsewhere said, that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity, and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them, is to manifest, that their medling in affairs of Publique concern, is free from all manner of self-interest, which may easily be done, by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Go∣vernment, to lead a private life. This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men, who after this, cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured, and are forced to convert their hatred into admiration. Lucullus finding that the glory of his Triumph, had laid him open to the hatred of some leading men in the Common-wealth, withdrew himself from the management of Publick affairs, to spend the time in studying of Arts; but he was instantly intreated by the wiser sort, not to follow his own inclinations in that particular, and at such a time, for it was not unknown, that he was only able to curb the ambition of Pompey. And Augustus (as Suetonius reporteth) did often de∣sire to quit the Empire, when he found how difficult it was to deal with the people of Rome. The Pope St. Gregory the Great, in the like manner, knowing that the course of his life, did offend many persons, who could not indure that his exam∣ple

should oblige them to live retiredly and reservedly, and had designed to chuse another Pope in his place, he declared to them; that he for his part should be ve∣ry much afflicted to find any storms arise in the Church upon his score, and that he would much more willingly surrender the Government, then see any Schism arise amongst them. But this his modesty and humility, represented him so venerable a person, that those very men, who did not resent his Government, were obliged to acknowledge the greatnesse of his worth. Lastly, although it be commendable in a great States man to make shew of such moderation, to the end he may silence that Envy to which he is exposed; yet a King is bound to make some difficulty in ascenting to his retirement, on such an occasion. No Counsel can better bee followed, then that of the wise man (who said) he who hath found a faithfull servant, ought to cherish him like his Soul, and to esteem him as a brother; and it cannot be denied, but that to deprive a Kingdome of the assistance and guidance of a Soul highly generous and understanding, were to take away the Sun from it, and to fill it with horrour and confusion.

The Imprisonment of the Duke de Vendosm, and the Grand Prior of France his Brother, at Blois.

IT had been little to the purpose, barely to have imprisoned the Marshal de Or∣nano, if some others too of the chief Complices had not been secured, and es∣pecially, the Grand Prior, who was much to be feared, he being a person of grea∣ter abilities to carry on a design then all the rest. His Brother too, the Duke of Vondosm was not to be neglected, considering the intelligence which his Majesty had but newly received of his indeavours, to withdraw the people from the obedi∣ence which they owe to his Crown: That he had caused himself to be called Mon∣sieur the Duke without any other Title: That he had commanded this form of Prayer to be used in the Church, Pro famulo tuo duce, domino nostro: That he had sundry times attempted by money to corrupt the Sieur de Cange, then Lievtenant of the Castle of Nants: That he felt the Pulse of the Nobility, the Parliament, and Chamber of Accompt, that he might the better fortifie himself in the Province; an intelligence which ought so much the more to be looked into, in regard two brothers do not usually enter upon any great design, but by a joynt consent; that some pretensions they might have (though weak ones) upon Britain, and that nothing doth sooner ingage great men in the Factions of a Court then Ambition. Now although it was very needfull to arrest him, yet it was difficult to be done in Brittain, by reason of the great Power he held there, so it was thought fit to with∣draw him, and ingage him to wait upon his Majesty upon some pretence or other. No way was imagined to be more expedient for it, then to work upon the Grand Prior, by feeding him with hopes of the Admiralty, concerning which he was to treat with the Sieur de Montmorancy, or at least by perswading him that in case that charge were taken away, as it was then intended, he was the onely man who should have the Commission to discharge that Office.

These Proposals were made to him, with so much addresse, that they made sure of him, and absolutely convinced him that there was not any suspicion in the least of him, and the King going to Blois, where it was not known that he intended to passe on any further, his Majesty told him how glad he should be, that the Duke of Vendosm would come to him, so hee presently tooke upon himselfe to goe to him, and to perswade him to come and pay all signes of obedience ••o his Majesty. Some have said, that hee being doubtfull, lest his Ma∣jesty had already conceived some apprehensions against the Duke of Vendosm, did demand assurance for his bringing him to his Majesty at Blois, and that his Prudence returned such an answer, which though it obliged him to nothing, yet it gave the Grand Prior satisfaction enough to ingage the Duke to undertake the journey. I passe my word to you (quoth the King, as is reported) that he may come to me,

and that he shall have no more hurt done him then your self, though for my part I cannot but much doubt of this particular passage; but true it is he went from the Court and shortly after brought the Duke his Brother with him to Blois, where his Majesty received them with so many, embraces and endearments, that they could not in the least suspect the resolution which was taken for securing of their persons.

Before I proceed to the manner of their being taken. I cannot but observe, how very recessary it is, that the Chief Offices of the administration, be supplied with persons of courage as well as of Integrity, The King sent for the seal to the Lord Chancelor Haligie, the very same day that the Grant Prior went to fetch the Duke of Vendosme. The Honestie of his Minister was not unknown to all the world, but it could not be denied, that his mind was low and full of fear which he did sufficient∣ly make appear▪ wen as upon the taking of the Marshal d'Ornano, he had not the courage to justifie his Majesties counsels in that particular before Monsieur, although the thing it self were one of the most important accidents, that had a long time happened for the good of the State. This passion of timerousness, is a very im∣proper quality in a supream Minister of Justice, who is bound to make head against all wickedness, and not only that, but also to use courage and force to resist and overcome it; this was it which obliged his Majesty to take the seal from him, and to intrust it with the Sieur de Marillac, superintendent of the treasury, whose loyaltie was then in great credit amongst all well affected men, and who had testified a great deal of resoluteness in the dispatch of those affairs which presented them∣selves unto him. The super-intendency was bestowed on the Monsieur d'Effiat, whose judgment and discret conduct was well known in sundry occasions, particu∣larly in the late affair of the Match with England. But that I may now return, to the two Brothers, who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys, his Majesty be∣ing retired to his bed, sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy, Captains of his Guards, and commanded them to go into their Chambers, and make sure of their persons; accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that, the Duke of Vendosm, beginning first to speak should say, looking on his Brother, well Brother, did not I tell you in Britain, that we should be arrested? and that the Grand Prior should answer, would I were dead, upon con∣dition you were safe there again, and then that the Duke should reply. I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes. They then made a thousand excuses, each telling the other that he was the cause of their im∣prisonment, and that they themselves confessed, that they were advised that even∣ing by a letter how they should be imprisoned, but that they could not believe it. That whole morning, they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their com∣plaints, of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled. Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse, and thence to the Bois de Vincennes. This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal, though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few, pretended to be ignorant of the rest: He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons, to command during his absence in and about Paris, for the securing of it. It's true he would not trust himself there, but chose rather to passe away, some little time either in Savoy or Italy. A cer∣tain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwith∣standing the assurance, which the King had given to the Grand Prior, in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm, yet that both of them were arrested; which did clearly evince, that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his pro∣mises; which being reported to the King, it is said he was pleased to answer, that the was not well informed of the whole passage, and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse, for that if they knew themselves innocent, they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him: and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign, doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty, and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant, unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose.

Politique Reflection.

ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings, ought to be kept, and that even with seditious persons; yet it is not the same thing, where a divers sence may be imposed on them, or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them. To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom, cannot be denied for an Act of Justice, which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them, then such means are to be made use of accordingly, provided alwayes, that there be no expresse promise granted unto them. King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media, did raise Soul∣diers, and money, to revolt against him; pretended not to believe those informa∣tions, but gave out, that he would send him an Army to command upon some ex∣ploit or other, designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed, would peradventure come to wait upon him; which indeed hapned ac∣cordingly, for he presently repaired to the Court, shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him, and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands, whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasti∣ced him according to his deserts.

Pope Leo, made use of the self same device, to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed, and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises, that evil doers could not think themselves deceived; when they were chasticed for their fals, but that they were deceived, when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes, and when their liberties and lives, of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them. The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion. This Prince having un••e••s••ood how the other had contrived to kill him, and seize upon his Kingdom, resolved to prevent him; but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded, he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him, and that so handsomly that Artabanus, imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion; To compleat his designe, he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion, and gave him order to levy his Troops, and draw them together, which being all assem∣bled, Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence, and comming up to him in the head of his Forces, seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms, and desired to make an Exchange with him, Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off, forth with disarnied himself, and presented them to the King, who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity, but fell on him, and killed him with his own hand. I know there are some Politicians, who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises, nay not those which are absolute and expresse, though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security; and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them, as Agesilaus did a friend, who taxed him upon a promise, which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable. If what you demand be Just, I have promised it, but if it be unjust, I am not obliged to be as good as my word, and when he was answered that a Prince, ought to perform whatever he promiseth, yes Quoth he, and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable. But for my particular I am of opi∣nion, that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises, and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words. I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all vio∣lent means, rather then delusions, because Force is reputed for a vertue, when backed by authority, and nothing can be alleadged against it; whereas deceipt can∣not be taken for any other thing, then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign.

The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present.

UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment, it was mistrusted least divers per∣sons, whom he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Com∣motion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty; but as his Maje∣sties presence only was sufficient, to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so, he went to Nantes, and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there, where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear. The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly, and the Lord keeper gave them to understand, that his Majesties design, was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province, which was the principal thing there debated, and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority, and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines, (to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment) that there did not any difficulties arise in it. The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected, and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest. To destroy some strong places, many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme, and served only to countenance a revolt. Which being thus ended, The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours, whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not; for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal, who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion, That having no other liberty or freedome, he might chuse his own wife, and in that particular follow his own inclinations; but it was easie to undeceive him, by laying before him, how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil, that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome, which do prohibit any Prin∣ces to marry themselves, without the Kings consent, and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King, who loved him very dearly, and would undoubtedly match him, which such a person as would be most proper for him. Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part, all sorts of In∣terests were considered with great deliberation, and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying, were examined to the full, and in conclusion the King of his own motion said, he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him, but with all that the Quiet of his State, seeming to oblige him to marry him, he resolved to do accor∣dingly: That his intentions in it being good, he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe; and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it, that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it.

It is reported, That Monsieur the Cardinal, did only represent to his Majesty those reasons, which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him, without inclining more to the one then to the other, as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough, and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority, as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure, and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content, it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels, whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune, and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure, of that, which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men, who by it raise advantages to them∣selves.

At last it being generally resolved, the Queen mother passionately desirous, that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, sent to Madam de G••ise, to come forthwith to Nantes, and to bring her with her, as also she presently pro∣posed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on. This Princesse, who indeed was the richest match of France, had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans, in the year one thousand six hundred & eight, whilst the King

was then living, and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hun∣dred and eleven, both the King and Queen Mother, had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans. Both being now of an age fit to be married; Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her, might be performed, and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself, in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will, was the more easily induced to effect it, in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse; but however, the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age, did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it, until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal, that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them, was to hasten on his marriage. The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse, least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State, and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome, as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves; but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier, her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family. The Queen Mother, who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne, and Monsieur, though the Cabal did much drive it on: Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house, was extreamly rich, and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs, as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of neces∣sity be bestowed on him. They of the Cabal were vexed at heart, to find things so carried on, but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too▪ Shortly after, the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur, who an∣swered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there, he should to∣tally resign himself to his Majesties will; By which and in several other occasion, he hath alwayes shewed, That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordi∣nary respects for the King, which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Ma∣jesty, had not the mallicious devices of those, in whom he placed some confidence diverted him. Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise, to assure her of his kindnesses, and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match, between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter, and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier, he commanded him to assure her on his behalf, that he would be a better Husband, then he had been a Servant, He was received with a great deal of Honour, both by one and t'other, and with as many testimonies of joy, as the modesty of that sex could allow of, and the next day Madamoiselle de Montpensier going to wait on the Queen Mother, the called her Daughter, and made her sit down neer to her. To conclude, the mar∣riage was celebrated soon after to the quiet and content of the whole Kingdome: And thus the King assisted by the sage counsels of Monsieur the Cardinal, did dispel all those small contrivances which were designed to oppose it, and brought to no∣thing all the Cabals which divers Princes and Lords of Court had projected upon that occasion, both with England, Spain, Holland and some places of Italy, with the Hugonots, nay with the very houshold Servants of his Majesty, and some of them were such as had neerest accesse to his person.

Politique Observation.

THe Marriages of Princes of the Blood ought to be contracted with a great deal of freedome, seeing that liberty is an essential part of marriage; but they ought to be mindful, that this same liberty doth not consist in a power of marrying whom they pleace, and when & upon what terms they think fit. Liberty in general (as Vlpian saith) consisteth barely of a power to do what the Laws do permitt, and speaking more particularly concerning Marriages, he saith; That the Liberty which Lawyers do allow of, can be grounded upon no other thing then the meer power, of contracting

ones self in that manner as the Laws do approve of. And the old Law allowed of none to be legitimate, but such as were conformable to the Laws of the State. Ci∣vil Liberty keeps a medium between those two extremities of servitude and licenti∣ousnesse, and is neither one or t'other of them; for as it hath no absolute depen∣dance upon Slavery; so is it also limited by Laws not to do whatever it shall think fit; it consisteth in a Liberty of doing that which is justifiable by the Law, whence it follows, that the Princes of the Blood in France, being by a fundamental Law pro∣hibited to marry without the Kings permission, they are deprived of the Liberty to conclude any match upon their own heads or power. The great St. Basil saith in the first letter which he writ to Amphilochius, that those contracts which are made by them who are not masters of themselves, ought to be esteemed for void, if not confirmed by the power upon which they depend. But what may bee the reason hereof? It cannot be said that they are not voluntary, for then they could not be termed contracts, which is so evidently clear, that it cannot be denied; but however it is true, they are not concluded with the Civil Freedome, that is, not guided by the Law, and for that reason cannot be accompted valid. The reason of this Custome is grounded upon a Maxime of Law, which saith, what belongeth to us cannot be taken away without our consents, whence it followeth that those who depend upon another, and who have not any thing which doth not belong to those upon whom they depend have not any lawfull power to dispose of themselves, and in case they should do it, it were only an Act of licentiousnesse, and is declared void by Law. Moreover, what St. Basil saith, speaking of Contracts in general; in his first, he doth more particularly set forth, concerning his marriage in his second let∣ter, when he declareth in expresse terms: That such marriages as are made without the Authority of those upon whom they depend are absolute Fornications, of which no other reason can be given then this, that they who contracted themselves did not consent to it with a lawfull power, and that they could not dispose of them∣selves, in regard of their dependency upon a superior Authority. He who is not ma∣ster of himself, cannot give himself to a wife, and it will necessarily follow from thence, that the marriages of the Princes of the Blood of France, cannot be estee∣med valid, when they are not accompanied with their Kings consents, for that they do absolutely depend upon their Majesties.

The Sieur de Chalais is Imprisoned.

I Shall not put an end to this discourse in onely acquainting you with the Mar∣shal de Ornano's imprisonment, or the arresting of the two Brothers, with their confidents Modene and Deagan; for that suddenly after Tronson and Sauveterre were removed from the Court, for having contrived many devices for hindring Monsieurs marriage; as also Marsillac Governour of Sommieres, was sent Pri∣soner to the Castle of Ancennis, for having talked too boldly concerning the same subject: But as the greatest part of all these designs were discovered in the pro∣cesse against Chalais, presently after the finishing of the marriage; so I think it proper to treat more particularly of it. Chalais had the honour to be the Master of the Kings Wardrobe, and to be brought up from his Infancy near his Majesty; but his Soul being over-mastred by ambition, he every where discovered a great dis∣content against fortune, openly saying, that it would be needfull for him to seek out a more liberal Master then the King, if he did intend to better his own condi∣tion; it was thought that this Passion was that which ingaged him in the Faction then at Court, but it is true, that the love which he bore to Madam Cheureuse, did no lesse ingage him in it. The King was informed of his Intreagues from Pa∣ris, and though his Majesty had pardoned him upon the assurances which he had gi∣ven him, and Monsieur the Cardinal; of his future living in loyalty, yet he did not cease to re-embroyl himself, so potent are those two troublesome and giddy Passi∣ons, and so great a power have they over the Souls of those, whom experience hath not well instructed in the affairs of the world.

It was known, that upon the first imprisonment of Monsieur de Vendosm, hee had dispatched a Messenger from Blois to Monsieur and the Count de Soissons, by which he gave them intelligence quite contrary to his Majesties interest and service. The King had good reason to be offended at it, yet his Clemency carried him on to command the Cardinal onely to tell him, that he did run counter to those protesta∣tions of Fidelity which he had formerly made, that his Contrivances were better known then he was aware off, and that he should be carefull of his Actions. Cha∣lais was informed at the same time by others, that the King was angry with him, and finding himself guilty, he desired to discourse with Monsieur the Cardinal to disguise his faults. The Commander de Valenhay, was the person who accompa∣nied him to Beau-regard, where the Cardinal then lay, and being come thither he attempted to surprise the Prudence of that incomparable Minister, by divers de∣vices; but Monsieur the Cardinal well informed of his ill deportment, advised him to beware of himself and become more faithfull to the King his Master, giving him to understand, that he was the more obliged to do so, in regard the King being well informed of his actions, gave him so much time to look back into himself, that he might not destroy him. He seemed to be very ready to withdraw himself from those imbroyls, and also took occasions to speak unto the King, whiles he was ma∣king of him ready, to assure him that he would never be defective in his duty; yet notwithstanding all this, his turbulent Soul was not able to contain it self in this re∣solution; for it was known, that a certain messenger sent by some one from the Cabal, was kept private in his lodging at Tours, while the King stayed there, and that Louviece who belonged to him, being one in whom he much confided, was gone upon a private message for him, these things gave reason to beleeve. That he still persisted in his first designs, and being a person of a bold nature, and ready to run into all sorts of extremities, the King was councelled to secure him at Nants.

Politique Observation.

IN concernments of State it is dangerous to rely upon the promises of those who are over-mastred either by love or ambition. These two Passions do so hurry away the Soul, so animate it with violent ebulitions and so blind it, that they prepare it for any wickednesse. We have hereofore shewed what attempts ambi∣tion maketh upon the valiant, and we have evidenced that there is no sort of wic∣kednesse which it will not perswade for the attaining of its designs. And it is not more easie to verifie the same concerning lusts, which corrupteth both the mind and understanding, which beleaguereth and burneth up the heart with a bruitish heat, and which doth so alter the nature and complexion of the most temperate, when they are once ingaged by it, that there is not any unlawfulnesse into which it doth not transport them; it is a fatal sore from whence arise horrours, sacriledges, wars, perfidiousnesse, murthers, Paricides, and cruelties, untill it leads them to the act∣ing of such things, as both Heaven and Earth do blush at the sight of. The Histo∣ry of Italy, furnisheth us with a memorable example, to evidence that there is not any abhomination whatever, into which these two Passions are not able to preci∣pitate a man; it is in the person of Caesar Borgia Cardinal de Valence, whose Am∣bition not brooking the Popes giving the charge of General of the Church Ar∣mies to the Duke of Candy his elder brother, an office which he himself aimed at, and who likewise was passionately enamoured of his wife; his Sister in Law, caused him one night to be assassinated, as he rid alone through Rome, and his body to be cast into Tyber. And that we may particularly look into the wicked effects of a dis∣honest love, Antiquity hath afforded us a notable testimony of the disorders which he is liable to, who permits himself to be blinded with this Passion, when it saith; that Jupiter himself the first of their reputed Gods, could not be both wise and in love at the same time. And one of the best advices which can be given to those that attempt to raise their fortunes at Court, is, that they forbear to ingage them∣selves

in the love of women who are factiously bent; for admitting them to be ingaged in any Cabal, they have so powerfull an Art to perswade what they indea∣vour, that it is impossible to defend ones self from them; and as they have no small Passions, they blindly ingage themselves in prosecution of their malice and revenge, that a man insensibly finds himself upon precipices, from whence it is im∣possible for him to get off.

The Cabal of Chalais, punished by Arrest from the Chamber of Justices at Nants.

CHalais being once arrested, condemned himself as guilty, and desired in or∣der to making of his peace, that he might speak with Monsieur the Cardinal, the Duke de Belligard, and the Marquesse de Effiat, who were placed near the Car∣dinal. The King was advised of it, who commanded them to go to him: Twice they went, and the Cardinal never spake to him, but in hearing of the Sieur de Belligard. At first Chalais desired and indeavoured to justifie his innocence, but finding by the Cardinals discourses that his faults were but too well known, so that that was not the way to do his work; he afterwards freely confessed to him those Delinquencies which could not be excused, he acknowledged the advice which hee had given Monsieur upon the imprisonment of the Duke of Vendosm, and the grand Prior his brother, and confessed that he was then of opinion, that Monsieur should withdraw himself from the Court, and discovered several other things of con∣cernment. But having twice abused the Kings Grace, his Confession now avai••'d him little. The King gave Commission to the Lord Keeper Marillac, and the Sieur de Beauclere, Secretary of his commands, privately to inform themselves of the whole Plot, and his Majesty desired that Monsieur would declare in their presence, that which he had discovered to him in particular, after he had been sensible of the little justice and reason there was to ingage him in their embroils. At first, he made some scruple at it, but at length having considered of the duty which he ow∣ed his Majesty, and how much reason Princes themselves have to chastise them who ingage them by their evil councels in designs against the State, without any other motion then their particular discontent and private interest, he resolved upon it, and discoursed the whole to them in the Kings presence. That M••nsieur de Soissons was the correspondent which he had at Court to inform him of all the news that passed there, that Chalais was the Internuncius, that his advice had been to gain Madam Villars, by means of Monsieur the grand Prior, to the end he might make sure of Haure if occasion should be, and that he should indeavour to obtain the go∣vernment of Pont de l' Arche, for the Marquesse de Coeuvres, with hopes that the grand Prior would at Monsieurs request deliver up that place which was upon the way to Haure, and might serve for a retreat in case he went thither: That Chalais did likewise perswade him to deal with the Hugonots, and to make use of them for a revolt in the State, and that he had lent him Louviere to be sent towards the Duke de Lavalete, to ingage him in the businesse, and to make sure of M••ts; in fine, that it was he who had advised him, that the King had ten thousand men about Nants to stop his going from Court. This Declaration was signed by the King. the Queen Mother, the Lord Keeper Marillac, the Sieur de Beauclere, Monsieur the Cardinal, and the Marquess de Effiat; insomuch that for the chastising these insolent and rash actions the King set up a Chamber of Justice in Nants.

Politique Observation.

THough Clemency be one of the worthiest Ornaments in a Soveraign, yet it is not permitted him to make use of it, when it is prejudicial to the publick. That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy, is a dangerous cruelty to the State. Cato was of opinion, that they who did not hinder evil-do∣ers

when they might do it, by chastizing them, ought themselves to be punished. For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples, it is true Aro∣stole saith, The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority, and that they are not easily induced to love Kings, unlesse upon their owne advantage. And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions, without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war, which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes, that can afflict a State. And the same Philosopher in his Morals, esteemeth him uncapable to command, who is never angry, but affects to shew himself merciful, on all occasions whatsoever. To speak truth, a King is bound to shew as much severity to them, whom the publique Interest obligeth to be cha∣stised, as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties. It is the onely means, saith Tacitus in his Annals, to render him as well feared by the wicked, as esteemed and honoured by the good; who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes, than in the receiving of those rewards, which art due to their virtue.

The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais.

THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited, it being improper to be delayed, but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs, which were dangerous to be published. His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President, and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presi∣dents of the Parliament of Britain, The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant, Chriqueville Master of Request, and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain. They met several times for instruction of the Processe. Chalais was often times examined, and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed, that there was full information made of all his wicked designs, he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration, but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him, and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde, Le Sieur d'Effiat, by the Maust exempt, who had the charge of his person, and by one of the Life-guard, to all which he made no denial being brought face to face. He discovered the Major part of his Associates, he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court, that he would have perswaded him to take up arms, to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots, to make him∣self Master of Havre, Mets, and diverse other places of the Kingdome, and with∣al that being once at a Council, where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present, he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison, to poniard the Cardinal, and then to fly into Flanders; thinking that this once done, they might easily obtain all their desires. There were several other charges pro∣duced against him, and amongst others, certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany, and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour, by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy, of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay, in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour, and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady, the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother, and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins.

These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death, in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant, and that he had the honour to be in a charge, which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person. Justice could not save him, and the several relapses, which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit, tied up the Kings Arms from mercy. So this Chamber of Justice con∣demned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis, and to be be∣headed in the Befroy of Nantes; That his head should be put upon a spear over the

gate of Sanvetour, that his body should be quartered into four parts, and hung upon the four principal places of the City, that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry; His houses raized, and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors, he should be put on the Rack. But the Kings clemency, seconded by the affection, which he alwayes had for him, moderated the judgment, and onely commanded his head to be cut off, and that they should shew him the Rack, but not torture him.

They, who understood not, that the whole Intreague was discovered, or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him, were astonished, that he should so freely confesse those crimes, whereof he was accused, and withal some were so bold, to report, that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly, upon the Cardinals sug∣gestian, and perswading him to believe, that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour, the attainment of which, he gave him great cause to hope for. But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye, than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes & de Lourie, Councellors of the Parliament, both persons of a clear reputation, and entrusted to exame him: after judgment had passed upon him; who having told him, that a report was spread abroad, that he had con∣fessed his crimes wherewith he was charged, partly through fear and partly through hope of life, conjured him, he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God, to discover, if it were so or not, or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience; and had no other answer from him, but that, what he had said, was truth, excepting onely, where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse, who had given him no reason for it▪ and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes, to clear himself and charge innocent persons, and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion. This proof was so much the more certain, in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life, in which he testified, that he would dispose himself by a true repentance, to obtain pardon from God of his faults. There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency, seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court, whom he had accused, who were no small number; but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely, keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine, not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles.

Politique Observation.

ALthough it be expedient to detect the chief contrivers of a compiracy either against the Publique quiet or their Kings person, yet wise Politicians have not thought it proper, to prey too exactly into all the complices, or the plot it self, if any great number of potent leading men have ingaged in it. It being to be feared, least either their quality or number, might draw others in, or that the pretences of their design might be so specious, that many persons might be concerned in it, who never knew at all the true depth of the business. It was upon this accompt, that the Senate of Rome, condemned Lucius Vectius, and Tarquinius for discovering, that Caesar and Cressus, were parties in Catalines conspiracie, it being by them feared, and that with reason, least a greater number who were admirers of those two eminent persons, might betake themselves to the same party: A little dissem∣bling upon such an occasion, will be more, then the strictest inquisition as Pompey made appear, upon Sertorius his death; for Perpenna having sent him a great chest full of Letters, which the Romans had sent to Sertorius, ingaging themselves in his quarrel, he would not read one of them but cast them all into the fire, fearing least instead of one Sertorius, twenty might spring up in Rome, when they should find themselves discovered; and for his part it was not his desire to force, or oblige them by violence to unite themselves together, for their own defence. Thus Alexander, having intercepted some of Darius his letters, by which he had in∣couraged

certain Grecians of his own Army to kill him, was in a great doubt, whe∣ther he should suppresse or discover them, at least to those to whom they were di∣rected; but having asked Parmenios advise in the business, he was counselled not to speak of it to any one whatever, because in a multitude there are never wanting some seditious persons, who only lack a head and prop, to make the wickednes of their hearts apparent, and are naturally so base-minded, that the bare report of a Faction, is ground enough to ingage them in it.

Certain Broyles sprung up in the Court of England, by the ill Counsel of some of the Queens household.

THe Court of France was not the only Scean, of Factions: England was no lesse pestered with imbroyles by those divisions which happened between the King and Queen, but ended by the returning into France, all the Queens officers, though by the Articles of marriage it had been concluded, That her Majesty should be attended by officers who were French and Catholiques. But it was most certain, the English never intended long to keep them, which they sufficiently shewed, by the entertainment, given them at Dover, where they could hardly get meat for their mony, and soon after their arrival, they laid hold on several occasions to put what that had concluded on in execution. It is reported that some Ecclesiastiques and women, did sow jealousies and discontents between the King and Queen, which exasperated the King very much against them, whereupon the Duke of Buc∣kingham designed that his Wife, Sister, and Niece, might be her Bed-chamber Women, which being contrarie to the Articles of Marriage, which did prohibit any to bear office in the Queen's Family, who were not Catholiques, it was denied him; which angered him the more, in regard he had used to dispose of all affairs in Eng∣land with a great deal of Authority: It was indeed proposed not long after to do that Honour to his Mother, who was a Catholique, and to his Wife, who was that way inclined, but he being unsatisfied with it, did from that time forward use his utmost endeavours, to foment and revenge it. But it is on the other side reported, that Madam de Cheuureuse, discontented in the French Court, and having got a good acquaintance in England, blew the Coales of this division, only to be revenged; and withal that Buckingham, was much blamed by the Parliament of England, for having admitted of divers Articles the Treaty of Marriage, which were prejudicial, to the Religion of the Country, and threatned to be called to an accompt, for a vast summe of mony, which was pretended he had diverted to his own use.

Now to satisfie the Parliament, who are of great power in England, he made it his business to fall upon the Catholiques, especially the Queens officers, and all that he might testifie to the Parliament, how he would conform himself to their pleasure in every thing: But he was vexed most of all when he went into Holland, upon some affairs, with design to passe to the Court of France, and the King gave the King of England to understand, that he did not like of the Journy; The Earle of Holland too, did not a little set on those divisions, for that the French, who were neer the Queen, had hindred him from being over-seer of her Majesties Re∣venue, and had perswaded her to bestow that place upon the Bishop of Mande, which exasperated him very much, so that he made use of his power both with the King, and Bukingham, to drive on the business to such a height, that it was at last concluded, that all her Majesties officers should be returned into France, which was accordingly performed, and about the beginning of August, they were forced to crosse the Sea.

Politique Observation.

IT is Common upon the marrying of great Princesses with a Forraign King, to give them officers of their own Country, but it is seldome seen, that they con∣tinue any long time neer them. It cannot be avoided, but that there will jealousies and heart burnings arise between them and the Natives of the Country, concerning their enjoying those offices, which they believe are due to themselves? which jea∣lousie doth usually raise such storms; that their ruine is included in it: but admit, no jealousie did arise, yet the meer diversity of their language and Customes, were enough to create differences and divisions between them; Forraign officers cannot forbear discoursing together in their own language, which createth suspitions in those who understand it not. By reason of the diversity of their fashions, they laugh at one another, which commonly breeds quarrels between them; and withall, let a man be never so complaisant in his humour, yet there is alwayes a jea∣lous eye upon them, that they contrive some thing against the State. Of this, there are divers examples in all times, as particularly in the raign of Francis the first, in which Bellay reporteth that Affairs were very much imbroyled by strangers, in∣stancing, the Bishop of Liege, the Prince of Orange, the Marquis of Mantua, and Andreas Doria; hence Bodin in his Commonwealth, doeth much blame the Vene∣tians, for admitting of all kind of strangers amongst them, Lypsius observeth, That as when many crickets come into a house, it is one assured sign, of their sodaine de∣struction, so when a great multitude of strangers shall live in a Nation, it is a cer∣tain, Index of some revolution neer at hand. Indeed, they have not usually any great deal of affection, for the Country where they live, so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it, and in case a war should break out, none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies. They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country, upon any su∣spition, that they are lesse esteemed by them, then others, which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State: withal their bodies may not be punished, though there be some kind of reason for it, least they should ge∣nerally resent it, and raise up a thousand Broyles. These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers, Strangers in a Queens Court. This was it which did oblige those of Sparta, as Xenophon reporteth it, not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth, which made the Athenians take the same resolution, as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles, and which made Sue∣tonius commend Augustus, that he would rarely grant to any the being free or na∣turals of his Kingdome, and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England, That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them, least the difference of their customes and fashions, might cause them, not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country.

The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England.

THe Queen Mother, having been acquainted with the disorder which had hape∣ned in the Queen of Englands Family, first sent the Sieur de Barre to her, to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents; and shortly after, there being no reason to put up such an injurie, the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England, for a redresse in the business.

Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employ∣ment, because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen, who were now all sent back again; So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family, that he would be the more zealously affectionate, in dispatch∣ing such instructions, as should from time to time be sent to him. He was but coldly entertained in England, because audience had been denied to the Lord

Montague, who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers; however he was no whit discouraged, at it, knowing that any Ambassador, ought to shut his eyes, at all little difficulties and obstructions, so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue. The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair, who being met together, he represented to them, in order to his instructions, that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage, it had been concluded and agreed on, That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion, that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests, to exercise the Offices of her Religion, That all her houshold should be Ca∣tholiques and French, and that all the English Catholiques should in general re∣ceive greater priviledges, then had been granted them, if the Treaty with Spain had been effected: That the late King James, and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales, had confirmed it by oath, and that King James had com∣manded his Officers, not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more, where∣upon that the King his Master, had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happi∣ness, for the Queen his Sister, neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law, would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage, who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises. That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and In∣terests would now rather, breed great divisions between them, and at such a time, when they had most need of being in amity with one another, both for assi∣sting of their Allyes, and their own particular preservation. And that notwith∣standing all these premises, the King of England had sent back all those Officers, of the Queen, contrarie to the Treaty, which had been confirmed by oath; that he placed about her, Officers who were English, and of a Religion contrary to hers; and besides all this that the Catholiques in General, were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake. So that the King his Master, unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest, had sent him to his Majesty of Great Bri∣tain, to put him in mind of his promises, and to perswade him. That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her, as also that his Catholique sub∣jects might be more favourably dealt withal, The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty; but they would lay the fault of the Officers return, upon their own shoulders, pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome, in his Majesties own Family, and that of his dear con∣sort the Queen, but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business: And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques, they pleaded, that it had only been granted for formalities sake, and to satisfie the Pope. But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths, confirmed too by another of the pre∣sent King, then Prince of Wales, they could no longer tell what to say to the busi∣ness, but fled to other complaints, not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question. The Marshal replyed and that very tartly, that he could not sufficient∣ly admire that the Articles of Marriage, and confirmed by Oath, were not ob∣served: That the Queens Officers were sent back, under pretence that they trou∣bled the State, without giving the King his Master any notice of it, and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be commit∣ted, That presently thereupon, English Officers and those Protestants, should be placed in their rooms, That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivo∣lous, and admitting them for just, yet ought they to be chastised only, and others French and Catholique put into their places, by the rules of the Treaty. But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers, were so far from being the true cause of their return, that on the contrary, the Lord Mo••ntague had been at Nantes, not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother, concerning the good understanding, which was between their Majesties of Great Britain, and concerning the great sa∣tisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour. That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon

the neck of this joy, could not but appear strange, and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation, so it likewise injured the King his Masters Gene∣rosity, who was not resolved to put up such a wrong; who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him, would, if not granted, use all lawfull means (of what kind soever) to procure it. These replies were so just and resolute, that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected. But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham, that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction, which France did so earnestly expect.

Politick Observation.

IT is very unseemly that a Kings Officers should perswade him to be worse then his word, onely to satisfie their own Passions. It were the ready way to subju∣gate the glory of the Master, to the Will of the servant, and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendor of the Sun, who have no light; but what they borrow from his rayes. Private affections have ever been hurtfull to publick consultations, as Titus Livy recordeth, neither was his judgement to be questioned, when he said, there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul, and make it like a dis-temper∣ed eye, which seeth all things far different from what they really are. The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge, and his glory is linked with it. The Minister who is to see it performed, is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect, much lesse, not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion. How can it seem lawfull for a Minister to obstruct it by so prophane an abuse, when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it, though the good of his State were never so deeply con∣cerned in it. Good Princes, as Traian saith, are more bound to perform what they promise, then to effect what themselves desire, so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse then their words, under pretence of the publick good; or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper, or that the ne∣cessity of their affairs doth require it. If once a Prince should do so he would ever passe for a Prince without Faith, which is the greatest misfortune can betide them, and thus Mimus Publicanus saith, he who hath once forfeited his Faith, hath no∣thing else to lose, because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon. It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entred into, but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them, there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at. It is a shamefull excuse for them to al∣ledge they did not think of it. Bias saith, they cannot make no lawfull excuse, for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithfull, hath a more con∣siderable damage, then if he lost the thing which he promised. After Cinna had sent for Marius, he made a question whether or no he should receive him; but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him, told him it would be unfit to propose it to him; for (quoth he) the obligation of Faith, doth not allow of the conside∣ration of what is once promised. But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Ma∣jesty of a King to break his Oath, for by it he doth seem to mock God, whom he invoketh as a witnesse of his promise. Cicero saith in his Offices, that an Oath ne∣ver ought to be broken, and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death, because they who were guilty of it, did not onely violate the worship of God, but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society.

The Traffique at Sea established.

DUring all these civil and forraign broyls, the Cardinal was intent upon repai∣ring those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars, and upon setling such an Order in the three States, that happinesse might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone; in this, he imitated the wise Physitian, who having recovered his Patient, maketh it his work to restore his for∣mer strength. There onely wanted this one thing to the compleating of it. That

they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend, would lend their assist∣ing hands to it. Now Commerce at Sea, being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches, he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course, which his Ma∣jesty having assented to, he gave notice of it to the Undertakers, and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships; assuring them, that they should have all possible assistance from him, and that he doubted not but they might in time, receive as great advantages by it, as the Hollanders did by that which is setled amongst them, or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design, Montmor in the name of one hundred others, presented to the Councel, Articles of esta∣blishment for a Company, to Traffique both into the East and West, by Sea and Land. He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres, and that the moyety of the profits thereof, should stil go towards the increasing of the said stock: That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and setling the ground-works of their Trade. These Proposals were very advantagious; his Majesty approved of them, and commanded the Car∣dinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company. So they had divers Privi∣ledges and Liberties granted to them, in regard of Forraign Wars, and the Wealth which followeth Traffique, as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea, which was no slight matter, for that the Spaniards, English, and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea, by this means, and have often there∣upon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures. The Cardinal withall, per∣swaded his Majesty, at the same time, to lay out a great sum of money, to buy Ships both at Amsterdam, Denmark, and other places of France, to defend themselves from the like incursions.

Politick Observation.

TWo things chiefly are necessary to render a Kingdome flourishing, Govern∣ment and Commerce, and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist, so without the latter, we find it want many things important to the life of man, and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches. Those Politicians have deceived themselves, who measure happinesse by vertue alone, and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves, are to no purpose. We are not now in those times, when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks, or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour. Ma∣ny more things are now require to entertain 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…en heretofore, and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive ones self of them by lazinesse. And admitting it were not so, have not sundry Philosophers used Traffique as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things. Sol••n amongst the Athenians rendred him∣self capable of giving Laws to his Country. Thales one of the Sages of Greece, made no difficulty to imploy part of his time therein, and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt, by carrying Oyls thither to sell, that he might purchase knowledge. Withall, we live not now so much by the Com∣merce of Elements, as by that of Gold and Silver, those are the great Springs which more all the rest, and without them, Kingdomes can neither be Potent in War, or flourish in Peace. Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War, and as for Peace, never any poor State was yet considerable, or ever came to any great height, and what brings greater riches then Commerce? France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain, but wanteth Gold and Silver. Now the onely means which it hath to come by it, is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities, what it can well spare by way of Commerce, a means so powerfull, that sending onely what is superfluous, it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth.

Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King, grand Master and Super-inten∣dent of the Traffique and Commerce of France.

IT was necessary upon setling the Company of Trade, to appoint them a head, who might have a full power amongst them, and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertakings, it being most certain, that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing, if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding. To the Admirals care it could not be commit∣ted, unlesse their speedy ruine had been intended, for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders, that instead of assisting, he undid them. The one∣ly difficulty was, that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute, there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him; but the King to avoid this inconvenience, was of opinion, rather to cease the Admiralty, then to break off the setling of Trade; for that the Admirals were no lesse charge∣able to the State then to the Merchants, they drawing at least one hundred thou∣sand Livres out of the Treasury every year, without any advantage by it. Here∣upon the King resolved about the beginning of the year, to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands, who seemed willing enough to part with it, by his readinesse to treat thereupon, and in conclusion, he had a good round sum paid him for it. This resolution was of such concernment, that without it, not one∣ly the Trading of France had been quite broke, but the Kings Subjects had been lyable to dayly Inroads and Pillagings, for that of late years, above four thousand Christians, had been been made Slaves by the Turks, above one hundred Vessels taken, sunk, and burned, by which means a great many families were brought to Beggery.

The King too good, just, and generous to suffer such injuries, which by dimi∣nishing his Peoples goods, did no lesse take off from his reputation and glory, re∣solved to contrive some remedy for it. It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed, and that a chief, grand Master, and super-intendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it, endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral, in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade, or the Kingdom, and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them. There was now onely wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest, in regard of honour, or the pub∣lick good. The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are emi∣nent in himself, so his Majesty made choice of him, who accepted of it, but in re∣ceiving the Office, he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had for∣merly been due to the Admiralty, for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office, partly to save the expence of it, so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office, his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum, heretofore assigned to the Admiralty, besides he had now the power of command∣ing his Fleets wheresoever he pleased, but before the command of them was an∣nexed to the Admirals, though they were not indued with qualifications necessary. for such a charge, and which is most to be observed, that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral, and executed it with the same advantage for the King, the benefit of France, and Trade, as that of super-inten∣dent of the Sea, yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition lesse honourable, and lesse subject to emulation.

Politique Observation.

IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles, which onely serve by reason of their noise, to expose him unto Envy. They are but low Souls which affect ayry Titles, neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke

Fortune, and instead of making their authority respected, they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men. Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured, whereas ostentation offending every one, atracts the hatred of all the World, and becomes insupportable. Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers, which glide a long, with little murmuring, though great profit to the people; whereas torrents being lesse profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise. Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour, as may render them odious. Scipio Affricanus, a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion, gave us a notable example of this particular, as Titus Livy hath observed, when as the Spaniards called him King, and he refused that little, which he knew would be dis-rellished by the Commonwealth, and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour, he did aspire to, That having indeed a royall soul he should not much take it amisse if they thought him worthy of that Honour; but he beseeched them to forbear the other, least that might breed a jealousie upon his Person.

Did not Augustus in the same manner testifie a great deal of Prudence, when in taking upon him the Emperial Crown, he refused to be called Emperours, and con∣tented himself with the name of Prince, which could not exasperate the Roman people, it being a name in use amongst them, and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate? his discretion told him, That the Romans would easilier undergo sla∣very it self, then the name of it: and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty, He also aimed at the names of Consul, Father of his Country, Tribune, and High Priests, only because the people did not mislike them, designing rather to add a new power to an old Title, then to assume upon himself such odious qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted.

An Assembly at Paris, to redress disorders of State.

THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom, but it was likewise necessary, to use divers other means, for the raising of it to it's height and greatness. The King had long before concluded on it, but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister, to put it in execution, the affairs had still con∣tinued in some lameness, until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he re∣solved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom, especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs. And for the better resolving upon the means, he appointed them to attend him a Paris, where being met together, his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling, upon the second of Dece••ber in the Thuill••ries; He was pleased to tell them, That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State, and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his de∣sires; and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech, represented to them, the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom, whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies: and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establish∣ing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour, to employ powerful redresses, and so to regulate his Treasuries, that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State, without being forced to overcharge the people as of late: He gave them to understand, that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house, and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle: To settle Trade with ••ll possible advantages, for the enriching of his subjects: So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field, that his subjects might be no more op∣pressed; upon which it chiefly was, that his Majesty had desired their advices. When he had concluded, the Cadinal made a most excellent speech, in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence. He laid before that

Illustrious Assembly, how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good, which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age. He gave them to understand, that as there had been great charges and expences, so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it, in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them; and that if any good successe had at any time happened, it was only the dawning of those resolu∣tions which his Majesty had taken, for the easing of his people, and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor. That as only God can make something out of nothing, so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury, and to that end, to cut off from the extravagant expenses, and add to the receipts, or in∣deed to do both at once. He shewed them, how that every one, regarding the advancement of his own private Interest, it might possibly provoke some to anger, if their expences were moderated; but he added withal, that no one could justly complain at it, since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good, and that the King and Queen Mother, were both resolved to give a good example, by contracting the expences of their families.

He told them, that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods, to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack, prudence did direct the like thing in a State; Which ought not to be cast away for the preserva∣tion of any ones particular good, and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof, for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches, should long last, when the State is poor and needy, in fine, he told them, that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries, they would in a very few years find, both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory, then ever it had formerly been, but he added, it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution; That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty, they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them, in that he gave them part of it, and that for his own particular, he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design.

After this first overture, the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General, upon all which such courses were resolved, as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State. But it was first of all concluded, what order should be observed in the levying of men, as also for the maintaining of them, in such order, that the Country man might not be injured by them. It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thou∣sand foot, and two thousand Horse, as well to secure the Publique Peace, as to support the Kings Authority, and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect. It is true, there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage, but it was to be doubted, that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order. Next of all it was considered, what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off, as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers, which the Exchequer was indebt, as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes. In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families, according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death: Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions, which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business, and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty, the dis∣mantelling of a great number of strong places, which being in the heart of the King∣dom, or at least remote from the Frontiers, did only serve to countenance Rebel∣lions, and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers, and building unnecessary Fortifications. There was also care taken, (with refe∣rence to his Majesties good pleasure) for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen, Cap∣tains and Souldiers, wounded in his Majesties service; And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty, that he would for the future prevent, those revolts of the Grandees, which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of

the State, and that he would punish some for example sake, who had the Bold∣nesse, to take up Arms against his Authority, or to divide the State into Factions. They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council, a certain number of Gentlemen, to bring them up to do him the more service, by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs, and in conclusion, they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes, for the sup∣pressing of divers useless Officers, for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage, by paying them in whose hands they were; the monies lent upon them, or full Interest, out of the account of the Revenue, to settle an order in the Trea∣sury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land, for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others, which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown, it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself. And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them, and resolved on. So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty, the most part of which, ap∣peared so reasonable and judicious, that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State; The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another, as fast as ever the Civil warres, the Factions at Court, and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it.

Politique Observation.

HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it, with the advice of the States, or at least of them, who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs, by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of. On such an occasion, divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States: which because they are ordi∣narily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude, besides the great expence which they draw on, I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly, who are the only persons, whose opinions serve for guides to the rest, now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion, for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres, whose counsels are replenished with so much light, that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done, to shine forth. Not to need Counsel, is to be more then man, and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern, is to be lesse then man. God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science, by the influences and light of the Sun, but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres, and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things; so it may safely be said too, that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom, whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding, doth not however forbear to be∣stow some light upon others too, though peradventure inferiour both for suffi∣ciency and quality, that they may contribute with him to the General good, by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them, and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them. And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom, they cannot be lesse advantageous, unto a Minister, on such an occasion, in which the angring of divers persons, cannot possibly be avoided. There never yet was any reformation for the publique good, but many particular private persons were angred at it. They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest, are ever discontented, and conceive no little ill will, against that Minister who is guided only by his own will, and direction: Whereas if it were done by those, whose wisdom is esteemed, and whose Prudence is respected, it would silence all men, and make that sweet and easie, which else would be bitter and insupportable. It is very dangerous it, for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon, his own head only?

For good successe is not inherent in any man, seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy; withall it is not to be doubted, but that the greatest part judging of things by the event, would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen. How many great men who promised themselves high matters, have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations, and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe, which might have been secured too, had they but proposed their designs, and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State? Hee who attempts nothing without good advice, secures himself from any ill accident whatever. Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour, to acquaint the Senate with every affair, though never so little considerable. Anthony the Debo∣nair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War, which he did not first communicate to several wise men, protesting that it was more reasonable to accom∣modate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will.

The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court.

ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court, a person who had been much in favour with the King: He had been the first Gentleman of his Cham∣ber, and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable: And as great favours puff up the mind, and destroy the judgement of many, if not qualified with a great under∣••••anding, he did so much forget himself, that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will, and interpose in matters of concernment, in which he had neither ability or authority. His Majesty was much grieved at it, being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse them∣selves, and be defective in that respect which is due unto him; but it one day fell out, that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his, who must of necessity be dayly attending up∣on his Majesty, being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike, his Majesty re∣solved to deprive him, not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him, and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bour∣bon of chief Querry, an Office of no small advantage. But as nothing is so dis∣pleasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off, he was so transported by it, that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair, of that little judgement which he had: There need no other indiscretion be alledged, but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber, when the Governour of Souvre came in thither, whom he supposed one of the causers of his discredit; he began to quarrel with him, and told him that he should be very glad to meet him with his Sword in his hand: Which so insolent discourse being before his Majesty, he told him, that he did not remember the p••ace where he was, and that he deserved to be sent to the Bastile, there to be punished according to the Act for Duels, but he only comman∣ded him to get him gone, from which time forward hee was no more seen at Court.

Politique Observation.

THere are but few Favourites who know how to moderate themselves, and so to manage their Affairs, that they may preserve their Masters good affection. A man ought to be of an excellent temper, well to digest any very great favour. It is most certainly true, that as excesse of meat stuffeth up the stomack, and choa∣keth the natural heat, so an extraordinary favour depriveth most men of their judgement, intoxicateth them, and makes them loose the exercise of their reason And for this cause it is, that they injoy those favours of fortune to their Graves, as it hath in all ages been seen, that the most part having been led in Triumph as it ••ere unto the highest point of Glory, have precipitated themselves into the greatest

gulfs of misery, and have so bruised themselves against the favour which they pos∣sessed, as if it had been purposely turned into a Rock for their ruine. The wise man considereth that an indifferent favour is much more certain then those great ones, and contenteth himself with what his Master bestoweth; Fortune doth no sooner raise him up but his discretion presently tells him, that her smiles are incon∣stant, and that nothing can so much contribute to his preservation, as to use them with moderation. He oftentimes reflecteth on that memorable passage of Sosistra∣tus, who being drawn in his Triumphant Chariot by four Kings, entertained him∣self with observing the motion of the Wheels, how that which was now uppermost presently became lowest, and being asked the reason of his contemplation, answer∣ed, that he delighted to remark the turning of his Wheels, and was by it put in mind of the inconstancy of humane Affairs, and that the same Fortune which had raised him to that height of prosperity above those four Kings, then sub-jugaged to him, might shortly bring him to the same condition. The wise Favourite fixing his mind upon the inconstancy of Fortune, as upon a sure maxime, never permitteth her to blind his mind with vanity, but keeps himself upon his Guard, not putting himself on in matters of State, but as his Master calls him, and payeth him the grea∣ter respects, as his obligations increase. He is industriously carefull not to abuse his Masters favour▪ by assuming too great a power on himself, remembring how Calisthenes lost Alexanders good will, by reason of his too great presumption, and the vanities which he did commit in the Emperors presence: nothing doth so much destroy Favourites, as their affecting too great an Authority, and taking upon them too much power over their Masters: He likewise knoweth, that it is with them as with the Moon, who hideth her self when ever she approacheth near the Sun, it being from him that she receiveth her light, and that so Favourites ought not to exercise any kind of authority when they are near Kings, but are rather bound to shew them in their requests all imaginable respects whatsoever: it is his care not to intermeddle in the administration, nor doth he ever attempt to adde the power of governing the State, to that of his Masters good affection: But on the contrary, he takes so much the lesse upon him, when the Testimonies which he re∣ceiveth of his Masters Favour seem to give him most power, and it is his dayly fear to be raised to too eminent a degree, least he should by it be exposed to too great a fall which might totally destroy him.

Differences between the Bishop of Verdun, and the Officers of the City.

ABout the end of this year, great differences did arise, between the Bishop and the Officers of Verdun. This being a Frontier Town was then looked upon as somewhat considerable, in regard Monsieur de Lorrain, seemed to be active and able to attempt something upon France, which obliged the King to go on with the design which he had long before resolved of, building a Cittadel there. The Abbey of St. Vannes was ever reputed the most proper place of all the City for that purpose, whence it happened, that in the Charter of the said Abbey, as was to be seen, there had been divers Articles concluded between the Bishop of Verdun, to whom that place hath ever belonged, in which they bound themselves to build their Church in some other place, if it should be found necessary to make use of some part of it for the raising of a Cittadel. However the Lines were so contrived, that the Church was saved, but that of the Capucines was forced to be taken down, which was afterwards done, and rebuilt in another place.

Now the Bishop of Verdun, being a Kinsman of Monsieur de Lorrain, had no other motion but what came from him, so that not considering what dependance he had upon the King, suffered himself to be ingaged by the Duke to prevent with his utmost power, the building of the Cittadel. His Temporal power was but weak to manage his design, so he had recourse to his spiritual; and accordingly on the l••st of December, he published a Monitorium, fixed upon all publick places, against all such as should labour about it. But as the spiritual power hath no authority

over the Temporal to deprive it of its rights, so this procedure was looked on as a strange thing by the Kings Officers, who wanted neither courage nor loyalty in this affair. The Sieur Guillet Lievtenant at the Royal Siege in the Town, presently called a Councel of his Majesties Officers of the Town, to consider of what was to be done, where it was concluded to tear down such Papers as had been any where Posted up, and to set others in their places of a contrary tenour in the Kings be∣half, which was presently put in execution: The Bishop was much offended at it, and to be revenged for it he thundred out an Excommunication the next day against Gillet, which he fastned in divers places, and having given Orders to his great Vicars not to act any thing in prejudice of his pretended Authority, he departed from Verdun, and rid Post to Cologne. In the mean while the Sieur Charp••nti••r, his Majesties President in Mets, Thoul and V••rdun being acquainted with the whose proceeding, and considering how Derogatory it was from the Power who was So∣veraign of the Town, and consequentially, had absolute authority to fortifie it, as himself should think fit, as also to give such assurances to his Officers who should execute his royal commands, as might secure them from any Bishop, Excommu∣nication, onely for doing their duties, he declared the said Monitorium to be abu∣sive and scandalous, and commanded it to be torn and burned by the Hangman: That for reparation of such a proceeding, the said Bishop should be sent Prisoner un∣der a safe conduct to Paris: That his Benefices should in the mean time remain in his Majesties hands; and that he should pay ten thousand Livres fine for his said fault. The Judgement was put in execution with the usual form, excepting onely, as to the Bishops being sent to Paris, so that he resolving not to suffer himself to be thus despoiled of his Goods, thought his best course to send to the King to paci∣fie him for his rashnesse, as also he gave order to one of his Vicars to absolve the Sieur Guillet, and to license the going on of the Fortifications.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the sundry Priviledges, which our Kings bestow on those whom they call to their service, one of the most just and ancient is, that they may not be Excommunicated by the Prelates for such actions as they do in discharge of their duties. There need no other evidence of it but reason it self, and the order esta∣blished by God between the Spiritual and Temporal Power, which is such, that ei∣ther reserving himself within his prescribed bounds, ought not to attempt upon the others Power. And doth not History furnish us with divers examples, which are as so many proofs in this particular. I have seen an Act resolved by an Assembly, selected in Normandy, dated the year twelve hundred and five, which containeth, that no Arch-Bishop or Bishop, may Excommunicate any Barons, Bayliffs or Ser∣jeants without his Majesties permission; and the Arch-Bishop of Roijen, thereup∣on promised his Majesty in the year twelve hundred and seventeen, not to excom∣municate any of his Officers without his consent. The Bishop of Chartres in the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, having attempted to Excommunicate the Kings Officers at Manto, was condemned by a Judgement to recall the Excommunicati∣on, or lose his Temporal Goods which were taken into Custody. The Official of Roijen in the same manner too, having thundred out an Excommunication against one of the Kings Bayliffs, in the year thirteen hundred and seventy, who refused to deliver a Clerk to him whom he had taken Prisoner in coloured cloaths, was con∣demned by a judgement of the same nature to take off his Excommunication. And was not a Cardinal Bishop of Mans condemned by an Arrest in the year one thou∣sand four hundred sixty and five, to absolve those Officers of his Majesty, whom he had attempted to excommunicate with an inhibition, not to attempt the like any more hereafter. The Parliament of Grenoble, approving of the Cardinal de Cler∣monts power, who was the Popes Legate in Avignon, in the year fifteen hundred and sixteen, declared, That the Kings Officers who were in his jurisdiction, should not be any ways liable to Ecclesiastical censures or interdictions. And when the

Bishop of Castres excommunicated two Councellours of Tholouse, in the year one thousand five hundred sixty six, was he not adjudged to pay ten thousand Livres fine, and to repeal his Excommunication besides. And of latter time. when the Cardinal de Sourdis, attempted to excommunicate certain Counsellours of the Par∣liament, Anno one thousand six hundred and six, his Temporalties were seized on, and himself condemned by Arrest of the said Parliament to call in his Excom∣munication. It were easie to alledge many more like examples. But besides (though there are proofs enough to convince that this priviledge doth really be∣long unto the Kings Officers.) It is expresly said in the Arrest against the Bishop of Chartres, made on the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, and in those Articles proposed to the Assembly, Anno, fiteen hundred eighty three, at St. German en Lay, that they have injoyed it time out of mind.

Neither is this priviledge particular to them alone, for Matthew Paris saith, in the life of H••nry the second King of England, that the King of Englands Officers could not be excommunicated, unlesse the Prelates had first obtained his Majesties leave for it.

Anno 1627.

The Insolent Revolt of the Rochelois.

EVERY one verily beleeved, considering the Peace concluded with the Spaniards and Hugonots: That France which had a long while like a floating Vessel been Weather beaten, would now cast An∣chor in a quiet setled Harbour: It was every mans hope, now to injoy the fruits of so many labours, and that the Clouds passing away would make room for Serene Calms: But just as it was go∣ing to this Port, the Hugonots and most of the neighbour Princes, appeared on the shore to prevent its settlement on Land: They raised new stirs, they cast up Shelves of sand upon one another, and beat the Waves with such violence and fury, that the end of one storm was but the beginning of another, and that a greater then the former. Those of Rochel having been of late accustomed to live in an insolent licenti∣ousnesse, could not indure to see the Articles of Peace which the King had accorded to them, put in execution; and Rebellion had taken so deep rooting in their minds, that the yoke of Obedience was become insupportable to them; they could not per∣mit, that the Rules of Commerce, observed over all France, should be taken no∣tice of amongst them. The cutting off of that absolute authority which they had made use of, in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, and other places bordering upon their City was looked on, as an outrage; the excercise of the Catholique Religion be∣ing settled amongst them, was esteemed as a great slavery, and as a rigorous con∣straint imposed upon that whereof they made profession. They complained of those Souldiers in Fort Lewis, and the Isles of Ree and Oleron, left there only to pre∣vent their relapsing into their former insolencies, as a most insufferable tyranny. They resented his Majesties Commissaries Acts in order to the execution of the Treaty, as so many unjust attempts upon their Liberties, and would needs have it be believed, that the continuation of Fort Lewis, was a breach of those promises, which had been made to them. These were the Chief complaints which they every where spred abroad; These were the Griefs which filled their Manifests; These were the Motives which they made use of to perswade the rest of the Hugonot Towns, to revolt, to form themselves into a Commonwealth, and to obtain that by force from his Majesty, which with Justice they could not expect: But these complaints were

made with little reason for that subjects, cannot pretend any thing for their at∣tempting on their Kings authority: and accordingly the answer which they could have, when they had the boldness to present them either to his Majesty or his Mini∣ster was, That being born subjects to his Majesty, they neither ought or could pretend to any exemption from the Laws of obedience; That their complaints of violencies offered to their Religion, was groundless; for that they had a full li∣berty of conscience under his Majesties protection and that all such, as troubled them in it, were chastised as disturbers, of the publique Peace: That true it was, by the Treaty of Monpellier, Fort Lewis ought to have been demollished but with all, That they had made themselves unworthy of it, by their refusal, to execute several Articles of the Treaty, and amongst others, to establish, the excercise of the Catholique Religion, in their Citty as they had engaged to his Majesty: and moreover, that the Honest's men of the Citty, the most sufficient, and such as had most to loose, having represented to his Majesty, that in case the Fort were sligh∣ted, They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality, who would put a thou∣sand outrages and affronts upon them, he could not deny their so just a request: Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expresly say, that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort: They were also told, That being subjects of his Majesty, they had no cause to complain, of the Commissaries being there, especially seeing one of them too, was of their own Religion, and that they had not been then there, but for those delayes which were by them made, in the execution of the Treaty: As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles, it was answered; That they had no reason at all to complain of it, for that they gave the occasion, by their daily mutenies, by their slow proceedings in the demolishing of Fort Tadon, and which they did so slightly too, that it was an easie matter to repair it; and that last of all, those Troops living very civilly, they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesties subjects did many other Town, where there was a garison and that they could not think it strange, his Majesty should so watch them, who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults. But nothing would satisfie them, so that finding they could not procure their desiers, they concluded to prosecute it, with Arms, and to form themselves into a Com∣monwealth.

Politique Observation.

JT is neither safe nor Just for a City, born under a Regal power, to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth. The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended, seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head, Livenants of his power, and that he hath subjected people in such dependancies, that no one but himself alone, can revoke their Commission. I ad∣vise thee, saith the Wiseman, to have a care of the Kings mouth, and to keep the oath, that thou hast sworn unto him: beware that thou withdraw not thy self from his power or slight his commands, for otherwise he will deal with thee as he li∣steth and no one can say unto him, What doest thou? And as this Procedure is very unjust, so it is not safe for them who would ingage in it, for that no Government is so bad as a Popular. There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty, which charmeth, and worketh upon the Souls of them, who do not under stand it, but it is most sure, that it is a liberty which exposeth a City, to the greatest misfortunes, that can befall to it. All Kings propose Honour and the Publique good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon; whereas in a Popu∣lar State, every one proposeth his own particular advantage, and by that he mea∣sureth the Weal Publique, and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts. Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States, that they cannot remedie any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty. For though in State affairs most voyces ought to be considered; yet it

is not to be thought in point of number, but the Prudence of them who Judge: whereas admitting the people to be Master, most voyces carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded, by far. The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people, by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion, then to leave them in a Licentions power, concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative, yet that it would be much more supportable, then that of the people, that many headed beast which having no Judgment, loveth change, and mooveth more by impetuosity then reason. This Beast, nourisheth it self with a thousand vain hopes, its designs are accompanied with fury, when the danger is farthest off; but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril; and as it hath but a small portion of abilities, so it knoweth not who are men of understanding, or who do them good service. Whence it doeth ordinarily well reward, such as do them ill service, and ill reward such as do them good service. Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Mil∣tiades, ordered him to pay a great fine, and kept him in durance until he had paid it, as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dange∣rous siedge, and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians, by his good Con∣duct? The like they did to Themistocles, Arist••der, Alcibiades and divers other Captains, who had served them, very eminently without any regard had to their services. He that would esteem a Popular Authority, ought not to know what it is: And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Gover∣ment of Parthia into a democracy, when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion, which would discover to him, the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government.

The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc.

THe Duke of Rohan, discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace▪ at least to render himself the more considerable, did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois, to which end, he under hand sowed divi∣sions among the Consuls of the Chief Hugonot Towns in Languedoc, and some he made for his own party; that they might lead the people to rebel, when ever he should hold up his finger; but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts, he resolved to accept of those proffers, which the King of Great Bri∣tain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother, and the deputies of those of his party, presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded, about the end of the last year. They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution, as to many particular Articles, which the discreerest men among them, had perswaded them to agree unto; They dispatched certain Deputies, towards the King of England, to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law, to perswade him, to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection; who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize, who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hun∣dred twenty and five, they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance. Now the Duke of Rohan not to lose these hopes, sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality, to procure a quick dis∣patch, they had many fair promises made them, and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on, so that the Revolt was now concluded on; It was so much the easier to obtain those succours, for that of late, England had con∣ceived some ill designs against France. It much troubled them, to see the Hugonot Party, and those of Rochel, reduced to greater weaknesses then ever, and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there, said in full Counsel, that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland, then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France. Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen, which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there, did not a little encrease it, who were all mad to be dealing with France; so much

do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites. We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred, I shall now only add the resentment which he took, at his Majesties denial to let him come into France, was that, and only that which incensed him to that height: But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects, that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court, assuring him, that it would be easie to raise some advantages, out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither, and that at last he could only end as Icarus did, who perished for aspiring too high. Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance, she became Mistres of the Counsel, which so exasperated Buckingham, that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended, that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse, who was discontented too, and then in Lorrain, did not a little blow the Coales of his passion, and serve to nourish his anger; but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour, to have openly declared it, so he wanted some pretences to cloak it. He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace. Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies, in presence of the English Ambassadours, that though the King could not be induced, to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis, yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time, in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience. These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises, and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours, and in prosecu∣tion of them, he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master, was bound, by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution. He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain, by his Am∣bassador, that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance, of a certain Decla∣ration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton; Ex∣traordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty, in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence, as was most agreeable to the Hugonots, and all, that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests, and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it. But it was abso∣lutely denied, that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel, performed, or that he had been treated with, or his Ambassadours, in any sort whatever; But on the contrary, it was represented to them, how it was not forgotten, what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton, by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was, that in case, they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty, the King would not give his consent to any thing, but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Ro∣chelois, if they should fall back from their duties. This had been told them once and again, and that plainly enough, as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal, so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains, being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois, were groundless: as also that frivolous pretext; of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charle••ous Declara∣tion, which being a thing of their own drawing, and done as best pleased them∣selves was of no value. However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of, in their Declaration to justifie their Arms, when they entred upon Ree; And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people, that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France, though it was not un∣known, that his private Spleen, was the true cause of his design; yet he was cun∣ning enough to dissemble it to the King of England, and pretend assisting of the Rochelois, and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots, would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands, that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France, and enter upon it with security and advantage. Upon these scores the King of England, laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet, all April, May and June; not at all discovering his

design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal, were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France.

Politique Observation.

KIngs when they have a mind to make a war, never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it; however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any, without urgent necessity. I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just, when it is necessary; and that Arms are never attended with Justice, but when there are no other hopes but from them. And who can think otherwise of it, see∣ing war is followed by all sorts of miseries? War it is which ushers in disorders, and evil customes, which taketh away the lives of the Innocent, which bringeth the Rich into want, and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions; So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be de∣plored then war, from whence it followeth, that who so begins it, without abso∣lute necessity, may be well compared to those Chymists, who administer such po∣tions to their patients, that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases. A wise man will abstain from war, saith Xenophon, though he have some reason for it. Craesus did ever prefer peace before war, if onely for this reason, because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature. The He Wolf is so ravenous according to Pliny, that having seized upon one Prey, and discovering another, he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game, though he be uncertain of taking it: He who would un∣dertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it, doth not he do the same thing? doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace, to obtain victories by his Arms, which by the opinions of all Wise men, depend rather upon Fortune then Valour? He who designs anothers ruine, is himself often included in it, and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation, doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others: He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures, but maketh himself hated by his subjects, in drawing from them contributions, for the carrying on of his war, in leading them to slaughter, and exposing his Country to ruine; for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice, and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country, instead of his Neighbours. The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted, and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them, for the subversion of others, have only raised them, for the last piles of their own glory and Honours. It is no lesse unjust to raise a war, not necessitated to it, then infamous to remain within dores, when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it.

The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal, resolves on the siege of Rochel.

THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service, then hitherto he had expressed, longer to have •…•…ted the Roche∣lois to go away unpunished, for their insolent mutinies; S•…•… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities, openly told the King, (who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair) that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities, and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms, for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels, who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country. He briefly represented to him, the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years, raised up in the King∣dom. That of all the Towns, Rochel was the support, of their Revolts, as also the fierbrand, which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war, That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs, That

it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever, not regarded or observed in their City. That it served for a Road to discontents, and a retreat for Rebels: That Peace could never be certainly established, in the Kingdom nor abroad, whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction: That France could not be in security from strangers, whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates: and on the contrarie, that there was reason to hope; for a happy and prosperous Peace, that place being once disarmed and their Forts redu∣ced to nothing, by which they would be forced to live in their obedience. This discourse once ended, it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations, for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege, especially see∣ing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpuni∣shed any longer: But though it were regretful longer to suffer it, yet it was no lesse, difficult to prevent it. The reason he had to puni••h them, was apparently visible, but the means how to do it, not easily found out; But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages, who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory, so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal, fixed upon the Re∣solution of making strong preparations for the siege of it.

I shall moreover say, That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers, but rather to look upon them, exactly to consider them, and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them, so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg. He represented to them, the strength of the Hugonot party, grounded upon many strong places, fortified with intelligence from abroad, cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom; and supported by their own Forces; that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes, and a long tract of various war, served only to make Treaties of Peace, which are as so many marks, of their uncomptrouled insurrecti∣ons. He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees, the Passion of Ministers, the insolencies of them of this Faction; their Plots, Cabal; and animosi∣ties, and he clearly told him, That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles, with his very utmost power, in regard if he did not, instead of healing it would fester the wound, and diminish instead of making his Arms more conside∣rable. But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty, thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place, there was reason to hope for a good successe, see∣ing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him, the English only ex∣cepted, who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared; That in case any one should attempt upon France, there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs; which being so, he did not find any difficulties, but what were under his own power. That the Sea Port of this City might be block∣ed up, if he would go to the Charge of it, and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts, all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them. That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France, the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive, would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries, which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel; by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity, forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered, that they should never be in a condition, but of obeying for the Future. The••e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness, that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City. So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it, and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg, though it were very secretly car∣ried that they might have no suspition of it, before all things were ready for to assault the place,

The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out, and of all the adjacent places. He saw all their Forts, their Form height and bigness, the breadth and depth of their ditches, and whatever was strong or weak in the whole

Fortification. The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted, nor the length and largness of the Channel, the places where Batteries might be raised, with Forts for defence of the Port, and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits, he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes, That he did no longer doubt of the victory; And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it, he told him, that he could now al∣most assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design, if it pleased God to Pro∣sper it with his blessing, as there was great reason to hope, seeing he acted for the good of the Church, and the glory of his own name. The King was over∣joyed at it, and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adja∣cent Provinces, of warlik amunitions, great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve; divers means were thought on, to block up the Channel, and to begin with those of lesse charge, to prevent greater expences, in case they might do the work; a pri∣vate computation was made of what horse and foot, would be requisite to invest the place, and secure the neighbouring Isles, and to be short, every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg.

Politique Observation.

HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war, deceiveth himself: Commonly they that do so, are quickly reduced to an im∣possibility of executing their designs, If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated, in its beginning, progresse and end, without doubt war is chiefly the thing, it being as Scipio saith, absolutely important, not to begin it, unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion, with advantage: but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain, and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour. Though Fortune should be crosse, yet after so many consi∣derations, it can hardly end in a bad successe, whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing, but confusion and disorder and ruine can fo••low: Tiberius is very much commen∣ded in Tacitus, for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots, designs, and re∣solutions, in so much, that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory, he made use of for their destruction: And T. Livy saith of Hannibal, that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war, was, the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions. A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself, neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern, but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it. It is for Fencers, not Princes to resolve on a suddain. A wise man, ne∣ver brings himself within danger of repentance, and as he knows his designs may be countermined, so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue, but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it. He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties, but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances; by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast, and he will force Fortune her self to become favoura∣ble to him.

The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris, to complain of his Maje∣sties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun, and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar.

GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment, so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to

the Rochelois; during which time, divers remarkable things intervened. The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris, and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Ver∣dun his Kinsman, how that they had seized on all his Goods, translated the charge of his Offices to other persons, that they had Posted up Papers against him, and had resolved to have seized on his Person, if it had been in their power: But as he had not to do with such Ministers, who had either fear or weaknesse, or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests, so he was quickly answered. That Bishops of what condition soever, being his Majesties subjects, owe as much res∣pect and obedience to him, as others of his degree, that when they fall off from their duties, it is then the more just to punish their faults, their Delinquency be∣ing an ill example, to which most people are apt to follow: That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance, which they all swear to his Majesty, they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them, when they break their said oath; That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun, which was a Fontier Town, and in regard too, that the Bi∣shop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel, though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty, and in which he was not all concerned: These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons, that nothing could be replied against them, so the Duke had recourse, to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake, to wink at with was past, to order restitution of his seizures, and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-esta∣blished in their former charges. He was very urgent in his behalf, and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour, the King had returned him answer, That at his desire, he should willingly grant him any reaso∣nable favour, the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however, That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars, to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers, and them who worked on the Cittadel, and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation. The Duke did willingly become bound for his perfor∣mance, and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and set∣led all things in their former state. But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection & forwardness in this affair, yet that was not the chief end of his Journey. He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar, by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will, and by the resignment of his Father, the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name, though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had, and that with reason declared, by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife, that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States, and that he should only enjoy them in her right.

He also made his entry into Nancy, with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court, and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain, hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name, for the Dutche of Bar, as appertaining to him in Fee, and not in right of his wife, but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun.

It was presently given him to understand, that he had not a little offended his Majesty, in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar, and not expected his Majesties introduction, to whom the Soverainty did be∣long. That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name, without men∣tioning that of the Dutchess his wife, for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee, until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage; That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it, if he should possesse himself thereof, be∣fore he were lawfully introduced; That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar, and so create it Masculine, whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees, and dispence with Customes. The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince, was such, that he

could have wished he had not been dependant on any other, and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons; he answered those Ministers with whom he treated, that it being indifferent to his Majesty, whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine, he imagined that R••ynard King of Sicily his great Grand∣father, had lawfully constituted it upon the Males, in exclusion of the Females; and that in consequence it was become his own right, that he was ready to pay un∣to his Majesty that homage which is due unto him; and lastly he added, that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired. He made use of the Duke de Ch••ureuse, who made many journies too and fro, to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good, and some others too, which be∣ing inconsiderable I shall passe by. But he was ever told that his Majesty had rea∣son enough and interest withall, to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality; that the Customes of Countries and succession of States, were not at all altered, seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever: That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were ne∣ver changeable but by his Majesties permission; and moreover, on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris: That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar, and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters; in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother, they be••ng daughters of the eldest, and that he had so much the lesse rea∣son to change this custom without the Kings Authority, in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest; that such a change was contrary to the fun∣damental Laws of Lorrain, and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife, of the right which indubit••bly belonged to her. Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections, so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it, onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions, and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them.

Politique Observation.

THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State, to al∣ter any Laws without urgent occasion, or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it. Aristotle saith, it makes subjects slight rules and powers, and doth much diminish their Authority; Thucydid••s hath gone a little further, think∣ing it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered, rather then set up new ones and better in their place. St. Austin saith, that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines, which till then the sick person had used; so likewise, it is the effect of a great discretion, to pre∣serve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State: Which if true, of Laws in general, is then, much more necessary in Fundamentals, which have been the establishers of a State, see∣ing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation, then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it. To speak ingeniously, such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority, and as a building, if the Foundation be undermined and sha∣ken, soon falls to the earth; so a State too quickly comes to ruine, if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration. For this rea∣son, Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome. Plato in his Common-wealth, prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it, even Childrens-play; for novelties alter manners, and bring antiquity into dis-esteem, a thing of great consequence. I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice, because the manners of men are variable, and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change, according to the disposition of men and times. But it is not the same thing in fundamentals, which rule the government, and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign, which do authorize the order esta∣blished by former Princes, for the ordering of the people, and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good; indeed such ought no more to be

changed then the Laws of nature, for both are equally founded upon Gods Law: He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations, who establisheth Kings families and inheritances, so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use.

The Dutchess of Orleans death, upon her lying in of a Daughter.

THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law. We have in the former yeart related, how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court, and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it, now we are come to won∣der at the blindnesse of Grandees, who turmoil themselves in extremity, who move heaven and earth by their broils, and all for those things, which death, and the in∣constancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment. The marriage was con∣cluded but more for discretion than love in his part, yet God so blessed it, that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly; notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites and Creatures, to make him dis-esteem her, and her not to love him; the particular merit of this Princess gave great reason to beleeve, that Monsieur could come to be sensible of it, and would by his esteem and affection give her a great power over his Soul: Now his Favou∣rites finding if things went in that way, it would be a great prejudice to their affairs, and lessen the power which they pretended to have in his house, left no stone un∣turned, that they might ingage his affections elsewhere, at least lessen his kindness to the Princesse; but Monsieurs good nature animated by the vertue of this Prin∣cesse, was above the malice of those Factious Interests: So that love having joined their wills in a true affection, death could not separate them, but to their great griefs. The Princesse growing big in a few moneths after her marriage, was about the end of May brought to bed of a daughter, but so mis-fortunately that there was little hopes of saving her life. Monsieur was every hour with her, so that it could not be concealed from him, and he unable to dissemble the greatnesse of his affecti∣on, she was forced to comfort him, by testifying her readinesse to submit to what∣ever God should c••dain. In the interim, the Physitians imployed their utmost Art but to little purpose, so that after she had disposed her self to leave this world, by all religious actions which might make her fit for heaven, she died and by her death taught all great men, that in greatnesse nothing is more certain then inconstancy, and that greatnesse ought to be considered onely as a game of Fortune, which af∣ter a fair flourish, bring all to nothing in a moment. The King who did no lesse honour her virtue then Monsieur, was much affected at it; but above all the house of Guise. They saw all their hopes and the great designs which they had projected upon her Marriage, to be brought to nothing, which made them continue along while in their discomforts.

Politique Observation.

HE spoke very wisely concerning worldly greatnesses, who said they are ob∣tained with much peril, kept with no lesse vexation and inconstancy; and lost with as great prise; What ever luster and dazeling the Sun makes in our eyes yet we see him set everyday, and though men attain to never so great glory, yet must they be laid in the dust. The same cause which gives us life, leads us on to death, yet as the same Sun which ushers in the morning light leaveth us in darkness at his departure. The same Sun going out of the first degree Aries, resteth not until his return; and we too, once borne, are hurried on to death. Nothing is here beneath more certain then incertainty, more constant then inconstancy. Though Fortune be so favourable as to let us enjoy greatness some little time, yet then comes death and snatcheth all away, forcing us to pay that duty which we own, what ever resistance we make against its assaults, it will at last force us to stoop

under its Laws; its dart is unavoydable, so that there can be no greater wisedom then to resolve of being overcome, and to enjoy that without regret which For∣tune prepareth for us. In our expectation of deaths comming to deprive us of all we ought to attend it, with the greater care in regard the Limites of man's life are so uncertain, and when it comes, we ought not to think it hath made too much hast, since no death is precipitated upon us: and considering the uncertainty of the time, when it will come, we ought however to be assured, that one day it will come, and carry us out of this World. Let the World flatter it self with all it's glories, yet death will cut all down: After the earth hath been enameld with Flowers, replenished with a thousand sweets, arrayed with infinite plants, and laden with rich Harvests, yet a few months, and her beauty withers, she becomes covered with snows, hayles and storms, she is glued up with frosts and drowned in raines. So shall the greatest Princes find their luster and glory terminated by death in the grave. Their Splender shall fade like Flowers, their prosperities melt like snow, and though like Torrents they have astonished the world by their noise, at last they shall passe away like a flash of lightning.

A Duel between the Marquis de Praslin, and the Sieur de Bouteville severely punished.

THough the King had made so strict an Edict against Duels, yet such was the blind fury which had seized on the souls of the Nobility, that some of them could not refrain fighting. This Errour which had built glory upon Revenge, and caused Duels to passe for a teste of courage, had taken such deep roots in most of their thoughts, that it was impossible totally to extirpate it: and as heretofore among the Macedonians, he was accounted an unworthy fellow, who had not slain some of his Countries enemies, so in France, he who had not killed one or more in Duelling, could not be thought valiant. The King had made rigorous Edicts against this lamentable evil, which had untimely ravished a number of Brave men out of France, since Henry the second's time. But as it is to small purpose to make laws unlesse they who violate them, be punished accordingly, so his Majesty was very strict in chastising those Gentlemen which should offend in that particular: The Marquis de Praslin, son to the late Marshal, had the boldness to fight with the Baron du Bar; for his punishment he was deprived of his Livetenant Generals place in Champagne, and forced to live some years away from the Court. About the same time there was some suspition upon the Sieur de Liancourt, for having challenged the Sieur de Cressia from the Duc d' Alvin, and though there were only conjectures of it, yet the King forbid them the Court: and also resolved to dispose of the place of first Gentleman of his Bedchamber, which belonged to the Sieur de Lian Court, and had accordingly done it, but that some persons of quality, who served them in that affair testified that there had not any challenge past in it. This was so exemplary a punishment that every one began to hope, the Nobility would at length, be undeceived, of that belief which they had, that the Laws of Honour were contrary to those of vertue and Christianity. But rashness hath no bounds, The Sieurs de Bouteville and des Chapelles carried themselves to such excesse, that his Majesty was forced to make use of his Justice to punish them, with more then ordinary severity, being unable to pardon them, without giving way and counte∣nancing the neglects of his Crown, and a madness which cryed for Justice from Heaven and Earth.

The Sieur de Bouteville was indeed to be commended for his good courage, as his very enemies would confesse, but it not being guided with discretion, it depra∣ved into such a fury, that there was hardly any one at Court reputed for a stout man, but he must needs meet him with his Sword in his hand; Not a day how holy soever, but he would profane by his Duels, no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other, so little reckoning did

he make of the Kings Prohibition; after the comming out of the Edict, he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him: about the end of the foregoing year, and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete, where his second was killed, which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at, in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it. So the King resolved to punish him, which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders, where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite, who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon, The King took advice of his Confessor, and as there was no reason to forgive such offences, so he counselled him not to grant it, and made it evident to him, that he could not do it, with a safe conscience; but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante, he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past, provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do; But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels, did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon, that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris, nay, and in the Place Royal it self; accordingly not long after thither he came, and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron, with whom he had a quar∣rel, that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them, which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders, whither Beuuron had come to find him out, by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante, not to fight on any of her Territories: So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats, where being met three against three, Bouteville, des Chapelles and La Berte, against Beuvron Bussi, d' Amboyse and Bouquet, they fought and Beuvron was killed out right, by Chapelles, La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet, and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together, with a good will to be at it with their daggers, but having cast away their Swords, it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life, to go part their friends. This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will, and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences. The King heard of it, and soon after that, Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville, by a Gentleman of hers, and des Chapelles at Vitry, from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there de∣livered over to the Parliament, to be proceeded against, his Majesty having abso∣lutely refused to shew them any favour, though their kindred made great re∣quests for it, and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve, by order of the Parliament.

Politique Observation.

HE who defendeth the wicked, and he who offendeth the good, are both in equal abomination before the Lord, as Salomon saith in his Proverb's, I should therefore submit to that of St.Chrisostome who saith, That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice, but cruelty: So Mercy without Justice, is not Mercy but extream rashness. It were not lesse improper, to pardon all Crimes, then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice. Both ought to be moderated by discretion, without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity. Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects, whilst he was not King, for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them, when as he should arrive to the Throne; Judging, with great wisdome, that it is impossi∣ble for him who ruleth, to treat all with clemency; not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe, but also because unlesse he punish the wicked, it will be a dimination of his own authority: The Heathens say, Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice. And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith, nothing is more becoming a Prince, then the excercise of this vertue; and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique, say, The Throne of a King is established by Justice. St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses,

saith the Justice of the King, is the Peace of the people, the Nurse of Children, the defence of the Country, the comfort of the poor, and himself the hope of Heaven to come. And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it, he ought not to let it lye idle, when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions, as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats.

It is a Crime more then Brutal; for the instinct of nature, forbideth beasts to fall upon one another. It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year, & men t'other six mouths, but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers, not to be men at all, but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood, that are beasts Wolves and Tigres, all their lives. Their courage is not courage but a fury, which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood, not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death, and their souls to damnation. It is not any just Law of Arms which obli∣geth that to be thus barbarous, but a Devilish Charm which deprives them, of their reason. The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them, is a monster begot by vanity, brought up by fury and nourished by blood; as it is said of that in Habacuc, the greatest, the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey. What apparency of reason can there be alledged, for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh, before the images, not of a Moloc; a Saturn, but a vain fantasie of honour? What Justice to tollerate that, which God hath so ex∣presly forbid and condemned to be punished with death, which heaven abhors, which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier? But above all things, it ought not to be permitted, when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority, for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on, the next thing which fol∣lows, will be the peoples revolt, and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom.

The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel.

THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret, yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes. The English who had already concluded upon their entring into France, resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping, and others too were no lesse jealous of it. They knew how much it behooved them, to uphold the Hugonot party in France, which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom, and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it, that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers, to oppose any designs of theirs, or attempt any thing upon them: They well knew France was not a little to be feared, when as it was at it's full liberty, and no remora at home to hinder, the going out of their powers. That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours, and that if the Hugo∣nots were but once quashed, and Rochel their strongest support destroyed, his Ma∣jesty would then be at full liberty, to prosecute his pretences. So every one pre∣ferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion, sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him, instead of assaulting others, to defend himself, they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours, and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time. The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to ano∣ther, to resolve particularly what should be done.

Politick Observation.

POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours, but it ought to be accompanied with Justice, else it cannot passe for a vertue, and is to be used onely towards enemies. The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others, which we would not have

done to our selves, they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society. Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigis∣monds Ambassadours, (who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria, he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it) that he had such Guns in his Arcenal, as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria, but as much as he could finger too, in any other place. An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant, who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot, but not so in Christian Princes, whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice. That which Antigo∣nus the Great, replyed to one, who would needs perswade him, that whatever Kings had a mind to, was lawful, was much more praise worthy, he told him true, it was so, but amongst Barbarian Kings, not them who professe Justice, and to whom all injustice is an abomination. God hath in the Scriptures apointed di∣stinct Laws both for Princes and private men; and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good, so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence. Plutarch blameth Marius very much, for not executing Justice, but when it was advantageous, and because he alwayes took profit to be honest, not regarding truth so he might be stronger, but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other, and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force. God, saith Isaiah, reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws, and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe, when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie, by the Duke of Savoys means, who desirous to reveng himself, because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge; made choise of him, as a person capable to embroyle things, who went about it the more passionately, because he was offended with the Cardinal, for having driven him out of France, for making of cabals, against the State. His first voyage was into Holland, to see how they stood inclined, and to draw them into the league. But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs, he could make but little progress in it, his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was. Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire, he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel; which being once con∣cluded, The King of England sent about the month of April, the Lord Moun∣tagu, to take particular orders for execution of it, both in Savoy and Lorrain, and with the Duke of Rohan. It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Mon∣tagues Journy, and no one was thought more fit, then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain, with whom he was to discourse, that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court, the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her. So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain; besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means, and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France, He having found the Duke much exasperated, and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger, he ingaged to him to enter upon France, at the same time that the English Fleet should land there: The Duke also gave him hopes, that his attempts should be the more considerable, in regard the Emperour, who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction, would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed, and having disposed the Duke of Lor∣rain to the doing whatever he could demand, he went into Languedoc, where meeting the Duke of Rohan, he gave him an accompt of their whole design, who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England, Savoy and Lorrain, he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest. Thence he went to Savoy where

the Duke animated against France, and particularly against the Cardinal, his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances, of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea, to which purpose part of his Forces, were already upon their march: He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan, to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, exhorting him to be careful and courageous, for that their business was in a good condition. They fancied to themselves, that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France. Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain, but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues, having had a continual watch upon him foure months together, that he might snap him upon his return, and learn more particularly, by the contents of his Papers, the quality of his negotiations; and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne, whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him. About him was found a little cabinet of papers which con∣tained the depth of his employment, and it was the happier for France, that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him, which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble, It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie. The Duke of Orleans hearing of it, took his part, made a great noise, about it, and fancying to himself that the En∣glish were landed in the Ile of Ree, that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together, he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court, one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother, then at Paris in his Majesty absence, to demand Mountagu of her; and in case she did refuse it, to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time, protesting withal, that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction, for this injurie which he pretended had been done him, because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories. He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy, and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie, where Mountagu was then Prisoner, as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns, whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English: But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris, together with the defeat given the English at Ree, as shall anon be declared, made him and the Duke of Savoy too, change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once.

They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou, they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey: So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua, which he thought to surprise, by a Stra∣tugem which had been contrived, and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him, that Mountagu should be set at liberty, soon after his Majesties return to Paris.

His anger was like storms which after much noise, are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty, to expect the Kings return to Paris, whither he soon after arrived: Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers, from which there had been discovered as much as was desired, his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain, and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues. In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers, that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree, that he had promised to assist them; That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt; that he had assisted him with succours; That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot, and twelve hundred Horse. There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon, for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant, and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies; That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Mont∣pelier; That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence, and besides all

this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King, his Ministers of State, and the Government of his affairs.

Politique Observation.

TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State, is a Commission, as little happy as honourable. If it tend to the Arm∣ing of his subjects against him, It hath ever had such ill successe, that one may say of him who arms them, that in shaking the Pillars of the State, Justice, and obe∣dience, he only burries them in their own ruines. If it be for the making of confe∣deracies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another, they last so little, that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them: Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion. Then comes distruct between them, no one obtains any glory, which t'other doth not envy, nay and hinder too if he can; Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine, like structures built upon a foundation of sand. War is of it self so uncertain, that he who begins it, is not sure to gain any thing by it. A Command mis-appre∣hended, an Order ill executed, an enterprise not well timed, an inconsiderate rashness, and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout; Besides negotiations being often considered, by their Events, all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish, who first perswaded to the design. On the other side, God favoureth Just Arms, and vallour signifies nothing saith B••llisa∣rius, without Justice, so that he who ingageth any, without a lawful cause, may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion.

But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States, against whom he attempteth to make a war? Not to stop him, were a madness in any Prince, and a greater, not to punish him for his rashness. But ad∣mit he escape that mis-fortune, his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usu∣ally brings trouble and charge to his Country. I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch, to Leosthenes, who in an Oration endeavoured to en∣gage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death; Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full, but beareth no fruit, for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages, but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit, from such a war tending to the States good, so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever. What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfor∣tune, who employed their whole time, provoked to it, only by their particular passions any unjust reasons, to raise wars amongst Princes. The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde. After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles, his glory vanished like smoak, and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh. In the same man∣ner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines, but for that sedi∣tious Spirit, which animated him against the house of Medicis, and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens; but the blame he reaped by it, sullyed all his glory, and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it.

Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille.

THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared, there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of the in∣tended siege of Rochel, The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle, were taken, they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience, That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party; and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future, when they had a mind to procure any thing by force: neither were they a little startled at the

assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken, of carrying the place. The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power, a diminution to their own private authorities, and they of France were not ignorant, that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed, they had then no game left to play but that of submission. This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses, as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt, though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design. The King had learn't from some of the old Court, that that which hindred the taking od Rochel, when as Charles the ninth besieged it, was only, the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had, that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters: So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency; neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal, least they should by joyn∣ing themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions. The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took, to give an assured remedie hereunto, was, to clap up in the Ba∣stille several sedicious turbulent persons, who began to speak aloud such things, as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of, but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing, it being his Majesties desire only to pre∣vent them from doing any hurt. The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet, de Mont∣pinson & d' Oy, were first of all secured, and shortly after Fancan and La Mille∣tiere, with other inferiours to keep them Company, which made them perceive, who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles; that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live with∣in their limits, and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place, if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour: Thus every one for love or fear was quiet, and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the re∣pose of his State, then those who are able to serve him; It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either. Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction, he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits, but little Prudence, for they of his Temper are usually wicked, ambitious, Lovers of Novelties, insurrections and all sorts of intreagues. Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition, when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues, and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number, when after a recital of his ver∣tues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent. On the other side, he ought to be vigilant over those, who are ready to undergo any meannesses, upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse; as Caesar did according to Dions report, who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person, on mean and base men, if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power. In this last age M••ns••eur ae Guise hath done the same thing, in the eyes of all men, but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown. Withall, he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor, or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs. For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith, there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty, do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts. That Cneus Piso was inga∣ged in all his undertakings, by his being reduced to extream necessity, and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth: Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times, change their Fashions when they please, who of Lyons turn to be Lambs, and from Lambs be∣come Lyons again, and this with much facility, all to make advantage of whatso∣ever

comes uppermost, to swim with the stream, and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage: He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another, without any apparent reasons for it, of such as onely con∣verse with turbulent minds; of such as seem to be discontented at affairs, of such as are in debt, or have received some distasts in their private interests. I could pro∣duce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions, and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected, if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it. But making profession of being short, I shall one∣ly for conclusion say, that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons, especially on the least occasion given to suspect, that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague. The least delay which shall be given them, will onely fix them so much the more, whereas the dispatch in securing of them ra∣ther sooner then later, is a kind of Pitty, for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement, by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes. Am∣bition, Covetousnesse, Revenge, and Poverty, meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul, never let him be at rest, or free from some embroyl or other, if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity. And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties, yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour, then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-do∣ing by too imprudent a compassion.

Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourde∣aux, reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal.

THere was about the same time, ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon, Governour of Guyenne, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture, where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concen∣ter to stifle rebellion in its birth, and to keep the people in their duty. Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty, and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux, to indeavour their reconcilement, and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs. The ground of their difference was this, the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace, granted by the King to the Hugonots, to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been re∣gistred in the Parliament. Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat, fining him 1500 Liures, and ordered the rest to appear in Court, and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them. The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse, but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest, and confirmed Minuelle in his Office, grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace. The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him; but the Duke of Espernon be∣ing not of an humour easily to submit to any others will, then that of the Kings, persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest. The Parliament made a third; so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing, and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace, which was then made by the Parliaments Authority. In sine, an extream feud rise between them, and the Parliament came to that point, that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes, yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service. This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne, and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt, they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it, it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth, when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel. The King finding of what consequence it might prove, dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux, to dispose the Duke to give the

Parliament satisfaction, and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good. The Sieur de Leon came thither, and finding the Parliament resolute, that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault, could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this, that he would go to the Par∣liament and pay them some complements of honour and respect. The Parliament was not contented with it, so their accommodation was deferred, till at last the news being come, that the English Fleet was at Sea, every one addressed himself to serve the King, and to hinder their landing in Guienne: And then the Cardinal de Sourdis, Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them, perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them. At last unto the Parliament he came, and having complemented them with great civility; they answered him in the like, without the least mention of any thing past, and thus this great storm was allayed.

Politique Observation.

JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service, to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves; for they discovering one ano∣thers defects by their division, give occasion to redress them, and withall, each one feareth to offend, that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him. It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance, and produceth the same effects, as a weight equally divided in two Scales, which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part. If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence, each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself, and their Soveraign never the wiser. Thus said Cato to them, who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Cae∣sar had ruined the Common-wealth. It is true, it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot, but the friendship which had formerly been be∣tween them, was the first and chief cause. Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater, who afterwards finding it begin to break by the decea∣ses of Pompey and Crassus, their wives which served to preserve it, there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government; Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself, and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall. The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties, and that every thing went to decay, chose Pompey sole Consul, giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates, and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed. Seneca with great rea∣son compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault, which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it, that the more weight is laid on it, the stronger it bears it up; whereas it would easily be broken, if made of one stone alone. In fine, this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses, to the looking more strictly into things, and the keeping every one in his duty. It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Ma∣jesties service, and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Pro∣vince; but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body; and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence. One of the chief is, when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority, to oppose the power of a Governour, and if a Governor abuse his power, to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament: And thus was it according to Tacitus, that the Roman common people, ballancing the Nobili∣ties power, did along while prefer their liberty. Yet above all, it would be neces∣sary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing, and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities, from whence strange accidents might follow. If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound, either death follows, or at least great sicknesse; and doubtlesse such contests hap∣ning

among Governours, either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them, or at least breed great disorders amongst them. The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people, and the Senate, caused great evils; and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caesar did break out, every one siding with some party, took up Arms, from whence followed strange murthers, and Tragedies, and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will.

The King going from Paris towards Rochel, falls sick at Villeroy, after the first day of his setting out.

VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome, the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to in∣vade France. The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed Monsieur the Cardinal, enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs, gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs; his Majesty thus informed of their resolution, suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel, that he might incourage his Souldiers, to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence. But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men, did not permit the effecting of it, so soon as his Majesty desired. It pleased his Providence to visit him with sick∣nesse from the first day of his departure from Paris, which encreasing, forced him to stay at Villeroy: His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned. The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver, beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it; and experience having told him, that it was but reasonable, he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals ma∣nagement. But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident, that her sad∣nesse would not give her leave to think on any thing. The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal. Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul, as well as upon the Queen Mothers; but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm; so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt, together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois, that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory. It cannot be denied, but that this was one of the most con∣siderable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome. It was a part∣ing blow, upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet, and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master. So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it, and his prudence effected such things, which cannot passe but for miracles.

Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do, since the King had comman∣ded him to ease himself, as much as possible he could for his health sake, which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister: He had induced his Majesty to think good, that he should take for his share, the care of what related to his Majesties glory, or the conduct of his State. This moderation of his was to be admired at, and such as few are indued with. In that he represented to his Ma∣jesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac, who was a person Active, Live∣ly, and full of Understanding, he might absolutely depend upon him for the Ju∣stice, and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent, which being thus, he could apply all his care to the go∣vernment of the State, and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands. And lastly, that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France, or any other State, that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs, for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury, hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome, which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time. His Majesty did not a

little esteem both his judgement and modesty; far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers, who are never satisfied untill they rule all, so he was pleased to admit of his request, which he did the more readily grant, in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health, which could not long subsist under the care of all things, though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world. From that time forward, he medled onely in matters of State, and left all the rest to the other Ministers.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome, never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs. He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses, is a rash inconsiderate man, and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government, and hatred upon his person. The Soul of man of what quality soever he be, is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks; and true it is, who so divideth the strength of his Genius, in the management of all affairs, can act but feebly in those of great weight, and by consequence to the detriment of the pub∣lick good. It is with Souls as with Appetites, they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats, over-charge themselves, and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours, thus those minds which would govern all, leave all in disorder. Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith, that the Prince ought to be like a hand, which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority; the hand hath divers fingers to work. There need no other proof of this truth, then that knowledge and prudence which is re∣quired in the Conduct of a State; besides the administration of Justice, and the su∣perintendency of the Treasuries. A chief Minister ought to have his eye not one∣ly upon all things, affairs, and persons of concernment in the Kingdome; but like∣wise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies; yes, and upon their Ministers too, to discover if possible their designs, and either by policy or force to break such, as may be any way prejudicial to his Master.

He ought to have his Engines on work, to dive into the Counsels of the Pope, the Emperour, the Spaniard, and all other neighbour Princes. He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours, their inclinations, passion, exercises, and all that may conduce to the Government. In case any of them at∣tempt a design which may make them too potent, he is bound to oppose it. If his Allies be set upon, he must be as careful to defend & protect them, as the out-guards of his Kingdome. As for that which is considerable at home, the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time, either in his applications to preserve his favour, or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him, or to pro∣pose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels, as may be proper and profitable together. The Princes of the blood too, will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace; but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction, it being true, that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome, doth most commonly depend upon them: He ought al∣so to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates, to keep them in such decorum, that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt: That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls which is intrusted with them, in prejudice of the Kings royal authority. What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Offi∣cers of the Crown, the Governours of Provinces and Towns, and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties, doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them, their designs, Cabals, Interests, Abilities, and their very inclinations, that he may take order with them according to their dispositions, and the common good, and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise? ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and

Trade, that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth? The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be reset∣led in the duties they owe their King and Country: But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up, when there is a necessity of raising Forces? Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches, either for quarterings or marching of Regiments, or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amu∣nition, or the exact observation of militarie discipline? It would need a long dis∣cours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister, but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow, gives me not leave to describe them, These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them, and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself, of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries.

The English Fleets arrival before Ree.

DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships. At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers, who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the Ile of Ree, that their number encreased, and the Hollanders not affraid of them, it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet, of which there was quickly a greater assurance, when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the Ile of Ree called La Pree, against which they shot very much all day long, and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau, within half musket shot of the Land, and some of them adventured within Pistol shot: Which made the Sieur de Thoyras, then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the Ile of Ree, Judg that they intended to there abouts, so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs, and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place, that he might fall on them in their disbarking. But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continu∣ally. They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men. The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot, yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing, he resolved to assault them, notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Can∣non, which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore. He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause, and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them. He divided his Horse into seven parties, five of which were commanded to give the Charge, and break the English ranks, and the foot had order to follow on; the two other parties were to keep off for a re∣serve, upon the first signal of the Fight, The first went on in good order, but were forced to Gallop off again, for that the English Cannon put them in such con∣fusion, that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to en∣gage, some killed, some wounded and others unhorsed; but their courage who were in a condition to march on, stood firm, so they advanced up to the English Batta∣lions, and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions. The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot, were put into such disorder, that many of them swam to their Ships. The French now finding they were not pursued, and seeing that they were not in condition to fight, they rallied together and charged them once more, before ever the foot came up; but at last they came and fell in, doing more then could be expected; but the violence of the Cannon was such, that it was fit to sound the retreat, and to expect a more favourable occa∣sion to fight with them. Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother, the Baron of Chautail, Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse, and about one

hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter, most part of the Officers being wounded: neither had the English a lesse loss. Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns. They likewise lost one of their Collours, and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded. So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud: but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side, keeping under shelter of their Ships, neither would they stir one foot, till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin, and not meet them any more in the field.

Politique Observation.

I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland, where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied. The night alone is enough to favour their landing, and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places, yet the Canon would make such havock, that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore. Thus hath Machiavel, and the wisest Politions observed, That it seldome happened, that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army, was hindered from opening any passage if un∣defended by a good Castle. When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy, The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby, with very great Forces to hinder his passage, were forced to make way for him, when they saw Monsieur de Guise, with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them. In the like manner Philip de Valois having com∣manded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa, and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe, and in lesse then six howers, to be all over, whilst the Sea flowed back again. It were easie to produce many the like examples. But I rather think the wisest course which can be taken on such occasions is to make them pay dearly for their Landing by cutting good store of them in peeces, and to adventure on them at their first foot∣ing with courage and resolution. The first attempts are they which make way for all the rest. An Enemy finds himself astonished at the death of some of his party, and at the great resistance which he meeteth. The difficulties which are forseen in obtaining of victories disheartens all those who have but a little courage: and it hath been often found that an enemy will more willingly retier himself, then run the hazard of a second rout. Cruelty is allowable in such occasions, to strick terrour into an enemy, to shake their resolutions, and to affright them, for many from fearfall to despair of victorie, whilst they judg, considering the strong resistance made in defence of a pass, it must needs be a mark of the assured resolution they have taken to defend themselves in a place when once they are besieged.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THE newes of the English Fleets arrival was soon brought to the Court, but the Cardinals Prudence was such that he would not let the King be acquainted with it, least it might encrease his Fever, neverthlesse his Great Genius, who fin∣deth remedies for all things, did take wonderful care by his orders to repel them. The King had already, upon Intelligence that the English were setting out, com∣manded many Regiments of Foot and Troops of light Horse and dispatched several Commissions to raise more Forces with order to all Officers, to come to the rande∣vous at Poictou, and there to be in a readiness, for such imployments as occasion should require: He had also given the charge of this Army to the Duke of An∣goulesme, who at his first comming, gave all necessary orders, for the safetie of Brouage, and the Iles of Oleron, relying entierly as to the Ile of Ree, on the cou∣rage and Loyalty of the Sieur de Thoyras, Monsieur d' Angoulesme had also put into

Fort Lewis, all kinds of Ammunition with great diligence, whereby to repel the English, if they should come to assault it and he made use of a Stratagem, which was the probable cause of staying the English at the Ile of Ree, as also of prevent∣ing them from coming on the Mainland. His devise was this; He gave order, upon his first comming to the Quarter Master General of the Army to go to all the Boroughs and Villages there abouts, to provide Quarters for an Army between fifteen and twenty thousand men, though he had not in all; above the half of that number.

The Rochelois hereupon swallowing this fiction for a truth, presently advised the English of it, who apprehending the encounter of so great Forces, went to the Ile of Ree. He also observed the order given him by the Cardinal, not to provoke the Rochelois, nor give them the least jealousie of any thought to besiege them. This Great Minister well knew, That the people are easily transported to all extre∣mities, when they fear any severe punishment to fall upon them, and particularly that the Rochelois having called in the English to vindicate their Liberty, would never be induced totally to give themselves up to them, whilst they did not fear a siege, and that therefore it would be proper, not to give them any suspition. And for the same reason it was, that the Duke of Angoulosme, did so favourably receive their Deputies, assuring them, that the King intended nothing else, but to let them enjoy their priviledges, on condition they deserved it by their submis∣sion; he also suffered them to gather in their harvests thinking it lesse inconvenient to let them make that provision, which at best could not much prolong the siege, then to give them occasien, by declaring their design to deliver up themselves to the English.

This disposal of his was accompanied with great Prudence, yet not sufficient to drive the English out of the Ile of Ree, or hinder them being Masters thereof to go on the Mainland. Monsieur the Cardinal, who had the Charge under the Authority of the King and Queen Mother, to provide against this necessity, em∣ployed more effectual means, for the procuring those happy successes, which for∣ced the World to believe, that the King could bring such things to passe, as his predecessours could not aspire to; He used extraordinary deligence to hasten the Levies, and to draw together good store of shipping, to succour Ree as also to hinder the English from entring into the Channel of Rochel, in case they should at∣tempt it, one of his Chief cares was to prohibit by an Edict all sorts of Maritine commerce; and at the same time he sent into parts, to man those vessels formerly employed, and with all speed to bring them neer Roch••l; he sent to Havre de Grace and Diepe Commissions and mony, for the dispatching of the Ships which he had there prepared, and unto Oleron, Brouage and ••uyenne, to have victuals and ammu∣nition in a readiness. He gave Charge to the Abbot of Marsillac, to passe by the Coast of Olonne to raise Marriners, and to the Sieur de Beaumout Chief Comptroler of the Kings house, intimate friend of Monsieur de Thoyras, to emyloy his utmost care and industry to put provisions into the Cittadel of Ree. Withal, Touredes was dispatched to St. Mallos to rig out three great Ships, and Beaulieur Courcelles, with Cant••lona, Sea Captains unto Ol••nne, to contrive away how to clap victuals into Ree. Beauli•••• Persac was sent to execuse a design he had proposed to set fire on some of the English Ships, and to throw himself into the Cittadel of St. Mar∣tin, but he could not effect it. La Rinterre, after Greffier was sent along the Coast to presse all the Shallops, that went with oare, he sent Magnac to the Duke d'Espernon, and several Couriers, to the Towns upon the Garronne, to draw toge∣ther all the Barks, Galliots, and small vessels which might be serviceable. He sent post into Holland to the Commander de Gouttes, who commanded the Kings Ships to come away with all speed, and at the same time understanding that the Hollan∣ders were sollicited by the English to assist them with their shipping, he set a Treaty of renuing alliance on foot by his Majesties Ambassadour there, whereby to divert them. Which was soon agreed upon by giving them certain monyes, and so the Articles were signed; amongst which this was one, that they should assist the King

with their shipping, if need were. This Grand Minister excercised with admirable Prudence the advice of an Ancient, who counselled him that had two enemies, that he should compound with one of them, the better to make war with t'other: He likewise employed the Bishop of Nismez, Monsieur de Thoyras his Brother, and Monsieur Desplan one of his best friends, to advance those succours with all dilli∣gence. He made divers promises of ten thousand Crowns to them who should convey victuals into Ree, in short from July to the end of August there was no∣thing to be seen but Couriers of all qualities poasting up and down the Country, and others to advance the succours which at last arrived as we shall hereafter de∣clare, and relieved Ree, to the shame of the English and the Kings immortal Glory.

Politique Observation.

PRudence is a Helmet which secureth a Kingdom from all sinister accidents which may betide it. It is the Eye of a Minister, of State which helpeth him to see all that is needful to be done, as his valour is the hand which serves him to put it in execution. Without it, he were more feeble then a Blind man; and might expect nothing but confusion from the resistances which he shall make against the ene∣mies of the State; whereas with Prudence every thing is possible. Antiquity hath said that a Wise man is Fortunes Master, and that there is not any thing in the power of that blind Goddess, but is subjected to the Laws of vertue; and which may not be diverted by the prudent Counsel of a Wise man. Plutarch on the life of Fabius saith, God only gives good successe to mens actions, according to their being messured by vertue and Prudence; and the Example of the Emperour An∣tonius the Debonnaire, may serve to Illustrate this truth; He had so many good suc∣cesses in all his undertakings, it is said he never repented of any his resolutions, and that he saw all his designs come to passe according as he contrived them; Now a certain Roman Senator taking the boldness, to aske him the reason of it, after he had testified how much he esteemed his conduct, and with what wonder he was possessed to see so happy an end crown all his endeavours; he was answered that he did as much as was possible, foresee all those accidents which might fall out and thereupon he prepared proper remedies for them: That he spared neither his care nor discretion, to bring his designs to passe, and that he committed the executing of them to person fit for it: This is the Rule of Prudence, and true it is that as the light of the Sun shews the way to any place where a man would go; so this vertue when possessed in any eminent degree, inlightens the Soul of a Minister with so much Splendor, that it gives him a means to obtain whatever he can propose to himself. It discovereth to him infallible wayes to arrive unto the ends of his under∣takings, guideth his motions, ordereth his Counsels, regulateth his affections, composeth his Actions, Governeth his wisdome, appointeth his orders, and dis∣covereth to him, whatever is able to stop the course of his designs: And as it teacheth never to attempt impossibilities so it is a most certain way to arrive unto whatever is within compasse of being brought to passe. And thus it may safely be said, that by Prudence it is, that God doth prepare the wayes of happiness and good successe for mankind.

Buckingham stormeth the Cittadel of St. Martin.

NO one but God alone moveth in an instant. The succours could not be put in∣to Ree on a sudden, and the English finding no body come to trouble them, in the fortifications upon the shore, resolved to besiege the Cittadel of St. Martin. The Duke of Buckingham, conceived such great hopes of making himself Master of the place, that he writ to his Master of Great Britain, that in eight days he would set up his Colours in it, and his Majesty published a Declaration inviting his subjects to go and inhabit the Island of Ree, promising them great priviledges and freedoms,

and that he would take care to hunt out all the French. That which made Buc∣kingham thus confident was, he found himself on the Island very strong, and knew there were but few French in the Cittadel, and his Engineers assured him of making such devices, that it should be impossible for his Majesty to relieve it. To which purpose, he made his approaches upon the Cittadel on the sixth day after his arrival, and on the seventh commanded six peece of Cannon to be planted upon the Port of St. Martin, who began to batter the place from day break with such effect, that beating all down where the Mills stood, they wantest but little of bearing them clear away; but the besieged laboured with that dexteriousnesse and diligence that they covered, and so saved them; and withall their Battery shot at that of the English, so luckily, that they soon dismounted all their Cannon. This discredit madded the English, who the next day raised another Battery to be revenged of it, and drew their Trenches about the Cittadel, that they might make their nea∣rer approach.

Now the Sieur de Thoyras not acquainted with letting his enemies make their avenues, without going out to meet them, fell upon them in their works; and the English were no sooner at their labour, but he sallied out upon them with great vi∣olence and courage. But above all, on the very first day he made use of one for to secure a Haven where such Barques as came to releeve him, might land in safety, and raised a work round about it upon the shore-side, which he kept as carefully as the Cittadel it self, and from thence it was that he received those succours which afterwards delivered him out of trouble. The enemies Trenches were not such, but that he had intelligence with those of the Island, especially the Catholiques, who were a good number, and such as might furnish him with many necessaries for the Cittadel; which the Duke of Buckingham perceiving, sent them all away in Boats, so that there was now no other hopes of relief but from the main land. The English in the mean time trifled out a moneth more, without doing any thing, but at last growing impatient; they resolved to assault a Half Moon, not quite fini••hed, and by favour of the night fell upon it; but being got on the top of the Wall, they were knocked off again by the Halberds, and so ill-handled, that after the losse of about one hundred and fifty men, they drew off again, whereas we had onely four souldiers hurt. This vexed them indeed, and made them resolve to try once more what good they could do upon the same Half Moon, but they were then also bea∣ten off with good successe. The Sieurs Montant, Praron, Montandre, Caisac, and Saint Previl received the assault with a great deal of courage; of the French party Beauli••u onely miscarried, and the greatest hurt which the English did, was this, they poysoned a certain Well near the Half Moon, that they might the more incom∣modate the besieged, who to say truth, did very much want water, and thereupon they resolved not to stir any more, but to force the place by Famine, and to put them to all imaginable inconveniences, which might compell them to sur∣render.

Politick Observation.

A Passe being once forced, it is discretion in him who is repelled to retreat un∣to some strong hold, especially if he be too weak to keep the Field. Pericles when he saw his Country assaulted by the Lacedemonians, did thus for though they burnt and pillaged the whole State, yet would be not stir out to fight them; choo∣sing rather with safety to preserve, then hazard those few Forces which he had. In the defence of a Place four things ought to bee observed, The Governour, the Souldiers, The Fortifications, and the Ammunitions. As for that which concerneth the Commander in Chief, he ought to be a person of an unquestionable fidelity, not to be corrupted by mony, one whose courage is invincible, and who knoweth not what fear is; His vigilance ought to be extream great, and uncapable of surprise, he ought to have a body enured to labour, and used to undergo the Inconvenien∣cies of a town and ill diet; to have a confidence in his Souldiers that he may lead

them on whether ever he pleaseth. The choise of Souldiers is no lesse observable, and it were a madnesse to make use of new raised Troops, unacquainted with trou∣ble or the business of war; None but old experienced Souldiers ought to be put in a place of concernment; For this reason was it that the Romans alwayes disposed such old Soldiers as could no longer keep the field, into Garrison: For all Fortifi∣cations how strong so ever, are to little purpose, if they be not animated by the courage and vallour of the Souldiers within them. Courage is a thing so potent, that by it we have seen many places defended against most great Armies; Fortifica∣tions however ought not to be neglected, but on the contrary, in case they be not regular and in good order, when a place is first besieged, then he who is overseer of them ought to work day and night with extraordinary care and dilligence until they be brought to a condition, of not fearing any assault. It is impossible whole to defend them from the violence of the Cannon, but the Governour ought alwayes to have in readiness good store of Baskets Faggots, sacks of wool, and Hogsheads filled with earth to make up any Breaches, which shall be made. Now as to that which relateth to Munitions of war and victuals. The care of them is not lesse con∣siderable, for that the Souldiers who are to defend a place must both eat and fight, and he who is Governour of them must make sure of such provisions, as may suffice to endure the siedg to the very utmost. No exact measure can be set down, but they ought to be proportioned to the places themselves, so that if the place be Te∣nable for a long siedg there ought then to be a greater quantity of provision made, and if it be lyable to a surprise by assault then the lesse will serve turn. If in case there should be any defect in making of necessary provision, he is then obliged to use his utmost care and endeavour for the bringing of it to the place, his ruine being unavoidable, if he want means to prevent it; and that he may secure away to re∣ceive such provisions he must as much as possibly he may make sure of the Avenues of the Port, if it be a Sea Town, and if it be an Inland place then those passes which lye next to it. Thus did Corbul••••, when he was besieged as Tacitus relateth it by King Tyridates, he contrived away to make sure of those passages by which he re∣ceived his Provisions and Recruits from the Pontique Sea and the City of Trabesond, by building a certain Fort upon an adjoyning Mountain, by which means he had all necessaries brought to him, so that his enemies attempts prooved all to no purpose.

Prosecution of the History.

THis procedure of the English brought the besieged in the Citadel of St. Martin to great necessity. When the siedge first began, they were furnished with store of victuals butter, and wine, but there were for many Gentlemen volunteers to be fed, so many footmen and Officers besides the R••giment and a grea•• many Catho∣lick inhabitants of the Hand that in a short time they were reduced to bread and water. Their greatest trouble was to be six weeks without hearing any thing from the Main Land; all the boats which had attempted to come to them, to assure them of a strong succour, had been stopt by the enemy, excepting one only which brought them some victuals upon the thirteenth day of ••ugust, so that they knew not what to hope for. That which most of all perplexed them was, that the En∣glish made several inventions, to stop up the mouth of the haven, and to prevent the means of their succours; they first of all built a certain Fort upon three or four great Ships fast tied together, upon which they planted eight or ten piece of Can∣non, to hit between wind and water any boats that should attempt to passe: they made a certain raing of Ships before the place, which shut up the passage: Withall they tied great Cabals from one vessel to another, upon which they hung certain barrels to keep them up above water, and hinder any relief. The Sea indeed and the winds laugh'd at their devises, overwhelming them in the water, so that the English were forced to unty their Cables, seeing in what danger their Ships were, when the wind began to rise and the Sea to be troubled; But however, they having

blocked up the passage, so that it was impossible for the besieged to send or receive any boats to or from the many Land, it the much troubled them, and diverse Sol∣diers of the Cittadel annoyed with hunger and other necessities found means to get out and surrender themselves to the enemy, discovering the straits to which the be∣sieged were reduced: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham, that he might make use of this advantage, writ to the Sieur de Thoyras, where after he had highly com∣mended his courage, he invited him to surrender himself and deliver up and place upon honourable conditions, that he might withdraw himself from that imminent peril to which he was like to be exposed, by the evil treatment, which if van∣quished, he would force upon himself. The Sieur de Thoyras endured this necessity with delight, because it was accompanied with glory, nor was he at all moved at the receipt of the Letter; but he returned answer to the Duke, that neither the despair of relief, nor the fear of being ill treated, though to the greatest extremity, should ever be able to make him quit his design of defending the place; That he confessed himself obliged to him for his civil proposal, but that he should think himself unworthy of any of his favours, should he omit any one point of his duty in this occasion, the successe of which could not but be very honourable unto him, However, that he might take off from the impatience of the English, he thought it proper, and that by the Councel of his friends to pretend a Treaty with them, which he continued with such addresse, that his enemies verily believed that his thoughts were enclined rather to surrender than to gain time in hopes of relief: The Duke of Buckingham supposing it impossible that they should be relieved, considering his engines, and the great number of his Ships, which lay in the Roade before the place, sought rather to face the besieged by famine than to run new hazards by assaulting them after his first ill successe. In the mean while as necessi∣ty doth quicken industry, so the Sieur de Thoyras found means to send three Sol∣diers to the Main Land by swimming, to give his Majesty notice of the condition in which he was, & to hasten away relief. One of them called Le Pierre passed the Sea, forcing its waves to yeild to his resolution. He came to the Army before Rochel and delivered the Letters which he had for the King, and others the Sieur de Thoy∣ras his friends. The Duke of Angoulesme dispatched that to his Majesty, then at Villeroy, and his cares for sending the relief were doubled; so that the Sieur de Thoyras his friends, knowing in what condition he was, and how important it was to the Kings honour to assist him, did use their utmost endeavours to heasten away his relief.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the greatest difficulties, to which a man can be brought in ordinary seiges is the inability of sending intelligence to them, from whom he doth expect relief; and one of them greatest cares of the who besiege a place, is to stop all wayes that nothing way passe in or out. Some have made use of the night for this purpose as the Goths did, when they would send news to Vitigez, being besieged in Ormuz, by Belligarius; they made a great noise at one of the Gates, pretending as if they would sally out upon their enemies, to the intent that Bellisarius might draw all his Forces theither and leave but a few at that quarter, by which they designed to send away their Messenger. A Stratagem indeed very advantagious, when mana∣ged with prudence. The same Goths, as Procopus reports, used another devise upon the same occasion to send news to Vitigez, which was, They corrupted some sentinels for mony, an invention easy to be practised in civil wars, where both par∣ties are acquainted with one another. But that which is the most certain way, which they who are besieged may make use of, to send a broad intelligence, ought to be guided by discretion, according as occasions present themselves, and exe∣cuted them with all possible addresse; for it is an art, not to be laid down by cer∣tain Rules, neither can it be learned by precepts; but natural industry infuseth it by diverse instincts, and experience teacheth it in war. I shall onely add that there

are sundry and divers means to be met with in History, which great Captains have used on this occasion. The Campany being besiged by the Romans, sent a man, who counterfeyted himself mad, with letters for the Carthaginians in his girdle, Hircius Consul, writ to Decius Brutus then besieged in Modena by Antonius, and sent his Letters made up in lead, fastned to the Arms of those who swam over the River. The same man did some times keep up Pidgeons in the dark without giving them to eat, and then finding them almost famished, carried them as near the place as possibly he could, then let them go; which flying to the houses with their letters about their necks, were either taken down or killed by Brutus. Justine reports that Harpagus, that he might conveigh Letters to Cyrus, put them up in the belly of an hare and sent them by a faithful Servant, who passed through King Arbactus guardes for an Huntsman.

Others have used as many different devised, as their wits and opportunities could attaine to. That which ought to be observed, is this, that such Letters ought not to be writ in Characters or such cyphers which are legible. We are not now in Caesars dayes; who designing to send Cicero word that he was at hand to relieve him, writ to him onely in Greek: At this time there are no cyphers, which are not easily found out. It were fit that they were like the Characters of Chinenses, which signifie things not Letters, who writing as many different Characters as there are things, it must needs be an hard matter to decypher them. These Cha∣racters, too for the greater security should be writ with the juyce of Limmons or Onyons between the Lines of Letters, in which there is nothing of concern, be∣cause that which is writ with this juyce cannot be read, but by water or fire. It were not amisse too, if he who is Governour, before the siedg, agree with him to whom he would send intelligences of the manner he would write to him, and there might be onely certain words in each line, which composed together should dis∣cover his thoughts, and yet taken with the rest, would be thought to treat of other businesse than that which is really intended.

The Ile of Ree relieved.

THE Relief of the Island was due to the Cardinal after his great or rather ex∣tream care. One of the chiefest means he used to effect it was this, He sent to Bayonne for 15 flat vessels, called Primaces, built both to sail and row and withal very fleet, and able to endure a storm, He judged by his prudence, that the En∣glish having none of this fashion, they might easily get to Ree in the night, with∣out being discovered. The order was dispatched to the Count de Grand-Mont with command to put them under the conduct of the Sieur de Chalar Captain of one of the Kings Ships, then in Spain, and in case he should not be come back, then to whom he thought fit. The Count provided the 15 Primaces with all haste, he armed then with Musquets and piks the best he could, in each of them he put 20 seamen, and took care if nothing was wanting. The Sieur de Chalar not being re∣turned, he committed the conduct of them to Captain Baslin, one of the most ex∣perienced and stoutest Sea Captain in those Parts. About the end of August, he came with his Primaces to the Sands of Olonne, where the Abbot of Marsillac re∣ceived him with great joy, and his vessels being well stored with victuals add am∣munition, he lent him six score men of the Regiment de Champany with some Vo∣luntiers, to put off upon the first occasion. Upon the fifth of September, he set sail in the head of his little Fleet about 6 of the clock at night. Soon after he knew that he was near the Enemies Fleet, he spead abroad his great sailes, and was pre∣sently discovered. But the Primaces going very swift could not be stopped by the English Vessels; they went without losse, onely some sails and one or two Masts were shattered, and one shot through with a bullet. Baslin having thus passed the Enemies, fell upon the Baracado which they had made, to hunder relief, which consisted of great Masts linked together with iron chains and tied with Cabels fast∣ned to great Anchors; however many of the Primances by reason, of their light∣ness

and swiftness passed over, the rest as it pleased God did light upon a certain place, where the foregoing night a tempest had broken part of their Baracado, through which they passed without difficulty; so that about two in the night they ran ashore near one of the Bastilions of the Cittadel, a place where the English could not hurt them. The relief was great both for their reputation and assistance; It came so opportunely, that it gave them new courage, who were till then hardly able to breath, and it may safely be said that this one action was the deciding of the controversie. The passage was afterward clear, The besieged perswaded them∣selves that they should now want nothing, and the English were so astonished at it, that they sent to his Majesties Hab••rin the Duke of Buckinghams Kinsman, to see if he would make any propositions of Peace; but he was sent back as he went, without speaking with the King, who could no more resolve to see him, than to suffer the English to go away without treating them as they deserved, that they might have no great will to come another time.

Diverse other vessels attempted to passe unto the Island, but being heavier than the Pinnaces, they were forced to go off, some one way and some another through the English Fleet. It was then resolved, that 10 other Pinnaces should be got from Bayonne, which the Count de Grant-Mont rigged out and sent under the Com∣mand of Captain Audoum, upon the 4 of October they came upon the Sands of Olonne, They were soon laded and accompanied with 25 other little Vessels, 300 Soldiers went abroad them and 60 choice Gentlemen. Upon the 6 of October they put off. The Sieur de Cusar, and Captain Audouin were Commanders of the Squadron. But the wind changing, as soon as ever they were at Sea, two dayes past before they came to Ree, and that by day too. The English Fleet soon dis∣covered them, and engaged them in a rough fight. Musquet and Canon shot were not spared, but their courage surmounting their danger, 29 of the Vessels got clear to the Cittadel, where they run ashore on Friday morning the 8 of October; five of their Vessels were forced to give back: One onely in which were the Sieurs de Beaulieu and R••zilly, was taken by the Enemy. The English were so incensed at it, that they made in 24 hours above 2000 great shot upon the Port St. Martin so that there were onely 5 Pinnaces and one Traversin in condition to sail; but the vessels were unladed, and the Gentlemen and Souldiers happily landed in the Cittadel.

Politique Observation.

THE Relieving of a place is of such importance, that without it no place is able to hold out, when the besiegers appear to be resolute before it. He who relieves them, is acknowledges for their deliver, and does considerable service to his Prince. Although Sea-Ports are more easily assisted than Inland Towns, espe∣cially with a strong Fleet, because it is hard, if the winds, which with their incon∣stancy have an absolute Empire over the Sea, should not at some one time or other present a favourable occasion to break through all the obstacles, which their ene∣mies Ships can make; yet it is not the same thing when there is a want of great Ships to fight with those of the Enemy. When it happens thus, Prudence joyned with Fortune must surpasse all those difficulties, which oppose the relief of the place. There must of necessity be an expectation till Fortune presents a favourable wind, without which, what were it but rashly to run into danger? But when the wind sits right, the opportunity ought not to be lost, and then a wise Pilot guided by his industry, may hope for a good successe from his enterprise.

The Chief points, which he ought to observe, are, to provide store of light vessels, which may passe the quicker. For besides that deligence, the Mother of good successe, it is particularly needful, when a strong Fleet is to be broke through; and it gives great advantages, in regard the Enemies great Ships cannot sail so nimbly. It is true the light ones may be stopped by the Enemies which are of the same bulk, but it is an hard matter, if carrying a great number for the suc∣cour,

some should not escape, especially, because the smaller vessels of the enemy are usually dispersed abroad upon the guard and cannot so quickly come into the fight; for that wind which is good to some, is contrary to others, and the succours having no great number of Ships for fight, one part advanceth through, whiles the others bears the brunt.

Besides, it were necessary to be very secret in providing the Convoy, and la∣ding the Barques; and if it be possible to prevent the Enemies knowledge of it, they will not be so strict in their watch, a dispersing their small vessels abroad. Withal an Enemy taken unprepared is not so terrible as when advised, and in rea∣dinesse. The night gives a great help, and ought chiefly be made choise of, as well for its darkness, which hinders their being discovered, as because then great Ships dare not be too bold lest they run on ground, so that the little ones are they which must pursue the fight. But above all the Command ought to be given to a couragious prudent Captain, followed by choise Soldiers, Victory being obtained more by vallour then multitude. Such men ought to be chosen, who neither fear Musquet nor Canon, but are resolved to run the hazard. Canons indeed are not much to be feared in the night, because they can hardly be levelled a right by rea∣son of the darkness, and the swiftness of the vessels motion.

Prosecution of the subject.

THe King unable to come to Rochel so suddenly, as his courage perswaded him, resolved to send thither Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his brother; those succours conducted by Andonin, were an effect of his care and vigilance to serve the King on this occasion; for having seen that the first Pinnaces guided by Baslin had happly arrived at the Island, he thought it would not be amisse to pro∣cure others to send a fresh supply, and therefore he dispatched away a Servant of his, one Sainct Florent to the Count de Grant-mont to entreat him to make ready ten others, and to send them by some Captain, of whom he had a particular know∣ledge: The Gentleman departing the 14 of September, arrived the 4 of October with them to the Sands of Olonne. To speak some thing of the power which Monsieur had before Rochel, it was an effect of the Kings Prudence and the Cardinals councel, who was not ignorant how that certain persons, whom he confided in, had craft enough to raise some discontent in him, if he had not been employed in the war; And the King thinking it necessary to send a Chieftain in his absence of such quality, whose presence might animate the Souldiers, and whose condition might oblige the Grandees to obey him without jealousie, chose Monsieur and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel, of his Forces in ••oicion, X••in onge, Angoumois and Aulnis. Monsieur shewed in several en∣counters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct, than those who had spent all their time in Arms: Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois, where they had much a do to bring him off. He was extream care∣full for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp, and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree, and to keep the Army in discipline. The King arrived at Rochel. and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses, sufficient to have obliged him, to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company, had not his confidence diverted him from it and per∣swaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris. They made him be∣lieve that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name, although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects. These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things. It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was, by thus employing Mon∣sieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King, to make a good understanding between them; a thing no whit desired by them, who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them, which would render them∣selves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull. This proce∣dure

is ordinary with them, who serve great Princes for their private Interests; they still fear, lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves, and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it. This was the true reason, which carried Monsieur back to Paris, his Highness having given more credit to their councels, which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion, which carried him on to the wars, when he might testify his cou∣rage to be no way inferiour to his birth.

Politique Observation.

IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood, especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown, that they live contented, but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous, when passing into Asia, he killed all his kindred, excepting one of his Bastard brothers, of whom he had no suspition: A Barbarousness onely received among Turks, where it passeth for a piece of Policy. I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus, who before they were beaten by the Portugals, took away the lives of most of their kindred. The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed, who shut them up in a place, from whence they never are permitted to come out, excepting onely him, who is to succeed in the Empire: Christianity hath Laws more moderate, and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny, but it well li∣keth those prudent counsels, which Kings take, so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles, and that they become not too powerfull in the State. It is wisedome to be kind unto them, to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve, to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices, which have more credit than power, not to give them the Authority of a great province, of any strong places, or the command of an Army, at least for no long time, without a faithful Livetenant, who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power. If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth, they become too potent and assume too great authority. The desire of Command, which their birth hath given them, doth blind their minds, when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands. Command saith Titus Livy, takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations, and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good.

Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger, of being killed by him. So Selimus being made partner of the Govern∣ment by his father Bajazet slew him, that he alone might have the sole command. And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain, not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his comm••••g to the Crown? Hardly an Age passeth, but some examples of this kind have ap∣peared, which have made it evident, that great power in the Princes Royal, is in∣compatible with the Publique Quiet, or the safety of a Soveraign.

The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree.

THE first succours, which had been sent to Ree, had been to little purpose, if the ••ing had not come in person, and sent over an Army to drive out the En∣glish; It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou, to the mercy of the Sea, to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land, to relieve a Fort half lost, and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army; seeing especially that in so doing, Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers. However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards; it was im∣possible to overcome them but in the Kings presence, at whose sight there is not any difficulty, which the courage of the French would not surmount. His Majesty

having recovered his health, forthwith resolved to depart from Paris. He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces, from whence he departed to which end, he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy, with Forces and power to oppose the English, if they should make any incursion there about. He sent other Com∣missions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first, toward Poictou. He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet, part of which was already drawn together. He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de M••xie from the King of Spain, of a Fleet to serve him against the English, but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand, than for any great help he expected from it. In fine, he gave power to the Queen Mother, to govern, during his absence, the Provinces in and about Paris; and then he set forwards toward Rochel, that he might be there with the first. The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged, as also the Army, which lay in expectation of him, before Rochel. They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies. His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they ex∣pected him, so he would not make any stay in his journey, onely at Saumer where is the Church De Nostre Dame des Ardelliers. The King knew that victory was the gift of Heaven, that it is rather Gods than the Souldiers hands which procure it, and that men do in vain attempt if not favoured by his providence. He com∣manded publique prayers to be made over all Franc••, for the imploring of Gods assistance. He rested one day at Saumer, where he fasted with such devotion and confidence, that every one hoped for an happy successe from his fervent prayers. Neither was it in vain, for shortly after Audouin got into the besiedged Cittadel, the newes whereof came to his Majesty then at Niort upon the 9 of October, from whence he forthwith departed toward Rochel.

Politique Observation.

AS God is the Authour, so his Providence is the Governour of Kingdomes. His wisdome is an all seeing eye, to look into whatever is necessary for them: and his hand is omnipotent to provide all waves for their glory. That Creature which is born in the Sea, finds his livelihood there. The Tree which grows on the earth, is nourished there. The Fruit which owes it's birth to the Tree, owes also it's maturity. The Sun compleateth the Gold which he formeth, and thus States established by God ought to expect all their happiness and good successes from his providence. That is it which infuseth into Kings the knowledge of what is proper to be done, both in Peace and War: It is he who holdeth the hearts of all subjects in his hands, who inspireth them with respects due to their Authority, and keepeth them in obedience. How easily can God humble at his own pleasure, the minds of Rebels, abate their Fury, pull down their courage and force them to live, within their limits! And is he not the God of Battailes too, who bestoweth victory where he pleaseth, defendeth Justice by the Arms of the Souldier, striketh terror amongst his Enemies; and many times gives greater successe, then reason and the means would admit to be hoped for? To him it is Kings ought to have recourse in matters of concernment. David never went to war, but he con∣sulted with God. Constantine the Great, in that war which he made with the Per∣sians, caused a little Oratory in form of a Church to be carried with him, that in it he might do his devotions, and every Legion had its Templum Mobile wherein the Priests and Deacons said Masse, to implore Gods assistance. By Prayers, is Peace continued, and Enemies by it are overthrown. Every Prince who is inga∣ged in any great enterprise, is bound to believe it, and to have recourse to God, by Prayers, by works of Piety and Religion, assuring themselves upon his promise, of giving them what ever they shall heartily request, because he is just, and will be near them, who shall call upon him; that he will fulfill their desires who fear him; Exalt the faithful, who hope in him; and keep those who love him.

Ree is relieved.

UPon the Kings arrival, all thoughts were bent to execute the resolution taken at Paris, to send a strong relief, into Ree, not only that the English might be forced from the siedge, but quite driven out of the Island; The Kings courage would have carried him to go fight his enemies in person at Sea, but the Cardinal and his Generals by their intreaties, foreseeing into how great danger he run, perswaded him to the contrary. His Majesty would not by any means give leave, that the Cardinal should go, but desired, he might stay behind, to take the Chief care of sending the relief upon him, it being easie to judg, that if his coun∣sels were so succesful in his absence, he might obtain by his presence what ever could be desired. Hereupon the Cardinal commanded, that some of the vessels designed for the business, should be made ready with whatever was necessary for the sick and the sound, with store of Munition, and the day following the Sieur de Beau∣mont commanded them to Fort Delapree, which place the English did not much se∣cure; for they had victuals sufficient for six months for one hundred men that kept it; the same day he likewise sent order to Oleron, for the conveighing part of the Regiment of Plessis-Prasilin, to begin certain Trenches, and to draw certain lines and redoubts about the port which might favour the comming of the great re∣lief; They all got safe in and lost not a man; this good successe put the rest of the Souldiers in heart who were to passe thither. Without loosing more time the Duke of Orleans was sent by the King to Plumb, that he might put aboard the Ships Le Sieur de Canaples, seven hundred men of the guard, the Regiment of Beaumout, some Voluntiers and good store of Munition, who though he were then only eighteen year old, yet disposed all things so prudently, as if experience had made him grow old in arms; After the five and twentith of October, the King who knew the names and persons of most of his old Souldiers, had filled up all the Troops, the Masters of the Camp, Captains, and all the rest, who were to go. His Majesty knew, that it is not the number which gets the victory but courage, and therefore he would not have one man amongst them of whom he had not some experience: These Forces commanded by the Sieur de Canoples, came all safe within two howers to the Fort De La Pree; The aire was of a light fire with the shot which were made at them, but not a Ship persued them, so they received no losse. St. Previll seeing them approach, went out to discover who they were, and told the Sieur de Canoples, that the enemy informed of their imbarking, were in ambush behind cer∣tain old houses with intention to fall upon them at their Landing; hereupon he commanded the Sieurs de Fourille, de Malicy, de Tilladat and de Porcheus present∣ly to Land their Souldiers, he shewed Serjant Major Brierees the several Posts where every one should be, and gave orders for the fight. The Duke of Bucking∣ham, who commanded in his own person hearing the noise of their landing, drew out his Forces into three divisions, and leading them towards the Port, they were not discovered until they came just upon the Kings Forces, and that only by the light of their Matches, so dark was the night. Tillades's Chief Serjant, who led on the forlorne hope first espying them gave them a salute which laid some of them on the ground, however the rest came on; The Sieur de Canoples seeing them not above fifty paces from Fourilles Squadron, resolved, after he had proposed it to the other Captains, to fall on them, which put an end to the business. Fourille went up and that so near them, that not a Musquet was shot off but at push a Pikes. The two Battalions of the French and English discharged at the same time, the fight grew hot, Both Commanders and Souldiers, were at emulation with one another to shew that, it was not without reason, the King had made choise of them, in this occasion. Their Courages saved them, for the Enemy was much more numerous then they were. Indeed the Sieur de Canoples good conduct did not a little further the business, for knowing the strength of the English, he had commanded the Cap∣tains to draw all their Souldiers, into the Counter Scarps of the Fort, but he had

not so ordered his businesse, had it not been in the night; for Buckingham seeing his first Battalia in disorder, and thinking he had onely met with the Forlorn Hope, commanded a retreat. He left six and thirty on the place, and of his Majesties par∣ty, there were onely six and twenty killed and wounded, amongst the rest, Mausan, Tourilles Lievetenant, was found dead of a Musket shot, and two cuts with a Halberd.

Politique Observation.

WHen there is a necessity at first dash to fight an enemy, it is more discre∣tion to fall on him, then to expect him; and especially being inferiour to him in force, for then pure valour must carry it. Souldiers are ever more coura∣gious in assaulting then receiving an enemy. An assault distracteth an enemy, ma∣keth in suspect some further stratagem, and puts him often into disorder. Julius Caesar made an experiment hereof, when passing the Hellespont in one onely Galli∣ot, he met Crassius, Captain of the contrary Faction, with ten Gallies. A cou∣rage lesse resolute then his would have endeavoured to save himself by the lightness of his vessel, but in stead of flying be put himself into a posture of defence, went directly up against Crassius, and so terrified him, that Crassius delivered up him∣self. When such encounters are foreseen, it is needful to be accompanied with choise resolute Souldiers, such as know not what fear is, for fear is repelled by any the least resistance. A timerous Souldier never yet did any thing worth notice, but to a resolute man, every thing makes way. It is said of Cajus Marius that in his youth, he was so hardy in all his enterprises, that nothing could resist him, but that in his age, his Vallour decreased, with the heat of his Bloud which lost him some part, of his reputation. Bertrand du Gueslin was both one of the most vali∣ant and Fortunate, of his times; But every one doth ascribe those great advan∣tages, which he obtained in Battails to that resolution of his, which would some∣times so transport him, that he would with a dozen Souldiers, fall into the midst of his Enemies, who unable to withstand the effects of so admirable a vallour, would presently be put to disorder. Robert de La March, hath afforded us one more notable example of the successe which attendeth on vallour: it was in the Battail of Navarre, where being touched with a fatherly affection, he rushed into the Battail of the Swisses then victorious, that he might save his Sons Florange and Jamets, who lay upon the ground much wounded: Which resolution of his was so succesful, that though seconded but by a few Horse yet it so terrified the Swizzers, that they could not prevent his bringing of them off in safety.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THe Duke of Buckingham finding it would be a difficult thing for him, in future to prevent the accesse of relief to the Island, as well because divers Vessels of his Fleet were lost, as also by reason of the small successe he had hitherto had, re∣solved to make his last attempt upon the Cittadel of St. Martin. He was not ig∣norant of those other and greater preparations which were in agitation upon the main land, to send a stronger supply then any yet; so that there was a necessity of taking the place, or hazarding a sharp conflict. The Sieur de Thoyras had divers conjectures of his design, and that he might put himself into a condition of defen∣ding himself he sent advice to the Fort de la Pree, desiring them to have their For∣ces in a readinesse, to assist him, when he should discharge three Canon shot, for a sign that the enemy began their assault. Presently hereupon, the Sieur de Ca∣naples called the Officers together, to consult of what was proper to be done, and it was unanimously concluded, that all their Forces should be put into Battalia by break of day: That they should march towards Abbay, and that upon hearing of the Signal, they should go directly to the enemy to divert them from the Assault. This Order was exercised accordingly, and they were no sooner drawn up toge∣ther,

but the Cannons gave them notice of the assault: the Sieur de Canaples went directly towards the Cittadel. It is reported, that there were between four and five thousand English at the assault: However, they made but two conside∣rable attempts, one upon the Bastion de Thoyras, which was not quite finished; they got up upon the Rampars, but were so ill treated by the Besieged, that they were forced to give back, and to make such hast down their Ladders, that some of them never touched but the last round. The t'other Attempt was at the Bastion Antioch, where the English had no better successe, for many of them were killed with Musket shot, Stones, and long Staffs which were in the Half Moon, so they fled and were pursued home to their Trenches. That which forced them most to fall back, was to see the Forces which were come out from Pree so neer them. The Duke of Buckingham gues••ing their design was to fall upon his Trenches, and to charge them in the Rear, drew off his forces, and set them in order to receive them: But the Kings forces finding the assault given over, and the enemy embattailed made an halt, the Sieur de Canaples being unwilling to undertake any thing but the defence of the Cittadel, until the great relief were arrived, that he might not ha∣zard his men to no purpose. The two Armies lay in view of each other, the rest of the day, without doing any thing, and night comming on, they of the Kings party, withdrew to Pree. In the mean while, the Sieur de Canaples unwilling as hath been said to attempt any thing, was inform'd how the besieged had taken all the Ladders of the English, fifty Prisoners, most of which were Captains and Offi∣cers, that they had killed between five and six hundred, without losing above eigh∣teen or twenty men, and some few wounded, amongst which were the Sieurs de Sardaignes and Gran Val, who being shot through the Bodies died in a few dayes after. This Victory did much rejoyce the Kings Army, and his Majesty himself too, who was diligently informed of it. The English doubting their Trenches would not secure them, forsook the one half of them, and shortly after resolved to go back for England.

Politique Observation.

TWo things are chiefly necessary for the repelling of an assault, men and fortifi∣cations. It cannot be denied but that fortifications are needfull; for it were a vanity to beleeve, that a few men blocked up in a place, should be able to resist a whole Army, if they be not defended with Bastions, half Moons, and other Forts raised up to a sufficient height to protect them, whence it follows, that his chief care who doth command a place when he fore-sees an assault, ought to be, to pro∣vide his fortifications, that they bee in a condition proper for it, and that hee have preparations in a readinesse to repair the breaches. He will find it too no small advantage against his enemies, since it is much easier to repulse an enemy, who attempts to enter a place by Scaling-Ladders, then if there were a Breach where many might come in a Breast, or his Fortifications should be in want of re∣pair. But whatever advantage it is to have good and strong Fortifications, yet the valour of the Souldiers, is that which is most of all considerable. What said Pompey? It is not Walls or Houses which makes Towns, but men, neither can they be defeated, be they what they will, without the help of men; we often see the very strongest places soon delivered up, when not defended by men of heart and courage. Azarius being besieged in Quiers, by Vastius, had indeed notable good Fortifications, and had also placed in the Breach, store of combustible matter, with Fire-works, but all would not hinder the Town from being taken, for that no one man appeared to withstand the Assault. Archimedes his Engines could not defend the losse of Syracusa: Engines and Fortifications are all in animate, and their Pow∣ers are limited to certain effects, in despight of all which, a Besieging Army, will soon take in any place, if there be not men of resolution and courage to resist their attempts. But that we may mention some order which History teacheth in endu∣ring a Siege, or sustaining an Assault, it ought to be known, That he who com∣mandeth

a place, must not then draw up his Souldiers, when the enemy appears at the Breach, or mount their Ladders; but he ought so to dispose them into every Quarter how strong soever it be, that no part be left without a sufficient number of men to guard it. Caesar when he committed this fault, by staying untill Pharnaces was at his Elbow, found himself much perplexed and troubled. Jugurtius as Sa∣lust reporteth it, having been defective in this one point, gave Marius opportuni∣ty to become Master of one of his strongest places. Thrasybulus took Sicyonian's Port, finding it dis-furnished of Souldiers, who were all gone to a certain Breach which he had made, and where he onely pretended he would assault them. Vege∣tius? adviseth, that the first assault be sustained by the most experienced and stoutest souldiers; because an enemy when he meets with resolute opposition, and finds himself ill handled, loseth his Courage, and few have any mind to march over their Companions dead bodies unto a second assault. But I shall refer the prosecution of this discourse to them who have written whole Tracts upon it.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE King having been informed of the good successe in the late encounter, dis∣patched in great hast the remayning four thousand five hundred foot and Horse, allotted out for the Relief with good store of Munitions. It cannot be ex∣pressed how careful his Majesty was for the shipping off of them, how dilligent in choosing the Officers and Souldiers one by one; animating by his presence those who carried the provisions into the Ships, and incouraging those who went aboard on this expedition; telling them, they might be confident of victory, seeing they fought for God's cause. The Marshal de Schomberg was appointed Marshal de Camp. The wind changing about just as they were put off to Sea, they were forced to give back again, some one way, some another; But the Marillac came at last to the point of Sablanceau without being hindred by the Enemy, and passed with∣out difficulty to the Fort De La Pree: and the next day the Marshal de Schomberg came with fifty Barques about three in the morn being the eight day of Novem∣ber. He Landed very fortunately being not discovered by the Enemy, and his Souldiers being all upon the shore, he forthwith ranged them into four Battali∣ons, and his Horse likewise into four Squadrons, which he extended into two wings, and in this order they marched up to the Fort. About day break they came up, where he found all the Forces which had formerly been sent thither draw into order, according as he had instructed Marillac. When he had been informed of what had passed, he sent out to discover the enemy, and put all things in order to fight. But first he would hear Masse, that he might implore Gods assistance, without which, there is no hopes of good success, as also he caused the general Prayers to be made, which are used in all Battailes.

Then he caused his Souldiers to eat, that they might be strong, at which time, he was informed that the enemy had drawn part of their Forces, out of their Trenches and made as if they would retreit, whereupon he concluded there was no more time to be lost. So he reviewed the Army, to see if every one were in readiness, and then marched upon the head of them, toward St. Martin. The Sieur de Thoyras came out to meet him, with as much joy as a person delivered from such eminent peril could expresse, for the Enemy had forsaken their Trenches and left him the liberty of comming forth. The Marshal having likewise intelligence, that the ene∣my had quited the Town of St. Martin, presently called a Counsel of war, to consider of what was fit to be done. The Sieur de Thoyras proposed to march up directly to them, being confident, that in the fear they were, it would be easie to cut them in pieces; The Sieur de Marillac, was of a contrary opinion, thinking that nothing ought to be hazarded, seeing the successe of Arms is uncertain, That his Majesties Army was not sure of a victorie against the Enemy, though they re∣treited, and concluded it improper to fight with them. But the business having been debated, it was resolved that a Medium should be taken, that without quitting

the Station they had taken, the Motion of the Enemy should be observed; and that in case they should passe unto the Ile d'Oye, (where it was not unknown that they had prepared a Passage for their re-imbarquing) then to follow them in order of Array, and charge them when they were half over, but without putting any thing in hazard.

This resolution accompanied with prudence, was excecuted with Courage, for the English advancing towards the place of their retreit; the Kings Army marcht up to them in Battalia, and being arrived to the Marsh, The Sieur de Thoyras could no longer suffer them to go away, without paying for the trouble, which they had put him to; but concluding that the Honour of France obliged him to have a par∣ting bout with them, and that it would be a wrong to the Kings Arms to let them go clear off when such an advantage was offered against them, went on, and the Command being given, the Horse had order to begin. Piedmont and Champain followed, and each of them observing their respective Commands, put the English to the Rout: Their Horse were all lost in the ma••n, their Cornet and 24. Colours, and four Cannon were taken The French did nothing but kill and slay, in so much that there lay above six hundred dead upon the place, besides what were drowned in the Sea. Divers of their Collonels, Gentlement of quality and above one hundred and fifty Officers of all sorts were killed, above three thousand Arms taken in the field, and above fifteen hundred Souldiers laden with their Spoyles. Thus the Marshal de Schomberg in the same day, landed, saw the siedge raised, and beat his Enemies. It is reported that the English had at their first setting foot on the Island at least seven thousand men, and that a recruit of three thousand came afterwards to them, but they carried off only eighteen hundred, the rest being either dead with sickness or killed, and of them too the greatest part dyed soon after their return to England, by reason of the discommodities they there suffered.

Politique Observation.

JOhn James Triuulae, Marshal of France saith it is a great imprudence to give Bat∣taile in a man's own Country, if not invited to it, by some great advantage or forced by necessity. He who adventureth to do it, runs no lesse hazard then the losse of his Kingdome: Darius saw himself despoyled of his Kingdome, by being guided by his Courage; and fighting a Pitch Battaile with Alexander. He might well have harraised him with his Horse on many occasions, as the Partheans did the Romans: whereas being eager to meet him in the field, and fearing least he would return into his own Country, and not be fought with, he made after him to give him Battaile. Alexander seeing him near at hand, assaulted him, and reduced him to that deplorable condition, as is not unknown by History to every one; Fa∣bius was wiser then so, he was contented, only to follow Hanibals Army, and to pull him down in divers conflicts, and by the great Inconveniences which an Army endureth, when it passeth through an enemies Country, destitute of Towns to re∣fresh them, and where they meet with resistances on every hand; By these delayes he discomfited Hanibal, without endangering his Souldiers lives, a thing very con∣siderable among the Romans, who thought it a greater Honour to wear the Civi∣que-Crown, bestowed on those who had saved any Citizens life, then that which is called Muralis, given to them who had first scaled the Walls of their Enemies: or the naval Crown granted to such as had done some notable exploit at Sea, hence Guiccardi•• tells us, there is no victory more beneficial or glorious, then that which is obtained without hazarding the bloud and lives of the Souldiers: when an Enemy hath entred upon a State, he is sufficiently beaten and overcome, with Glory and Honour, if he be only wearied out and tyred so that he have but little mind to return a second time. In fine, the Title of victory and the Honour of a Battail, doth not appertain to him who killeth most enemies or taketh most Priso∣ners; but to him who obtains the end of his design. Which made Don Alphonso King of Naples say; When he was provoked by Monsieur d' Anjou to give him

Battail; That it was the part of a Captain to overcome and not to fight. Philip de Valois fought a pitcht Battail with the English at Cressy, but he was overcome. King John confiding in his Forces, chose rather to give the same English Battail near Poictiers, then to vanquish them by famine, and those other Incommodities which an Army undergoeth in a strange Country, but he was taken and died a pri∣soner. Charles the fifth following the advice of Fabius, would never be drawn to hazard a Battail with them, but deprived them of all provisions, and by that means took all Guyenne over their heads, and made himself Master of most of the Duke of Bretaigns Chief Citties.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE English were hard put to it in the Marisb, so that divers of them were taken prisoners, and amongst others, my Lord Mountjoy the Earle of Hol∣lands, Brother, Gray Livetenant of the Artillery, The General of the Horse, thirty five Captains and Officers, twelve Gentlemen, and one hundred or sixscore Soul∣diers; but they served for an object of the Kings Bounty and Clemency, For hear∣ing many of them were strip'd, he caused them to be cloathed and shortly after causing the chief of them to be brought to him, he paid down their ransomes to those who had taken them, sent them on their words to the Queen of England, Commanding de Meau to present them to her with this assurance, that it was only for her sake he had given them their Freedoms, nothing could be more noble, and the Cardinal had no small share in it. But it was an usage much different from that of the English, towards the French, whom they had taken in divers encoun∣ters. For the English would not stick to deny them meat for money, some of whom assured his Majesty, that in case My Lord Mountjoy and some others had not been taken, themselves had been starved to death: He was by others informed that they had seen the English throw some Prisoners into the water, whom they so tyed that they could not save themselves by swimming. Indeed his Majesties Civil treatment of the English, engaged the King of England, to deal better with the French, for presently after they were more courteously entertained and so re∣turned into France.

Politick Observation.

IT is no little Glory to treat Prisoners of War with civility either by testifying a sence of compassion for the condition whereunto they are reduced, or by doing them all the good Offices they might expect. It as a mark of true generous∣ness in a Prince, and that which sets off his Glory and Clemency with Luster and Splendor, the two best flowers in his Crown. He ought to remember himself to be Gods Image here on Earth, and that as nothing is more essential to God then Bounty, so likewise his Glory can never appear more Illustrious them by confer∣ring favours on them, who are taken in fight by the Chance of War. It is repor∣ted that Cleomens being asked what a good King ought to do, answered, that he must do no good for his friends and all the mischief he could, to his Enemies: But Aristo answered him with much reason, that it was much more commendable to do good, not only to friends but even to Enemies; For by that means a King makes himself beloved by all the World. It is no small advantage to be esteemed merci∣ful to the conquered. Plato gives a good reason for it, for saith he, it doth encrease the Souldiers Courage, for admitting their Enemies should take them, yet they were obliged not to deal harshly with them. Besides Prisoners do become so sen∣cible of those kindneses which are heaped on them, that they often are the Instru∣ments of Peace Lewis the Eleventh found it so, when as he kindly entertained the S••ig••eor de Conty his Prisoner of War, who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne. A Prince is obliged to it, if it were only by the Compas∣sion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome. Haloyoneus

Son to Antigonus, having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus, Phyrrus his Son, in a sad deplorable condition, cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness, embraced him with all possible kindnesse, and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father, he did the like: But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do, in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders; And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance, and treated him with great kindness and humanity, he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire.

The Siege of Rochel.

AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English, he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel, that with their Wals he might destroy their pride. This town as others, was at first but little, yet the Port being commodious, it grew great by Commerce, and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there, that they would make those priviledges, which our Kings had from time to time granted them, passe for contracts, and to destablish a kind of Com∣monwealth in the State. They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies, but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it, a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions, both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents. Their Rebellion was become natural, and shortly after this, they auguented their Crimes, by calling in the English to protect their offences. Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose, would have been contented to be quiet, but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud, as also very poor, who having nothing wherein to employ themselves, proposed, that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town, concerning their priviledges. In order to this design, they made a Manifest, to spread abroad their complaints, as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party, which might induce them to take up Arms, and to shake of the yoak of obedience. This resolution of theirs took them off, from paying any respect to the King; They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests, sent by his Majesty to them, in quality of super intendent of Justice, with so much violence and outrage, that they threatned to throw him into the Sea.

They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power, They so∣lemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen, and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree. They sent Londriere with three hundred men to se∣cond the English, when they found themselves too weak in Ree.

They received Madam de Rohan the Mother, and the Sieur de Soubize; who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more. There was no rea∣son longer to suffer these things unpunished. The King about the beginning of August, when they declared themselves so openly for the English, made his ap∣proaches upon the Town, several companies of the Regiment of the guard, with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse, were sent before it. The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there, as well as in that of Fort Lewis. They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard, that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation; and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege, until the English were forced from Ree, they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily: But their words were not to be believed. All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King. His Majesty thereupon, after the defeat of the English, took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults, and to live within their bounds by a strong siege. The Order of the whole circumvallation was pre∣scribed by his Majesty; he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about, all out of musquet or fal∣con shot, but not of Cannon. The Kings design was by making these works, to

compel them by famine and necessity to surrender, neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies, upon hope of being easily relee∣ved by Sea; forsomuch as they were soon, finished by the care of the Cardinal, and the Marshals de Scomberg, and Bassompierre. His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse, would not imploy any other persons indifferently, as former∣ly had been done in Charles the ninth's time, and that so inconsiderately, that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town. This circumral∣lation thus finished, cut off all releef by Land, and it happened that having suppli∣ed the English with a good part of their provsions, they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender, had they not been assisted by Sea. But shortly after, they were so close blocked up there too, that they durst not shew their heads.

Politique Observation.

IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City, which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone, doth also call in strangers to up∣hold their Rebellion. After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose, then ought all forcible means be used, to bring then within their bounds. That King, who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself ex∣posed to scorn, both in his designs at home by his neighbours, and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him. His neigh∣bours, if they know his aversion to war, and how unwilling he is to appear in the field, will soon rush in upon him; and a party once accustomed to revolts, and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority, will soon shake off the yoak of obedience. He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war; He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occa∣sion. The expences, dangers, and cares ought not to be considered by him. It is equally dangerours for a Prince, to be more inclined either to war or peace. Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace, by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet.

Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness, and to much loving of mony, desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it, in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence; Thus he lost his Kingdome, and his treasures were ransacked before his face. Pipin had never been so bold, as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads, had Childerick loved arms, as well as himself, and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome. Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier, became Duke of Milan, and his Children who were Princes and Dukes, became private Gentlemen, for want of experience in the war, and because they would deceive others by their cheats, rather than render themselves famours by battles. Lesse than this cannot befall a King, who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished, especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party, or to countenance the attempts of stangers. He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves, and to take up arms with so much the more courage, for that Trasan saith, God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace, and those who are the disturbers of others by war; as hereto∣fore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages, in that of Charles Duke of Bour∣goign, I shall add, that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience, he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies. He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons, as the Macedonians had their Argyraspi••es. the Romans their Legions, the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes, and the Turks their Janisari••s By this means, a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny, but it will be assaulted, and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field, they will be soon cut in pieces.

Prosecution of the Historie.

IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land, had they not also been blocked up by Sea. The Cardinal acquainted the King with the ne∣cessity of it, and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution. The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it, because he had exa∣mined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe, and was more capable than any other to effect it. He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pomp••jus. Targon an Italian Ingineer, who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende, he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together, with Harping Irons and Cables, but the first shot forced them in sunder, and spoiled the work. He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating, and some fixed in the Sea. He contrived other engines which were Square, and of great pieces of timber, such as he called Bridges, for the planting of Cannon upon them, le∣velled just between wind and water. But all these inventions were more for shew than use, though very chargeable, so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage: and as there is no soul like his, so no invention could equal that, whic•• himself had pro∣jected. It was to raise a certain banck, thwart the Channel, leaving onely an en∣trance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea. This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles, which humane industry can raise against it. But as the starres obey great Souls, so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will. Two things induced him to judge, that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined. First, the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel, and the great multitude of labourers, which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work. It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad, where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random, so that the work could not be hindred. The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth, which quickly passing over, they left a stoping in the bottome, and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface, which should be raised to such an height, that the highest tyde could not reach it. It was built of dry stones laid upon one another, without other morter than what the Sea brought, and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot, there was an addition of great timber.

This grand Min••ster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank, did oftentimes go to see it, not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continu∣ally made: He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men, and he obliged them by the charms of his words, which carry men on to whatever he plea∣seth. It was so advanced in two moneths time, that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean, could now onely at se∣veral times passe four or five small Vessels over it. However, it was a vast work such as passed beleef, neither was it finished, till 7 or 8 moneths were ended. Be∣sides this, the passages in the middle, for the ebbing of the Sea, was to be stopped up, to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels. Three great Fences were found out, such as could not be bettered. The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels fil∣led with Stones and sunk to the bottome. The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables, which were guarded by a whole Regiment. The third was of great stakes, fastned in the bot∣tome of the Sea, made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelie••s. Thus was the Passage quite blocked up, and there was no other way for the Roche∣lo, to be relieved by Sea, unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet, which might break through all these obstacles.

Politique Observation.

IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided, & they who have forced them by famine, have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword, because they are lest subject to hazards, and their Souldiers lives not in danger. A thing very considerable. In long sieges the onely thing intended, is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates; the truth is, most commonly this is a work of time, and consequently of great expence; but on the other side, it saves a great many Souldiers lives, which is a recompence great enough. It was one of Caesars advices, in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword, as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines. The truth is, I imagine this to be the better and safer way, in regard necessity is such a thing, as nothing whatever can resist. Now as it is a way very advantagious, so is not lesse difficult, especially in Sea Towns, here∣tofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea, and weather, which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety, to prevent relief, as also by reason of its violence, which commonly laughs at all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven: Though this latter opinion, is at present but weak and frivolous, seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of ob∣stacles of this nature. Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre, stopped up the Channel by a Bank, took away all hopes of relief, and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy, after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honou∣rable terms. Caesar did the like before Duras; as also St. Lewis upon the R••••s be∣ing a Branch of the River Nile, the Prince of Parma at Antwerp, and Spinola at Ostend, all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged. But amongst all, none is like a Bank, because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins, of Masts, Cables, Timber, or the like. Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions, for that small Vessels may passe over them, as C••eus Duellius the Roman Consul did, who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa, caused all his men and lug∣gage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley, and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over, and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow, they rowed over the other half and so got clear away, the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia, when they found their enterprise was dis∣covered.

The Sieur de Macheville, is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Tre∣ves, to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire.

THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo, both in op∣position of the English Forces, and in the reducing of Rochel, did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes, who were Allies to the Crown of France. His great Soul (like universal causes) produced a tho••sand several effects, at the same time, nor could the m••nagement of any one important affair, divert him from being circumspect in several others. He advised his Maje∣sty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville, towards the Electors of Baviers and Tre∣ves for the negotiating divers affairs, particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire. His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans: That the Electors did much desire his Majest•• would invite the P••ince Palatine to retire himself into France; That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French In∣terests, and th••t divers P••inces of the Catholick League, did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace, or a Cessation of Arms in Germany.

Upon these four points it was, that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them. As to the first, he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours de∣sign. His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour, to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs. But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him, in his imaginary hopes of the Empire, by repre∣senting to him, as likewise unto the rest of the Electors, That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity, by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members, their union would bee the stronger, and their conditions the more secure. And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal, he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them, but not too openly; that the Emperour not being troubled by Age, or Sicknesse, it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time, seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more con∣siderable towards the Princes of Germany, and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship, it being so conducing to his design; whereas having attained his ends, and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them, neither for himself or his, it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice. This was he expresly charged not openly to declare, because the King thought it more pro∣per, to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes, the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire, or at least to defer his Election, rather then to discover himself. However he was commanded to advise them, in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him, that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair, in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them, that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire, which it would concern them to do before the Election, least he might be the more averse to peace, when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son.

As to the second particular, which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome, he was commanded to tell those Princes, that his Majesty, could not assent unto it, whatever proposals they made, of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges; His reasons were these, That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince, unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge; and likewise that there was no reason, why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge, not being necessitated thereunto; and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty, he was then com∣manded freely to reply unto them, that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension, and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him, and his whole family. Besides if the young Prince should come into France, his Majesty was in Honour bound, never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States, and that he could not give him a Retreat, without promising to protect him, which he knew would not sort with their Interests. That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so diffi∣cult, seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will. He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction; but the secret management of it, being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition, the knowledg of this hath not been disco∣vered unto any one but themselves. As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace, at least a Cessation of Arms, it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark, and the Princes of the Lower Saxony, which had but ill successe; so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually, not onely because his Ma∣jesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities, which had brought Ger∣many into so miserable a condition, but also for the Interests of this Crown, which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Au∣stria,

oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute, by weakning the Princes Electors, and ruining the Protestants. This was the more considerable, in regard his Majesty, was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms; he was likewise com∣manded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat toge∣ther, would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace; whereas if they should ma∣nage their affairs by their Doctors, who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria, there could be but slender hopes of a good successe. His In∣structions Charged him, to acquaint them, that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms, both with the Emperour, the King of Denmark, and them∣selves, and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it, provided that they would, ingage unto his Majesty, by Instruments drawn up in form, that they would, after the King of Denmark should assent unto it, procure the Emperour to do the like, and that themselves would do the same on their parts, and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet, where the Peace should be ratified as also a con∣firmation of their Alliance with France.

These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions; in which he bestirred himself with such diligence, that he prevailed upon the Princes Ele∣ctors (without discovering his Majesties Intentions) to defer the Election of the Roman King, That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Ele∣ctor to retier into France; That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests, by Chains of Gold, and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen. He himself came thither, and represented to them, those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany, in such effectual language, that they became more inclined to Peace, then formerly they had been. And the year fol∣lowing the Peace was accordingly concluded, which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent, had not France interposed in the business.

Politique Observation.

IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes, when the war is not favourable to them. It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory, seeing it is no small reputa∣tion to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns, for God himself, who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself, The God of Peace. But besides this consi∣deration, those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war, are mutually bound to assist him, in his occasions, he having preserved them from destruction, withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them, it being a means proper to preserve their Union, and an Act necessary for their conservation. The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities, do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them, and that after many frowns of war, their ruin cannot be avoided. When once they are reduced to extremity, it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace; for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way, to loose the ad∣vantages he hath gotten; and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms, it must be upon hard and shameful termes. It is easie to conceive, how dangerous it is, long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war, seeing that Prince: who once looses either part of his reputation or forces, doth for the most part undergo duly crosses, and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune. It was not without great reason, that Scipio said unto Antiochus, The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power, to a more indifferent degree, as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree, unto the lowest ebb of Fortune. Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio, the African before the last battail which he fought, in which he was overcome; and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it, when offered unto them, by the Romans, after

they had been often worsted by them. I might hereunto add, that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace, for this Allyes, doth not a little serve his own Interests, for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes, as in that of his own subjects. There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes, that no one of them can receive any considerable losse, but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest. The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Fron∣tiers to a Kingdome, and as an Enemy, having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters, hath a notable advantage against the Town, it self, so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined, but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions, and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him. It was for this cause that Thucydides said, he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes, is carelesse of his own safety, and I conceive, that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War, is equally bound to assist them, by mediating a Peace for them, least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire, is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it, least his own house come into the like danger.

The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent, the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary.

AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany, His Ma∣jesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes, as the Affairs of his own State, sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua. The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death, and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome, the suit which he made there, for disso∣lution of the marriage, which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo, who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her, yet was too old to bear Children. The King could have answered him by letters, but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests, who only hoped for his Majesties assistance, he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassa∣dor thither. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment, and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death, but of the Joy he had in this accident, to find the succession de∣volved upon him, whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities, and from whom he might receive the same respects, both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor. He had order to proffer unto him, his Friendships and Royal assistance, of his Credit, Name, and Authority, assuring him that he should find the effects of it, not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there, but also, in all other things, when-ever occassion should be: next of all he was to inform him, of the design which the Spaniards had, to marry him, after dissolution of his late contract, to one of the Emperours Daugh∣ters, and then dexterously to observe to him, that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat, being very considerable in Italy, for their scituations and fertility, as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended, were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan, that they might take some advan∣tage over them, and that he not being able to defend himself against them, but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France, and the Princes of Ita∣ly, was obliged so to carry himself, as neither of them might be jealous of him: Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things, would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends, by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him; but in case he should so change, that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him, he would find himself reduced, to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards, who would expose him to the scorn of others, and cause him to loose his reputa∣tion

of friendship and fidelity: that all things considered he could not do better, then to remain Neuter, to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France, Austria, and the Princes of Italy, without doing any thing which might incense ei∣ther one or t'other; but perceiving an intire affection for France, as for him who desired his good, prosperity, and settlement, and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least. But above all, the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent, with the Duke de Rethelois, and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Fa∣ther. However he himself was inclined to marry her, could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome. He had instructions likewise to tell him, how much his so doing would settle his affairs, and authority, against his neighbours designs, who peradventure if his succession were not declared, would be the bolder to attempt upon him, and not unlikely on his person too. These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission, upon his comming to Mantua; he was resolved with all kind of honour, usually shewed to an extraordinary Am∣bassadour of France. After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions, the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him; telling him withall, that he received it with the greater respect; in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation. He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage, that he might afterwards wed, not one of the Emperours daughters as was suppo∣sed, but the Princesse Maria his Neece, whom he passionately loved, and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him. As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois, he ever spoke of him with great res∣pect, as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed, and whom he looked on as his suc∣cessor, in case he died without issue. The Marquess de Saint Chaumont, thought it improper to propose to him, when he found him so inclined, the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois, it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself: But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio, chief Minister of Mantoua, he discovered it to him, and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it, in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained, as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life, giving him withal to observe that this once done, the house of Austria, and Duke of Sax∣ony must of necessity cease their pretensions, which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many, any longer to be permitted. He pressed him too the more earnestly, in regard, the Marquesse de Strigio told him, how that the Physi∣tians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist, his body being sickly. The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular, and faith∣fully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉〈◊〉. As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns, the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French, that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him; and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand; and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him. The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair, took his leave of the Duke, to return to his Majesty, and to give him an accompt of what he had done.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome. He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members, which ought to provide for their conserva∣tion, Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection ei∣ther

by fair means or foul. This made Theopompus, answer one who demanded of him, how a King might raign in safety. That he ought to fear nothing, but per∣mit all reasonable things to his friends, and be carefull of his own Subjects, that they received no injury from any one. Divers Princes have been ruined by their tolera∣tion of injuries against those who have depended on them. We have a remarkable example hereof, in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias, for having been deaf in his behalf, in not defending a wrong which had been done un∣to him. Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings, then the observation of this thing. It is an action resembling the divinity, to protect the weak against the mighty, and to defend them from oppression. Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes, but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and protect the execution of Justice: Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves, in abating the insolent and am∣bitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights, and become ter∣rible to their neighbours by their too great power. If this rule be worth conside∣ration in general, it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy, where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria. They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany, and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power. then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy, by finding out some means to set foot in their Country, be it either by gaining some of their States, as divers of our late Kings have attempted, or by establishing such French in them, as want not pretences to them, and which might be able to let in the Arms of France, when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them, and there is no doubt, but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country, opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear. To speak the truth, it is an action which doth beget, both glory and af∣fection in those who shall succeed; the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts, and render them venerable amongst all stran∣gers.

The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois, with the Princess Maria, the Inheritrix of Mantua.

UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont; that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life, he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match, be∣tween the Prince de Rethelois, and the Princesse Maria, as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat, after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers. The Cardinal by his Councels, second∣ed his Majesties judgement, and that with the more eagernesse, in regard the Duke of Savoy, and Governour of Milan, did both begin to declare their pretences. This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy. The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars, in which he was to bestir himself: The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua; to which end, he was to passe by Turin, to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation, and then to propose them to the Duke of Man∣tua, to see if any conclusion could be had; withal, to let them both know, that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States; in regard their enemies by their divisions, would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them: The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua, for the concluding of the Match between his Neece, and the Prince de Rethelois, and that he might be declared successor to his States, after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers. At that present it was the easier to be effected, in regard the

Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first mar∣riage. He was also commanded to shew unto him, that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers, and Rethelois whom he loved, by assuring them of the succession, so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State, for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him. He was farther Commanded, That if Duke Vincent should chance to die, whilst he was near him, then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasi∣on, to preserve the liberties of their Country, to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers, as their Lawful Prince, and to de∣clare him for successour to Duke Vincent, according to the usual Forms of those Countries; and lastly to assure them, that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them, that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties. These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission.

In order to them, he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agree∣ment with Mounsieur de Mantua. He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards, for the deviding of Montferrat, But the Duke seemed to be angry at it, and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them. Yet he did not disown his appre∣hensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness, to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat, adding withal, that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest, if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards, and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards, yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done, seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel; But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement, proposed to him, to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself, as to that which was in dispute between them, in Montferrat: all the answer he could get was this, he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent, for his pretentions there, and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of executi∣on of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son: By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him; and the Marquis finding after divers other confe∣rences had with him, that there was no good to be done, made no longer stay there, but went to Mantua, he came thither so opportunely, as if Fortune had lead him by the hand, for within five dayes after his arrival there, the Duke dyed. He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke, with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired, That he had stirred him up, on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State, to declare by his Letters Patents, the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour, in all his States, and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General, ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease, and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers. There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage, but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holy∣ness; When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither. It was not as yet arrived, but hourly expected, and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death, yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs, told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria, that they must forthwith marry, or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua. It was a bu∣siness of so great importance, that it would admit of no longer consultation, so that it was concluded, and married they were about nine in the night, on Christmasse Eve; the marriage was consummated, and not long after the news of Duke Vin∣cents death was brought unto them. This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers. Who without it, might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua. At that present he was in France, but hearing of it, he

took post and about the end of January came to Mantua, where finding all things according to his own desire, he took proffession of the State, and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France. He passed by Thurin, and used new endea∣vours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation, but it would not be: yet he served the King in this occasion, by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine, from the Duke of Savoy's Army, who had ingaged themselves with him, not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of, was much offended, and told him, it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin.

Politique Observation.

THat Prudence, which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs, doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected, without the assurance of an Hair to succeed. Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular, who governing an Empire not Hereditary, would however, joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred, in the conduct of affairs, to the end that ingratiating himself with the Sena∣tors, Souldiers and people, he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity. For this reason it was, according as Tacitus hath well observed, that he finding himself destitute of Sons, and that Fortune had taken from him, first Marcus Agrippa, and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews, advanced Tiberus, who though he had a Son then grown up, he caused to adopt Germanicus, to the suc∣cession of the Empie, and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports. By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique, and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns.

Adrian in the like manner, seeing he had not any Sons, which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other, who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person, adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner, he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours, as Dion hath observed in his life; and all this was, with intent, that they who were to succeed in the Empire, might be alwayes ready to receive it, and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves.

To how many misfortunes have they, who have been defective in this Care, ex∣posed their Countries? Jane the second, Queen of Napels dying, without nomi∣nating her successour, d' An••ou, whom she had once named, being deceased before her, left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War, and him whom she least of all desired, to inherit after her. It is very rarely seen, that a Kingdome changeth its Family, without great wars, and that Prince, whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person; whence it follows, that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes, ought betimes to appoint his successour, to keep him near to him, with Honour, to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity, for that were to cure one evil by a greater, seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes, might perchance ingage him in some ill design, to be master of it, before his time.

Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc, and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois.

THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance; and long before their landing in Ree, he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Langue∣doc,

that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns, and engage considerable persons in his private interests. Presently after their landing, he openly declared himself, strengthned his party with Men, perswaded some places to rise, and sollicited others to do the like. He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils. That he m••••ht the better strik these Panick fears into them, he sent them a Manifest, filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year; But may it not be said, that he imitated those Pirates, who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea, set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them? For thus did he lay before the sight of them, who were sufficiently enclined to ••action, diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion; by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes, which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground. Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs, he ••ound means to make an assembly in the Vi••e d'Ʋsez, where diverse of their Deputies met together, and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage, he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to. They approved of those succours, which he had negotiated in England, as just and necessary, they commended his prudence and zeal; and gave him a thousand thanks for it: But this was not all; They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty, without the King of Englands consent, and his own in particular. Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyenn••; withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them, for the good of the cause: They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls, the Governours of Towns, Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with them. An union very strange, which divided the members from the head, and so separated subjects from their Prince. After the Duke of Rohan had used all his devises, and seen the En∣glish Land at Ree, he took up arms and appeared in the field. He summoned the Duke of Savoy to send those Forces, which he had promised, but he could not ob∣tain them, because the Spaniards, who never wanted a good will to fall upon him, had at that time an Army in Milan, as we shall here after declare, which made him jealous: besides desiring to attend the English successe, he saw them ruined in their designs at Ree; All that he could draw from him, was a promise of fifty thousand Crowns. Those Towns; which delivered up to him, were Nismes, Ʋsez, St. Ambrose, Alets, Anduse, Le Vignan, St. Hippolite, St. J••an de Granda∣m••nque, Samens, La Salle, and other smaler places; and joyning the devises of his prudence with those Forces, which they had drawn together, he took during his year Realmont, Renel, Naves, Mazeres, Pamiers, Castres, Soyon, and other Towns upon the Rhofere and in Vivarez, and more he had done, had not the Car∣dinal by his care under the Kings authority prevented him. It cannot be imagined with how much care and trouble, he kept those together, who were engaged in his party; how low he was fain to stoop to work upon the meaner sort of people; how many impertinencies he was forced to bear; how many inconsiderate discourses he was necessitated to hear, and yet seem not to understand them, and to how much constraint he was compelled to subject himself. He hath since protested to diverse of his friends, ingeniously confessing to them, that there is no care like that of re∣tayning a mutinous people in that order, which is necessary for him to make them follow, who would raise any advantage to himself by their revolt.

Politick Observation.

HE who makes himself head of a Rebellious party, ingaged himself into an Action full of hazzard, and from which he cannot expect either good suc∣cesse

or honour. Whatever advantages or victories he get, yet he is still branded with the Title of Rebellious. But though we wave this last consideration, and I am of opinion, that every one will conclude with me, no man would imbarque himself, into such dangers, did he forsee what cares vexations, and troubles, he un∣dertaketh. If there be any person of quality of his party, he must court him with all kind of respects, for in Revolts, every one would be Master & Command. They who are of an inferior condition do often carry themselves to extremities, as thinking themselves the most necessary, in the vanities of their Inconstancies. He may be assured, that as they are tyed to him, only by Interest, so they will forsake him, when they once perceive it best to adhear unto their Kings mercy. It is indeed a difficulty to believe, how low he must stoop, and what mean Acts he must do to keep them together. Rebellions withal, being for the most part amongst the vulgar sort of people, it is impossible to imagine how many dangers and hazards he will be forced to run with them. He who in war depends on the Common people, builds upon sand. They are hardly eight dayes together in the same opinion. Their fury is like that of Sea, they are only guided by the Inconstancy of the winds. The least disaster is enough to turn them quit about; and they are so fickle, that they presently slight him, whose Fortune is but a little averse: They ascribe all their good successe to themselves, and their bad to their General. They are ever suspi∣tious of those who love them, and when ever the disorders which are inseperable from war, chance to trample on them, they can as soon fall back, as they came on; The least injurie which they apprehend though really it be not any, is enough to lead them to other resolutions. Neither will they in their Passion stick to sacrifice him to their rage, whom not long before they had chosen to govern and direct them. The History of Flanders hath an example of this very kind, in the person of James d' Arteville every one knows the power he had in Gant, and how well the people there loved him, yet for all that, a little jealousie which they apprehended of his fidelity, precipitated them to kill him, neither would they hear his reasons to satisfie them, of the contrarie. The Admiral de Chastillon, one of the bravest men of his Age after he had experimented the misfortunes of this quality, was glad and thought himself happy, in that he could withdraw himself; he had much ra∣ther expose himself to all the hazards of Fortune, then put himself upon the mercy of an unbridled people, who like a Proteus, change every moment, and who speak bigg words, when they are far enough out of danger; but sneak in their Hornes, when they find their Master once comming near them, with his Sword in his hand.

The Deputation of the Sieur Galland, Privie Counsellor to his Majesty towards these Hugonot Towns which the Duke of Rohan had attempted to revolt, that he might confirm them in their obedience.

THe Cardinal, whose Vigilance was such, that nothing passed in the King∣dome, which he was not acquainted with, having discovered these designs of Monsieur de Rohan, represented to his Majesty how necessary it would be to take some good Course to prevent his future attempts, either by opposing his progress with Forces, or by confirming those Towns in their obedience, which he had solli∣cited to revolt. As to the first, It was needful to form the body of an Army, which should be in those parts; and for the second, it was requisity to dispatch thither some person of ability and credit with those of the Hogonot party. The King soon apprehended how expedient this advise was, so he made choise of the Sieur Galland, one of his Counsellours of State who was qualified for that employment, besides he was one of their own Religion, which gave his Majesty reason to hope, they would be directed by him. His Commission was dispatched, with all necessary Instructi∣ons, for his Journy into Languedoc, Foix, Lauvaguez, Vivarets & de levennes, that he might hinder the Duke of Rohans contrivances of raising the Hugonot Towns up

in Arms; This was a great Honour, unto this old Servant of the King, having re∣ceived his Commission, he presently set forward, and went directly unto Montau∣ban, the Chief Town of their party, next unto Rochel and by which most of the other Towns would be guided. Upon his first arrival, he called the Inhabitants to∣gether; he acquainted them with his Majesty pleasure; gave them his letter of Credence, writ by his Majesty unto them, and began to confirm them in their obe∣dience. He layed before them in a speech, (wherein he ommitted not the least par∣ticle, that might move, and perswade them to what he desired) the duty of sub∣jects towards their Prince; The miseries and Calamities, which they had suffered, whilst they fell off from their obedience; he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them, if they should suffer themselves to be led away, by some who endeavoured it; he informed them, of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises, or the assistance of the English Fleet, which could not hinder the relieving of the Ile of Ree; his words thus animated, what with his address, and the confidence which they bad in him, so wrought on them, that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him, in which they protested to live and dye, in that Loyalty, which they owed unto his Majesty. This was as much as could be wished; for all the other Towns great and small, un∣ingaged in the Rebellion, did the like, and his Prudence was so succesful, that the Towns of Briateste, Castres, Pamiers, Puyl••urens, Mazares, Sainct Amand, Cabarede, Maz••res, Masdazil, ••alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals. But the misfortune was, that having left divers mu∣tinous and factious Spirit, of ••onsieur de Rohans Party in Castres, Pamiers and some others of those Towns, before named, they did not remain firm to the Re∣solutions he had insinuated to them, by which means the Duke of Rohan, soon after became Master of them.

Politique Observation.

IN Publique exhortations, Prudence is many times as effectual, as Force. But for the safty of Towns, the Inhabitants ought to be prevented, their Arms taken away, and the most Factious amongst them, turned out from them. To prevent them, is of great consequence they being like the Camileon, which taketh any colour, that is laid before it. Sometimes a very little matter will settle them, if applied in time, and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds. One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them; by acquainting them with their own weaknesses, and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace. A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests, the Rule by which they Judg of all things. For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them, and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble. To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness; seeing they never hold long in the same humour; the least shew of liberty charmeth them: They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs: Lovers of Novel∣ties; moved with any winds nay those of their own raising: They do more affectio∣nately embrance those things which are prohibited, then those which are permitted them: Great friends they are to innovations: Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink, not to be seperated from them: insomuch that to leave them armed, when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand. The ap∣prehending and securing of seditious persons, is the next thing considerable, which ought especially to be done. A discreet Phisician, doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body, which serve to nourish his Fever: and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe, in a place where Rebellion is like to break out, is to withdraw all such discontented, mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt.

That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commenda∣ble

Pitty. If they should complain of their condition, it is much better, to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place, where they cannot do any hurt, then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt.

The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means, maketh use of force.

THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan, was very advantagious, but it did not totally to the businesse. The King fin∣ding it, commanded an Army to be raised, and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde, sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces, in Languedoc, Dauphine, Guienne, and Lyonnois. He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there, expedited certain Regiments thither; but finding there would be need of a greater power, to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle; he dispatch∣ed this Commission to the Prince of Conde, with order to raise new Levies, and to take the Field with the first. He presently hereupon came to Lyon, but upon bet∣ter consideration, it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts, because there were several places to be looked after, and far distant from one another, so the Prince of Conde had the better half, the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care, then Governour of Languedoc. Monsieur the Prince, mar∣ched out of Lyon about the beginning of December, ••••••nded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny, Marshals of the Camp, the M••••quesse de Nangis, Comte de Tournon, Comte de Charlus, Vicomte de l' Estrange, Montreal, and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers. He had two Troops of Carabins, and near about two thousand foot, with these he lay before Soyon, a strong place upon the Rhone, which did very much trouble the passage of the River; he assaulted it, and in two dayes forced them to deliver.

There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin, which did much infest those parts, the Prince surrounded it, took it by storm, and put all the Soul∣diers in it to the Sword. From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there; and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy, he commanded them to march against some certain places, which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to de∣fend; but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers, apprehended on sight of the Army, made them open their gates so they entred without resistance. At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, to go and besiege Corconne, and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas, both of them behaved themselves with courage in it, and performed his commands, the for∣mer taking Corconne a place strong of scituation, being the Key to Seveunes, and the second making himself Master of Aubenas, by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it. In the mean while, the Duke de Rohan, was in the Comte de Foix, whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him, as well to fight him, as to oppose his designs. They followed him some dayes, without doing any thing worth notice: But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage, came up so near him near Castel Naudau, that he could not avoid the fight. Orders were ac∣cordingly, and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left, by the Sieur de Arpa∣geon, seconded by the Company of the Baron de Lignieres, & Monsieurs de Van∣tadours Guards, and on the right by the Comte de Bioule, and the Sieur de Enox who led on Monsieur de Montmorency's Company, and the Sieur de la Croix who com∣manded his Guards, seconded by the Comte de Bioules Regiment, he was at last con∣strained to give ground, yet he maintained the fight above two hours, and saw about one hundred & six score Souldiers, fifteen men of his guard, and seven or eight Cap∣tains of his Troops killed, and divers others wounded: And in conclusion, he found to the mis-fortune of his Rebellion this other added, of being beaten in the

Field, and saw at the years end, that he had very little, or not at all, advanced his design.

Politique Observation.

TRue Religion giveth a very great advantage to them, who fight for the defence of it. He hath Justice for his second, which is the Bulwark of strong place, the Rampard of Towns, the upholder of Crowns, the Pillar of Authority and the Chain of obedience; an Engine it is, much stronger then any of Archimedes seeing it brings down God himself upon Earth to assist it. The Divine Providence, or∣dained that the first Assises of Justice, should be kept under Palms, to teach them, who make any enterprises, as Philo observeth, That Justice is the most assured pledge of victory. What can that Prince fear then, who fighteth to uphold it, see∣ing God fighteth for him? No power can resist that of God, who hath alwayes, overthrown the designs of them, that rise up against him unlesse when he hath de∣signed a people to be the Instruments of his Justice for punishing the wicked.

In the old Testament he causeth himself to be called the God of Battails, and the Lord of Hosts, to teach the people, that he is Master of them; and that he it is who turneth the victory where he pleaseth. What did ever the greatest Souldiers bring to passe, who have risen up against him? They have only felt his power, and seen their own weakness: And every one may observe in History that their Counsels have not only been vain and ridiculous, but have likewise precipitated them into great ruins: They are like Icarus, who designing to counterfeit wings, by joyning certain Fethers together with wax, melted them at the Sun Beams; just thus their rising up and soaring a lost, only serveth to make their ••••ls the greater, and their ruins the more certain.

And who knoweth not that the cause of true Religion maketh Souldiers coura∣gious? Hence it happens that valour being the ground-work of victorie, is in this particular infallible. Machiavel in his discourses upon T. Livy sheweth us, That Religion is a wonderfull Foundation and Instrument of great Actions▪ That the Romans made use of it to govern their City, in the carrying on of their designs an•• in pacifing all tumults and seditions which did at any time happen in their Commonwealth. Now if the false Imagination of a false deity, which this peo∣ple did believe were the punishers of Crimes and Rewarders of good Actions, by a quiet repose in the Elysian fields, could make such great impressions, upon their courages, what may not the true Religion cause us to hope for, which promiseth unto us the infinite rewards of Heaven, when the belief of it is truely imprinted in the Soul? The Souldier who fighteth for Religion, obeyeth his Prince, as the Image of the God head; he will never spare this life, which passeth away, in con∣fidence of another which shall be eternal. If the Champions who heretofore fought in the Olympique Games, were delighted to see their skins flayed off, their bloud run down, and their bones broken before a Laurel Crown, the reward of their pains, what would they not have done, into with dangers would they not have cheerfully run, had they but apprehended with the Eyes of faith, the Saviour of the World, at the end of the course, the Gate of Heaven open, and a Crown which shall never fade, as a reward of their Loyalty and Vallour? We have at all times seen, that those Emperours who have been most Pious, have had the greatest victories. Constantine became great by his embracing of the Christian Religion: It served Pepin for a Stair-case to lead him up to the Throan. It bestowed the Empire on Charlemaine; and the Turkish Nation which seemeth to have been born for Armes feareth nothing so much as Christians Ensigns.

Anno 1628.

The Rochelois send to the King of England to de∣mand Succour.

THE Heathenish Antiquities relate, That Pandora, going to meet the Rebel Epimetheus in behalf of the God's, carried him a Box filled with all sorts of Evils, amongst which he had only hope left him. It is a Fiction, yet may it be aptly applyed to the Dutchesse of Rohan the Mother, who being come to Rochel, to encourage the Rebellion, brought all sorts of misfortune with her, inso∣much that there was not any kind of misery, which the inhabitants did not under∣go, and without any other hopes but only of relief from the English, which they retained to the very last. In order to which hope, they finding his Majesties re∣solved to force them to live in the rules of obedience, had sent their Deputies to England, with full and ample Power, to treat with his Majesty of Great Brittain, To beseech him to take them into his protection, and that he would assist them, with a second Army which might force the King of France, to raise the siedge. Their Deputies were received, with great kindness; The King of Buckingham be∣ing much exasperated against France, for the late repulse given to the English at Ree. They had audience granted, and after examination of their Proposals, The King made a Treaty with them, by which he obliged himself to assist them with such a number of Souldiers as should be sufficient for their defence; To send them all sorts of Provision; and to permit a Collection to be made in his Countries for their present relief. The Deputies obliged themself in the name of the Rochelois to give an happy successe to the English Army, promising they would rigg out the greatest number of Ships they could possibly procure, that they would provide Pilats and places for Magazins for all sorts of provision in the Town; that if occa∣sion were their Port should be a place of retreat for their Fleet; that they would not hearken to any accomodation with the King their Lord and Master, but by and with consent of the King of great Brittain, and also that before France should at∣tempt any thing against England, they should declare themselves for the English, and should divert to the utmost of the power, all designs tending to their preju∣dice. The King of Great Brittain was not absolute enough to conclude upon great enterprises, his power somewhat depending on the Parliament, so he was forced to call one to authorize this, and to consent to such levies of mony as would be need∣full for this business; The anger which every one there bore against France, and the desire of revenging the affront which they had so lately received, perswaded them to a general consent. They wanted onely the third Vote, upon which the Levy depended, where upon they refused to contribute any money, colouring their denial by diverse complaints, which they made against the Duke of Buckingham, and most part of the Chief Ministers in England, which made a great noise in the Parliament, and so incensed the King, that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests, he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints, and give them answer accordingly; However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois, and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law. This was all the Rochelois could hope for, yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience, They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King; they carried them∣selves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined; they trod under foot the Kings Authority, and chose him for their Protector, who was Declared Emeny of his Crown.

Politique Observation.

ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become, disloyal to their Prince, or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country; yet it is a thing easily resolved on, when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend, and which have engaged them in their re∣volts. In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim, That granting one absurdity, a thousand others will follow by consequence; It is no lesse certain among Polititians, that a people carried into one fault, which is the taking up Arms against their Prince, will be exposed to great extremities, and every day augment the number of their Crimes. Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters, in despe∣rate affairs from strangers, and such means as are without all apparence of reason, probable wayes, or ordinary instruments: They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities; and new thoughts, if they find their for∣mer resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected. They easily follow those, who put them in hopes of liberty; If any seditious person in credit with them, do but tickle them in the eare, with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince, nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt, nay to throw themselves, into the Armes of their very worst enemy, never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease. Being once revolted they never return to their duties, but by force of Armes, and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved, inviteth them rather to run, and hazard, then that of confessing their errour, and repen∣ting. An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labou∣rers, who are at every ones service, that will make use of them; ready they are to subvert all things, not for the publique good, but in order to their own design, and under pretence of liberty. The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accom∣panied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance, not for any love to them, but themselves, that they may make advan∣tuge out of their divisions, discord is their Musique.

The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's, who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza, to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines, presently banish their Officers, gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free peo∣ple; but finding themselves too weak to hold out, at that rate, they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes, which was not denied to them, by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in, of one another. Ge••••oua, sent them men and Munitions, Lucqua mony, and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them, sent both one and t'other. Neither is this the last degree of a muti∣nous people, for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection, they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves▪ the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded, of being hardly dealt with, and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection; such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak, after a tast of licentiousness and impunity.

The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty.

THe King finding what need he should have of Ships, had as hath been rela∣ted, accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy, by Don Diego de Maxia, in behalf of the King of Spain. But their design in that propo∣sal, being only to engage France, in an open war with England, that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful, not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them.

At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain, after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign. The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possi∣ble Honour; and indeed such it was, that Don Frederick could not enough admire, at the manner of his entertainment. Shortly after he departed towards the Ile of Ree, where at that time was no great need of him: But however he proffered his service unto the King, who received him with great kindness; His Majesty sending to visit him, but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals, men and necessaries, that those things together with his long delay considered. It was easie to Judg, they had no great mind to fight for France, and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel; a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome, and that with a little charge, if he had a mind to send any Forces to them. At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this su∣spition, when not long after he went to his Majesty, and took his leave of him, to return towards Spain, telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him. The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon, consi∣dering he came so far, but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves. His Majesty on the other side knowing; That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions, and at last cast, did so much the easilier consent to his departure, and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him, That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel; So he finding the wind fair, hoysed sail about the end of January to return to Spain.

Politique Observation.

THere may such occasions in war fall out, that it may be absolutely necessary to make use of Forraign Forces, and the very greatest Princes are subject here∣unto, because at some one time, or other, they may chance be so surprised, that it may be impossible for their own proper Forces to repel the Enemy who assaults them. But without doubt, he that can make a shift without them, does wisely not to make any use of them at all, for relying on the Forces of strangers, he doth in some sort make himself dependant on that Prince who assisteth him, and also, they cannot in reason be so loyal, faithful, and courageous in any his affairs, as his own subjects. Forriners fight more for gain, and their own particular Interest, then for any good will to him, unto whom they are sent; insomuch that could they find any where else more advantageous conditions, though it were in the very adverse party, they would make no scruple of running in unto them. This hath been formerly evidenced by the Celtiberi, who having bin first suborned by the Ro∣mans left the Carthagians, and not long after were regained by those of Carthage, and did as soon forsake the Roman Army, and return to their first Masters. Do not the Swisses often do the same thing? Their Profession is not to fight but for mony. It once fell out that Lew••s the Eleventh, for some reasons of State being unable to pay them so precisely as he promised, they resolved to seize on his Person and the Chief of his Court, and to keep them, until they had received the last penny, and he fearing to fall into their hands was forced to flie for his safety.

The Baylif of Dion, who had raised them, together with some others could not escape their fury, they were taken by them, and could not get off until they were satisfied to the utmost farthing of their due. Whereas on the other side, a Princes own subjects are tyed to him, by the fidelity which they owe to his Crown, and though not punctually paid, yet do they continue Loyal and courageous; and whilst they fight for their own Interest and glory, no doubt but they will shew them∣selves more resolute and daring then strangers, who have not any of those concerns. All Princes who ever obtained any signal victories, have been beholding to their own native forces for them. The Turkish Emperour, useth no other. Alexander by this means in a little while made so great a progresse in Armes, as never any one

did the like. I suppose that it is with Armies, composed of a mans own subjects as with the natural clean strength of a mans own body, which is much more to be esteemed, then that which is infused by art into sick persons: That Prince who useth strangers, cannot more fitly be compared to any thing then a man in a lan∣guishing condition, whose natural heat is decayed, who to warm and comfort his stomach hath recourse to spices, which instead of preserving him scorch up his bloud and destroy his life; for just so do strangers, to him that depends on them, advan∣tage him they cannot, but will (it may be) ruin him, as before is manifested by divers pregnant Reasons.

Marquis Spinola, his Son, and the Marquis de Leganez come to see the siedge of Rochel.

THE same day that Don Frederich de Toledo set sail for his return, came the Marquis Spinola from the low Countries, and having passed by Paris, where the Queen received him with great Honour, arrived at the Camp before Rochel, with his Son his Son-in-Law and the Marquis de Leganez, Ambassador Extraordi∣nary from Spain. The Marshal de Schomberg went a League out to receive them, by the Kings desire, and after he was arrived, the King Commanded him to be visited with great Honour. His Audience was granted very shortly thereupon, with all the endearments that possible could be expressed. Amongst other things the King told him, that he came into those parts against his Phisitians advices, be∣ing not yet quite recoverd of a troublesome sickness, but he was forced to it, to drive out the English, from his Teretories, who indeed had not made any long stay; That having perceived his subjects of Rochel, to have been the Bringers in of the English, he resolved to punish them for it, and to take them by siedg, in which he observed for a pattern, that which was made at Breda; and then he invited them to see the Works, though at that time they were not quite finished. The Marquis highly extolled all his Majesties Actions, especially that of beating the English from Ree. He told him, that his Presence made his Nobility invincible, and withal, that indeed nothing was so glorious for a man of quality, as to fight in his Princes sight; That for his part it grieved him never to have had the King his Master, for a witness of his Actions and that he should willingly dye, to obtain that Honour. After he had gone the round, he went to see the Banck, which he much admired, and openly said, that if they finished that work of shutting up the Chan∣nel, and keeping the Souldiers in good order, it would be impossible for the town to escape taking. He well knew, what place the Cardinal was in, neer his Maje∣sty and that the King had not engaged himself in this design, but by his advice; he observed that the admirable order kept in the siedg, was an effect of his Conduct; so he went to visit him, with great Respects. The Cardinal received him with the like, they continued a long while in discourse together, during which they inter∣changably contracted a very great friendship with each other, which was the cause, that afterwards meeting in Piedmont, one in the behalf of France, and t'other of Spain they carried on the war with courtesie and courage: shewing that civilities and kindnesses might be used amongst Enemies, without prejudice, to their Masters Interests.

Politick Observation.

THE entertaining of strangers, who passe by a Princes Court, with Honour, if they are considerable either in their Births or Actions, doth much advantage the glory of a Prince. He who would be esteemed a generous Prince as well abroad, as at home, is obliged to it; The Honour which he doth to such Persons, is a Ray of Glory, which by reverberation doth reflect on himself, for they who receive his kindness are bound to be the Trumpeters of his Praise. Though the Romans

slighted all strangers, esteeming them Barbarous, yet they had a Law, whereby they were bound to receive them, with greater Honour and respect when they came to the City of Rome. And that I may a little open the quality, of their reception. I shall first observe that it ought to be with all kind of civility and courtesie; For this vertue is a Charm, so powerful, and so captivating the soul: That as Lewis the Eleventh said, it doth sometimes of the greatest Enemies raise up the perfectest friends; whence it hapned that he himself, took great care and delight to caresse such strangers, as at any time passed through his Court; besides it passeth for a mark of Courage and Resolution, whereas, insolencie is only an Index of lowness and meanness of Spirit. This courtesie ought to be accompanied with magnificence, that it may be the more considerable, for words and behaviour, do lightly passe away, if not followed by some other effects. This magnifience consisteth, in Treating them with splendor, for that the good entertainment which is given them, serveth no lesse to testifie the affection, then the great and noble mind of him who maketh it. Paulus Aemilius was very industrious in making all people wel∣come, who came to visit him, and being one day asked the reason of it, he an∣swered, that there was as great prudence in the well disposal of a feast, as in the Marshalling of an Army for the Battail, for the one is to become terrible to ones Enemies and t'other agreeable to his friends. Next, he is bound to make them presents, according to their qualities. A little expence of this nature gives Princes a great reputation amongst strangers; for they on whom it is bestowed are care∣ful of preserving it in their families, as a testimony of the Honour which they have received by such a head, which they keep as Proofs of his magnificence, and I should think it much better, to cut off from any other expences, then from this. Agesi∣laus said, That which appeared most Illustrious and glorious in all Kings, was, the doing good to divers persons; the Ambassadors of Corinth refusing to receive Dionysius of Siracusa's Presents he seemed to be much offended at it, and told them, that this was one of the chief means which Kings had to make themselves glorious: In fine, who so wants liberality, is never heartily served by his own nor honoured by strangers.

The Duke de Rohan despaireth of doing any good in Languedoc.

THE Duke of Rohan finding that his Majesty began to raise works about Rochel, to take it, prosecuted his designs with the more vigor in Languedoc, that by ma∣king a Revolt he might if possible oblige his Majesty to it quite designs. But the Duke had several misfortunes which crossed him, and that in the beginning of the year at Montpellier, was none of the least; He had Commanded his Kinsman the Baron de Bretigni to come to this Town, under pretence of a certain suit of Law in the Court of Aydes there, but with design, to surprise the Cittadell if possible it might be effected; Bretagny set his engines on work, so gain the Baron de Millay, last Captain of the Regiment of Normandie, and one of his old acquaintance unto his purpose: He pretended himself very willing and ready to heaken to his propo∣sitions, and to serve him, in that particular design; But in the mean while the Baron de Milay, gave notice of it, to the Marquis de Fossez, who was very glad of this discovery, and advised him not to loose the oportunity of getting advan∣tages from his Majestie by this piece of service. The Baron assured him by all pro∣testations of his fidelity and zeal; and in fine he got out all the designs of the Duke de Rohan, by which he pretended to steer himself; and he behaved himself in this affair with so much addresse, that the Duke Imagined, he had not a more faithful friend then the Baron was. In this confidence the Duke advanced his Troops about the beginning of the year, towards Montpellier, giving out he intended to besiedg Corcown, and about two or three at night, came to execute his design: But the Marquis de Fossez, who had punctual Intelligence of all his designs, made preparation to receive him, according to his deserts. He ordered every thing in

the Cittadel, that nothing could fall out amisse, and then he hid in Ambush neer the Gate by which they were to march in, the most choise Souldiers which he had; he ordered one of his Souldiers, to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, when they were once got in, that he might make sure of them, and cut them off. In this interim the Duke of Rohan sent one of his Captains to the Baron of Millay, to be informed of the State of the place, and to learn what order should be observed for their coming in: The Baron, shewed him all the City, and every place adjoyn∣ing, only excepting that where the Souldiers were hid; The Captain fully informed and satisfied returns to the Duke, gives him an accompt, of what he had seen and concluded. The Duke, hereupon advanceth his Troops, to the Counterscarp, and Bretigny leading them on, the Baron de Mellay, forthwith opened the Port. Bre∣tigny enters with fifty persons of quality and the Baron d' Aubes, following of him with the second train of fifty more, all which got in at the same dore. Now he who was commanded to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, did it sooner then he should have done, which vexed the Marquis de Fossez to the very heart, for had he let it alone but a little longer, the Duke had lost at least four thousand men: But however to punish those who had been so hardy as to enter, the Souldiers in Ambush, let fly at them, and cut them all off; thirty nine of them were Officers, and of good quality; and the Marquis Spinola being then at Rochel, when the news came, openly said, that this blow was of greater concern to the Duke of Rohan, then if he had lost two thousand Souldiers. Neither was this all, for the Marquis de Fessez made the great Guns be shot off at random upon those Troops which had not come in, and the morning following there was good store of bloud to be seen in several places, which made the Marquis conclude there were many more killed and wonded, but that the Duke had caused them to be carried off with him.

Politique Observation.

NAture, which hath given Arms to all Creatures to defend themselves, hath bestowed on man understanding, that by it, he is able to protect himself, from any dangers which threaten him, which Arms are more to be esteemed then those of Force. One of the greatest perfections of it, is, to deceive a publique Enemy, and to repel Force by Force, and Mines by Countermines. Amongst other Inventions which it affordeth; That, of pretending as correspondence, with an Enemy, is not one of the least considerable, as Zenophon saith, It being certain, that a pretended Intelligence with an Enemy, and well mannaged, doth often effect, greater things, then Force it self. I shall add too, That they are much more glo∣rious, and that the greatest reputation of a Chieftain is to break an Enemies strength, by Plots and contrivances, and to destroy him by his own designs. It is indeed commendable to repulse an Enemy from an assault, by valour and cou∣rage, but much more, to ruin an Enemies intents and purposes, by designs, in which the Souldiers lives are not endangered. In Sparta he was much more esteemed, who gained a victory by pollicy, then he who carried it by Force of Arms. It can∣not be doubted, but that this is the safest way of dealing with an Enemy, provided it be managed without breath of any oath or Promises, passed between Coman∣ders of both parties, for otherwise, Stratagems only pass for infidelity, yet it is law∣full to use all devices, and win them to a Credulity: and thus did every one com∣mend the procedure of the French Army at the siedge of Gisonne, neer Saint Seve∣rin, against the Army of Ferdinand. The Arragonois wearied out with the Inco∣modities of the siedge, had recourse to their devices, and endeavoured to practise with some French, to deliver up the place; The French too generous, to be so cowardly, and too faithful, to be corrupted, would not however loose the advan∣tage, which they might make by this proposal of theirs: they seemed to approve of it, and assigned the hour for execution. In the mean while they inform the Governour of it, who laid some certain Souldiers in ambush neer the Gate, by which they were to enter, by which means he slew about a hundred on the place,

took divers Prisoners, and by this losse brought Ferdinands Army into a great dis∣order and trouble.

The King goes from Rochel to Paris, to dissipate those Factions which be∣gan to rise thereabouts, by the Hugonots in Pircardie, Champagnie and Brie.

THE Cardinal who dived into the Counsels and designs of Forraign Princes, acquainted his Majesty with those promises the English had made to assist the Rochelois, and that his presence would be very needful in the Camp, both to in∣courage his Souldiers, as also to hasten on the works where every one in his sight would labour in emulation of one another. But on the other side his Majesty was in∣formed that his being so far from Paris had given opportunity to the Hugonots, of the Provinces neer adjoyning to make assemblies, and to incourage the people to revolt. He was advised of several meetings which they made in Picardie, Cham∣pagne and Brie, under divers pretences, as sometimes of Civility, of a wedding, or some quarrel, in all which meetings, there were means used to perswade the people to rise and take up Arms. He was also wel acquainted that they designed to seize upon some strong place, or other, so that his Majesty was obliged to return to Paris, that by his presence and authority, he might dissipate these growing mis∣chiefs. In the mean while, that no time might be lost, and that the Rebels might have no advantage, order was sent to the Queen Mother, to secure the Counts de la Suse, and de Roussy in the Bastile. The former she arrested by an Exempt in her Antichamber, and the second at Roussy by the Duke d' Elboeuf. The King having resolved upon his Journy, thought it necessary, to commit the care of the siedge, of finishing the works and the Bank, and of keeping the Souldiers in obedience and from disbanding, which they formerly used to do upon his Majesties removal, unto some Person, whose dilligence and credit might be capable of giving successe to it. Besides it was necessary, that this person should be exceeding Loyal, for the pre∣venting that misfortune which befel Charles the ninth, when he lay before the same town, where he was put unto infinite trouble and charge, and all to no purpose, because they whom he trusted with the Chief commands and orders were not faith∣ful and true to him. It being very difficult to find all these three qualities in any one Person, the King cast his eyes on the Cardinal, as the only man, in whom he could totally confide for carrying on of the siedge, and all other things, in order thereunto. His Majesty discoursed with him to that purpose; now the Cardinal although he was not ignorant, that the absence of the Court, is commonly a great disadvantage, to such as are in favour, by reason of the oportunity which they who are envious of their condition, have to work them a mischief, yet he readily accep∣ted of that employment, and protested to his Majesty, that he would not spare any pains or diligence to bring it to a happy issue, though it cost his blood and life, which he should think well sacrificed in his Majesty service; so the King gave him a full power to dispose of all things during his absence, and gave him the command over the Duke of Angoulesme, the Marshals de Bassompierre and Schomberg, the Mar∣shals of the Camp, the Master of the Artillerie and all other Inferiour Officers what∣ever: But I cannot omit with what reluctancy his Majesty went from him to Paris, For it is very remarkable, that his Majesty having received the Adieux of all his Officers, rid up apart to a certain person of quality, who was then to receive his Commands for Italy, and keeping close with him said not a word for a good while together, so troubled he was at his departure, until at last my heart quoth he, is so sad and heavy, to leave Monsieur the Cardinal, for fear least some mishap befal him, that I am hardly able to speak for grief; and therefore tell him from me, that if he would have me think he loveth me, that he must be careful of himself, and that he adventure not hereafter into any of those dangers, which he usually doth: That he consider in what state my affairs would be, if I should loose him: I am not ig∣norant,

quoth he, how that there are many people who endeavour to obstruct and hinder his bringing of his business to effect, but tell him, I do so much esteem his service that I shall never forget it. These words were very obliging, and assured testimonies of the great affection, which his Majesty had for him. The glory too which this Grand Minister did every day obtain, by his happy services in his Ma∣jesty behalf, was a tye very powerful to continue those affections of his King and Master.

Politique Observation.

THE love of a Prince is a great Honour to a Statesman, and that not only in respect of the particular Benefit which floweth from it, but also in regard of the Publique good which he doth watch over: Where he is not beloved, he wan∣teth authority, without which he cannot do any thing worth consideration: For the obtaining of this love then he ought to use his utmost art and diligence, and he is bound to prefer it, before his own or any other Interests whatever.

Alcomiaas the Grecian, Servant to King Philip, being told that the Atheni∣ans and Thebans, wished his death with a great eagernesse, replyed, he was sorry for it, yet that he regarded it but little, so he could preserve his Masters affection. This ought to be the Rule of a Chief Ministers conduct, when he finds himself in his Masters good esteem; For to hope, that he may please his Soveraign and the Lords of his Court too, is a vanity, and can never be brought to passe. Now to the In∣tent he may enjoy his Masters love in an eminent degree, I should advise him not to rely too much on Fortune, but to follow Plato's advise, who in his Book de Repu∣blicâ saith. That to be a King and to Rule, to serve and be beloved, to fight and overcome, are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after, they being the Guifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power, who granteth them to whom the pleaseth. I am not of his opinion, but do suppose that a Mini∣ster is bound, having once obtained any great credit in his Masters soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences, which may render him beloved. Philosophy teacheth very well, That to obtain ones desire, there ought to be causes applied to the subject, by which a man designs to work: whence it followeth that those qua∣lities which make a man perfect and accomplished, are the true causes of love, so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recom∣mendations and vertues; amongst which, I place that of a faithful servant in the Front; For as an ancient hath observed, services have a particular attractive power in them, which insinuate affection, and charm the mind: Those subjects which are most useful, are most beloved: and as nothing is beloved but for Interest; so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State, and the preservation of their Masters Authoritie are ever best affected. And to speak the truth, I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable then any other quality whatever; For as the Bough of a Tree, is in considerable in respect of the whole Body, yet it is of great use to him, who without it, were in hazard of being drowned: Just so is it with him, he is beloved, embraced and esteemed above all things, when there is a need or want of him. But a Minister, what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not, if he would be dear to his Master, become importunate or craving, either by being alwayes in his sight, on by begging any favour or boon of him. Too great a Familia∣rity will bring his qualities into contempt, how eminent so ever they be, and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities. L••∣cullus one day asking S••neca his intimate friend, what course he should take, to render himself acceptable unto the Emperour Nero, in the Goverment of Sicily, was thus answered by him: That he is most in Princes favour who doth him most services. The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed, is this, To see him but seldome to speak but little to him, unlesse when occasions of State require it and then too, with great respect and submission, and in such terms as may never clash with his Masters thoughts and mind. If there be any ill news to be discoursed let

others, first acquaint him with them. The Souls of great men hate ill tidings, as of Broyles and Insurrections, things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority. He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Masters favour, by testi∣fying a good courage in his occasions, and affairs. The Reason of this is, Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution, they look on such as the suppor∣ters of their State, Authority, and lives, and they who are themselves the greatest cowards, do yet love such as are courageous, stout and hardy. Phalaris the Ty∣rant hath given us an example of this particular, when he writ to a certain emulator of his; I confesse thou art a good man, and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad, whereas if thou doest observe any vice in my person, yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants. These are the Chief Buttresses, which support a Ministers favour: to these I will only add, That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever, which the envy of some or other, will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince, he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him, and that with the more Authority, in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude.

Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army, in his Majesty absence.

THE Prudence of a King is no lesse demonstrable, in his choise of Officers, than in his Commands: and in particular, the King acquired no lesse Glory in com∣miting the care of the siedge of Rochel, unto the Cardinal, then if he had been there in person. The whole management of affairs did evidence, how judicious a choise his Majesty had made. For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Soul∣diers by his presence; payed them weekly; gave them cloths to preserve them from the cold; every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders, to give them ne∣cessary instructions, and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions; by these means he so hastned on the works both by Sea and Land, that his Majesty at his return, found the first finished, and the second in such forwardness, that it de∣served to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World. The Souldiers who are na∣turally addicted to mutinies, and plunderings, lived in such decorum, that they had lost their very inclinations, to one or t'other; the Country men brought their pro∣visions into the Camp, without fear, and received ready mony for them. The Marchants kept open their shops, as if it had been in a well governed City; drun∣kenness and swearing, were criminal faults: And the Religious Persons, whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts, and orders, were respected, and held in such esteem, as if they had been in a Church. The most experienced in Military affairs, could not sufficiently admire the Cardinals conduct, in so much that they who knew him not, would have imagined he had been bred all dayes of his life in the wars. Some certain Persons there were, who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command, by telling them, it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession; seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesties absence; But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such, that they were forced to confess, nothing could out do him; and that considering how many ha∣pinesses he did atchieve unto France, by one and t'other, it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesties choise of him, every one in particular acknowledging, that no one but himself, could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties, which he so easily did.

Politick Observation.

MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed, in order to good successe, because without it, nothing followeth, but confusion. Vegetius, a man well versed in such affairs, saith; The Romans had never been so potent, but

by their continual order and exercise, in Arms. The strength of a Fort, consisteth more in the Form, then the matter: the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them, as by their numbers. Discipline is one of the Chief sinews of war, and as a Body soon fals to the ground, if those nervers which are destinated for its Motion, be cut in sender, so is it with an Army, they soon moulder away to nothing, if not kept together, in good discipline and order, and on the other side, where they are so disciplined they bring wonders to passe, with little care or trouble. Alexander being asked, by what means he became Master of the Universe, said, by the discipline and good order, which his Souldiers observed, by the good Counsel which they had, and the eloquence he used in animating them, and withal he added, that he knew not any means more powerful to execute the greatest exployts in warfare. Domitius Corbulo, with ten thousand Roman foot, and some few of his Allayes, sustayned all the attempts, of a multitude of Parthi∣ans, and this he did only by the good order and discipline he caused them to observe. The Chief points of this order were according to Tacitus, first to prevent any of their disbanding; a thing of so great importance, that without it, the greatest Ar∣mies melt in a little whiles to nothing, and this ought to be effected, either by fur∣nishing the Souldiers with all things necessary, or by severly punishing such as offer without leave to forsake their colours. The second was that, no one durst go out to fight without Command given for it: a thing of no lesse importance then the first: For they who fight contrary to, or against their Commanders order, are easily overcome both because they are not as wel informed, as because they ever fight in disorder.

The Germans, which went to relieve Ferdinand King of Napels, may serve for an example of this kind, for presently upon their arrival, being provoked by an extreame desire, to make themselves famous by some exploit or other, they adventured to sally out of Troye, contrary to the order of Fabritius Colonna Governour of the Town, that they might joyne themselves with King Ferdinand, and fight those Ene∣mies who opposed their passage; but Monsieur de Montpensier perceiving it, fell upon them in a place where they could neither fight, nor save themselves by flight, by which means not a man escaped. The third was, that all guards, day labourers, and sentinels, should stand to their Arms, day and night he having put two Souldiers to death, for having found them at work in the Trenches the one without his Arms, and t'other only with his dagger: The reason hereof is, because by this means, an Army cannot be surprized by an Enemy, and that in case he should attempt any thing on the Camp, he would alwayes find them ready to resist him. Avidius Cassius esteemed all these three points of so great concernment in Arms, that he thought such as did not exactly observe them, deserved to be cruelly punished, he usually cut off their legs and Arms, who left the Army without leave, and he forbore putting them to death, because quoth he it is a greater example of ter∣rour, for a man to living in misery and shame, then to dye. It one day hapened that his Souldiers discovered the Sarmatians kept no very strict watch, so they sur∣prised them, fell in upon them, and killed three thousand of them, but for their punishment he crucified all the Captains, alleadging, that the Sarmatians might have had some ambush for them, unknown to them, which if it had so been, they might by their rashnesse, have discredited the Roman Honour and Glory: Neither was he lesse sever, in punishing those, who had stollen any thing, from their quarters. The Emperour Aurelian, was so strict in this particular, that he writ to a Tribune, that as he tendred his life, he should suppresse his Souldiers from stealing, but told him, they must look to enrich themselves, by the pillaging of their Enemies, not by the tears of his and their friends. I shall only add, that the Souldiers ought to be trained up to the use and exercise of their Arms, which both keeps them from Idleness, and worse things, and maketh them perfect in their Trade; and if they have any other leasure time over and above, it were not amisse to find them out some diversi∣ons or entertainment, it being otherwise hard to keep them from disbanding. Marcus Aemilius, finding his Souldiers lazy and in want of employment made them pave the way between Plaisance and Riminy: and Julius Veter, made his work in a Channel, to joyn the Sarna with M••lessai.

The Cardinal de Richelieu attempteth to retard Rochel.

DUring his Majesty absence, the Cardinal, disirous to save him the trouble of returning back to the siedge, and knowing how needful it was to prevent the English arrival, besides his great courage being impatient of delay, attempted all means to make some enterprise upon Rochel. He proposed the breaking open one of the Gates, and then the falling in with so great force, as might carry the place, and having discoursed it with the Marshal de Schomberg, he at last concluded on it, and carried his design so close and private, that had not Marillac, Marshal of the Camp, in the Duke of Angoulesmes quarter been faulty, he had doubtlesse succee∣ded in it. The Cardinal had get together, whatever was proper or necessary, for the whole business. He gave out orders for the execution of it, the night being come, he assigned the Rendevouz, The Marshal de Schomberg sent divers Com∣panies thither, with ladders and bridges to cast over the Ditch: The Marquis de Roselia Grand Master of the Artillery, brought with him Petards, Granadoes, and other Artificial Fier-works; The Cardinal was there in Person, within Musket shot of the Town, that he might shew some marks of his courage, upon the first open∣ing of the Gate, and be ready to command in the assault, not like the Cardinal Ximenes at the taking of Oran, who was all the while at his Prayers in a Chappel, but like a General indeed, and such a one as would incourage his Souldiers, by his own words and Actions, so that every one did plainly perceive he was no lesse, Souldier and Captain, when occassion should require it, then Cardinal in the Church and Counsel: He so behaved himself, that Historie need not make any ex∣cuse for him, upon the score of his profession, as for that same Minister of Spain. But Marillac, who had the charge for the bringing on the most part of the Forces to Rendevouz, not comming to second the courage of his General, rendered his Conduct and Valour, uselesse. He was sought after most part of the night, indeed, but could not any where be found, but about day break he appeared, with more ex∣cuses though, than courage: he endeavoured to excuse himself, by many frivolous pretences, which the Cardinal was contented to put up, in consideration of the Queen Mother, whose creature he was; yet was it a great displeasure and vexation to him, when he came to draw off, least the Rochellois should have discovered them and beaten him off with losse.

Politique Observation.

FAint hartedness is an Enemy to all good success: they who let it Master their courages, do shun all dangerous honorable attempts, and if shame be that which receiveth them, yet however they will never do any thing considerable For∣tune is a lover of vallour, favourer of the daring, and courageous, and com∣monly crowneth their attempts with successe. Great fears, meet great hazards, and great Resolutions, great successes: it being as Salust saith, most certainly true; Great Resolutions are like Rampards in a Battail, every thing gives way to their attempts: and a lasse every little thing repulseth a party, possessed with fear, and want of courage; To fear is to be half overcome: If any one should aske the rea∣son of it, there is only this to be given. They fancy precipices, in plain wayes; they are ever upon the business of consultation, never that of execution; they love to recede from all obstacles, which seem to oppose them, not to vanquish or break through them; and if perchance they are forced to fight, they do it so coldly, that they give their enemies al kind of advantages by it: Fear seemeth to have dispossessed them of Life and Soul; and whereas the face of dangers should serve to stir them to generous Actions; It rebates them to an immovableness, as if they were voyd of sence or motion. I may well liken them to the Timerous Hindes, which retain their Fruit to the very last for fear of the pains, which they endure in bringing forth, and

would not then produce their young ones, but for fear of a greater mischief; or else I may liken them unto the Elephant which is ten years in breeding, or to the Palm, which according to the Naturalists is a hundred years before it yeeld any Dates, for eyer thus it is with them, the apprehensions of dangers maketh them fearfull, and to seek cut any occasions to avoid fighting, and if it should happen, that they cannot prevent it, they do it so lamely, that they onely do it for fear of death. But to speak a little too of the seditious Rascal, he doth nothing else, as the Chancellour Olivier observed, but imitate Apes, who comming to a Tree, get up Limb by Limb to the top, and there sit them down shewing there Posteriores; for just so do they who are of this temper they are willing to be raised up into high imployments and commands, where being once arrived, their Artifices must co∣ver the defects of their courages; but be it so, yet when occasion is, the resoluti∣ons and glorious actions of others, shall become demonstrations of their cowar∣dize, and expose them for laughing stocks to the whole world.

The King hearing that the English were come before Rochel to relieve it rosolveth to return thither.

THe King had not long been at Paris, but he understood the English Fleet was ready to hoise Sail for Rochel, which made him resolve upon his return thither: I cannot omit observing how this resolution of his, was a mark both of his wisdome and courage, who as he is not to be cheated out of his Authority by Cabals and Intreagues, so is he not to be retarded by any fear of danger, from those occasi∣ons where he might acquire an accrument of glory. At this time it was, that the Lord Keeper Marillac, and those of his Faction, began to lay the foundation of the Cardinall intended ruine; but it onely served to convince and shew unto his Majesty, that one of the greatest mischiefs whereunto a Soveraign can be exposed, is to be incompased with such persons as are passionately bent against his chief Mini∣ster. The malice which they did bear against his glory finding him much advan∣ced, before the siege of Rochel, of which he was the first contriver, did much insti∣gate them against him. They were angry that he had finished his works in such good order, though the enemies of the Kingdome could not sufficiently admire them: it grieved them to see the place in a condition of being taken by his means; and to prevent it, they now resolved to use their utmost indeavour to raise up the Hugonot party, that they might force the King from the siege of it.

Now as it was easie to judge, that in case his Majesty should return to Rochel, he would repulse the English, and being followed by many of the Nobility and Lords, who are alwaies observed to be the Authors of victory and successe, that he would likewise infallibly force the Town, so they used a thousand devices to stay him at Paris. The Lord Keeper Marillac told him with many expressions of an extraordinary passion for his service, that considering how strong the English fleet was, in comparison of his Majesties, the issue of the battel ought to be doubted, how great resistance they would make, and a thousand other inconvenien∣ces he alleged would follow, in case they should get the better of the day. O∣thers indeavoured to disswade him by a tacite discommending the ayr of Rochel, which might much indanger his health, especially during the moisture of the spring every one commending the Valor and Conduct of Monsieur the Cardinal, the bet∣ter to disguise their malice, and petswading his Majesty totally to rely upon his care in the management of the siege. But they found the Pannick fears; made no im∣pression upon his Majesties resolutions, which made them design to affrighten his Majesty and the Queen-mother, as one whose Sex is most capable of fears, per∣swading themselves, that in case he could be prevented by some apprehension, she might then have power enough over the King, to stay him at Paris. Divers La∣dies who had the honour to be neer her, were won at that time to work several con∣trivances to that purpose, but all to no purpose. It is true their design was not

onely to hinder the Cardinal from reaping the glory due unto him by the taking of Rochel, but totally to ruine him, as hereafter shall be shewed. Now was it not a little conducing to that purpose, to stay the King at Paris, for his Majesty not going to animate his Army by his presence, they would not onely have made lesse resistance to the English, but also many Lords and Gentlemen obliged to attend his person, would not have been there, by which means, the English would have had the advantage of releeving-Rochel, and the whole blame of that mis-fortune would have been laid on the Cardinal, which they thought enough to disgrace him, and save his Majesties honour. These were the first foundations which this Cabal projected against the glory and favour of this grand Minister. But they were all too weak, to surprise the Kings mind, who no wayes ignorant how necessary his presence was in such an encounter, would not refuse it, to the honour of his Crown and the repose of France, which did much depend upon it. He called to mind the example of the late King his father, who deliberating whether or no he should go to the relief of Calais, so powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards that there were small hopes to hinder their taking of it, said, the place would assuredly be taken, if he went not in person to releeve it, and that it might so happen that his presence might save it; and therefore that it was better to hazard this latter, then to leave the former without remedy, preferring his honour and the publick good, before the particular consideration of his person. The same courage carried his Majesty to the most glorious and honourable design, that his good fortune, with that of France could lead him to undertake, which was, forthwith to depart. Upon the third of April he set forward from Paris, and arrived at Rochel on Easter-munday. Upon his arrival the Artillery both of the Forts and Ships saluted him, and his pre∣sence so revived the Army, that every one redoubled his courage and affection to behave themselves with resolution: There were but the Marilacs and those of their faction, who were troubled to see him on the Theater of his glory; but the Laurels which his Majesty gathered there, did serve to set forth unto what mis-for∣tunes a Prince is reduced, when he is councelled by passionate advisers.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the most dangerous qualities, that he who is Councellour to a King can have, is to suffer himself to be transported with envy, hatred, anger, or any passion whatever. Wise Council is an affect of Prudent reason, and it can be no longer Prudent when it is once darkned, with the Clouds of some irregular moti∣on. The Irascible power, being once master of Reason, doth so obscure it, that maketh men see no objects in their true colours, and that Passion carrieth it away where ever it pleaseth with the same impetuousnesse as a hot metled horse draws a Chariot into Precipices, that it is impossible to stay him. It is reported, that the Flowers of Egypt, being watered by the vapours of Nile, which are for the most part gross and earthy, yeeld not any smell, and it is no lesse certain, that a States∣man, with how great a Genius soever he be indued, is no more capable to give good Counsel, after he hath once given himself up to envy or hatred: His Passi∣on maketh him quarrel with truth it self, and to approve of those Councels which are most prejudicial to the State, that he may satisfie his own self-will. The dis∣graces of others are his delights, Factions are his joys, and the ruine of those whom he would destroy is his sweetest and most pleasing spectacle; neither is he concer∣ned at the rise or fall of any one, so he be satisfied in his own particular. To this purpose the Poets feigned, that Hercules being transported with anger knew not his wife or children, insomuch that he tore them in pieces. But how many other true and assured proofs doth History afford us? That of England tels us, how the Duke of York, Henry the Eighths Favourite, being dis-affectionate to Spain, al∣waies gave his Master advices in prejudice of Charles the Fifth; and on the other side, being full of good will towards France, perswaded him to such resolutions as might continue the friendship which was between them. Antiochus his Favou∣rites

being incensed against Hannibal, caused him to be banished from the Coun∣sel, though he were a person very necessary and usefull to him. In fine, he who is mastered by Passion, onely thinks of satiating himself for the obtaining thereof, he disguiseth the disloyalty of his Counsels, with so many fair glosses and specious colours that he may draw his Prince, to that end he aimeth at; by this means if his Prince have any confidence in him, he will easily deceive him, and quickly dead him into those mis-fortunes which he will soon perceive, but too late to get clear of them. All Soveraigns are not so fortunate as the Pisans, who refused to make a War against the Florentines being invited thereunto by the Arch-Bishop of Milan, for that Francis Gambacortij gave them to understand he onely advised to it, out of hatred to the Florentines, and not out of any advantage to their interests.

The Rochelois are summoned by a Herald to surrender to the King.

THe King being returned to the Army, caused the Rochelois to be summoned by a Herald to surrender, but their minds and answers were full of insolency, so that his Majesty bended all his thoughts to make preparations for the fighting with the English Fleet at their first comming. Divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Nation came from all parts to the Army, for this occasion, and to partake of the glory of his Majesties Arms; every one of them were on fire to be ingaged with the English and the Rochelois, that they might obtain a second victory a∣gainst them. Now it being expedient that he who commandeth an Army, should exactly know the condition and number of his forces, that he may the better re∣solve upon that which is necessary to be done, the King thought fit to make a muster and to take a strict view of the Army. He caused them to muster in his own pre∣sence which was no small satisfaction to him, especially when he observed how du∣tifull they were, and how well Disciplined, not stragling up and down as formerly they were wont to do, all which was an effect of the Cardinals admirable care, Con∣duct, and Prudence. The Order which he had caused to be observed was this, every eight days there was a muster of all the Souldiers, every Regiment having a Commissary appointed to it, to whom the Souldiers pay was distributed, and not to their Captains, as formerly had been the custome: By this means the Captains were deprived of the power of mustring any foisted hirelings, and every week there was an exact number of the Army, that new recruits might be sent for, if occasion did require. This alteration you may imagine did much trouble divers Captains; especially such as preferred their own Interests before his Majesties glory; but it cannot be expected how advantagious it was to the Kings service, who thus review∣ing his Army, found it composed of nineteen Regiments of foot, and eighteen Troops of Horse; besides a very great number of Volunteers; insomuch that they were five and twenty thousand men compleat. The King likewise took a view of all his Vessels, and finding them to be in good order, and enough to secure the Channel from the English, he began to be impatient to see them appear, that he might make them pay for the rashnesse of their attempts, and signalize his own for∣ces by a second Victory.

Politique Observation.

ONE of the chief cares a General ought to have is, that he keep his Forces in good order, that none of them run from their Coullors, or muster any hire∣lings. It is a businesse of so great importance, that oftentimes Victorie dependeth on it: as at Pavie, where the ill successe which befell Francis the first, is by divers Historians attributed to the defect of this particular, for onely looking over the Commissaries Roules, he thought there had bin full as many Souldiers as were there listed upon which the fight was begun, but lost, and the King taken prisoner. Now for

the staying of Souldiers in an Army, one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus, is this, pay them well, clothe them well, shoe them well, arm them well feed them well, and so order the businesse, that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses: and when they be thus well used, such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished; Corbulo beheaded all such, without mercy, and it was observed, that this severity of his, was of great advantage to him, for by it, he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number: Neither is it lesse needful, to pre∣vent Captaines and Commissaries scroles, who can by a dangerous miracle, revive dead Souldiers, in their companies, and make more to appear then really they have. This is an inconveniency, of which the losse of the Kings mony, is the least conse∣quent evil; for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles, is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises, he may perchance, when it comes to a trial, find himself much weaker, then he expected, and by that means run into the same premunire, that Francis the first did at Pavie. The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used, who notwithstand∣ing the vastnesse of his Armie: and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces, that he would often review them in his own presence, pay the Soul∣diers with his own hands, and be perpetually in company with them, not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them, but that he might take care to pro∣vide necessaries for them, encourage some, and reward others who had wel deserved of him. If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters, both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished, with so much the more rigor, in regard their faults are of so dangerous a con∣sequence.

The English Fleet cometh before Rochell.

THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain, at last wrought on him, to send out his Fleet to Sea, upon their first being ready for it, and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille. The light Vessels which the Cardinal, (in his Majesties ab∣sence, being then at Surgeres) had sent out to discover, the Coast brought intelli∣gence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces, seven men of War, of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece, twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns, twenty Barques of about thirty and forty, and divers Fire-ships. There was such order ta∣ken to repel them, in case they should attempt to passe the Bank, that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it: For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark, there was also the Kings Fleet, composed of good store Men of war, and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels. The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard, and commanded as Vice-Admiral, who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies, and to fight those who were in it; The others were to follow his example, and every one had or∣der to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore, as possible they could, where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts. If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles, of the greater Vessels & shot from the Batteries, yet they would find themselves en∣tangled amongst fourscore other Vessels, Gallies, Galliots, and Barques, from whence it would be difficult to get off, and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk, or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them. The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing, presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English, and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp. The strength of his Army, the Batteries which were built on the shores, and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces, banish'd all causes of fear from him, neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he

had in God, for whose glory he did fight, more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome, to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion. In short, as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy, ob∣ligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant, he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot, then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay; he likewise called a Councel of War, where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet: He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand, and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank. That no Vessel should re∣leeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy, that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy, and should fall foul upon one of his own party, not yet pro∣vided, then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy, that both might fall upon him; that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should present∣ly come to assist, and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship, they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over: That in such case too, they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power, and pour in some Buckets of Water: That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points: That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet, and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships, by surprising their Shallops in case they had any, or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels: That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern, and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail, they should have their long boats armed, and ready to advance with assistance against any fire, where it should happen. This order was resolved on by the King, assisted with his Gene∣rals and Sea Captains, and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Ad∣miral, who distributed it amongst the Officers. Lastly, his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries, to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy, when-ever they should appear.

Politique Observation.

OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince, than the Military, which not onely preserves his own State to him, but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree. It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the steadiest Pillars of his Authority, seeing neither subjects or neighbours make any difficulty to assault him, whom they find negligent in Military Discipline. For this reason it was, that the wisest amongst the Romans, were against the ruine of Carthage; fore-seeing with much Prudence, that that City being no longer able to oppose the Roman greatnesse, their Commanders would no more regard the trai∣ning up of their Souldiers in the exercise of War, and by consequence, put the Emi∣pire in danger of a total ruine. I shall hereto adde, that the Prince unskil'd in this Art lies at the mercy of his Captains when any War befalls him, and his Power sub∣jected to their Fidelity; an evill so much the greater, as the Grandees of a Kingdom holding for a maxime, that the weaknesse of their Prince is the most assured founda∣tion of their Authority, would make no scruple of letting themselves be overcome, when thereby they might hope for some advantage. Besides it is not to be imagi∣ned to what contempt he doth expose himself, whilest he is in an Army which he knows not how to govern, how to quarter, how to give order in a March or a Battel. I have formerly said, that that Prince is very unfortunate, who is necessi∣tated to make use of strangers for his assistance. But what good successe can he expect, who is not able to guide his own Subjects in War? To deal ingeniously, if the Army which he hath got together be the Body destinied for his defence, hee is then their head; but if he chance to be unable to do the Offices which belong to that part, his Army will fall to be like the body of a man, whose head by the many wounds it hath received, is no longer able to govern or direct the inferiour

members. Amongst the many wayes to make a Prince Master of this Art, no doubt, but the reading of such Books as discourse concerning History and War, may be very usefull, for by it may he observe the atchievements of great Captains and what orders they have followed in matters of fight: But yet the Practique part is that which in military affairs is much more advantagious. Neither ought a Prince to expect a War that he may accustome himself to the attaining of this ha∣bit; for this is the time, when he must teach his Souldiers to execute that which himself had formerly learn'd. The exercising and training up of his Souldiers in time of Peace will be of a double advantage to him, for he not onely learns the manner of conducting them, but accustomes and habituates them to his own rules and conduct, and maketh himself beloved by them, so that when occasion shall serve they will not easily leave or forsake him.

Charles of Anson was esteemed a fortunate and good Souldier, but yet his cre∣dit was much diminished for his disusing his Souldiers to the exercise of their Arms in time of Peace. An Army not train'd up to feats of War in times of Peace, can∣not do any great actions in War when occasion requires, saith Julius Caesar; but on the contrary there are great hopes from them who are well Disciplin'd. Upon this accompt it was, that he made so little difficulty to go meet with a handfull of men, Pompey and his vast Army in the Thessalian Plains, they being for the most part untrain'd and without skill; so that he himself said, he onely went to fight a head without a body. Scipio the Affricans greatest care was in this manner, conti∣nually to exercise his Souldiers, that he might teach them to be victorious and cou∣ragious. Philopaemon was much commended by antiquity, for that in times of Peace, he was diligently intent upon the exercising of his Souldiers for War, if oc∣casions should so happen, that there might be any sudden need of them, many times would he lead them into the Field, and propose these and such other questi∣ons to them. If the enemy (would he say) were incamped upon yonder Hill, who had the greater advantage by it, he, or me? how should we assault him? what course were proper to be taken if he should stay to attend us? If we should be put to retreat, how should we do it with most advantage? Thus he knew their opini∣ons, and shewed them his own, which used them to a readinesse of all manner of exercises. In fine, he who accustometh himself to this kind of action, may say what Camillus did to his in a great Battel which he had with the Tuscans, at whose numbers his souldiers were astonished: Companions and Fellow Souldiers (said he) put not your selves to the trouble of doing any thing else, then what you have so often done before my face. These few words gave them a confident assurance, and doubtlesse a Prince whoever he be, shall banish all fear from his Souldiers, and much increase their Courages, when he hath train'd them up to the use of their Arms, and to the knowledge of what they ought to observe, he shall come to say those or the like words unto them. Use makes perfection, maketh Cowards sencelesse at the greatest dangers, and enables them to do all things, who before could do nothing.

The English attempt the Relief of Rochel, but in vain.

THE English Fleet lay eight days at Anchor, without moving a Ship, they ha∣ving agreed upon the order of fight with those of Rochel, who had promised by their Deputies to sally out both by Sea and Land to second them; but they could find no opportunity to send them notice of it; besides the ill welcome they recei∣ved at their first entertainment, made them resolve to attempt nothing without a good information how they might escape those obstacles, which they understood were prepared ready for them in the Channel. For being come near about the Chef de Bay, they were received with a Volley of about fifty short from the Point there; forty of which did execution upon them; especially upon one, in which and English Collonel and divers of his Company were killed. This Battery indeed consisted of 9 peece of Cannon, and was raised there by his Majesties own direction, though contrary to the advice of his Generals.

But for all this, there was one Captain Braignant a Rochellois, in companie with them, who offered to attempt the passage in a small Boat with Oares, crosse the Kings Fleet, and over the Channels, to give those of the Town information of what orders they were to observe: The English approoved of it, who making use of the darkness of the night, went and mingled himself with those of the Kings Fleet under pretence of enquiring out for a Galliot, & so well played his part, that he got into Rochel. Presently the Rochellois made Bonefiers upon the tops of their Towers; The day following, they set up three Ensigns, one white, t'other red, & the third Blew; the English did the like. The King seeing of it, presently drew out his Armie into Battalia; which had bin during the eighth dayes last past much recuited, by the accesse of divers Volunteers, who had come in from all parts; and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagernesse, every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies: Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth, and their Ships mooved with a fair Gale, came up toward his Majesties Fleet, about Cannon di∣stance; turned about their Ships and discharged their Broad-sides, the like did the Rochellois; and the Kings Ships were not long before they set out to receive them, where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe, they had lesse resolution now, then they had lately shewen at the Ile of Re; that which most of all troubled them was, they were not ignorant, with what obstacles they were to encounter, in the Channels that they were to break through three Rayles, two of Vessels floating on the Sea, and linked toge∣ther by Chains and Anchors; and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank; the Channel too was covered all over, with Vessels full of Soul∣diers and Voluntiers of the Nobility, all eager of fighting with them; besides they were to avoyd the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore, by the Bank; al these difficulties made them dispair of doing any good upon it, and that time the water was too low, for their Ships, in which their chief strength consisted, and their design could not be excused, but at high-water, because when the Sea began to ebb, their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Ma∣jesties great Guns, insomuch that all things duely considered, they concluded it im∣possible for them to break thorough.

On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out, and do miracles, did not appear at all, for they had found, that it would be impossible to make way thorough to the Bank, there being so many Vessels full of Souldiers & Volunteers, to be fought with; insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of an∣ger, and what out of despair, resolved to draw off: many complaints he made against the Rochellois, as that they had deceived the King his Master, in assuring him that it was easie to passe into their Port, and not informing him, of those ob∣stacles, which he was to provide against, and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships, & Vessels to fight with his Souldiers; but yet al his complaints could not secure him, from being much blamed: all that he did, before his going off, was, he had sent out a Fire-ship with Petards and the like, from which he expected great matters, as that it would burn all the Ships it came neer: but it happene to work sooner then his enginers imagined; so that they being unable to get of the Barque which was fastened to it, they burnt their Vessels, and themselves, without any re∣lief or succour.

Politique Observation.

IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people, or to build any designe upon their promises; They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes, of which being despoiled, they have present recours to such, from whom they can expect assistance, without considering into how great disasters, and to what little purpose they engage them; They want fore-cast to prevent those inconve∣niencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends, and they judge of events by their own desires, rather then by the rules of War. They never misdoubt of a good successe, in that which they wish with passion; & as nothing is so

dangerous as rashnesse, which carrieth people blindfold into disasters: so they fre∣quently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee, and in it ruine all those whom they have perswaded to become companions of their enter∣prises.

Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles, who being discontented with his own Countrey, perswaded him to a War against Greece, where being arrived, he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him; whereby he came exposed to many dangers; Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it, that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's, It neither defended him from the discredit and blame, nor saved him those expences which he had bin at. In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our Kings Generals in Italy, let himself be guided by Bentivoglio, in the assalting of Boulognea, from whence he had bin banished, upon the hopes he gave him, that the Citizens and No∣bility would revolt; but being come before it, he was forced to retire with dishonor, all those promises of Bentivoglio, which were founded more upon his passionate de∣sire, than reason, being vanished into that ayr which gave him the first conceipts of them. I might add for another reason, the facility wherewith a people revolted, do submit to their soveraigns, when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designes. For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run, neither have they generousnesse enough, to ob∣serve their promises made upon any accompt whatever.

Thus Alexander King of Epire, invaded Italy upon some assurances, which a re∣volted people called the Lucani, at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples, had given him, of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdome, and that they would never forsake him, but he soon found it quite otherwise: For they having made their Peace, with the rest of their Country-men, to enjoy their goods and liberties, upon condition that they slew him, forthwith fell upon him, and by an extream breach of Faith killed him, which might serve all Princes to beware, how they credit a revolt∣ed rebellious people, both because they will usually promise more then they can perform, feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assi∣stance and last of all, if they find it for their advantage, make their own ac∣commodation, and leave those whom they engaged with them, to shift for them∣selves.

The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel, resolve to depart.

THE sodain departure of the English pass'd for a miracle, not only amongst the most Religious, but the wise too; and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven it self, did fight against them, and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them, his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Ju∣stice. And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sayl from England, with undanted courages, resolve to consume whatever should oppose them, and on a sodain, seized with fear, insomuch that their Armes seemed to drop out of their hands, and they could not be perswaded to fight? was it not indeed a real miracle, that, on the third night after their arrival, in the Road of the Chef de Bay, the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out, according as had bin assigned between them, should presently turn about, and that just as they were at the Oar? was it not, I pray, an absolute miracle, that when at another time the same Rochelois were embarqued, after the exhortations of their Ministers, and their Captains had solemnly sworn, to passe the Bank in dispight of all oppo∣sition, or die in the attempt, just then they should be struck with such faint hearted∣nesse, that not a man durst stir his hand, and their Minister Vincent who exhorted them, could no longer speak unto them, as himself confessed in a Letter to a Friend of his? was not that a real miracle, which hapened two dayes before the English de∣parted,

when there fell so thick a myst, that one could hardly see his hand; which opportunity they intended to make use of to force the Bank; and on a sudden to see it dissipated, though it was thought that it would have lasted three hours at least, and the wind which was at that time fair, to change about, and that into so vio∣lent a storm, that one of their Vessels was forced on shore, neer Pont de la Pierre? Was it not miraculous to see the Kings Army clear from all contagious diseases; notwithstanding that the Rochelois had often sent out infected persons, on purpose to infect others? Was it not strange that the Sea should grow so rough at the first laying the foundation for the Bank, and break it open without doing any other hurt then enlarging of the ground-work, a thing necessary in it self, and too narrow to uphold so great a bulk? And besides was it not a miracle that whilest the Bank was not yet finished, the Sea Floods which yeeld to nothing, should not do any hurt to it? They who are eye-witnesses of so many wonders could not but confesse that Heaven fought for his Majesty, and that the Winds which observe nothing but inconstancy, were by God subjected to him, to become favourable to his de∣signs. Who can refuse to acknowledge these things to be the effects of Gods ex∣traordinary power; for his Majesty, at the same time, did a great and evident mi∣racle upon a child of 12 years old, who never having spoke word, onely Ay and No spake perfectly as soon as ever the King had touched her. She was born at St. Jean de Angely, and brought by her Parents, who confidently beleeved that she would be well if his Majesty did but touch her.

Politique Observation.

THE Piety of a King avails much in the obtaining of Victorie. Who can doubt it, seeing God is the Authour of them, and that Piety is a charm which capti∣vates him as the Royal Prophet hath said, To hear the Prayers of them who fear him, and to defend them from their enemies? Antiquity used to say (according to Plutarch) that Fortune gave to Demetrius those Towns which he took in Nets of Gold: Mercurius Tresmegistus saith, that he whose Piety puts him into Gods protection, is not easily surprised by any ambush, and St. Augustine writeth in his Book de Civit. Dei, That the Romans had not been Masters of the Universe by Force and Prudence, but by the Virtue and Piety which they practised: The Vi∣ctories they obtained being the rewards of their deserts; indeed Justice and Piety are the strongest weapons a Soveraign can imploy to suppresse his enemies: And if any one ask the reason of it, I shall onely alledge this, that Piety renders them worthy to obtain Victories from the hand of God, who hath promised in a thou∣sand places of holy Writ to imploy his power in the behalf of those Kings which are righteous. And how often hath God made the Winds and Tempests to fight their Battels who have been carefull to walk in his ways? How often hath he ope∣ned inaccessible places to them, and calmed the Sea for their sakes? Hath it not been often seen that an handfull of men by his assistance have brought strong Ar∣mies to confusion, and became Masters of places thought to be impregnable. To speak truly, nothing is so strong, so powerfull, so invincible, nor so generous as that valour which marching under the Banners of Christian Piety, submiteth its self to Gods protection, the true strength of all Christian Princes: And as it were in vain to seek for Light without the Sun, Water without Fountains or Rivers, and heat without fire; so it would be ridiculous to expect true strength from any other then his protection, who is the God of Battels. The more a Prince is in favour with him, the more courage will he give him, especially when he fighteth for his glory, and this is a maxime which may serve for a foundation to the happinesse of all Kings, and who so observeth it not, buildeth his designs upon the sand. Alphon∣sus King of Sicily and Arragon taught his son Ferdinand, in such terms as were ve∣ry proper to be learned by all young Princes in their infancy. It was then when he sent him to revenge the injuries, which he had received from the Florentines, Be∣hold his words:

My son (said he) That which I chiefly command you, is, Trust not so much upon your souldiers courages, as upon your hopes of assistance from Heaven, learn to day from me, Victory is not the effect of the Discipline or industry of men, but of Gods power, who is the judge of Battels. The Military Art can ne∣ver assure of an happy successe in our designs, if we be once defective in making God our friend by the Piety and Innocence of our actions. In fine, all the max∣ims of War, not link'd with the Laws of God are weak foundations; and all the fortunes which are not grounded upon him, who turns the Globe of the Earth with his hand, are nearer to destruction then advancement. The Greeks though brought up in the darknesse of errour, did they not design to teach us, when in their fables it was said, that Mercury who was adored by them for the God of Prudence, was nursed by the hours? For to what end was it, if not to teach their people that all humane wisedome, if not regulated nor sustained by the measures of Heaven could not have any nourishment or subsistance.

The Dissentions amongst the Rochelois upon the Departure of the English.

THE departure of the English cast the Rochelois into such despair, that they had doubtlesse set open the Gates to his Majesty, so much were the inferiour sort op∣pressed with necessity and want, had it not been for the Dutchesse of Rohan, and the exhortations of their Preachers, who never ceased from crying out unto the people, that they never ought to despair of assistance from Heaven, which never forsaketh them who are the Protectors of the Gospel. There presently did arise great dissentions between them, but the prevalent party, imprisoned some, and executed others, whom they found disposed to an accommodation; insomuch that from that time the poor people were ready to perish by famine, and durst not com∣plain of it. They were perswaded of a new succour from England; for the procu∣ring of which, they sent new Deputies to his Majesty of Great Brittain, with in∣structions to incite him upon the score of honour, representing to him that he could not suffer their Town to be lost without injuring of his own glory, they be∣ing thus under his protection; withall to provoke him to it by a sense of pitty; to which end they acquainted him with the extream necessities and miseries to which they were reduced, and to perswade him that there was not any such impediment in the Channel which his Fleet might not have overcome, if they would but have attempted it; that for their parts they had not been wanting to make a Salley, if his Forces had but once began the fight; and lastly, they astonished the people by the thundring noise or the Cannon, which they discharged more in six days, then they had done in six weeks before, to perswade them that they had now found an infallible way to break the Bank, and to destroy all the Kings ships that lay in the Channel.

In the mean while his Majesty that he might not lose the advantage which their divisions offered to him, sent to summon them by an Herald, but they rejected all proposals of a surrender: however famin, pressing-hard upon the poorer sort, & som of the better too, they began to murmure, insomuch that a Counsel was summoned to satisfie them, and to consider of what was proper to be done: the Counsel being met, most of the members were of opinion to accept of his Majesties bounty and one amongst them openly said, that they were now within six weeks of their last provi∣sions, that every one had reason to rejoyce, seeing it pleased his Majesty to be so gracious; as that he would preserve the exercise of their Religion to them; the en∣joyment of their goods, and the walls of their City, all which they had reason to hope for, from his Majesties clemencie and goodnesse: That on the other side, he saw no reason to expect any relief from the English, as well by reason of the losses they had already sustain'd as by the little courage they had testified to fight for them, as also by those great difficulties which were to be remooved in the Channel:

and so saying, he did much settle and confirm the rest in their resolutions of Sur∣rendring. But the Mayor hearing this discourse came to him, and gave him a Box on the ear; in answer of which another of the Connsellors did so much for him, and thus they had falled into some greater sedition had they not bin dissolved very quickly. The Councel was much offended with the Mayor, and issued out an or∣der to seize on him; but he encouraging the people, made them rise, and take arms, so away he went to the houses of those two Counsellors, to have slain them, as doubtlesse he had done, had it not preserved by their escape out of Rochel, unto his Majesty at whose feet they cast themselves, imploring his protection, which was not denied unto them.

These divisions, did not a little advantage his Majesties affaires, & the Cardinal per∣swaded his Majesty to foment them as much as possible he could, by sending another summons to them to yeild; whereupon Breton Herald at Armes was commanded to do it in Form, with his Coat of Armes, who went into the Citie, required them to lay down their weapons, assured them of pardon for their past crime & follies, and threatning them with the contrary, in case they should now refuse it. It made no little impression on them, who were reduced to want and extremity, but they being animated by their Preachers, the town still continued resolute in their insolencies, The obstinate wilfulnesse, which is natural to such people feeding them with fair hopes until the last.

Politique Observation.

THE people, saith T. Livy, unable to govern themselves by reason, soon run into extremities, and dangers; they are ever either too low or too high, too forward or too backward. Another, and for the same reason likens them to the fool-hardy, who know no medium between the extreams of fear and audacious∣nesse; as soon as ever they despair of effecting their designs to advantage, they break out into mutinies; but in case they find them in a condition of bringing them to a good issue. Oh, how fierce are they? how insolent in their expressions & actions? There need no other reason for it, but onely this Passion is naturally the Mistress of popular spirits, which are neither capable of reason or generousness the two known causes of civility, modesty and valour: Experience too hath made it evident that they who are born with narrow low hearts are terrified at the least dangers, and care not what evils they commit if they have but the power to defend them. It is the pro∣perty of passion, either to yeild to soon, or not at all; and by the impetuousnesse of their motion it is, that many people have chosen after the suffering of a thousand miseries, to dye within their City wals, rather then open their Gates, to their besie∣gers. Calagurva a City of Spain, being besieged by Pompey, the inhabitants of it, were so obstinate in defence of their Walls in Sertorius his behalf, that after they had eaten up all their living creatures, they were so sencelesly cruel, as to kill their Wives and Children, that they might eat them: And the Saguntines too, who were of the same Nation after they had suffered the utmost extremities, turned their rage upon their own selves, insomuch that their fame became a proverb, for having no∣thing left to eat, they made a great fier in the publike place, where they first burnt, whatever they esteemed rich, and then threw in themselves, choosing rather to pe∣rish in the flames, then to let the Carthaginians become Masters of their Town and Persons, rather to follow the impetuousnesse of that fury which tormented them, then to be guided by reason, which would have taught them, that it had bin no in∣famy to yield to a Conqueror, when he hath reduced such as resist him, to an im∣possibility of escaping.

A Feigned Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Mayor of Rochel seeing this fury of the people; who seemed unable longer to endure the extremities, whereunto necessity had reduced them, and that that party, who were enclined to surrender the Town, were grown strong, he resolved to feign a treaty with the King. He had wit enough to know that the people love rather to be deceived than forced, upon which thoughts, he prayed the Sieur Arnoult by the Sieur de Fenquieres a prisoner, that he would come into the City to advise upon such wayes of accomodation, as might he thought reasonable. The Sieur Arnoult procured leave for it, and upon discourse had with the Mayor, he spent two dayes time in going & coming, after which he purposed to the besieged to have recourse to his Majesties mercy, as the most assured way of pardon which they could fancie to themselves; so the Sieur Arnoult went to meet the King at Tailbourg, & Monsieur de Cardinal at Chast••liers near Fontenay to give them notice of what had passed. These apparent submissions brought them both back to the Camp, from which they were a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army. Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel, and having assured the inhabi∣tants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them, if they would really con∣fesse their faults, and give him reason to beleeve that they would in future live with∣in the bounds of their duty, they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty, who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say. They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay, at the Quarter de la Bergery, where they were in conference full two hours with him, after which every one guessed by their cheerfulnesse that they were very well contented, they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two dayes after in the same place, which was not denied them, and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver them∣selves up to his Majesties mercy, seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion, he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion, the injoyment of their goods, and withall the preservation of their Walls; the Cardinal sent them back to the King, whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear be∣fore his Majesty, but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet, and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions, as could have been desired. His Majesty said to them, you deserve to be severely punished; but since God hath given you the grace to confesse your fault, I pardon you your lives. The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy, promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty. But the Mayor and those of his party had onely pretended this Treaty to gain time, that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications; which otherwise would be levelled with the ground; and at last having moulded them to their own temper, all the Treaty vanished to smoke: Nay their insolency was such, that being confident, during this intercourse of parley, his Majesties Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did, they had the boldnesse to send out a fire-ship about three in the morning, amongst the Kings Vessels near the Bank, which guarded the Passages, and at the same time shot off divers great pieces, but without any execution. The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted, caused the watch to be kept in as great strictnesse as ever, so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fire-ship drew her aside into a place, where she burned down without doing any hurt.

Politique Observation.

VIgilance is the savegard of Armies, and he who commands a siedge is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besiedged, in re∣gard the wisest then attempt them, when they are least suspected. Negligence

and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together, and the least care∣fulnesses do often turn the scales in War. Those campes which are garded with most circumspection, are the most secure, and he who is not alwayes in a way of defence, puts himself into eminent danger; That General who lets his forces sleep without good gard, commits the care of them and their lives to fortune. Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault, for his Souldiers kept the same gard in peace, and with the same stricttnesse as in War, their arms being alwayes ready by them to fight. At first it was woundred at, but the reason he alledged, was, That a man may be never surprised, he ought always to be in fear. By this means after the shame of a rout, he will not be forced to say, I did not think there had been any thing to fear. If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his gard, more especially ought he to be so then, when there are propositions of peace in treaty; for one of the most usual wiles, which great Captains use, is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advan∣tage. Thus Pope Julius the second, that he might gain time, to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara, amazed King Lewi••h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation. In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Arch-duke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace, which they swore unto, that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making ne∣cessary preparations for the assisting of his own party; who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdome of Naples; and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his designe, for he could not afterwards be perswaded to ratifie the treaty. Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust, and he who so doth, hath a double advantage by it, first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him, and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces, gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles.

The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extream miseries.

ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities, espe∣cially after the English were returned, was to turn out all the unnecessary mouthes; they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest, which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank, to passe a Barque laden with women, which the Kings vessels then in gard did not perceive time enough to prevent: but this was the onely time they could procure that advantage, but on the contrary, their insolency being come to the height, they forced the Kings Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land; about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water, and being got to Land, fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greedinesse, that it was easie to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine. They had been fit objects with compassion, had they been lesse insolent; but as nothing except ne∣cessity it self could bring them to their duties, so the Sieurs de Brisfac, de Fourille and the other Captains of the gards when they lighted on them, forced them back into he Town, to augment the famine of the inhabitants. This just severity was oftentimes used towards them, by which means their miseries were such, that having neither bread, pulse, nor any thing usually edible, they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow & such other things. They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles, and such other stuff as they could frie, which they presently devoured as delicates. They eat bread made of thistle-roots, and their hunger not so satisfied, turning into fury came to that passe, that they eat dead bodies, and some perswaded the mothers to embrew their hands in the blood of their innocent Babes for their present nourish∣ment.

Had it not been seen, it would hardly have been beleeved, that after such extre∣mities

they should long hold out: however they remained obstinate; so that his Majesties justice, guided by his prudence obliged him to prohibit the coming out of any of them, yet how ill soever they were dealt with by his Majesties troops, when they came to the trenches, diverse of them daily came out, which were still beat back again. It is true for their greater confusion the men were driven back again naked, and the Women in their smocks forcing them with forks and lathes to return: as for those who attempted to passe the trenches in the night, or by any other devise, they were all hanged without mercy, if it were their misfortunes to be discovered, because some of them hand been taken with Letters and Tickets to ha∣sten on the relief from England, and this prudent Severity was at last the true case of their repentance.

Politick Observation.

IT is an equitable cruelty, to hinder the besieged from running out of a Town, when their necessities begin to presse upon them. If the War be lawfull their deaths must needs be just. It is true in point of sieges the inhabitants are first to be gained by kindnesse, but when perswasions will not do, force and rigour ought to be made use of, and this ought to be done with the lesse difficulty, in regard the death of Rebels doth well suit with Justice and the publick good. Famine is one of the chief weapons which forceth a Town in a long siege. It is that which takes them, where the Artillery cannot make breaches or ruines enough to force a sur∣render. Now as this Famine is augmented by their number, he who shall suffer them to get out and avoid the necessity which presse upon them, acteth against himself, and depriveth himself of the most assured means to take them. The more people that are in a besieged Town, the sooner will their victuals be consumed, and they sooner reduced to famine, and then follows death in its hideous and de∣formed visage, producing every day spectacles of horrour, which they who have any reason and find a necessities of being forced, had much rather surrender then behold; famine makes the weapons fall out of their hands. The Emperour Au∣relian speaking of the Roman people (said) Nothing is so gay as they are when their Bellies are full, and their bones at rest; and on the contrary, nothing so cowardly as when they are reduced to want and penury. Who knows not what violences they use upon the Magistrate to free them of this necessity? Hath it not been heretofore seen that in a time of Famine, the Roman people went after the Empe∣rour Claudius injuriously reviling him, and throwing crusts of bread at his head? and they of Constantinople, did they not in a great dearth throw stones at their Em∣perour, Theodosius the first? The people do become so furious by famine, that no∣thing can hold them, and as they prefer nothing before life, they at last resolve to force their Officers to open their Gates and surrender. Indeed they are the more excusable for it, in regard necessity is become their reason, the power whereof is unsupportable either by one or the other.

The miseries of Rochel by Famine.

THE common people of Rochel had indured great miseries from the beginning of May; however the hopes they had of succour from England, perswaded the best provided amongst them to sow all sorts of little grain, as Pease, Beans, Bar∣ley, and the like, about their Walls in all their spare places; it was discretion in the Kings party to let them alone in it; but a great imprudence in them to dis-fur∣nish themselves of that whereof they had such present necessity, and were likely to have much more in a very little time. They had indeed the pleasure to behold what they sowed to spring up and grow; but just when they thought to gather the fruits of their labours, the Kings Army came up and cut all down, and so deprived them of the refreshment which they expected from it.

Politique Observation.

THE usual rule in Sieges, is to keep the besieged close up, and to deprive them of all kind of liberty; for by consequence, liberty which is one of the most de∣lightfull things in mans life being once stopped, becomes very displeasing, and is a sufficient reason to perswade those who are under that restraint, to do any thing for the inlargement of it. However this rule admitteth of some exception, and ought not to be used when a besieged people pretend to sow any grain, or the like about their City Walls; For as the Corn which they put into the earth doth not a little diminish their main stock, so the freedome which is permitted them, thus to cast it away, serveth the sooner to bring them to want and famine, and so to surrender. The chief end in long sieges, is to famish the besieged, and as the sowing of their ground doth not a little contribute thereunto, so Prudence forbiddeth that they should be hindred in their work; and indeed commandeth that they should rather be invited and allured to it, by winking at them if they attempt it. For this reason it was, that Fabius Maximus having depopulated and wasted all the Country of the Campani, retired about seed-time, that he might give them the liberty of decrea∣sing their store by sowing, which he never intended they should reap; which hap∣pened accordingly, for comming upon them before Harvest, they were easily fami∣shed and forced to surrender.

The Rochelois Salley out upon his Majesties Forces.

THough there was but a handfull of men in Rochel, compared with his Majesties Army, yet the mutinous humour which transported them, incouraged the in∣habitants to make divers Sallies. It is true they made fewer then had been seen in any so great siege, in hopes that the English would come and force open the Bank but however some they made, and those great ones, but were repulsed with losse, It was the Sieur de Fouquierres mishap to be taken Prisoner by them in one of their Sallies, which they made about the beginning of the year; there were divers of theirs too taken, which were kept in durance for exchanges, if occasion should be, and they of the City had notice given unto them, that in case they did him any inju∣ry, his Majesty would cause all his Prisoners of theirs to be hanged without mercy; so they dealt civilly with him, and when their Victuals began to grow scarce, they permitted one of his servants to bring him some every day from the Camp. Their insolency likewise carried them to make several Sallies by Sea, especially upon the arrival of those ships from Bourdoaux, which they attempted to have fired, but they had never any good successe in them, onely once they took a small Galliot which belonged to the Sieur de Thoyras; the Cardinals care and diligence, setting such a watch over them, that hardly-a man could peep out, but he was presently discovered.

Politique Observation.

THose Sallies which the besieged make upon an Army lying before them, are still accompanied with danger to themselves, for the least losse of their Souldiers is of great concernment; because they being once gone, it is difficult to have a re∣cruit or relief of others. The valour indeed which they have opportunity of shew∣ing in such incounters, may perchance quell the resolutions of the Besiegers; es∣pecially if the place be well stored and likely to receive fresh supplies; but that not being so, the Besiegers by standing still in their Forts and Works, and keeping good guard in their Trenches, will be sure every time to lessen their number of some few, and in fine reduce them to none at all. Philip de Commines saith, all Sallies made without necessity are to be blamed; for they cannot without it be al∣lowable, that which sometimes maketh to vanquish against hope, by the cou∣rage

which it infusethinto the most cowardly, for there is not any danger which they are not easily perswaded toattempt who are convinced of the inevitableness of their present death. This is that which all those who are besieged ought to consider; be∣fore they make a salley: now as for the Besiegers, they have onely two ways to avoid all misfortunes, the first, the well ordering of their works, the second, the good watch of those works. If the Trenches are well contrived, not any where at too great distance from the Town, if they flank one another, if they be high enough to shelter the foot, if their Parapets be Faulcon proof, if they be so well fortified by Forts and Redouts, from distance to distance; if they be large enough to fight in; and so disposed, that one be not surprised behind they will bring great matters to passe; they ought also to be lined with Souldiers, well accoutred, well disciplined, and such as wil be careful to keep good watch day and night, neither is it lesse needful, to place Sentinels, upon the Avennues, and all along upon the Trenches; and at last when the Enemie doth appear, then is the time to repel force by Force, then ought the most resolute of the Souldiers, be placed in Front, to sustain the charge, as like∣wise in that quarter, which is neerest the Town, because they who bear the first brunt, are the men that do the work; and upon whom all the rest doth depend, and in those places it is, that the first assaults are alwayes made: But above all, he who commandeth in the Trenches, ought alwayes to have Forces in a readinesse from the out-guards, for seconding courage with numbers doth much conduce to the re∣pelling of an Enemie, with advantage: and if he find that those who are up∣on the guard, be not either proper or able to sustain a charge, if the Enemie should come out, then ought he to place them in the strongest Redouts, from whence it will be more difficult to force them, until recruits shall come up; and this was the order which Caesar observed in besieging the City of Alexia, as is to be seen in his Commentaries.

The Duke of Rohan continueth his designes in Languedoc.

WHilest the Rochelois were acting these pieces of Rebellion, the Duke de Rohan was no lesse intent upon carrying his designes in Languedoc, for the gaining of such Towns where the Hugonots had most power to his party. About the beginning of the year he attempted to make himself Ma∣ster of Briateste, by means of one Toubze, but the inhabitants who desired nothing more then to live in peace, and under his Majesties obedience, hearing of it, layd hold on that seditious brother of theirs, and sent him to Thoulouze, where he was shortly after hanged for his pains; Rohan was much displeased at the ill usage his for∣ces had received at Montpellier, whereupon he commanded the Seneschal de Castres to send ten or twelve Horse and fifty Musqueteers about the Castle of Clermont de Lodove, knowing that there were divers Lords and Gentlemen met there together, that he might intice them to come out, and be revenged on them. The Sentinel of the Castle, gave notice to the Count de Clermont, that he saw eight or ten Horse eye the Castle, in such a manner, that he conceived them to be Enemies: presently the Count and those that were with him, issued out in their doublets and hose, with their Swords and Pistols, and fell upon them. These Horse-men as soon as ever they perceived them made as if they fled towards a Wood, where they had left their fifty Musqueteers in Ambush; being come up to them▪ they faced about, and dis∣charging all together upon the Noblemen, who pursued them, within Pistol shot, they killed twelve of them; The Baron d'Ambre being then with the Count de Clermont, seeing his Cornet killed, vowed he would be revenged of them for his death, and turning about again to charge them, he was in an instant so surrounded that he saw it was impossible to escape: he asked them if ten thousand Crowns would save his life, they told him no, and bid him remember Montpellier. This seemed onely to be a stratagem of War, but their cruelty was in processe evidently

to be seen, for not contented with this advantage, they cut off the noses and ears of all they took. Not long after his exployt, the Duke de Rohan ingaged the City of, Rohan to revolt. Those of his faction in Montauban, where no lesse insolent, there they forced out of their City, the Lieutenant Paxticulier, the Doyen of the Senechil, two Councellours and the Lieutenant General, and presently perswaded the people to rise. Those of Nismez, Cosne, Saint Sever, Saint Frigue, and divers other places, of Languedoc, Vivarets, and Dauphine, did the like, neither were these the onely Provinces, in which they had their Intelligencers at work. Mosieur the Car∣dinal, had bin acquainted, about the beginning of March, whilest his Majesty was at Paris, that certain Gentlemen of his party did endeavor to make factions and divisions in Limasin against the Kings service, he not ignorant that such fiers ought to be extinguished on their first births, sent the Mareschal de Schomberg, Lieutenant General; of that Province, to take order in it, who no lesse prudent then valorous, soon dissipated them, that not a man durst shew his head. About the same time, he had also by some device or other gained one Le Parc, Son to one of the Captains of a Gate at Callais, to deliver the Town to the English by letting them in at a Bastion, which was somwhat decayed, and delivering them up the old Castle, where there was only one old Souldier of his acquaintance, who lay in gard. But this contrivance being discovered by the Vicompte de Fruge, Le Parc, was ap∣prehended, his Processe, drawen up and finished and himself broken alive. On the other side the Sieur de Maritignon, found out some correspondencie between cer∣tain Hugonots of Normandy, and the English, and how they had contrived to let them in by a great Tower which stood in the Sea belonging to the Sieur de Brique∣ville, as also into the Town and Haven de Vire, in hopes that they of their party who were at Caen, Falaise, and other adjacent places, would rise in a body together, and so force the King to leave Rochel, that he might retake these places of so great im∣portance.

Politique Observation.

REbels at their first rising may perchance get some advantages, either by intel∣ligences in strong Towns or surprisal of those which are but ill kept, but in fine they do moulter away and are reduced to nothing. It were to be wished, that before they attempted any thing, they did but know, what is the true Reason hereof which it this, they are to seek for those things which are necessary to continue a War, with good successe, for the beginning there need little or nothing, but those beginnings must of necessity terminate in disasters, if he who is the first mover, have not store of Forces, and power to recruite them, if he be not furnished with ex∣pert Officers and Treasures, if he have not very good intelligences with the Lords & Princes bordering upon those places which he pretendeth to assault, & lastly if him∣self too, be not endewed with a soul & courage truly great that he ought of necessity to have Forces and power to recuit himself, cannot be doubted, because otherwise, his soveraign will presently crush him, the inconstancie of his Souldiers will by di∣sbanding leave him naked; and sicknesses will help to take away some too, so that in fine he will be reduced to nothing, if he cannot repair his losses by recruits, and new fresh Regiments. That which gave the Romans such advantage over other Na∣tions, was, first their discipline of War, but secondly their Numbers; now the means used to get such great Armies, was to exercise those Enemies whom they had over∣come, in their Militia, as Tacitus observeth on the Life of the Emperour Claudian, and on the other side the Lacedemonians, and Athenians, not entertaining any Strangers, though by them subjugated, never brought any great considerable Armies for number into the field, and consequently could never attain unto so great an Empire. Next to the great numbers of Souldiers, which he ought to have, comes Treasures, without which it is impossible to prevent an Army from wanting victuals, clothes, and necessaries, and by consequence from disbanding, Quintus Flaminius seeing Philopoemon Captain of the Grecians, with a great Army, both of Horse and

Foot, but without any mony, laughed at him; he hath indeed, quoth he, store of Legs and Arms, but no Belly; meaning, by like, that he wanted wherewithal to feed them. Caesar how great a Souldier soever, and how valiant soever his Souldiers were, brake open the Treasure Gate at Rome, contrary to Motellus the Tribunes will: for he wisely foresaw, that it would be impossible to give a good account of the War, without he were provided with store of Treasures. Next of all I come to expect Officers who are not lesse needful, because they are as the soul of the Soul∣diers; and as it is true that a Body cannot move without it's soul, neither can any Souldiers do any thing considerable, if not conducted by the example of their Commanders and instructed how, where and when, they ought to fight. And then ought he to hold good intelligence too with the Grandees, and those places which border upon that part which he designeth to attaque, for otherwise, his Convoyes will be stopped, every day will make some hole in his Coat, and they will serve for retreits to his Enemies to contrive Ambushes and designs against him. For this Reason it was that James King of Scotland, contriving to make War upon Henry the eighth King of England, was careful to hold intelligence, with the English, who else might have endangered and troubled his Forces; & that Hannibal assaulting the Romans; first made sure of the Spaniards, French, and Africans; and that the Romans bending their powers against Philip of Macedon, first sent their Ambassadors, to make a League with Ptolomei King of Egypt. Lastly, and most especially he himself ought to be of a genius and courage, every way truely extraordinary, for every day he must be exposed to new dangers; the successe of the greatest part of his affairs, will depend upon his own prudence and addresse; the least distrust or fear that shall appear in him will drive away whole troops from him; extraordinarie designs re∣quiring a proportionate conduct to carrie them on, in regard Revolts have the more need of Fortunes assistance, because they are the most hazardous exploits in which a man can ingage, never any mean Low heart arrived to any good succusse or Fortune by them. These are the chief things necessary for a great enterprise, and they that engage themselves, without these, do rashly run the hazard of their own destruction: It is only by the want of these supports that so many Authors of Revolt have gone out with shame and confu∣sion.

Divers Religious persons, settled in the Hugonot Pro∣vinces by the Cardinal's diligence and industrie.

THE Cardinal was not idle, though he had weakned the Hugonot Towns, di∣minished their power, and clipt the wings of their Rebellion, but he enden∣voured at the same time, their conversion. To this end his Majesty was perswaded to settle divers Preachers, and Religious persons, who behaved themselves with great zeal and courage. The Cardinal was not indeed lesse expert at Theology, then Policy, so it was unreasonable, but that he should be stil careful as well at this as at his Arms. His Piety let him so seek out occasions for it, and having at last found out by divers conferences, which he had, with the Duke of Trimouille, that he was not averse, from being instructed, he himself would needs take the pains to become the chief instrument of his conversion. He bestowed divers houres of his leasure time, to that purpose and there being nothing which is equal to his doctrine, and the clearnesse of his soul, he soon discovered such lights to him, as quickly cleared all his doubts, and dissipated those mists which error had laid up∣on his eyes.

The Duke of Trimouille converted to the Catholique Faith by Monsieur the Cardinal.

THE Duke of Trimouille was a person very moderate, and temperate in all his actions, his very youth was without heat and passion, neither had he any of the pride and insolency which is too usual with those of his birth; and as moderate so∣ber men, are more desirous of instruction then the contrary sort, so he was con∣tented to be guided by the hand of God; yet would he see the truth, and first be con∣vinced of certain scruples and difficulties which did arise, in which till then, he could not be satisfied: but having bin so happy, as to be instructed by the Cardinal, it was the easier for him to see and leave his error, in regard the incomparable soul of this grand Minister, did so clearly evince the Catholique truth to him, and his own error, as himself hath since often acknowledged. It was not riches nor honor which in∣duced him to change his Religion: for he was both born rich and great: but it was the only knowledg of Truth which perswaded him to it, neither did he that, until a most particular and exact satisfaction in all things. The King was overjoyed at the newes of it, never was any spoil or Trophee of an Enemy so welcome, as this Victory, and the more to testifie his real joy for it; his Majesty promised him, that the next Feast he would receive the Communion with him; as also the Sieur de la Curee, being dismissed of his Charge of Master de Camp, which his age had made him uncapable any longer to perform, his Majesty honoured him with it, studying to shew to all his Subjects, in his person, how dear their salvations was un∣to him.

Politique Observation.

IF it be a work of Justice to chastise rebellious Heretiques by the sword, it is no lesse charitable to labour for their conversion by letting them see the truth; for the bet∣ter discovering of which, much charity, clearnesse of spirit, and profound Doctrine are required: a Soul not well informed instead of allaying, raiseth more doubts; insomuch that knowledge hath as great a part in the Church, as the Sun in the Fir∣mament, and just as it is difficult to restore a Traveller into his right way, during the night, untill the Sun appear to instruct him where he is, so neither can a man of understanding be disabused, unlesse it be by Doctrine, at whose light a know∣ing Genius makes him perceive, that he is at the brink of a Precipice, and far from be∣ing in the right way to Heaven. But amongst those for whose conversion it is re∣quisite to labour, no doubt but the chief men are first to be attempted, for if the Stars continually follow the motions of the Heavens, unto which they are affixed; it is in like manner as common for men of mean quality, to follow as well the Re∣ligion as the interest of the Grandees. The people of Rome being once in a Mu∣tiny, retired to the Capitol, upon an accident which befell Virginius, were easily appeased by the Senate; by reoson as T. Livy saith, that they had no Leader there that durst speak a word in answer to those who had been sent unto them. For my part, I hold it for certain that it will be no more difficulty to reclaim an Heretique Faction, who should rebel without a powerfull Commander: But I likewise think it necessary besides Doctrinal instructions, not to spare either money or dignity for the gaining of those, whose Birth renders them capable of such qualities. Tem∣poral interests do much conduce to Spiritual, and though the advantages of For∣tune be not the chief motives of conversion amongst them who are strictly Religi∣ous, yet it is most certain they are no mean inducements thereunto. Thus Justini∣an (according to Evagrius) converted many Heretiques by dispersing store of mo∣nies amongst them. And the Emperour Leo the sixth, made use of the same de∣vice for the gaining of many Jews, and there need no more but the example of Constantine de Bergo, the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies, who drew a number of those

people to the Christian Religion, by the carresses and favours which he shewed to them that were newly baptized.

Soubize and the Deputies of Rochel, obtain a third saccour from the English but in vain.

WHilest the Duke of Rohan was making divers attempts in Lauguedoc, and used his utmost indeavours to preserve those Towns, of which he was be∣come Master: The Sieur de Soubize and Deputies of Rochel, were negotiating in England for a third assistance, they hoped to obtain it without any great difficulty, for that Buckingham incensed as hath been formerly related, did every day rig up move ships and raise new Forces; but they found it a hard task, both in regard of the troubles in which Buckingham was then involved by reason of the complaint made against him in Parliament, as also of the impossibility to remove the obstacles in the Channel, according to what the Earl of Denbigh had related; yet at last Buckingham having overcome all his enemies devices and contrivances; by the fa∣vour in which he was with his Majesty of Great Brittain, had perswaded him to Em∣bark the Army then on foot, and to give him leave to command them in his own person; to which end, all things were put in order for a present dispatch: But as God over-ruleth mens designs, he was pleased by Buckingham's death to put an end to this storm, he being assassinated by one Feltou an English man, disconten∣ted, because the Captains place of the Company whereof he was Lievtenant, had been twice vacant, and both times given over his head to another, and who by hea∣ring what complaints there were made against him by the Parliament, imagined, that by revenging his own quarrel, he should likewise do his Country good service in it; yet for all this, the Deputies would not be denied, they continued their instan∣ces, perswading the King of Great Brittain, that the forcing of the Bank was easie, if resolutely attempted, and that the glory of his Crown did in some sort oblige him to make one more attempt, and that more vigorous then the former. The Fleet was then resolved to put forth, and there were added three other ships full of stones, and some other with dung, which were to be set on fire when they entred the Channel, to the intent the smoke might hinder them from the sight. The Sieur de Soubize, the Comte de Laval, and all the French Rebels then in England, compo∣sed the Van-guard, next to them followed those Vessels which were for the relief of Rochel; next went the Body of the Army, commanded by the Earl of Denbigh, General of the Expedition, and on the twenty eighth being Thursday, they arri∣ved at Glonne. The Cardinal having notice of it the very same night, dispatched a Courier to his Majesty to acquaint him with it, who presently made himself rea∣dy, got on horse-back, and came to the Camp, and after some discourse with the Cardinal, he sent to discover the Enemy, as also to call the Voluntiers who were disperced, some here, and some there, to be in a readinesse together. This once done, his Majesty visited all the Quarters of the Army, that he might put every thing in good order, and got himself an immortal glory by his travel, labour, and diligence, by those dexterous orders which he dispatched both as to the Sea and Land, by his raising of Batteries, designing of Plat-forms, and levelling of the Cannon with his own hand. Upon Saturday the thirtieth, the English Fleet came up to the Road of the Chef de Bay and some few of them came before to draw out the French to fight; but the Kings Vessels having order not to stir, because they were onely to hinder the Passage into Rochel, not one of them moved on Anchor, onely both parts exchanged some Broad-sides, and the King being in person upon one of the Batteries, caused about thirty to bee lovelled at them, which did not a little indamage them.

Politique Observation.

ALthough shame be the Child of evil Parents, yet it begetteth excellent effects. It proceedeth from some Actions which have a certain infamy with them, and leave behind them some ill tincture upon the reputation; but then the grief which a generous mind apprehendeth at it, when he findeth himself disgraced, ma∣keth him redouble his courage, and carrieth him to glorious actions. A thing ve∣ry remarkable in the persons of Soveraigns, who being jealous of their glory, the fairest flower of their Crowns, cannot indure that it should be sullied by any misfor∣tune, which may seem to carry a faith-heartedness with it: It grieves them, and not a little, to find themselves deficient in those successes which have Crowned their equals. Hereupon it was that Caesar reflecting on himself, how that during two and thirty years time he had not signalzied his Courage by any one great exploit, fell into tears before an Image of Alexander, which seemed to reproach him, by those great Acts which he had brought to passe in a lesse time. But who can ex∣press, the lively impression which it maketh, when it hath been seen to inflame the most cowardly an faint-hearted, with resolution and courage? History affordeth us many examples of Armies, which after a shamefull rout have been possessed with the Army of the Persians when they saw their wives come to them holding up their Coats, faced about and charged the Army of Astyages, which then pursued them, with so much Courage that they gained the Victory; and in the same manner, the shame which the Romans conceived, upon their defeat by the Samnites, at the Forges of Caudine, did so sensibly excite them, that they could not rest till they had been revenged; they marched to Capua, but so sad that they could hardly speak, which they of least understanding attributed to their despair; but Offili•••• Ascalanius, more judicious then the rest told the Citizens, that this silence and confusion, which was in their Countenance, did presage no great good, for he could not be perswaded, but that the resentments of such extraordinary grief would transport them to strange attempts for the recovery of that honour, whereof for∣tune had bereaved them, especially seeing shame, when it spurs on a resolution, is an hope of safety. The Roman Consul Agrippa, that he might incourage his Ar∣my, would oftentimes take one of his Ensigns, and cast it into the middle of his enemies, to the end the shame which his Souldiers should conceive at it, might animate them the more, and oblige them for the regaining of them, to shew all proofs of an extraordinary Courage.

The F••ight between the Kings Fleet, and the English.

AFter the English had stood in this Posture two dayes they sent out between Sunday even, and Munday morn, 10 or 12 floating Petards to set fire on the Kings ships. The Composition of those Petards was of Lattin filled with Powder, laid upon certain peeces of Timber, crosse which there was a spring, which touch∣ing any Vessel would flie off and give fire to the Petards; but onely one took ef∣fect, which did no great hurt, onely cast water into the ship, and that was all, the rest being taken by the Kings Boats; their Petards were answered by good store of Cannon from the Kings ships, yet their Fleet continued still in the same posture, insomuch that many beleeved that they would either return that day, without any more ado, or else land their men. Now as he who commands an Army is obli∣ged to foresee all accidents, and to prevent them; so the King commanded the Duke of Angoulesm, and the Marshal de Scomberg to guard the Point de Coreille, and the Duke de la Trimoville, and the Comte de Alets, to stand their charge with the Light-horse and the Cavalry, and took his own station at the Point of the Chef de Bay with some foot and divers of the Nobility, which he intended to defend in his own person. His Majesty further gave order to several Voluntiers to go aboard

the ships with his Souldiers; and which was done in sight of the English Fleet, which had no great mind that day to ingage; but the day following being the 30 of Octo∣ber, and considering that the reputation of their Master was too much ingaged in the defence of the Rochelois, for them to go away without doing of any thing; and having the Wind favourable, they hoised Sails, made ready, and came up to the Kings Fleet, which presently met them in good order. The fight began at 6 of the Clock, and in about four hours time they discharged between them near 5000 great shot, but never came nearer one another then Cannon distance. The Kings Fleet commanded by the Commander de Valencay, did as much as could be desired; and though the English had the wind of them; yet were they but ill treated by the Cannon; one of their great ships being so torn, that they were forced to retire to the Isle of Oye to mend her.

A Cessation of Arms for some days between the two Fleets.

IN the mean while the King being in the Batteries of the Chef de Bay, which he had but raised two days before, caused his Cannons to be discharged by his parti∣cular Order, without the least fear of the danger whereunto he did expose himself, in regard of the many Bullets which fell at his feet, and came very near him, he took a great delight to see his Guns do that execution which he intended, the Ele∣ments fight for him, and the English betray their fear of his presence, good for∣tune, and courage. And was it not much more glorious for him, to give order for the standing of this assault, and to be himself present in it by offering his life to God, then to have been in his Chamber at Paris, where those of Marillac's fa∣ction would have staied him? Was it not a greater pleasure to him, to behold the Sea all on fire, bringing flaming Vessels to his feet, as if they did him homage, and to command in his own person amidst the Batteries, then to have been idle in the Louvre? In my sense he had been as much too blame to have been at Paris whiles these affairs were acting, as it was now glorious to see him here reducing Heresie to his obedience. And this was as much as was done the first day.

The next morning the wind being still fair for the English, they set their Sails, began to shoot but durst not come nearer the Kings Fleet, then before; they were answered in the same language, and for four hours together, the Ayr seemed to be all on fire. The little more which they did worth observation was this, they sent 9 Fire-ships, seconding them with Ships filled with Stones and full of dung; to which they had set fire with intent that the smoke of it driven by the Wind to the Kings Fleet might cover them, and give the English means to passe the Channel. But his Majesties small Boats went to the Fire-ships at the mercy of the great shot, seized on them, and diverted their execution, onely losing one man, without any greater hurt, and the Vessels which followed them durst not advance; which the English Fleet seeing, and how much the Forts did trouble them, they drew off to the Road not without great disoder, leaving the Rochelois to despair. Neither was this the onely mis-fortune that befell them; for at that very instant so great a storm arose, that they were forced to let themselves be carried at the mercy of the wind. The English finding how unlikely they were to do any good, proposed un∣der hand that some accommodation might be made; they thought it would bee more advantagious to retreat after the making of a Peace, then to run the hazards of a worse successe. Monsieur the Cardinal desired his Majesty to observe that his onely aim being the taking of Rochel, this accommodation would much contribute to it; for then the Rochelois would remain without any succour at all, which in∣duced him to give ear to those Proposals which should be made. But their souls being yet exasperated, the Peace could not so suddenly be resolved on, and all the conferences which were had to that purpose, ended in a Cessation of Arms for some few dayes.

Politique Observation.

ALbeit, they who have been once vanquished in War, may recover the ad∣vantage which they have lost, either when their forces are recruited with a sufficient strength, or when shame shall excite their courages, yet so it is, that when neither of these two conditions happen, there is a great reason to apprehend the successe of their second attempt. Fortune hath sometimes smiled on those, who formerly never saw but her frowns, but after she hath been once and again discour∣teous, it will be needfull to imploy more force and greater courage; for she is a pro∣fessed friend to the bold and prudent. Great Routs are attended with dangerous consequences, whence Titus Livy, speaking of a certain faction of Marcellus, against Hannibal at Nola, said that it was much more difficult to worst an Army fleshed in Victory, then that which begins to lose its credit. He gives the same rea∣son for that victory, which the Romans under the command of Consul Manlius, obtained against the Gauls in Asia, where he saith, that as Victories do heighten the courage of the Victorious, so they do much abate that of the vanquished; and withall the Victorious are desirous onely to fight as may be observed in the exam∣ple of Pompey's Souldiers after the advantage which they had of Caesar as Plutarch reporteth upon the life of Pompey; whereas they who are worsted, are hard to be drawn to the Battel; for being seised with their usual fear, and the most part of them fighting by constraint; they behave themselves with so little mettle, that they are easily overcome a second time. Thus the Duke of Guise returning from Italy after the Battel of St. Laurence, to command those French Troops which had been rallied and new listed, writ to his Majesty that he had more ado to put them in heart and courage, then to beat the victorious enemy, and therefore he judged it neces∣sary before he hazarded a second Battel, to cure them of their first baffle by getting some little advantage upon the enemy, an advice which he well knew how to exe∣cute, as he did in the taking of Calais, Guines, & Thionville.

The Deputation of Montague to the King from the Earl of Denbigh General of the English Forces.

DUring the cessation of Arms, the French Rebels who were in the English Fleet finding they had lost their courages, and despaired of forcing the pas∣sage, concluded themselves utterly lost without obtaining the Kings grace. To which purpose they beseeched the Earl of Dexbigh to employ his power with their King, in the behalf of his Master the Earl of Denbigh thought it reasonable, and upon deliberation had with the Officers of the Army what was fit to be done to pro∣cure them this satisfaction, they agreed to send Montague to his Majesty in the be∣half of the King their Master to endeavour the making their peace for them. M••••tague came to his Majesties quarter, and having audience, declared that he was sent from the King of Great Brittain his Master to begge a pardon for the Rochelois, that he would be pleased to promise them the liberty of their conscience, to forgive the Sieur de Soubize and the Comte de La Val, and to give quarter to those English which were in Rochel. The King answered them, that as for those of Rochel, they were his own subjects, and that the King of England need not in∣termeddle in their interest, and as for the English who were there in garrison, that they should receive the like usage as the French prisoners in England, yet his Ma∣jesty received him with a great deal of honour, shewed him the Forts of the Camp, the Batteries, the Bank, the Pallisadas and the range of Vessels which over-spread the Channel. The truth is it was not done so much to gratifie him, as that upon the relation of what he had seen, the rest of his party might be discouraged from making any further attempts. After he had been an eye-witnesse of those things, he returned to England to the King his Master to reduce him to some accommoda∣tion.

A Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Cessation of Arms being expired, the English to testifie it was not out of fear, that they retreited, or had made those proposals, renewed the fight on the twenty third of October, which lasted above two houres, yet all this while had they not the courage to come up to his Majesties Fleet; whereupon those French who were with them resolved to send some Deputies to the King in their behalf, to cast themselves at the Kings Feet, and to emplore his mercy; First of all they sent four to Monsieur the Cardinal, who humbly requested him, that he would be pleased to obtain the Kings favour and grace for them, which they heartily beseeched, with all real acknowledgements of their faults. The Cardinal answered them, he would speak to his Majesty concerning it, and commanded they should be kindly entertain∣ed, and put into some place apart, that they might not enter into discourse with any one; The King was easily perswaded to grant them what they demanded, the Cardinal having told him, how necessary it was to win them off from the English, which if he could once bring to passe, the English would withdraw of their own accord, and leave Rochel, to shift for it self. He then acquainted them how his Majesty had granted them the mercy and favour, which they had beseeched of him, yet however he thought good, that two of them, should remain with him, whom he would make use of as I shall hereafter declare, for the regaining of the Rochelois, to their former duties and obedience. Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English, and that they died by thousands of the famine, made divers proposals of accommodation. Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves, and had obtain'd the Kings pardon; that the English finding it impossi∣ble to force the Bank & relieve them, had interceded for them; that they had more∣over sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty: who had kindly received him, that thereupon he was return'd into England, to encline the King his Master, to hearken to an accommodation, and that things being thus, they had no other hopes, but, to die by famine, if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults. This news gave an Allarum to the whole City, The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine: as well as the poor, having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none, upon hopes of the English relief, that death made an harvest of them, that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine, insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead, and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves, or carry them, insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards, and there to let them rot, that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye; hereupon the rest of the people languishing, and touched to the quick, with the remembrance, or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles, resolved to try their fortune to appease, if possible, the Kings just indigna∣tion by imploring his mercy: They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty, which upon his Request was graunted; But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal, to whom they went with an unspeakable joy, & therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose, let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon, represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for, if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy; but miserably to dye by famine, his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence, till he was Master of the Town.

They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then, yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace, still relishing of their for∣mer mutinie. This grand Minister declared to them, they must not think of any other

conditions, than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will, but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf; so they returned pro∣mising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it, as much as in them lay, testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys. After this meeting they published all over the Town, how kindly the Cardinal had entertain∣ed them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them, which he had for those with the English, whose Deputies they had spoken with, conjuring every one to accept of it: The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies, although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies, animated them by the hopes of glory, which they should obtain by dy∣ing for the liberties of their Religion; so they could not presently resolve to sur∣render to the Kings mercy, but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour, that they might choose a Mayor, and Sheriffes, and generally the preservation of their priviledges, to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro, but Monsieur de Cardinal, who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master, and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them; They must either all dye by famine, or submit to his Majesties discretion. This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop, whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them, most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon, to as∣sure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him, without demanding any other conditions, then what his Majesty should please to give them, and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech, which was all to that purpose. The King graunted them the pardon which they de∣sired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them, by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion, discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods, graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City, and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace; and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides, and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands, but first they were to swear, never to bear Arms against his Majesties service.

Politique Observation.

THough Rebels have been so stout, as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence, yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mer∣cifully then severely with them. It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries, unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party, for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others, and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are un∣conquered to reason. This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm, which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever, whereas too too strict severi∣ty drives to despair, I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes, but where they have endured the miseries, which accompany long siedges: Then I must confesse, it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some, which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors & unconceivea∣ble miseries of many moneths; for then, a true courage is rather touched with com∣punction than revenge. The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity, and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries, whom they had vanquished? Marcellus having ma∣stered Syracusa, and considering the ruine to which it was reduced, could not for∣bear weeping: Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him, whatever War he had made against the Roman people, but raised him up and restored him his Crown; and the Emperour Titus seeing the calamities of Jerusalem, caused by his siedge the multitude of dead car∣kasses

which filled up the Citie, protested he was not the Author of it, and that he was onely the instrument of Gods justice.

His Majesties Entrance into Rochel.

VPon the thirtieth of October the Duke d' Angoulesme, the Marshal de Scom∣berg, the Sieurs de la Curee, Vignolle, Hallier, St. Chaumont, and divers other Lords, fourteen Companies of the Regiment des Gardes, and six of Swisses, began about six in the morning to enter into Rochel. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty for prevention of any confusion which might arise in the Town, by reason of some curiosity, or other that the people might have to go into it; to command, that none but they who were appointed should presume to go within the Gates, or into any Houses, until leave obtained, both to secure the inhabitants from being pillaged, as also for purifying of the place, and men, who were most infected by dead Bodies, insomuch that the ill air, bred many diseases. The King placed him∣self upon the Fort de Beaulieu, to see the Forces march into the Town, and having seen a certain Souldier, not belonging to the Companies appointed to take possessi∣on of the Town, but of that of Sourdis, he commanded him to withdraw, testifying by this procedure, that he had a most particular knowledg of most of his Souldiers. They who commanded these Forces, seized on all the Gates of the Town, the Ram∣parts, Cannon, and munition, and sent away the Souldiers, the English by Sea, & the French by Land, who looked more like Ghosts then Men. There were as many Citadels as Gates, and as many Castles, as Towers, and this was it, as made the City be esteemed impregnable, especially seeing it had an out-let by Sea, which could never have in broken up, but by his Majesty extraordinary power and prudence, yet all served but as Trophees, raised to his Majesties glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal entred the same day with divers Lords and Gentlemen without any fear of infection, because his presence was very necessary both for his Majesties service, and to settle things in order, but he beseeched his Majesty to for∣bear his own entrance untill All Saints day, that his Quarters might be purged from all ill ayr, and that every thing might be made ready to receive him, according to his quality and that occasion. The day being come, his Majesty made his entrance not with that magnificence which the ancient Emperours and Kings used, into such Towns as they had taken, according as History hath observed, but cloathed with Piety and the Mercy of a most Christian King, Virtues however, which made him shine with so much splendour, that those poor Rebels prostrated themselves as he rid by them, that they might the more acknowledge the mercy and favour he had done them: He had his Arms on, and rid in on Horseback without any Ceremo∣ny, onely four Companies of his Guards, two of Swisses, his two Troops of Light∣horse arm'd Cap-a-pe, his Dragoons, and the Life-guard marched before him, all the Nobility following him, without any order to avoid the disputes of Pre∣cedency.

The inhabitants cast themselves on their knees, as his Majesty passed along the streets, crying, God save the King who hath been so gracious unto us: And he fre∣quently saluted those who seemed to be of the better sort amongst them. They re∣doubling their cries and acclamations, protested they could not sufficiently admire his Majesties Bounty, who instead of putting them all to death, as their Preachers had perswaded them he would, did even receive them with respect and honour. But those submissions and acknowledgements were much more increased when they received the tend thousand Loaves of Bread, which his Majesty distributed amongst thē the same day, together with divers other Alms which his Ma. bestowed on them; but when they beheld that there came three thousand Carts laden with Wheat and Provisions into the Town with a proportionate number of Beasts, & Cattel, which his Majesty commanded to be brought as sold at the usual rates of the Army, they could then no longer forbear to confesse, that he knew how to pardon, as well as vanquish. They did not so much admire that his Majesty should be victorious, as

that he should Crown it with an Olive branch of so great mercy. The King went and alighted at Saint Margarites Church, which had been consecrated by the Bi∣shop of Bourdeaux, and where Monsieur the Cardinal with divers Ecclesiastiques, had that morning celebrated Masse by way of Thanksgiving for the happy Victo∣ry, which Heaven had bestowed on the Crown of France, he was received by the Arch-Bishop, assisted by the Clergy and divers other religious, who sung the Te Deum, and he himself too sung it, with so great devotion, that a certain Gentle∣man who saw him, and one of the Townsmen, professed they would shake hands with Heresie, protesting they could not beleeve but that so fervent a devotion must needs be the Index of a better Religion, then that in which they had till then lived. About two days after his Majesty caused the Holy Sacrament, which had of late been so much scorned and neglected in the Town, to be carried in Procession, which was performed with as much Devotion as Pomp.

Last of all, that he might render thanks unto God whom he looked on as the chief giver of this Victory, he writ to the Arch-Bishop of Paris that a publique Thanksgiving might be made, and himself returning to Paris passed by Nostre Dame des Ardilliers that he might pay his vows there; for to his devotions there he ascribed his first Victories, as that of the releeving Ree, upon which the whole successe depended.

Politique Observation.

JT is but reasonable to give God thanks for a Victory, which is his own gift. But he much more loveth those who do it in effects, not by words. There can be no greater return of thanks then to imitate his bounty which is pleased to do good unto us. A generous Conquerour ought not to spill the Bloud, and destroy the lives of those whom he hath overcome. Amongst the Pagans it was a usual thing to succonr and assist the wounded, to relieve them with their own hands, and do good unto them: how much more reason have Christian Princes then, to imitate so Christian like a verrue? It is not lesse glorious to overcome an Enemy by Cle∣mency and meeknesse, then by Force and Prudence. Jesus Christ hath promised a reward to such as do good for evil, and he saith, Mercy is that which maketh men known for the Sons of his Father, who hath made the Sun to shine both upon the good and bad; and Kings had need make themselves acceptable to God, whose Image they are, by reason they have a greater accompt to render him then the rest of men. God Almighty saith, With the same measure that you measure, will I measure out to you again▪ insomuch that the vertue of Clemency & mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures, ought no longer be esteemed a vertue, but a necessary means of salvation. I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History, which is, good deeds are a Chain of Gold, which do much more fix and establish the inte∣rests of Kings then those of Iron; and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it, neither doth reason of State any whit lesse; what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest, but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican, who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband, without doing her any violence or injury, and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome? Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus, after he had vanquished him? Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece, who would out of the great affection they did bear to him, have highly resented any injury done to him? The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul, Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois, and commanded reparation to be made them, because they esteemed the honour of a Victory, not compleat, where it was atten∣ded with any cruelties or rigours. Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners, and those whom they have vanquished, are not onely commendable, but delight∣full to those they rule over. The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King, because

they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire, would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance.

His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel.

IF it be glorious to overcome, it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory. To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel, publi∣shed a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future, both to establish Religion, and to prevent this people from relap∣sing into their former Rebellion. This Declaration contained, that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, should be freely exercised there, both in the City and Government of Aulnis; that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts, should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were, together with all their appurtenances; that a suffi∣cient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on, out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house. That the Religieux de la Cha∣rite, & Les Religiouses Hospitalieres, should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town, to attend upon all sick persons. That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard, at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be in∣scribed; and that every first of November a Procession general should be made, to give God thanks for his mercies; that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille, where those of the Camp, who died during the siege had been buried, should still he conserved to that use; that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there, who might pray unto God for them, and perpetuate the memory of the thing; this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the con∣solation of the Catholick party in the Town.

The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience.

IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular, his Prudence was no lesse in com∣manding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty. He deposed the Mayor, who had fomented the Rebellion with such inso∣lent stubbornnesse, and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration. He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it, and amongst others, G••ison Mayre, God••••ray, Sal••bre••, and Deserbr••••res, not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan, who was carried to Niort, by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps. Next he revo∣ked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls, the Rampards, the Bastions, and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed, and the Ditches to be filled up, leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas, de la Ghai••••, & de la Lantern standing, with that part of the Wall towards the Sea, to preserve the Town from Pyrats. He further constituted and appointed, that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town, without his Majesties permission had and obtai∣ned, or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings: To be short, he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience, that there should be an in∣tendent of Justice in the City, Country, and Government of Aulnis, who should see the execution of his Ordinances, and have an eye to that which concern'd his service, all which was inserted in the said Declaration. He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed, and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished. After all these things thus appointed, he return∣ed to Paris, where he was received in great magnificence, the Companies of the Ci∣ty, making Orations unto him: But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremo∣nies, and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State.

Politique Observation.

HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained; and that Soveraign doth little or nothing, who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience, neglect∣eth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules, for the continuation of them in their duties. His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished; who if they be Rebels, ought to be treated in another manner, then such as were under another Government: It ought likewise to be remembred, whe∣ther they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour; and in case they are not, then to establish divers such persons there, who professe the same with his own, and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety: It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided, and that a party be made sure of amongst them. The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and esta∣blish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diver∣sity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts: On the other side, if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects, he ought not total∣ly to destroy their Cities and Towns, for that were to weaken his own power. Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus, when he had been van∣quished by him, do not (quoth he, I beseech you) destroy the Towns of Lydia, for by it you will not destroy me but your self, to whom by right of Arms they now belong; but however this rule admitteth of exception. For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time, he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it, be it either by disarming the inhabitants, or dismantling their Fortifications, nay by levelling their very Walls too, if they are of any considerable strength. Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre, by reason of their frequent revolts, turned out the Senate, and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber. The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel, as Tacitus observeth, speaking of Hierusalem: To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians, and Cyrus to the Lydians, both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War. It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies. The Romans have shewed the way of it, by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua, after they had overcome them, whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used. To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks, amongst the Christians, or any others over his whole Empire, to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies, which might be contrary to his will, and the obedience he requireth from them. But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their com∣mands with some sweetnesse, which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Re∣ligion, the assurance of their goods or the like, but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection.

The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel.

THE most ingenious of men, & even the Pope himself, extolled the glorious ••tchiev∣ment which his Majesty had obtained; indeed he could not be praised enough, considering he had defeated three English Fleets, releeved the Isle of Ree, and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable, and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man, although Charles the ninth lost the lives of ma∣ny great Commanders, and shot ten thousand great Guns at it, and could do no good upon it. How glorious was it for him, to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre, by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest, which hindred him from being assisting to his

Allies, and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe, which his Predecessours had held as their due. This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings, whenever they were upon any great ex∣pedition, as against Lewis the eleventh, during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth, when all Italy expected him at Fornove a∣gainst Lewis the Twelfth, whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois, against Francis the first, whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth, against Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, doth in his minorities, against Henry the third, ar∣ming his brother to oppose him, against Henry the Great, just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy: And lastly, against his Majesty himself, upon whom they had thrice mad War; but now their strong Walls being overthrown, served for Monuments of his eternal glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the ta∣king of Rochel.

THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State, it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit: They who writ con∣cerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it, in regard his Majesty attribu∣ted the whole management of it to his Councils, as by divers Declarations publi∣shed abroad was apparent, neither could it indeed be denied unto him, seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel, who had contrived the means of relee∣ving Ree, who had beaten off the English, who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge, who had drawn the Lines and Works, who had preserved them in good order, who had kept the Forces from disbanding, who had made them live in such a Discipline, as was formerly unheard of in France, who had contrived the Bank, and at last concluded a League with the English, who were come a third time to re∣leeve the place. But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy, so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him; nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Maje∣sties Crown, yet all would not do, some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal, who could not behold without envy so shining a Star; they who are well acquainted with him, cannot but know how that he always, and upon all oc∣casions, avoided what ever might expose him to envy, that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty; and that on the other side, the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions, was onely the ho∣nour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably; they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus, Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, who having obtained a great Victory in Germany, prepa∣red a fair Trophy, at the foot of which was inscribed, The Army of Tiberius. Ca∣sar, as Tacitus hath observed, after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe, raised a Monument to Mars, Jupiter, and Augustus, but mentioned not himself: And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved, was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward.

Politique Observation.

WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes, upon the effecting of great things, yet the chief glory redounds unto the first, not onely be∣cause he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate; but withal, because those effects depend upon his particular influence. It cannot be denied, but second cause deserved commendation, and indeed without injustice, it cannot be gain-said, but that they have likewise much contributed. The Sun, in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants, he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality, wherewith the earth is replenished, who produceth the

Flowers and Fruits, wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true, that with∣out his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse, dry and barren: Which though it be so, yet what Philosopher did ever deny, that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects? Have they not all confessed that the earth produ∣ceth Lillies and Roses? And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who de∣nied the Title of Mother to her? In the same manner, God is doubtlesse, the first Authour of every thing done in the World, yet no Philosopher will deny, but that the Sun and Man beget Man, that the Sun and Horse beget a Horse, they having some part of his glory, by the honour which they have of being his Subjects; and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory, as he protesteth in one of the Prophets, hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints, as the second causes of Miracles, to build Churches, raise Altars, make Vows unto them, and to publish their praises, for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his in∣struments? And were he not besotted, who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles, when his very shadow cured so many diseases, though effected by a di∣vine power, really lesse inhaerent in him, then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good? If perverse obstinacy should transport any one, to deny them this respect, may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example, when he spake unto Moses saying, Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt, though indeed it was the work of his own hand? God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant, as the chief Minister of his Kingdome, and for the Conductor of his people, and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory, yet he would ascribe it to him, as well knowing, that the honour attributed to second cau∣ses, doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first. This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers, for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns; and who need be jealous of it, seeing God is not? A King and his Minister are so strictly united, as the hand and instrument in the Artificer, so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Mini∣ster, who hath effected any enterprise with successe, tending to the publick good of the Kingdome. As the King is first and chief, so the first and chief honour is his, but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him, who hath been his instrument to obtain it.

The expences of the Siege of Rochel, amount unto forty millions of Livres.

THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined, without considering the particulars, as the punctual paying of the whole Army, the building of the Bank, Munitions of all sorts and the like. They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions, but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat, Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all, that there might not be any want, deserveth (and undoubtedly so will) to passe in History for a particular commendation. He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt, and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions, by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them; the Parliament too had much ado to be perswa∣ded to rat fie Ed••cts for to raise money, yet he used such addresse and diligence, that not onely there was no want of money, but the charge was lesse then former∣ly it had used to be, and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all, such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries. There was a necessity of making some new Edicts, but the chief means he used were, accor∣ding to the Cardinals instructions, to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fide∣lity and trust. The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what mo∣nies he had in his own Coffers, but ingaged his credit as far as it would go, to raise

more amongst his kindred and friends. He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amien•• was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received, like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man, and measure their pleasure by their profit, whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory, before the whole Indiaes, he studied nothing but the increase of it, and the continuation of himself in his favour, that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir.

Politique Observation.

PHysitians tell us, that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves, Muscles, and the like, and it is no lesse certain, that the body of an Army can∣not march or long subsist, without a great masse of money to maintain them. That Prince who hath no Silver, will presently want meat for his Forces, be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths, and necessity once pinching upon them, away they all flie, if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water, faint and unable to do any service; whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish, and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used, to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France, was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers, to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot, and monethly paid, without which he could never have had preserved his ar∣my so flourishing and victorious as he did. It is true indeed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was to blame, so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian, when he shewed him his 〈…〉〈…〉 ri∣ches; Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent, because war was made with Iron not with Gold: however it cannot be denied but that as Le∣vies cannot be made without money, so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers.

A small Prince if he have great treasures, may have the command of a great ar∣my though his Subjects are but few, others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries; but he who wants money how great soever he be, can neither raise any or keep them long together whe•…•… they are raised. I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles, one of the ablest Captains of his time, who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means, Money, Souldiers, and Councel; and to speak the truth, who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how ne∣cessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers, as I have heretofore observed, and History reports of him, that he was liberal in distributing it among them, when by any exploit they had well deserved it; of which he hath left be∣hind him one notable example, when after that his forces had indured much hard∣ship before Berry, he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man. To con∣clude, it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries, then to have as good foundation of money; for the effecting of which, it were good to imploy under∣standing faithfull men, for the payment of Souldiers, and the punishing of those who commit offences, to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers, it being more proper to pay them often and little, then seldome and by great sums, which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry, without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences, which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Reso∣lutions.

The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc.

THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc, which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year, did at first make a great noise, but soon after Monsieur the Prince, the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour, who com∣manded his Majesties forces, become Masters of the field, and before the end of

it repossessed themselves of all those palces, which were capable of being forced in a few days; for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges, because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others. Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin, and many other places upon the Rhone, which were of great importance in those Countries, by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce. Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze, that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency, Vantadour, and d' Esper∣non, who were to be there, to consider what was fit to be done. Now as he pas∣sed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes, had seized of the Castle de Vauvert, belonging to the Duke of Vantadour, and he finding himself obliged by many considerations, concludeth to pursue them; but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them, forthwith surrendred it up into his power. His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer, but having had the satis∣faction of reducing this place, he arrived there with great content, and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there; it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz, to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes, that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue, the Count de Carmain, with some Regiments to Foix, which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined, and that the Prince and Duke of Mont∣morency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there, the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan, and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies, declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King, who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince. The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together, as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience, as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces. The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight, and sometimes met with them; for they well knew that long deliberation is an ene∣my to good successe, especially in matters of War. The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January, and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could, he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms, scouring up and down the Country, and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes, de la Chassagne, and d' Aubay. Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers, and that of his guard to follow him, whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the ene∣my, that he ingaged them broke their ranks, cut some in peeces, took divers Prison∣ers, and put the rest to flight.

The taking of Pamiers, and other places, by the Prince of Conde.

ABout the same time, the Sieur de Perant Governour of Ʋsez, fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment, seconded with a hundred Curassiers, and fought with them. Marmoirac two of his Captains, one Ensign, and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place, the rest were pursued to the ve∣ry Gates. As for Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke de Montmorency they de∣parted from Tholouze, directly to Pamiers, where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix, had built a Cittadel, which by the leasure he had, was made very strong; they led up the Army to it, and made their approaches so hap∣pily, that they onely lost two men: Monsieur the Prince, raised a Battery, filled up the Ditches, and prepared every thing for a Breach, the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open, which the Prince having no∣tice of, he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it, who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town; which they did, and being got over, lodged themselves under the Wall, being unable to passe further on, by reason of the Trench they met with; but the standing which they had was so ad∣vantagious, that the inhabitants could not offend them at all, and not a man of the Town could appear, but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets, in∣somuch

that they forced them to demand quarter, which the Prince caused to be given unto them, from thence he went to ••ealmont, a strong Town in Alki∣geois, against which place he raised three Batteries, which thundring upon them, forced them to surrender upon composition: The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc, which they re∣duced under his Majesties obedience, and thence he caused some Troops to face Cos•••• and Saint Seve••, Brassao and Castebrian, which places were forced to open their Gates. The Harvest now was commin••••on, and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice, that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Monta••••an, Cas••res, Nismes, and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc: These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres, the Duke de Montmo∣rency before Nismes, and the Duke •• Espernon before Montau••••••. They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ca∣stre having notice of the Princes design, drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers, and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers, and upon those who came within shot, they le••••flie their great Guns. The Prince was not dismayed at it, but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory. They whom he com∣manded to make the wast, fell lustily to their work, to the admiration of all those in the Town, who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them. Their first was a very violent encounter, and maintained with great courage, untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches; from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work. The Duke de Montmorancy for his part, took Poussin in his march, a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel, a place of importance, and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour, and Marquesse Desporsez, he went to Forrage about Nismes, where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one hundred foot, whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town. They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine, but Ʋsez, Aletz, Aduze, and all the Sevennes, having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground, both old and new, neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it. The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban, and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers, his Gardes and Carabines which were in gar∣rison at Beaucair, being commanded to march up towards N••smes, that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them, went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town, on purpose to invite them out; they presently made their sally, and were so resolutely charged, that their horse was broken, and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot, left threescore and seventeen dead up∣on the place, and about fifty wounded. After this blow the Rebels durst not ap∣pear any where, their lucks was so bad, so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field. The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts, ob∣tained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry.

Politique Observation.

HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt, must not expect to keep them any long time, unlesse he be Master of the Field; his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish, and he will soon see them re-taken by his So∣veraign, before his face, if once he be master of the Country: For as there is not any place how weak soever, which doth not hold out some small time, especially if it be assisted: so there is not any place how strong soever, that can alwaies hold out it not releeved, that is, unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot, to force him who is sate down before it, to raise his siege, or at least to send Forces and Ammu∣nitions into it. Places cannot defend themselves, but must have men to do it for them; neither can the men ever do it, unlesse they have refreshments both of vi∣ctuals, munitions, and Souldiers, otherwise the troubles, necessities, and discom∣modities of a Siege, will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is

evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field, then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted, because of his greater power, to prevent and hinder it. Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed, seem to command and keep the Country in subjection, but this power of theirs can be of no long date, unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men, Victuals, and Munition. The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea, that they mocked at Alexan∣der when he besieged them, and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them; they asked of him if he designed to make himself grea∣ter then Neptune, by that device of his to overcome the Sea, his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts, because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matte∣rials towards the Bank; but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country, finished his works which he had projected; and finally, forced them to render at his mercy. Which being so, the best advice that can be given to a So∣veraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it, is, forthwith to make himself master of the field, and to fall upon them and their Towns, without giving them leasure to increase their numbers, or fortifie their Cities. For shewing a reso∣lution to force them by Arms, if they submit not by fair means, is a most power∣ful way to open the strongest gates whatever. Maharbal General of Hannibals horse, was not ignorant of this particular, when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome, after that famous Battel of Cannes, telling him, that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City, he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too; Hannibal followed not his Councel, but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath, but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity; it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome, and to have forced the Citi∣zens to set open their Gates unto him. Caesar never did so, but when ever he found himself master of the field any where, presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest, which he could not think compleat, whilest there remained any thing undone, or any small place untaken.

The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan, to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua.

WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc, the Duke of Savoy, and Do••n Joncales de Cordona, Governour of Milan, seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montfer∣rat made a League together. The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat, excepting Casal, Po••t Desture, Nice, Aqui, and some other places, and that the Mar∣quesse de Montenigro, should fall in upon the State of Mantoua, and get what he could there. The Emperour being wrought to it, by the Spaniards, commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions, which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua, that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles, who pretended himself heir to them, were ad∣judged and determined, and sent the Comte J••an de Nassan, in the quality of an Imperial Commissary, to seize on them, and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it. In brief, the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready, upon the first news of Duke Vincents death, seized upon Albe, Sainct Damien, Dian, Trin, Gabian, and Motecalvo; Don Joncales, went with his Army to Casal, where finding himself opposed, he made himself Master of the adjacent places; and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could. The Duke of Matnua hereupon, dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty, for those succours which had been promised to him; and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot, and

two thousand horse; part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts, to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Man∣tu••••. The King being informed of these violent emotions, permitted all Mon∣sieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance, and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France; insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron, carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy, who cast themselves into Cazal, and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don Joncales began to lose his former hopes of so speedily taking it. The Sieur de Guron was likewise sent by his Majesty thither presently after, who so got the good Will of the people there, that they parted willingly with any thing they had; nay the Women would deliver up their Rings and Jewels, that the Souldiers might not want their pay. The Spaniards in the mean time were not idle, but used their best indeavours to gain the place, but were alwaies repulsed with such courage that they never went off but to their great losse. The Marquesse de B••uuron made divers Sallies upon them, and did as often put them to disorder, but was at last killed, af∣ter he had on many occasions testified, that fear had no corner in his heart, and that his courage could have make him withstand a Puissant Army with a handfull of men. The Sieur de Guron commanded in the town after his death, where he so behaved himself, that the Townsmen were perswaded to hold out in expectation of relief from France.

The King having give leave to the Marquess d' Ʋxelles, to make Levies for Monsieur de Mantua, he had at last raised as many as he thought would be sufficient for the business, which was about fifteen of sixteen thousand men effective. The Rendezvouz was appointed in the Bailiages of Ambrun, Gap and Briancon, where be∣ing all come together, they who had the orders to make the muster, and pay them, and make provisions necessary for their passage over the Mountains, were so neg∣lectfull, that they were forced to stay thereabouts in those Bailiages about twenty dayes time, during which they committed many insolencies and wasts, which the Marquesse de Ʋxelles finding he was almost in despair, to see such disorders, all that he could do to remedy it, was, he procured the Country people to provide a certain quantity of Provisions both for Man and War, and to carry them after the Army over the Mountains, some part of their money he paid them down in hand, and for the residue he obliged himself in his own name to pay them, upon the first Muster. Whereupon he began to march, and on the twenty seventh of July, en∣tred into the Mountains, where he no sooner appeared, but the Duke of Savoy came up to them and opposed them where-ever they went. The resistance which he here met, did not very much trouble him, for he often beat them before him; but it was his mis-fortune, that the Provisions promised by those of Dauphine, did not follow the Army; insomuch that the Souldiers having marched some dayes without any bread, he was at last forced to resolve upon returning back again; their retreat indeed was honourable enough; for the Sieur de la Ferte Marshal de Cam∣pe facing the enemy with three Regiments upon the tops of two Mountains, gave op∣portunity to the rest of the Troops to retire into Dauphine, which the Duke of Sa∣voy could not perceive untill they were quite gone.

Politique Observation.

THE Laws of military policy require the preparing of great Magazines near the places designed for an enterprize, before the first attempt; and especially not to enter upon an enemies Countrey without making sure of a dayly provision for the Souldiers, that they are not brought to want. Armies are oftner ruined by hunger then by Battel; whence it happens that he who is not very carefull of carrying his Provisions with him, or sure of finding them where he comes, will soon see himself destitute of Troops; and in such confusion as will render him contempti∣ble to his enemies, and despicable to his friends. This was one of the rules Cam∣bises taught his son Cyrus, as Xenophon relateth it, and Cyrus was no lesse carefull

to practise it in the Wars which he made against the Assyrians, as the same Au∣thor observeth. The Turks are very exact at it, indeed their temperance gives them one great advantage, because the carriage of them is not very difficult, a∣mongst them, who use neither Wine nor other dainties. It were to be wished that ours would follow their example, because the plenty in which most of our Com∣manders have used to live, renders them unable for labour, or to make any great enterprizes upon the Spaniard, by reason of the difficulty of carrying provisions with them. The Romans were not ignorant of this truth, when their Empire was in its most flourishing condition; and for this reason it was, that they accu∣stomed their forces to great abstinency, and those Nations which were least brought up in delicacies, were alwaies by them esteemed the most war-like. Thus Julius Caesar thought the Flemmings more valiant then the rest of the Gauls, because they lived upon harder fare. Hannibal to his cost found what losses befell his Ar∣my, after they had been accustomed to a lithe ease and plenty, when after the bat∣tel of Cannes, warring with lesse fear of the Romans, he permitted them to live in all pleasure and abundance, and afterwards being to make use of them, he found that by that means they had lost their courages. A Captain however in avoiding this delicacy, ought not to be defective in carrying that which is necessary for his Souldiers. The inconveniences which will follow by such neglect, are not onely as hath been said, that he will see them disband, but withall he will find them to run to his enemies Quarters, in hope to find there better maintenance. Thus did the most part of Afranius and Petrius souldiers flie to Caesars Camp, and those of Caesar upon the like necessity went unto Pompey; besides all this, want occasion∣eth diseases, as the French found at Carignan (as Guieciardin reporteth) and sometimes causeth a Mutiny: In fine, it is impossible in such occasions but a Com∣mander must soon see his forces in confusion among themselves, and vanquished by their enemies, as Vegetius hath very judicially observed.

The King takes care of the Affairs of his Allies the Grisons.

ALthough his Majesty was carefull of Monsieur de Mantua his affairs, yet did he not abandon those of the Grisons his ancient Allies; but indeavoured to put them into the enjoyment of that, which had been accorded them by the Trea∣ty at Mouson: He had about the end of the last year sent a Declaration to the Sieur Nesmin, his Embassadour with those people; which imported, that according to a Clause of the first Article in that Treaty, the agreements made at Lindan and Coire, between the Arch-Duke Leopold, the Governours of Milan, and the three Cantons of the Grisons in the year 1617▪ until the day and date of the Treaty at Mouson, ought to be null and void, and that all the Embassadours assembled in Treating with the Spaniards, were promised as much; yet now the Spaniards would needs give other interpretations for their own advantage to that first Ar∣ticle, though in it self nothing could be clearer, upon which great contests did a∣rise between the Grisons, the Spaniards, and the Arch-Duke Leopold. Now the Grisons desiring his Majesty would clear the doubt, he could not onely not refuse them, but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty, and that he would assist them with his Arms, against any that should pre∣tend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice. They received this De∣claration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin, but that was not the onely difficulty in the execution of the Treaty. The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines, did presse his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles, each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage, they that they ought to be established in the right of Soveraignty over the Valtoline. The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year, 1617, excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty; to wit, the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines; for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thou∣sand crowns. The other were animated by the Spaniards, that they ought abso∣lurely

to be exempted from the Soveraignty of the Valtolines, without being ob∣liged to any other duty then the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns. Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty, that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns, who should freely declare their sence of it. His Majesty had oftentimes, by his Embassadours, requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law, that they might make a Declarati∣on together for the quiet of that people; but the Spaniard who onely sought ad∣vantage from their division, delayed the Embassadour so long, that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty, which implied, that not onely the Treaties made at Lindaw, Coire, and Milan, should be void and of no effect; but withall that con∣formably to the second Article, the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in, in the year, 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Soveraignty, which they that year had over the Valtolines, and the said Comtes; and that consequently it belonged to them alone, and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace, Al∣liances, War, to coin monies, to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Coun∣tries, to imposeTaxes, Contributions and the like, and that the Valtolines could onely pretend to the Justice and Civil government, which for quietnesse sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons, who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected. This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin, that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties; to the end they might live in Peace; but with order however not to deliver it untill both par∣ties had agreed, to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it; as also not to discover it to one or other, if he imagined both of them would make any diffi∣culty to receive it, that he might not put his royal authority into their hands. This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinals Prudence, who knew that a Kings autho∣rity ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies; and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined, perswaded his Majesty to commit the execu∣tion of it to his Embassadours discretion: The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses, after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs, which the Spani∣ards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence, that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him, did not propose it in publick to have their common approbation of it; onely gave his Majesty notice of what he had done, who approved of it, and left the deciding of those differences, untill such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy, and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause.

Politique Observation.

PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers, and that thereupon it is necessary to com∣mit many things to the Embassadours who are with them in the behalf of his Ma∣ster; and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him. It is a commendable discrecion to be perswaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself; whereas, they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption, upon their own parts, do usually commit their Ma∣sters authority to the inconsideratenesse and inconstancy of neighbours, expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders, and in fine leave them with∣out effect. For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians, who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army, even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries. We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they imployed, were it in Peace or War. Caesar upon

his resolution for an expedition into England, gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus, to look after France in his absence; but he gave him no particular Orders, onely to act as the necessity of affairs did require. Tiberius one of the wisest of the Roman Emperours did the like (as Tacitus reports) when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary, for the reducing of some revolted Le∣gions unto obedience, giving him no other order for his Conduct, but that which himself should think proper to be done, when he was upon the place. He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custome, who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they imployed, a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the publick concerns of the State; and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise, they were never wanting for the most part; but to confesse that it was not possi∣ble for them being at a distance, to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres, and had resolved to pursue them through the Forrest Simine to invade Tuscany; the Senate mis-informed of what he might do, sent two Senators to him to disswade him from the attempt; but before the Senators had come to him, they found he had already passed the Forrest, and obtained the Victory which he sought for, at which they were much astonished. This serves at least to shew that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are imployed, especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences; and that he who doth otherwise, loseth many advantages in War, and also in negotiations of Peace; and instead of getting glory, renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other.

Anno 1629.

NO one can with drie eys behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm, beaten by winds and waters, now raised up on high, and anon cast down again, and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves: But when the Tempest is once over, then the whole pleasure is, to discourse in what danger they were, and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight. In the same manner, who could behold the violent emotions, in which France was agitated during this year, and not be moved to pity! Surely he must be devoid of a French heart, and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country: But now his joy and delight must be equal too, the storm is blown over, and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped.

The King after the taking of Rochel, releeveth Cazal in person.

THe King having reduced Rochel, his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person. The enterprise was difficult, and there was no hopes of any good successe, but after great labours, hazards, and difficulties. There was a ne∣cessity of passing the Alps, and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the wayes; but besides this, the Duke of S••v••ys Army must be passed through likewise; many strong places were of necessity to be taken in, and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemies Country, where they were sure to find no Victuals, where by reason of the ways, it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Souldiers. These difficulties would have troubled a resolution lesse couragious then his Majesties, but it being his

onely desire to obtain glory, by the hardest things, especially where his Justice is concern'd, he was not so much as moved at it. He assembled his Councel to con∣sider of it, presently after his return to Paris; some of them indeed were against it, as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces, might make a Breach between the two Crowns, which experience had evinced to be very pre∣judicial to the State. The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible, untill the Cardinal pulled away the Visard, and made it apparent, that those were onely Chimeras and vain Clouds, which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesties Arms; insomuch that his Eminency (who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Masters glory was concern'd) began to discourse the businesse, that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced; and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be releeved, Sir (said he) seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty, and the most pro∣fitable for your State, that can possibly happen again in your whole life: Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards, at∣tendeth a relief from your power, and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm: Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbors and Allies of yours, who are unjustly despoiled of their States: But besides these important rea∣sons, your own interests do oblige you, to turn your thoughts and arms thither; and I dare assure you, that if your Majesty resolve upon it, and it be executed as it ought, the issue of it will be no lesse happy and honourable to you, then that of that rebellious City. I am not I confesse a Prophet, but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time, but carry on the design; you shall both releeve Cazal, and settle Italy in Peace before May; from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc, you shal likewise settle all there before the end of July; so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris. These were the chief points of his advice, spoken with such Grace and Cou∣rage, that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it, and I have the more willingly inserted them here, for the preservation of them to posterity, as an Oracle of his Prudence, which might indeed passe for a Prophecy, seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated.

Politique Observation.

••T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary fore-sights, and some∣what, I know not how, more then humane, they see all effects by their causes; they do commonly speak of things with assurance, and prognosticate things to come, as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes; they behold all dangers long before they happen, which they fear not, because their Prudence applies fit reme∣dies; they know the weaknesse of their enemies, when and where they ought to be assaulted; they know all their stratagems, all their designs; and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty.

Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been com∣municated to them by their Genius, and to speak more Christian-like by their good Angles, which me thinks cannot well be denied; seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans, as Socrates, Brutus, and Caesar, and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind: But I may well add, the Angles do but seldome afford those their favours; and as seldome, as that eminent Prudence where∣unto they add their fore-seeing quality, is rare.

Prosecution of the History.

THe Cardinal did clearly fore-see that this expedition being well managed, it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy, to raise a force suffici∣ent to oppose that of his Majesty: He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards; that their forces were but small, and divided; that

they were monilesse, and harassed with losses on every hand; that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt, that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty, and discharged of their great burthens, and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms; that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished, then this, for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain, and that it were as great im∣prudence to lose this opportunity, as it would be discretion to lay hold on it, This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence, and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it, and then to command an ex∣traordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies, and providing all neces∣sary munitions for the expedition into Italy.

Politique Observation.

THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship, and spreads his Sails according to the Wind, that he may come in safety to the Haven; and a Prudent States-man, ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct, according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present, the former would be much found fault with, if he should lose the Wind when it is fair; and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight, if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him. Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops; and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World, that the advantages of time is the onely thing, which if laid hold on, carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue. Nature observeth her time to put forth her works, we ne∣ver see her bedight with Flowers, but when the Sun smiles gently upon her; just thus is it with a Prudent man, he must strike when the Iron is hot, and not strike untill it be hot. For this reason it was, that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things; and it is but truth, that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections, and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe. Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice, which was comprehended in two words onely, know thy time, that is, lose not thy opportunity, but make sure of it, it being certainly true, that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground∣work of great successes, above all, an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest, before he be fortified, and that his other Troops come to joyn with him. The va∣liant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians, when he fore∣saw that if he gave them time, Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them, which would augment the difficulties to overcome them, Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy, resolved to prosecute the enemy, because his Prudence fore-told him. that in case he deferred it, their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together, and then instead of one Captain, and one Army, he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies. Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls, having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes, which were to passe the Rhine, presently advanced to fight with Anovistus, as doubting least if those forces should come up to him, he might be too weak to encounter them.

The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition, commits the Go∣vernment of the State to the Queen his Mother.

THe King before he departed from Paris, would as reason was, settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person, of whom he was well assu∣red. He knew that Kings being out of the way, gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir, who in their presence, durst not think a thought that way tending. Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person, upon whose Credit, Fidelity, and Ability he might

rely. The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother, advised his Majesty to fix upon her, as he had done at the siege of Rochel; though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains, it being at that time, that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him, and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies. That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts, in perswading the King to devolve his pow∣er upon her, was, that she still was guided, by those very persons, who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him, and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency, when they found themselves supported by her authority: But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests, he did not long stick at it; but finding it most fit for the Government of the State, he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it. For, first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other, but it would have raised great broils in the State; and secondly, he had much rather have been thought impro∣vident in fore-seeing that might hurt him, then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour, lying in his power; and lastly, he had some reason to hope, that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence, might open her eyes, to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her. In fine, his Majesty give the Queen his Mother, full, and absolute power, and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose, to bee read in the Par∣liament.

Politique Observation.

NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman, as to procure some ho∣nour to her, for as they are naturally passionate of ruling, so there is not any thing doth more please them then power. It should seem, that nature having cre∣ated them to obey, they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too, for either of which they are very improper. Hence it is, that they arm themselves with fire and anger, against all who oppose them, unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love; next to which, nothing doth so much please and satisfie them, as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them. It is a long while since a Philosopher said, no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger, as good deeds, which as they make a grea∣ter impression on the mind, by how much they come nearer to their inclination, so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them; and hence it is, that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure.

The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac, to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper, for the good of the Kingdom, by the States met at Paris, Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances.

AT the same time, the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown, resolved to publish divers Ordinances, relating to his peoples good, such as he had chosen out of the best rules, which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris, in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen, and by the Assembly at Rouen, in the year, 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six. His Majesty knew, that God who had put the Scepter into his hands, had not more commanded him any one thing than to admi∣nister Justice indifferently to all, whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper, to pick out from those rules such choice ones, as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good, to propose them to the Counsel, that they might be made Ordinances, after mature deliberation had upon them; all which was done accor∣dingly,

and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris, whether his Majesty went, to hear them read in his presence, as his predecessours had used to do, who have ordi∣narily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly, as being the chief of the Kingdome, and that to which they have alwayes given most power and autho∣rity; with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them. Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude, which cannot be without many diversities of opinion, some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon seve∣ral of the Articles presented to them, and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them. The Lord keeper, in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgment, was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on, and believing he had another Egerian Nymph, which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven; he per∣swaded his Majesty with his utmost power, not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them: But his Majesty, who knew that the greatest Monarques, ought to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice, granted them their desires of six month's time, to consider of them, and to draw up their Remonstrances, which however were to be referr'd to his Majesties disposition and judgment.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings, as so many Glorious Rayes which encompasse their Majesty, Justice is one, and one of the greatest Suster; The Scepter which they carry in their hand, is an Index of it, and seems to say, that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be govern'd: whence a Lawyer defining Law, confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects. It is true, they hold Justice in their left hands, that they may remember their Commands ought alwayes to be accompanied with Equity. But besides all this, they are not bound to give an accompt to any one. It is onely God from whom they receive t heir Scepter, and it is to him only that they are to be accomptable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish: Their power is high and so absolute, that there is no refusing of what they ordaine; and indeed their Laws are of force and power, not so much because they are Just, as because they are by them commanded. However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments, whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordi∣nances. This was the ancient form as History observeth, when any General Ordi∣nances were to be established: and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness; for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least shew of absolute Soveraignty; and besides Kings do no lesse Rule their people by Prudence then Power. Now this Prudence requireth, that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it, for the observation and obedience which is expected to be payd unto it. All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances, and give their opinions, as occasion should require: Indeed they have alwayes done it with great submission and respect, as being a thing without the limits of their power. S••lomon the wisest of Kings saith, It is a folly to play the Wise man before a Kings presence, in the seventh of Ecclesiastes; and Quintus Curtius, did much extol Ephestion, that giving his opinion or Judgment before Alexander, he alwayes did it with such great respect, that every one who beheld him, might know he did not speak as his due, but as an Honour permitted to him, and no more. Some Kings, it must be acknowledged, are not thus absolute, but are dependant either upon their States or people; and the reason is, because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions. But the thing is not so with ours, they are onely accomp∣table to God for what they do, and do acknowledge no other Superior, in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government; as St. Gregory said of our French Kings, they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth, as they are above inferiour men.

The King before he goeth into Piedmont, findeth the Hugonots in Langue∣doc ready to rise, he compelleth them to lay down their Armes, and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges, that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter.

ONE thing more remained to be considered, before his Majesties Journy into Italy, which was this; The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty, notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces, which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion. His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain, England, Holland and other places. That several of those Town's accorded to them for their security, were resolved to revolt, and resist his Majesties Armes, if he should attempt to ruine those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions: Whereupon the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty, that it was obsolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obe∣dience, and his own mercy, before he passed into Piedmon; as also to make a De∣claration, importing an express Command to all Heretiques, who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty, that they should lay down their Armes, return to their duties, and make Declarations of their future obedience, in ample manner and form before his Parliaments, or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them; and that all Towns should send their deputies, to make protesta∣tions of their fidelity; promising them, on the word of a King, that upon their so doing, they should quietly enjoy their goods, and the Liberty of their pretended Religion; but protesting that if they should refuse so to do, and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion, without regard had unto his grace and mercy, that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis, from the greatest to the lowest: ordaining and requiring, that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly, and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration. His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament, himself being pre∣sent, which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is that Kingdome, whose people live under one Law and the same Re∣ligion; for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts, breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole. If any should be so unhappy, as to fall under either of those Afflictions, they may learn how to remedy it, by this Declaration of his Majesty, which produced most admirable effects, in hindring the progresse of the present Rebellion.

It cannot be denied, but that Kings have an absolute power to compell their sub∣jects, who are Heretiques, to forsake their false, and turn unto the true Religion; and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Divi••ae; and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Autho∣rity, to punish those offences committed against God, then those against their own persons, so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to pu∣nish Heresie, with all the severity that it deserveth. But however, discreet Prin∣ces have alwayes used much moderation in this particular, because they ever con∣ceived violent means were proper in the first growth, and when it might quickly destroy Heresie, without any likelihood of its springing up again; but that being once spread abroad and increased, Rigors and Severities would more fix and con∣firm it; besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State, by such cruelties and punishments. It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment, the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat, which grew together in the field, and were hard to be divided, it

being most certain, that it is full as difficult, nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie, when multiplyed, without great confusion even to the State where it is, and some trouble to the true Church it self. But granting all this to be so, yet the Laws of Prudence, do not allow, of at least, whilst a Prince may avoid it, that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie; for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy, in his bosome, to foment a Re∣bellion against himself, and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat; It is also to give advantage unto strangers, who are still fishing in troubled States, and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes, when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it: and in fine it were to expose himself, the true Church and Professors of true Religion, unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies. That Prince, who allows them but weapons, submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of, but he who employeth his power to destroy them, doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity, but also of great Prudence and discretion.

The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January, in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine, towards Piedmont.

THe same day, that his Majesty went to the Pallace, to publish his Declaration & Ordinances, and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read, he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal. But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence, in his Majesty, who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne, under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras, immediately after the taking of Rochel, that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place, where he intended to make use of them, insomuch that he lost not one hours time, upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend. His Majesty, desired to go by the way of Bourgogne, and Champagne; as well to avoid the sickness, which was very hot, upon the Road of Lion, as also because he had not as yet, passed by the Towns of Troyes, Dion or Chaal us, Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this, what respect they were obliged to shew unto him.

Politick Observation

WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects, yet they have all concluded it fit, that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome. This gives them an acquain∣tance of the people, whom they are to governe, and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their sub∣jects; Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect, because the people are often guided by their own sences, and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves, reverenced and esteemed. The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor, and with the vulgar no∣thing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes, as the pomp where with they are accompanied: whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion, that a King ought not to make himself be feared, yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience to∣ward him. Humility is a virtue, which in this particular is to be dispenced with, be∣cause the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people, and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour, which is due unto them, and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Ma∣jesty, in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons, but with great respects, and seldome would appear in publick, but when with great attendance. The ancient Kings of the Persians, Medes and Judians, required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground: Amongst

those of China they are adored like Gods, others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome, and then with great Ceremony too, and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour, and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane.

The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and pro∣miseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar.

WHiles the King was at Chaalous, the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him, hoping that by his bare complements & civilities he might satis∣fy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar, which was in his posses∣sion by the death of his predecessour. The King had often called upon him to do his homage, knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head, so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes, then over his own subjects. The Duke refused it not, but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief, as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law, which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family, and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record, and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged. The King, who could not endure injustice, would not permit that the Dutchess his wife, who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with; but resolved that either shee should do the homage, or he in her name. Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty, he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the homage in that form, which should be thought reasonable, and in the mean while to beseech him, that he would excuse him for some little time. He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen, which his Majesty kindly accepted of, and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversi∣on, when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time, he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place, for the in∣struction of Soveraigns, in what degree they ought to hold those recreations, which tend to their pleasure.

Cozen, said he, I have left off hunting, I must confesse, I de∣light in it, when other affairs give me leave; but at present my thoughts are alto∣gether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies; after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua, I may perchance return to my old re∣creations, till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me.

And most certain it is, his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State. He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever, neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves, because his piety forbid him, as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God.

Politique Observation.

HUnting is a kind of war, not onely, not misbeseeming, but sometimes very co∣mendable in a Prince. It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia, It teacheth them, saith he, to rise betimes, It inures them to heats and colds, habituates them to riding and all other labours. The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight, and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them, when to prevent them, and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit. Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils? I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters, have been likewise esteemed very valiant. History tells us so in the examples of Ʋlysses, Pelopidas, Pompei, Alexander. The Prince of Roman eloquence, saith that a man at

hunting useth a kind of military exercise. Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes, it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs; to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings, and that is, it keeps them from vice. It is reported that Hippolytus. Theseus his Son, did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse, the source of all vices and evills. The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae, Calista, Cranae and divers other Nymphs, who were all desirous to preserve their virginities, each of them knowing, that they were exposed to many Shipwracks, by the divers companies with whom they conversed. Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey, that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise, and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque, and reduced all in those Countries to his power, himself spent some dayes in hun••ing Lions and Ele∣phants, to the end, quoth he, that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage,

A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February, 1629.

THe King departing from Chaalons, passed by Lyons (but did not go into the Citie, by reason of the sicknesse) to Grenoble, where he staid 7. or 8. dayes, during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither, resolved to relieve Cazal, and to demand passage through his States, which he was obliged by Treaties to grant, under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard, and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal, as Comte Lou••s d'Ast, one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared, had recourse to his usual artifices, and returned many complements and fairs words: he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard: The Duke proposed several overtures, but so void of reason and Justice, that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken▪ which as was well known, could not hold out above — dayes, but it was all in vain: for the King (a person not to be delayed but with just reasons, and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expecta∣tion of him two full moneths) marched from Grenoble, and by great Journies came to Oux, a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze. The Duke having but ill intelligence, heard not of his Majesties advancing, for indeed he made such haste, that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it. The Duke thoug••t he had been still at Grenoble, when indeed he was not far off Suze: But for fear of that storm which threatned him, he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmo••t his Son to delay his Majesty, by giving him some hopes of opening the passages, not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken. The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry, but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva, this made him return directly to Chaumont, where he found the Cardi∣nal already arrived with the Vanguard. He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence, who no lesse powerful in his words than arms, entertained him with a great deal of addresse, and pressed upon him such reasons, that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him. The Cardinal at first told him, he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy, that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country, to assist one of his Allyes; Hee remonstrated to him, how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince, it being contrary to his word and faith; that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause, but that his did unjustly protect injustices; That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy (which however he could not well hope for) yet it would be as great a discredit to him, to

support an unjust oppression, as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glo∣rious to his Majesty: withal that he did apparently deceive himself, if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal: that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them, was vain, and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six hundred and thirteen, when they absolute∣ly opposed him, and that the most he could expect▪ was some paltry Town: whereas adhering to his Majesty, he would find means to induce Monsieur de Mantua to let him have Tri••, and other handsome places to the yearly rent of fifteen thousand Crowns. That withal he disobliged the Princes and extreamly much wronged him∣self by favouring the growing greatness of Spain in Italy, upon which they had al∣ready testified but too great a design: That Cazal would give him great advan∣tages and that he had the more reason to be susp••tious of it himself, he being so near a borderer upon Milan; and that the Spaniard having drawn him off from France would quickly invade his territory, as being assured himself alone could not resist him. It were much to be wished that we knew the Cardinal', whole discourse in this conference, or that I could discribe the gracefulness and authority, with which he spoke. But that not being, I shall content my self to say, that it is impossible to defend ones self against his discourse, when he undertakes to perswade any thing, his words being accompanied with certain charms which in a little while force a surren∣der. It is not possible long to deny him, his discourses are replenished with such an, I know not what sweetnesse, which insinuateth it self into the heart, his gesture and complasance do no lesse second his discourse, and they ought to be esteemed for such, as the best wits have confessed, it was impossible to defend themselves from him, whatever promises they had made of sticking close to any resolutions of theirs contrary to his desires.

Politique Observation.

ELoquence is an ornament, so much the more necessary for great States-men, in regard they are obliged more then others to perswade diverse things to the people, and those Grandees with whom they treat. The Roman Prince of Elo∣quence saith, It is Rhetorick which raiseth men above beasts, and I may add that it i•• Eloquence and a volubility of discourse gives a States-man great advantages over those with whom he treats. Prudence teacheth him good counsels, and the wayes to obtain his ends, but Eloquence is that which gives him the perswasive power, so that in some sence, it is the soul of Counsels. Rash Eloquence would do him no good, it being like counterfeit Gold, glisters indeed, but is worth nothing; and a mute prudence, where there is a defect of good expression, is of no great use, but is like a fair statue whose proportions and sculpture are admired by every one, but cannot speak, whereas Eloquence and Prudence joyned together work miracles. The Ancient Sages, saith Cicero, who have established the foundations and Laws of the most famous States, as Lycurgus, Solon, Pit••acus and the like were equally endued both with one and the other, with prudence for the invention of those just Laws, which they published, and with Eloquence for the perswading the people to re∣ceive them. It cannot be denied but that Eloquence was one of those qualities which did insinuate into the peoples belief that Doctrine, which Jesus Christ preached, seeing the Gospel it self recorded it, where it is said, that the sweetnesse of those words which came from his mouth, ravished the people with admiration. And who can doubt of the power which Rhetorick hath on mens minds, seeing that tongues were the first Arms given the Apostles, when they were sent abroad to preach? Indeed there cannot be an handsomer ornament added to the dignity of great Ministers, then to discourse well, nor really stronger Arms to their Pru∣dence. Their affairs will continually lead them to treat with Grandees, who must be satisfied with reasons, which when well expressed, are the more perswasive. They must know how to appease, to mollifie, or provoke passions by the addresse of their discourse according as occasion requires. Is it most certain that naked reason is

commonly weak, whereas clothed with the ornaments of Rhetorick, it captivateth the soul, insinuateth into the most unreasonable, cureth the disaffected, softneth the most obdurate hearts, reclaimeth the most irregular actions; and in a word exer∣ciseth an absolute empire over the will? The Athenians were not ignorant of it, when being oppressed by Alexanders Arms to deprive themselves either of their Captains or Orators, they chose rather to banish the former than the latter, pre∣ferring the Gown before the Sword. Eloquence in the person of a States-man is then most powerful, when accompanied with affability and complasance, for these vir∣tues rendring his person as well as his reason agreeable, do insinuate themselves with such power and charms, that it is impossible to hold out against them.

Prosecution of the History.

THE Prince of Piedmont had promised to return the next morning with the Duke of Savoy's ratification, but however he came not, his perswasions not having that power over the Dukes reason, as the Cardinals had over his. He only sent the Comte de Verrūe with Complements and Civilities, in stead of a positive reso∣lution. The King was not satisfied with it, and Monsieur the Cardinal, who is in nothing more sensible, then that which concerneth his Majesties glory, took these delayes of the Duke of Savoy with a great deal of regret and Impatience; So that his Prudence telling him, there was no more time to be lost, he sent word unto his Majesty, that the next morn by day break he would secure the passages; who un∣willing to let the attempt be made without him, told him he would make one of the patty; to which end he presently took Horse, and accordingly having taken order, and given instructions concerning the main Body of the Army then neer him, he came away about ten or twelve at night, and march't four leagues in so great a darknesse, that he was forced for the most part to walk on foot; yet at last he came to Chaumont, where he met the Marshals de Crequy, Bassompierre and the Schom∣berg, with the Cardinal contriving every thing for the assault, and for carying of the Baricadoes upon the very first break of day, which they were all resolved to do, notwithstanding the snows, the wearinesse of the Souldiers, and the fight it self, which could not be but furious, in regard the Duke of Savoy had laid his choysest forces for the guarding of those passages, which of themselves were so strait and strong that a hundred men might defend them.

Politick Observation

IT is no lesse advantagious than seemly for a Prince to give Orders in his Battels, and to appear in his own person to see them executed as well by his example as command. I say it is seemly, in regard Kings have not received their swords from the hand of God, onely to devolve the charge and conduct of their Armies upon their Captains; Their crowns are not bestowed on them so much for the honour of their own persons, as to oblige them to maintain and encrease by the prudence of their counsels, and the force of their Arms, the glory of their States: they are like the Sun, who doth not onely communicate part of its light and influence to the Stars, to the end they might contribute to the generation and conservation of all things here below; but doth likewise himself daily go round the world to co-operate with all particular causes, and doth in some sence do all in every thing; thus like∣wise a great Prince ought to watch whatever happens of importance in his Army; to passe from Quarter to Quarter, and to issue out all principal Orders from him∣self, without relying on his Officers, but in things of lesse consequence; remem∣bring the excellent Counsel which Salust gave Caesar, when he told him that they, who are advanced to an high degree of honour in a State, are obliged to be much more vigilant and careful than others. Who can expresse the advantage which happens to a King by being himself the Oracle of his Counsels, who obligeth his Soldiers to observe his Orders, as well by his example as command. The example

of a King needs not indeed any words of command, for it insinuateth it self into their courages, and animateth them with such resolution, that it leads them to all enterprises how dangerous soever; his courage is the fire which heats all his Soldiers, and the least action which he shall do among them, will more powerfully perswade them to fight, then any words he can give them, be they never so many or fair. Was it not for this reason that Germanicus, as Tacitus relateth, used to open his Helmet in his Battels, that he might make himself known to his Soldiers; that the Kings of Persia went bare-headed, and that Cyrus, as Xenophon witnesseth, would often call his Captains and Soldiers by their names, and give them such Orders, as himself saw fit? and doth he not give a good reason for it, where he saith, that if a Physitian were to be blamed for not knowing the names of his medicines, and the artificer for being ignorant of the use of his instruments; a Prince deserves much more to be discommended, if he knoweth not the names of his Officers and Soldiers, the instruments of the glory which he acquireth in Armes?

The Prosecution of the History.

THe Duke of Savoy had great advantages in this fight, the passages were of themselves very strait and uncouth, that there was no great need of any forces to hinder their ascent; a few persons are enough to stop them, excepting against his Majesty, whom all things obey: he had placed for the defence of them the very choisest troops of his Army, whereas those of his Majesty were newly come off from the disorders of a siege, which had lasted above a year, and had also suffered the hardships of a march near 200 leagues long, during all which they had been fought by the rains, snows, and colds of a sharp winter. But his Majesty knowing what mettle his presence infused into his Soldiers, and seeing there was not a man amongst them, who thought not himself happy in being exposed to all sorts of hazards, he resolved that all those hardships should not divert him from acquiring fresh victo∣ries: However knowing that it is Gods providence, which doth contribute more then mans force to happy successes, he would hear Masse before he engaged with the Enemy, to recommend his enterprise to God; then he came into the field with the Cardinal between 6 and 7 in the morning, and gave order what troops should make the onset. The Duke of Savoy had formed 3 Baracados before the passages, the first a Quarter of a league from Chaumont near upon the borders between France and Savoy, the 2 about a quarter of a league farther of, and the 3 under the Fort de Gelasse, scituated upon a rock, at the foot of which they must of necessity passe at the mercy of the Cannons and musket. All 3 were 12 foot thick and large, 20 high, the Ditch deep, and 8 foot over to defend the Avenues; He had likewise made between 25 and 30 Redoubts guarded by 2700 choise men. Upon the first discovery of their scituation, the victory was thought difficult, but as there is no∣thing impossible to the King and the Cardinal, they lead up their forces at the first peep of day. The King had sent the Sieur de Comminges to the first Baracado, to demand passage for the Marshals of his Majesties Army, to the intent they might go to Suze, as friends, and under assurance of doing no hurt. The Comte de Verrūe ap∣peared, and demanded some time to acquaint the Duke of Savoy with it, who was not then far off, and told him that he did not come to demand it with any shew of peace, but however they should be sure to guard their passages, and that they had not now to do with the English. The Sieur de Comminges replied, he had not any order to wait, and that he should shortly find the French knew as well to beat the Piedmontois as the English: at the same instant, it being no longer time to dally, the Marshals de Cr••quy and de Bassompierre, assisted by the Sieurs d'Auriac the Commandeur de Valençay and de Thoiras Marshals of the Camp, made ready for the fight. Le Comte de Sault advanced with the forlorne hope being about six score, next to them followed the Kings Muskettiers and the Regiment of the Guard, the Duke de Langueville being in the head of the Voluntier Nobility. The Dukes de la Trimoūille and de Halloin led up the files, as also the Sieurs de Lyon Court, de Breze

and de S. Simon, the troups being seconded by the Regiment of Suisses, d'Estissac & de Navarre, who advanced upon the left wing. The Comte d'Essault falling on with his Forces, came up to the Barricado's, defended by Marc Anti••io Belon one of Piedmont, assaulted and forced them in the midst of a shower of musket shot which fell upon them. The Enemies endured the first charge with great courage, both parts being equally resolute; so that the one defended themselves as gallantly as the others assaulted them, till at last a party of the French foot opening one of the passages fell like lightning upon the Duke of Savoy's forces, and Barricado's, pre∣sently forced them and became Masters of the passage, and also of Suze after they had slaine, wounded and routed whatever resisted them. Amongst those who were wounded, the Comte de Verrūe was observed to have a shot in his cheek, and the Marqu••sse de V••lle General of the Horse had his shoulder broken by a musket shot. There were 9 Colours taken which were without any great trouble presented to his Majesty because he was himself in that action, and amongst diverse Prisoners there were 10 or 12 Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns.

Politique Observation.

A Generous mind is never dismaid at the fear of danger, or if perchance it make any impression on him, it is onely to oblige him to give necessary orders to overcome them. It is enough that he know he must vanguish and that his duty obli∣geth him to make a virtue of necessity. He is more apprehensive of the discredit to loose an occasion of glory, then of the mis-fortune, and is alwayes more careful to preserve his honour▪ than his life, his courage fortifies him, and makes him confi∣dent of the means dictated by his prudence; he doth not fight rashly with his eyes shut as the Andabates, or precipitate himself into dangers without looking what is necessary to secure himself, but guiding his courage by reason, he takes such Order as is fit and needful▪ and then engageth without fear. There is no courage so com∣mendable as that which is accompanied with prudence, and when the heat of Anger exciteth an obligation to repel al obstacles, his reason ought to serve him in exami∣ning his designs, his prudence to make choise of those means which are most likely to obtain an happy successe, and his Anger to make him quick in action. Last of all he delay, not the exposing himself to combates, where his prudence tell him there is not any danger, but knowing that fortune is the friend of courage, and doth often favour the bold, he assaults his enemies as soon as ever his prudence hath given Or∣ders for the fight: he carrieth deeply engraved in his heart that saying of Salust, They who are most fearful, run most hazards; and sure it is, confidence is a ram∣part, and every thing gives way to him who fals in with courage, as every thing re∣pelleth him who is carried away with cowardize. To apprehend resistance is to be half overcome and he who scornes danger is half master of his enterprise. Valour is very needful for the obtaining of an happy successe in all af••airs. Fire is the no∣blest of all the Elements, because it worketh quickest, and nothing resisteth it; and that man is most to be commended for his courage, who acteth the most boldly, and whom no dangers are able to affright: It is also true, that resoluteness doth oftentimes bring a good issue, where prudence and counsel had no part: whence it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appears that in many affairs of war, long deliberation is unnecessary and often prejudical in the successe of attempts, besides the diminishing of his honour, who conducteth them. Something must be ventured, and where there is no clear demonstration of a good successe, there a good resolution seconded with judgment will go far, which once concluded on, then comes action into play and the sword to execute.

The Prince of Piedmont comes to Suze with full power from the Duke of Savoy to Treat with the King.

PResently after this victory the King sent to summon the Governour of the Fort Jaillon, belonging to the Duke of Savoy, bordering upon Suze, to surrender: he refused it, but not long after fled with 300 men into the mountains, and left the Fort to the Country people, who left it to the King, who put ••00 Soldiers in guard there. At the same time his Majesty caused some forces to march to Roussillon, a league and half from Suze, being in all about an 1000 foot and 2000 Horse, under the Command of the Marshals de Creiquy and Bassompierre, who were saluted by those in the Cittadel of Suze with about 1000 musket, and 200 great shot, but no hurt, onely the wounding of about a dozen men; This insolency of theirs made his Majesty resolve to assault the Cittadel, and for that purpose the Regiment Estissac was drawn out upon the top of Mount Brunet, which adjoyneth to it: In the mean while hearing that the Duke of Savoy began to repent his being engaged with the Spaniards, and opposing of the French, fearing belike (and that not without good reason) that his State would be seized on as a punishment of his rashness, his Maje∣sty sent the Sieur de Seneterre towards him to understand with he did intend to do, and to let him know, that if he would hearken to an accomodation, that his Majesty out of his natural goodness, and in consideration of Madam his Sister, would forget what was past, without making any other advantage of his victories; onely for the assisting of his design to raise the siege of Cazal, he expected to be assured of the passages for the conveyance of victuals to his Army, and to be furnished with all things to revictual it, paying for what he had. The Duke thought himself very happy to be quiet upon such slender terms, and presently dispatched the Prince de Piedmont towards the Cardinal, to make the Treaty, inpowering him to give his Ma∣jesty all content. The Prince came to Suze, and the same day it was concluded with Monsieur the Cardinal, that the Duke of Savoy should give free passage through his Country to the Kings Army, that he should furnish the markets both to Cazal and back again, that he should contribute to the revictualling of Cazal, by furnishing victuals and munition of war, for which his Majesty should pay him; withal, that in future he should open such passages as the King should desire, and should set out as many Soldiers for the securing of Montferrat, if need were, as his Majesty should think fit; that for the better assurance of his promise, his highness should presently deliver the Cittadel de Suze, a the Fort de Gelasse into his Majesties hands, and short∣ly after things being thus concluded, he came to salute his Majesty, and rendred him all kinds of respect.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is so requisite in a Prince as to attempt all things with Justice, and such as are within his power, without this he will inevitably fall into confusion, and see himself exposed to as much shame, as he proposed glory. Imprudence is the spring of ill successe, and rashness throws a Prince into the Gulph of confusion; it inforceth the courages of those who have more heat than judgment, charming them with a certain show of glory, for which it makes them hope; but indeed, onely to engage them in greater disasters. True generosity consisteth not in a blind impe∣tuous rage, which adventures upon all, without considering the power, or weighing the design by the Laws of prudence; but it follows a medium between defect and excess; Holding the head too high doth oftentimes throw down into praecipices: and the want of prudence is no lesse dangerous, for it oftentimes obligeth to dis∣cover not onely a deficiency of power, but also of heart. That Prince is greatly to be blamed, who falls upon a King incomparably more powerful than himself, and who pretends with an handful of men to oppose that, which at last he will be forced

to grant. It is no shame for necessity to take the Law of one that is more powerful, but if power prevail, the who is forced to it, is discredited with interest: besides, in passages, how strait or difficult soever they be, he cannot be able to defend himself from the danger which is falling on him, unless he be very strong seeing that enemy, who comes to assault him with a great Army, will at last force him, although they loose some men in the gaining it: Commonly there is not above one or two diffi∣cult places in a passage, and it is impossible, but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them. In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundring in upon them, it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly, and by that means destroyed, for this reason the Romans would never put them∣selves to the trouble of keeping any passes, unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy, because they who were in the chief Stands, should be alwayes assisted: but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it, or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed.

The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesties Forces.

DOm Gonçales de C••rdua, Governor of Milan, who commanded the siege of Cazal, upon his first hearing of this Treaty, resolved to break up the Leager; It had been concluded by one of the private Articles, for the satisfaction of him, That the Duke of Savoy, should give him information, how his Majesty upon the said Dukes assurance of him, that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoile the Duke of Mantua of his Estates, had been contented, that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille, who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor, but upon promise and assurance, to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua, or his Assigns, at the end of one month, whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not; and that as to the rest, his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories, of his Brother in Law, the King of Spain, but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him. This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded. Dom Gonçales staid not long for any farther Illustration of this Article, but raised the siege before his Majesty came neer him, as doubting least his stay there, would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army, which they had all ready got at Suze; so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night, leaving the City to rejoyce, that they were now delivered from those mise∣ries, which for two months last past they had endured, in which time they had eaten all the Horses, Doggs and Ratts, which they could lay hold on: The Duke of Savoy relieved them, with those Victuals which he had promised, and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honor, and successe in this enterprise, that his heart could desire; this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory, which indeed was a debt, due to the Justice of his cause, who though he might at that time, have over-run all Italy and made himself master of it, as was well known to every one, yet he contented himself, with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua, from the Spanish Tyranie and oppression.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Successe, yet the greatest Cap∣tains have held, that Fortune, hath no small part in it; Prudence alone may indeed make some progresse towards it; but Fortune is at last needful to be joyned with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end: hence it was that Octa••ian ma∣king wishes for his little Son, desired he might have the Gravity of P••mpey, the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune. For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes a Persian, as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it; answered unto

some who were admiring that his enterprizes should have such ill successe; seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man. That he was one∣ly Master of his Language, but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs. And do we not for this reason likewise, say, that the discreet man is not obliged to ren∣der an accompt of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance, as Conduct, but onely of his Councels, which is the onely thing that was in his power to dispose? It is sometimes onely Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke; it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terrour into an enemies Forces, that they have hard∣ly the courage to defend themselves; Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons; and it is Fortune, which at the appearance of an Army, hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedi∣ence. But notwithstanding all this, we must not conceive Fortune to be, as the Heathens did, a blind Goddesse, who over ruleth Battels, and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth; no, it is of the divine Providence, that I speak, which is usu∣ally so called, when any thing befalleth us above our expectation, or beyond our hopes. God is the first cause of all good successe, and it is his onely gift, he it is who blesseth Councels, and it is by the favour of his influences, that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions. Neither may we imagine, that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy successe; for they are the instruments of Gods power, but not such as are dead and void of life, or such as want motion and action to co-operate with the first cause. As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his enterprizes: But this fortune was improved by Prudene, conserved by cares, preserved by Labours, and seconded by Courages. Most cer∣tain it is, those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard, do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise, eminent men, who ope∣rate by Springs▪ which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar, yet such as procure no lesse glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things▪ though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary un∣derstandings.

Prosecution of the History.

HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy, yet he desired to let him see, or at least some of his party who might relate it to him, that he had power enough to have forced it from him, if he had not done it by fair means. His Majesty laid hold on the oc∣casion, upon Madam, the Princesse of Piedmonts comming to Suze to visit him, he entertained her with a great deal of kindness, according to the particular friend∣ship which he had alwayes for her, and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her, and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him, that he had no reason to ingage so easily with the enemies of France. His Majesty went before her, and causing part of the Army to follow him, he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side, in such places where they might best be seen; that the Prince of Pi∣edmont might with his own eyes behold, that he ought not upon a small occasion, ingage so many of the brave Nobility and resolute Souldiers, to return a second time into his Fathers Country of Savoy, lest they made him pay for all his Treache∣ries together.

Politique Observation.

IT is no lesse Policy in a Prince to make himself feared by strangers, then beloved by his own Subjects. To pretend that he is in friendship with them were a vanity, for they having no end but interest care not for any one longer then he is usefull. The greatest peece of their friendship, is, not to offend their neighbours, or attempt upon their Territories, and there are but a few who are thus reserved; whence it happens that he who sheweth them his Power, and sometimes lets them feel his

strength, that he may curb them by fear, is the most of all to bee commen∣ded.

I do not approve that he should make himself feared by abusing of his power, or by using any injustice or cruelty upon them as the House of Austria hath for a long time together; but that he should let them know he hath wherewithal to pu∣nish them, in case they attempt to do any thing repugnant to their duties. There are but two ways to retain men in moderation, love, and fear, if the first be not sufficient, then the second must be made use of. No one will easily be provoked to offend a Soveraign, who hath ability to revenge it; and nothing is more natu∣ral then to respect them whose power is feared. They ought to render themselves respected and feared according to the example of God Almighty, whose stretched out Arm is terrible through all the World, not because he imployeth it to do evil: but severely to chastise those who offend and provoke him to indignation and dis∣pleasure.

Certain Intreagues of the Ladies at Paris, concerning Monsieurs preten∣ded Marriage with the Princess Maria of Mantua.

DUring that little stay which his Majesty made at Suze, there happened a dan∣gerous Intreague at Paris about the Queen Mother, she had designed to match Monsieur with a daughter of Florence; but finding how particularly he was inclined to the Princesse Maria daughter to the Duke of Mantua, she was much troubled at it, although that Princesse by reason of those admirable qualities both of her person and birth, was not thought altogether unworthy of so great a match. The King himself was much of this opinion, out of the particular esteem which he had for the Princesse although at that time he had not positively resolved on it▪ by reason it was so lately that Monsieur had buried his Lady. Now it happened that certain Ladie, of quality, who were alwaies near and about the Queen Mother, used their utmost indeavours to hinder Monsieurs marrying with the Princesse Ma∣ria. Some of them because they had hopes of having him to marry into their Alli∣ance and because it was against their particular Interests; othersome who did not aspire so high, made use of it to incense the Queen Mother against the Cardinal, pre∣tending that he supported this of Mantua, in exclusion of her choice of that Florence, The Queen Mother had never discovered any violence in her Conduct; but she was at last so beleaguered by those of this Cabal, that they transported her so far as to command the Sieur de C••sac, one of her Gentlemen in Ordinary to take some Archers of the Garde, to go to Colummiers and Arrest the Princesse, with the Dowager de Longueville, and to Conduct them to the Boys de Vincennes, whither they were accordingly carried.

Monsieur was at that time at Fountainbleau, but so troubled at the imprisonment of the Princesse, whom he much respected; and especially, for her ill usage at the Boys de Vincennes, that instead of comming back to Paris; as the Queen Mother expected, he went in a discontent to Orleans; and true it is, the displeasure that he conceived at it, was one of the chief reasons which afterwards carried him into Lorrain, where all those wicked designs which have since been acted were contri∣ved. The Queen Mother presently dispatched a Courier to Suze, unto his Maje∣sty to inform him of the reasons which moved her to this imprisonment: And they on the Cabal having perswaded her to lay all the blame on the Princesse and Mon∣sieur, she did so, though indeed their innocency might well have exempted them from any blame; besides the interests of the Duke of Mantua, were so joyned with those of France, that there was great reason to treat the Princess his daughter with all kindness and civility. The Queen Mother was easily perswaded to follow their advice, her honour being ingaged, not to be disowned by his Majesty, and also to lay the whose fault upon them who did not deserve it. They did use the

more address to confirm her Majesty in her resolutions because they fore-saw that Monsi••ur the Cardinal must of necessity have a Breach either with the Queen Mo∣ther or Monsieur, which would much advantage their own interests and designs; Oh damnable devices! not sufficiently punishable, though with the greatest rigors, but yet such devices as rendred the Queen Mother so much the less faulty, in re∣gard, it was almost impossible for any, the most Prudent, to defend themselves from such baits, laid by the most dexterous persons in that Art of embroyling; so that I cannot but ascribe the whole blame unto those women of the Cabals.

Politique Observation.

AS all Womankind hath by birth received certain qualities contrary to the good conduct of a Kingdome; so it is very dangerous for them who govern, to lend an ear to their charms. I cannot more fitly compare them to any thing, then to the Sun in the Spring-time, who hath then power to raise and attract vapors into the ayr, but not to allay or dissipate them: Just thus it is with them, many are the broyls which they raise and foment in a State; but the remedying of any one of them lieth not in their power. It should seem that whatever is proper to trou∣ble the repose of a State, is naturally imprinted in them; every one knoweth what disorders violence breedeth, and who can be ignorant that the heats and emotions of their Passions, are like impetuous torrents, which pull up Rocks, root up Trees, overthrow whatever standeth in their way? they do nothing by halfs, all their de∣sires are accompanied with fire, and although few of their resolutions are grounded upon any consideration or foresight yet there is not any obstacle which they will not force themselves to overcome, in the executing of their Wills and Inclinations. Imprudence too carrieth no lesse broyls where it goeth; this is natural to them, and dayly experience sheweth us, that they have in all their actions more rashnesse then discretion. Pallas her self, the Goddesse of Prudence, was born of J••piters brain, to let us know (saith Lucian) that this virtue is hard to be met with in any wo∣men, who are born the usual way. The spirit of revenge where it is Lord Para∣mount, is enough to set a State on fire; for whilest they who are possessed with it, indeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power, upon the least resistance they she out into extremities, and by force attempt to repel force; but who are more prone to revenge then women? their natural fearfulnesse doth the more ea∣sily ingage them, because they attribute the most part of their faults, unto some neglect or dis-esteem. They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them, though it were most for their advantage, especially in such mis∣carriages as happen more by their weaknesse then malice. Their Soul is offended at the least touch, whereas great personages ought to know, that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish; Briefly, the irresolution which they discover in all their actions, and which they cannot for their lives hide, is the cause of a thousand disorders, especially when any one ingageth to follow their advices and directions; now they counsel one thing, and by and by another, then they know not what to resolve, and the least difficulty they meet with, maketh them change a thousand times over. Not but that they have a reasonable Soul▪ as well as the greatest Prin∣ces that have governed on the earth; but are, as it is said of the Flowers of Aegypt, alwaies soaked with the vapours of Nile, which being grosse and earthy, are the cause that they do not yeeld such fragrant smels as those in other Countries; just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions, which proceed from their weaknesse and violence, are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men, who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution. I could al∣ledge several other reasons; but I shall content my self with that saying of God himself, speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet: The Government of wo∣men (saith he) is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind: and that other amongst the Verses of the Sybils. A Womans Reign shall be esteem∣ed as the overthrow of the whole world.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE King both Prudent and Just, would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty; and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother, and not diminish the Authority, which he had committed to her in his absence, by a dis-owning of her, he resolved on a ••edium, which was this, he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans, to tell him, that his Majesty would be very much pleased, if he would send unto the Queen Mother, to beseech her to let the Princesse be freed from the Boys de Vincennes; and at the same time, he writ to the Queen Mother, that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage, for which he thanked her, and assured her he could not willingly consent to it: Whilest she was against it, onely he desired her to deliver the Princesse from the Boys de Vincennes, in case Monsieur should desire it of her. This was as respect∣full and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired; for the King did not condemn her proceedings but seemed to beleeve her information, that Monsieur would have married the Princesse Maria, without his Majesties permission; and did moreover so confirm her Authority, that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty, but referred it to her whole dssposal•• and desired she would rather not do it, unlesse at Monsieurs intreaty. Yet notwithstanding all this, those who got the Mastry over her soul, were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions, as were proper for their own interests and designs onely, that they perswaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement, and not ample enough to justifie her Procedure▪ and that it was (in some kind) a dis∣owning of her. They who were the craftiest amongst them, durst not openly as yet, accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or ••ot contributing his utmost power, in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this businesse, lest they should have split them∣selves upon that R••ck which they designed for his destruction; but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother, that it had not been much amisse if the Cardinal had per∣swaded his Majesty to send the Princesse Mari out of France, without any more ado, because now Morsi••ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her: By this they knew, that no Logick could so soon learn the deducing of consequences, as that of a Womans choiler and ambition, which can quickly do it without teaching; and thus it cannot be imagined, what, and how many contrivances and devices they made use of, to incense her against the Cardinal▪ who in the mean while, imploy∣ed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice, to hide the violence of her Procee∣dings.

Politique Observation.

VVHen it happeneth as oftentimes it doth, that Ministers are to redresse the disorders committed by Grandees, who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal, they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot, who though the Wind be contrary, yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro, that he neverthelesse goeth on in his voyage. It is with them as with Mettals, the no∣blest are the most flexible, and if they want discretion and addresse to bend and comply, when occasion is, they will be sure to meet with enemies, who will stick upon their skirts. If there be any Ulcer in their minds, they must never open it with Iron, unlesse there be first of all some soft cotten tied about it, though in a case of extremity, I must confesse, they are bound to make use of fire and Rasors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them, or grateth without them. Great freedom of speaking the naked truth, is not proper in a Court, or amongst Gran∣dees, with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it; nay some, disguise it how you will, do not willingly love to hear it. The respect which is paid unto them in this kind, is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission, as an effect of a good judgement, which knoweth that their dis∣content

doth often raise great broils in the State, which by this means are prevented, because it keepeth them from anger, and allayeth any of their heats and emotions. When Ministers are, as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women, who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs, they ought to remember there is no way to satisfie them, but by doing whatever they desire good or bad, their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial, how just and reasonable soever, when as they are once bent upon it; wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceedings, unlesse they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out. But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done; so that having once done that which is just and reasonable, they ought to sit still and leave the rest to Gods Providence, who is the King of Kings, and Governour of all Kingdomes.

His Majesty departeth from Suze towards Languedoc, after Cazal, and the strong Towns in Montferrat were revictualled.

HIS Majesty having stayed at Suze as long as was needfull for the securing of those advantages which he had got; as also for the conveying of Wheat and all other necessaries into Cazal and the places of Montferrat in case they should be again set upon after his with drawing back, he at last resolved to passe through Languedoc. His design was onely to bring the revolted Heretiques under obedi∣ence, who had of late shewed their teeth against him, upon all occasions and op∣portunities whatever. Notwithstanding his Majesties Declaration made at Paris, as hath heretofore been observed, they had made an Assembly at Nisms, where they published a sedition manifest, by which they indeavoured to represent his Ma∣jesties gracious proffers, for so many snares to intrap them; and that notwithstan∣ding his Kingly word, he intended to put them all to the Sword; whereupon it was resolved not to lay down their Arms, but by and with the consent of the King of England; to which effect, all they of the Town and Party, were to bind themselves by oath, which was as much as to say, they peremptorily resolved to continue the War as long as ever they could. The King of England being troubled for the affront which had been given his forces both at Ree, and before Rochel, desired no∣thing more then to see France divided, and at War amongst themselves, which would be a great dimunition of his Majesties strength and power. Monsieur de Ro∣han had likewise been with the King of England in the behalf of the Assembly, to implore his Protection, and to let him know that they of his party having built all their hopes upon the expectation of his succours, did humbly beseech him not to defer any longer his assisting of them. Were not these so many evident signs and tokens of an intended bloudy War, for the securing of themselves in those Towns which were strong, and in their own powers? did they not hope his Maje∣sty would find work enough to be diverted in Italy, and that he might neither have time nor power to fall on them, or oppose their designs? And after all this what reason was there to give any longer way to this rebellious people, to fix and root themselves any more in their obstinacies and willfull perversenesse? Must not his Majesty in so doing have been defective both in Prudence and Courage? But the Cardinal was too industrious to suffer any such blemishes to lie upon his Masters glory; so that he perswaded his Majesty, that it was now high time, to call them to accompt, and that he should forthwith set forward to curb in their insolencies, and to set bounds to their unlimited Pride and Rebellion.

Politique Observation.

REvolts are the most dangerous Convulsions in a State, and as in mans body there are Symptoms which are as so many Prognosticks, to tell us the event of them, so those of States are most commonly accompanied with certain circum∣stances, which give a just cause to fear, lest they may end in the ruine of the King∣domes,

where they are first born, without present remedy to prevent it. The wise Pilot when he fore-sees any storms, as usually he doth, by some secret Winds, and I know not what tremblings upon the surface of the Waters, provideth himself against they happen; and a wise Minister, discovering by a revolt, such signs which may make him suspect their consequence ought no longer to defer the imploying of his utmost power, to divert those mis-fortunes which are threatned. Now among ••ll such Prognostications, none are more apparently evident then manifest Decla∣••ations, unlawfull Assemblies, Levies of men, keeping of watch in Towns and Ci∣••ies against their natural Prince. For these things are indeed the fore-runners of ••aying aside all respect and duty; and in some sence the dividing their Kings Autho∣rity and his Kingdom too. These are manifest Symptomes of a mortal disease which threatneth the State.

Now as a wise Physitian when once he discovers in his Patient any one, or more signs of death, doth no longer delay his applying of all necessary preventions. So a Minister when he finds any people either resolved or inclined to it, is obliged to make use of his masters forces to prevent it, and allay such storms in their first growth, which if delayed would perchance in danger the whole structure. In such occasions, he ought to use an extraordinary diligence; for if vigilance and care be necessary in such enterprises as are made abroad, much more is it in those nearer home; especially when it concerneth the keeping of a people (inclined to Rebel) within the limits of their duty. By this means was it, that Alexander prevented that general insurrection which was intended in Greece; for he appeared there in the head of his Army, before there was a word heard of his being upon his march. And how much recommended was that vigilance of Rhodoginus King of the Persi∣ans, who being one day told whilest he was washing of his head, of a certain re∣bellion newly began amongst his people, had not the patience to sit until he had made an end; but tying up his hair, mounted on horse-back to go and take care about it, well knowing that Rebellion is like a Viper, easily killed in the Birth; but much more difficultly overcome, if let alone until it gain force and strength.

The King of Spain treateth with the Duke of Rohan, for the raising of more troubles in France.

THey who have once delivered themselves up to a revolt, are easily led into all extremities, upon hopes of a good successe. Thus was it with the Duke of Rohan, he had so much forgot himself, as to demand assistance from the King of Spain, who glad of any opportunity to trouble the Waters in France, caused his Agent de Clauset to be received with honour, and assured him of all assistance; for which he could reasonably hope. A Treaty not long after was conc••uded, in which the Duke of Ro••an obliged himself to continue in the War in France so long as his Majesty of Spain should think fit; and generally to further and defend all the inte∣rests and affairs of Spain. And lastly, that he should not treat or conclude of any League or Peace, without his Majestie of Spain's consent and approbation; and the King of Spain did reciprocally promise him all manner of assistance, particularly that he would pay him down at two payments six hundred thousand Duckets of Gold, towards defraying of the charge of the War, and to make a diversion in Provence, Languedoc, Dauphine and other such places, as his Catholick Majesty should think most convenient for his interests and designs; and besides, did grant unto him a Pension of forty thousand Duckets yearly, and eight thousand to his Brother the Sieur de Soubize, and ten thousand more to be yearly distributed a∣mongst his Officers, as he should think fit. O most blind madnesse! thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy, and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country: But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebelli∣ous Subjects, and thus openly to maintain Heresie? What was now become of Reli∣gion, that specious Cloak of theirs, which had so often been the stalking horse to their

ambitious designs? Did he not herein evince to the whole World, that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion, was onely a Vail to cover the injustice and violence of his designs, seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresie, when it served to sup∣port his pretences? He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assu∣rance to the Duke of Rohan; for that he clearly saw, if his Majesty did once absolute∣ly overcome the Hugonot party, or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils, that he would then soon bound in his Ambition, and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies; because if France should but once unite and become one, he would then find him self pre∣vented in all his designs against them; nothing of good successe could in reason befall him, and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and ma∣ny more mis-fortunes.

Politique Observation.

JT is not lawfull for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Princes Subjects raise against him, seeing he is no lesse bound to deal justly with his neigh∣bours, then with his own Subjects. If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition, God who is the Judge of all Kings, dealeth justly with him, if he be whipt with the same Rod; and as there is not any Crime in a Subject, so bad as that of Rebellion; so neither can one Prince do a greater out-rage to another, then by protecting it; seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State, and disordereth the most powerfull Spring by which Soveraigns govern their people. Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government; that which makes them long to Reign; that which secureth them from forraign enterprises, and the strongest Bul∣wark to defend them, as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs; and it may be truely said, that, that is it, which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune. That King who offendeth another, invi∣teth him to retaliate the like; and he who supporteth a Rebellion, enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury, that he may repay him in his own kind, and thus both a the ingaged (by this means) in one anothers ruine. God Al∣mighty doth sometimes (indeed) permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments; but although he doth per∣mit it to be so, yet he doth not approve of it. That which is unjustly got, will not long last unlesse preserved by Justice: Kingdomes are said to be like Tortoises, which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure; but in danger when once they are abroad. And I do verily believe, that, that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance, is, because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds, unlesse for the just defence of its Allies, or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it. It hath imitated the River Nile, never over-flowed its own Banks; but it inriched those places where it pas∣sed. Whereas, they of the house of Austria, ambitious of assaulting other Coun∣tries, are now assaulted by every one, and receiveth notable decreases of its power, though it hath been but of a few. Ages; and they find that ancient saying, to be true, to their losse: That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever; yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it.

His Majesty Summoneth Privas.

HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages, concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolencies of the Heretiques; but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them. This made his Majesty depart from Suze with some part of the Army, directly, to∣wards Privas, the Capitol Town of the Vivarests, which place he resolved first of all to chastize, for the Rebellion of the rest; this having been the chief Fire-brand of the Rebellions, which had happened in sixty years last past; but in the interim,

(there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises, who made no reckoning of his word, but when it stood with his advantage,) his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze, with Monsi••ur the Cardinal, for the better securing of his victories, and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Souldiers, who were designed for Italy, after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes. Not long after, to the same purpose, the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac, & la Grange, were sent into M••nt••errat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille, Agoui, Pouson, and other neighbouring Places, under Command of the Sieur de Tho••ras, then Marshal of the Camp, that in case either the Duke of Savoy, or the Spaniards, should attempt any thing, those forces might be in a readiness, to make head against them.

Politique Observation.

THere ought not to be any Tye more indissoluble between Princes, then that of Treaties; but seeing there is little Trust in them, by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it, to raise pretences, whereby to break them; it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them, if possible, that a Prince be not alwayes necessitated, to keep upon his Guard. With a Prince, who hath formerly used, to break Treaties and Leagues, this care ought to be the greater, seeing he, who hath once been worse then his word, ought ever to be suspected. A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth, that most States have ruin'd themselves, in the abundance of their co••fidence; That this is it, which hath been the inlet, to so many disorders, and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined. He ought to be like the Lion, who sleepeth with his eyes open, and so to be upon his Guard, even after the conclusion of a Treaty, that he be not within the reach of a surprise. D••strust is the Mothe•• of good successe, whereas Credulity, and the Confid••nce which one man hath or another, serveth most commonly to ruine. This san•••• Frankness of believing every one, is very prejudicial; It cannot indeed be called an offence, because it is grounded upon the esteem of others: but surely it is a great deficiencie, when it m••keth any one live in a secure neglect.

It seldome happens, that distrust brings any da••ger with it. Princes are the more obliged, not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one, because they have only interest for their end, and make it their profession, of being more faithful to their own Grandeur, then to their Allyes. As for those Princes, whose inclina∣tions carry them to believe the promises of others, for Truths, and are not in league with this same diffidence, they are not to be discomended for it, onely I would advise them, so to stand on their Guards, as if no such promises had been made at all.

Prosecution of the Subject.

HIS Majesty being come neer to Privas, took up his Quarter in a House, where he might both see the Town, and his whole Army; within a few houres of his arrival, he commanded the Marquis d'Ʋxelles, to go view the place and its fortifi∣cations. He went out accordingly; but perchance too well accompanied for his safty, for the inhabitants of the Town, shooting out upon them, he was wounded by a Musquet, of which he dyed within four or five dayes. But at last the place ha∣ving been viewed, his Majesties Army, began to take up their Quarters, and after a hot sketmish the Inhabitants were beaten out of the suburbs, within the Precinses of their Town Walls. The Peace with England had been concluded and signed at Suze but not as yet sworn, so his Majesty thought good, (to the intent he might dispossess them, of all hopes from that part,) to cause it to be read a loud unto them, at such a distance, that they might easily see and hear the publication of it. They were not a little surprised at it: but that which more troubled them was, they saw two Batteries raised in an Instant, which so belaboured their Walls, that in two

dayes there was a breach made, at which very time, the Cardinal arrived from Suze; who concluding the breach was sufficient, it was resolved to give an assault. All the Army was very resolute and high, every one wishing, it might be his good luck to fall on where most danger was, that he might curb the Insolence of those rebellious Heretiques. The assault was begun about eight at night, and lasted until ten, at which time, the Regiment de Falsbourg entered the Quarter where they fell on, and those of Champagne and Piedmont became Masters of Fort Saint André and Tour∣lon. The Inhabitants fought more like mad men, then any thing else, so that the whole Town could not be carried at this bout: yet the taking of those places, strook such a terrour into the City, that the next morning, not a man durst appear, though Montbrun the Governor commanded them to follow him, every one flying for his own safety, and Sainct André himself trying to make his peace. The Cardinal thinking it just, for the terrour of others, and for the punishing of a great many, that some ought to pay their lives, for their Rebellious Insolencies, would not ad∣mit of them; but upon condition to surrender themselves to his Majesties Mercy: This redoubled their Fears who were in the City, and made many of them to get out, some here, some there, amongst the Mountains, who being met with, by the Souldiers were all put to the Sword. His Majesty having notice of what disorder was in the City, Commanded the Sieur de Gordes and the Marquis d' ••ssiat, to go into the Town under pretence of speaking with the Sieur de Sainct André, who had sent unto the Sieur de Gordes, to desire him to make his peace; but in effect it was only to discover, if the place were so deserted, as had been informed. They mar∣ched up to the Gate, and finding no resistance, took some more with them, went in, and soon became Masters of the whole Town, which was presently given to the Souldiers to pillage. Thence they passed up to the Castle, and the Souldier whom they sent, telling who he was, and his business, The Sieur de Sainct André, came presently out unto them, but could not be perswaded at first, to yeild unto his Ma∣jesties mercy, but stood very resolutely upon Quarter for his own life, and theirs, who were with him: but at last, being told, once and again, that there was no other way to save himself, and seeing the Town entred and given to be pillaged, he conse••ted and went to the door of his Majesties lodging, where the Guards seized on him, and by his Majesties order carried him to Bassompiere and Marillac, to be by them lead in the head of the Regiment des Gardes, before the Castle Gate, to summon them this last time, to surrender unto his Majesties mercy, which was done accordingly, and they forthwith yeilded: But being just upon coming forth, some amongst them set fire on a Barrel of powder, which killed several of his Majesties Souldiers, & so incensed the rest, that they slew all they could lay hands on; The rest in stead of comming forth quietly, as had been promised, that they might be con∣ducted to his Majesties feet, ran away, some this way, and some that way; and others leaped over the very Walls, insomuch, that it was with much a do, that any of them had their lives saved: But besides all this, as if Heaven had not yet been satisfied for their Insolencies and Rebellions, the fire kindled over all the Town, on a sodain, neither could the Author be discovered, nor the fire extinguished, until the Town was quite consumed to ashes, notwithstanding his Majesties care and Command to save the Churches, or at least some Houses which might serve for a Church.

Politique Observation.

IT is no lesse just then prudent, to chastise one, for exemples sake, amongst many, be they either men or Cities, engaged in a Rebellion together. The Insolency of them who hold out a Town against their Soveraign, obligeth him, to be deaf to all their last entreaties, which they only fly unto, when all other hopes have left them: If his Clemency hath been ineffectual to reclaim them, he is then obliged to let the Arme of his Justice thunder upon them, to punish their insolent fu••y and rashness. If love cannot force them to ease their Rebellion, nothing but fear, can

then make them lay down their Weapons. And indeed, upon whom can a King with more Justice, excercise the rigour of his Arms, than upon his Rebellious sub∣jects, who by their Insolencies have rendered themselves unworthy of his Mercy? He ought but seldome to employ his Revenge, but unlesse he do, on such an occa∣sion as this; he will quickly find his whole Authority, trampled under foot. He who accustometh himself, in his usual Actions, to violence, cannot avoid being hated by all men, which will in fine be his ruine: And he who in Rebellions shall totally neglect it, will soon be scorned by all men, and that will ruine him, on the other hand. Princes who endeavour to make themselves be feared, ought not to be discommended; but only when they do it, by undue wayes. Man being free, ough•• to be govern'd by sweetness, but if his passion shall transport him to abuse his Liberty, he must be reduced by the severity of Justice, to his duty. The Horse who is only used to walk, and never put to any swifter motion, may be ruled with a silk thread; but if he be resty or fiery be will need a bit to hold him in: Just so it is in this case, The goodness alone of a Prince, is enough to Govern a people, who endeavour and make it their business to live in Peace; but if they shall attempt to shake off their yoke, they then ought to be retained by fear, which is the most propper Curb to compel them, not so much to fear their Princes power, as to re∣frain themselves from those actions, which deserve to be punished: It is to imitate God's own order in his Government, who rendereth himself terrible, to affright men from si••, which is as much for their own good, as their Kings Glory. Fear is not in excesse, but when it impresseth an apprehension of Rigor and severity, from an unjust Tyrannical Cruelty.

The Sieur de Marillac cometh from the Queen Mother unto his Majesty at Privas.

IMmediately after the King was come before Privas, the Sieur de Marillac, came to wait on him from the Queen Mother, with new Justifications concerning her procedure in the affair of the Princesse Maria, and to deliver unto him such other letters or recommendation, as she had then writ, unto his Majesty, desiring to make him a Marshal of France. The Letters were of such a tenour, and with so many Commendations, that his Majesty never thinking he deserved the one half, was much surprised at them: and that which is more considerable, is, they were contrived by the Cabal, the Enemies of the Cardinals glory. This Cabal was com∣posed of some of the ablest persons, of the whole Court, in matters of Sedition, Faction, or Broyles, who did for see that the onely means to withdraw her affection from Monsi••ur the Cardinal, (whom she did then much honour,) was, to ingage her in a good esteem of Marillac, the person by them designed to succeed in the Government of all affairs together with his Brother, the Lord keeper, whom they both knew to be Favourers of their designs. Every one made it his work, as if it were in Emulation of one another to speak well of him, before her Majesty, who was the sooner overcome by their devices, in regard she ever had a good esteem of him, and these Praise seconding it, made no small impression upon her. They of the Cabal, seeing that her opinion of him was now grown up to a height, and con∣firmed in her soul, thought it best to loose no more time; as also that they could not have a more favourable occasion, seeing the Queen Mother, had expressed some little disgust against the Cardinal, upon the Princess Ma••ia's Business: So they insinuated into her mind to procure him to be made Marshal of France, and to bring him into favour with the King; They told her he would be a person to∣tally at her devotion, one who would carry on her Interest, both with and against all; as himself too would commonly say, to encrease their esteem of him; That she had so much the more need of a Man of his Temper, seeing the Cardinal, was most commonly out of the way, and much taken up in affairs of State. These were the ground-works which they laid to work upon her and to induce her to write effectu∣ally

unto his Majesty, to make him Marshal of France. They thought all well, if the Queen Mother did but once request it, for then, in case his Majesty did make any difficulty of it, they could easily perswade her that it was a losse to her Honour, and the whole Kingdome would take notice, of the little credit or power she had with his Majesty her Son: This their contrived design was accordingly put in or∣der: For his Majesty did at first refuse to do him that Honour, which by the Queens own apprehension and their instigation did much incense and provoke her; neither were they hereupon deficient to add oile unto that fire, they had made already in her mind against the Cardinal; as yet indeed they durst not speak against him with that insolence, which shortly after they did; but they so played their game, that they well knew the jealosie of him which they had already infused into her, would soon overcome that little kindness, which she had then left for him; only they thought it enough for the present to discourse to her how injurious this refusal was to her, how powerful the Cardinal was with her Majesty, how he re∣tarded and altered his Majesties inclinations, who never denied her any thing; but they never told her the Reason of it, which was, because she never asked any thing of his Majesty but what was unreasonable. But I pray was not this to hint to her, that she had lesse power with his Majesty then the Cardinal, the ready way to touch her to the quick? and to the quick she was touched, for she laid all the Blame of the Kings denial upon his score, she began to be offended and in an ill humour against him, testifying to him, that it was her absolute desire he should be made Marshal of France, and forcing him to obtain that honour for him from his Maje∣sty; The Cardinal used presently his utmost power with his Majesty to perswade and incline him to it; he represented to him, that there is a necessity sometimes to bestow Honours and Offices upon them, who deserve them not, but upon divers other considerations; and that the Queen Mothers satisfaction was one chief rea∣son, insomuch that his Majesty did at last bestow a Marshals staffe upon him; The Cardinal, who could not be ignorant of all their Contrivances, assured him∣self, that these Instances of the Queen Mother, proceeded from the Suggestions of some Cabal or other, & not from her own Natural disposition: But however his Ge∣nius did acquaint him with the Remedy, as soon as the desease, he intended rather to hazard his own Interests, (though it were with some repugnance) and to take his own advantages against this new Officer of the Crown, then to deny the Queen Mother, governing himself in this particular by the Laws of Prudence, which ob∣lige a man, to wink at some disorders, for want of means potent enough to redresse them.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more dangerous, then to advance an Ambitious man, to high Ho∣nour; It is the ready way to put a Sword into a mad mans hand; That Minister who contributes to his advancement, cherisheth an Enemy, whom he must not long after, fight with. The Honour which is done to an Ambitious person, serves him only to be the more active and stirring; and as he believeth all things to be his due, so he thinketh not himself obliged for any thing procured to him: and besides all this, The passion which he hath, still to be soaring a loft being greater then the Remembrance of him, who procured him his Honour, will engage him in designs against that very person, who hath obliged him, if he doeth but once apprehend it to be for his private interest. Nay I shall go a little farther and say; It is very un∣safe for the Publique affairs, to advance persons of this temper into high employ∣ments. Ambition is commendable, and deserveth to be cherished, when it excites generous Courages, to great Actions, for the getting of Glory, but that, which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all, nay by any means, whatever, is as much to be discommended, in it self, as it is pernitious to the publique good. They who are once over-powered by this passion, think on nothing, but how to ad∣vance their Fortunes; they are not concerned at any mishaps in the publique,

provided, they obtain what they aime at, in their particular affairs; what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble, if they encrease their own power by it? There is not any one person, in the whole Kingdome, how advantageous or useful soever he be, to the General and Publique good, whose ruine they will not procure, if they apprehend his downful, may serve for a Foot-stool, to their own advance∣ment. The more power they have, the more dangerous they are, for an accesse of Authority, addeth fuel to their fire. They care not though to whole world perish, so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves. If any ob∣stacle encounter them. Oh! they are all in fury against him, whom they suspect to have occasioned it; and if they see their fall inevitable, it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them. Princes, (not necessitated by other considerations) take a good Course, when they bestow honours on them, whom they know to be more faithfol to the State, then Passionate for their own particulars, and on such, who study not so much to grow great, as to obtain that glory, which doth inseperably attend on vertue.

The King after the taking of Privas, prosecuteth his Victory into Langue∣doc, and gains great advantages by it.

THE siege of Privas being ended, his Majesty designed to advance into Lan∣guedoc, and to visit some other of the Hugonot Towns▪ Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means, he resolved to do by force. He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be forraged, which had been done accordingly, as Mon∣tauban, Castres, Nismes, and Millaut, and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forrage about Nismes, had cut off a good party of their Forces, who sallied out, to hinder him. The King no sooner advanced, but the Towns of Gorce, Vallon, Vaguas, Sainct Ambroyse, and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience: So without loosing more time, he wen•• before Al••ts which he be∣sieged. The Duke of Rohan, had used his utmost art to perswade the Towns-men to be courageous, and had sent them Souldiers, there being only two hundred in the Town, which was very strong by scituation and Art; but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent, it was their mis-fortune to be most of them cut off, before they got to the Town; which was thus. They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the Kings Army, they had wounded the first Sentinel, but the second discharging at them, gave the A••larum, and the Cardinal, who never sleeps but when all is safe, came thither in a moment, at the head of two hundred Horse, and charged them so resolutely, that the darkness of the night, and the light∣ness of their own heels, was their best security▪ some were however taken, and put to death; This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas, wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yeild, and accordingly they sent to begg his Majesties pardon, which was granted, with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased.

This happy successe, was of great advantage unto the Kings Forces, and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan, that he could not tell how to steer his course. Some who were well affected unto his Majesties Interests, gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan then was, and the Cardinal, who is sure never to loose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty, found means so to work on him, that he got him to submit unto his Majesties mercy; he represented to him, how rash he was in supporting this revolt; That nothing but mis-fortune could arrive to him in par∣ticular by it, for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresie and Rebellion; That he ought in reason to be satisfied, with the excercise of his Reli∣gion, as also those of his party, and that returning to his duty, he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth. The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty, promised in future to continue Loyal, and protested to live in an exact obedience. The King freely pardoned him, on condition, that he

should spend some years out of the Kingdome. Now he being the head of the par∣ty, his repentance could not be so closely carried, but that many began to perceive it, and follow his steps. Divers Deputies of the principal Hugonot Towns came in and did the like. The rest being allarumed by the happy successe of his Majesties forces, & fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage, disposed themselves to ac∣cept of peace, and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation, which were brought unto the Cardinal, but thought unworthy for the King to grant. But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation, though as yet not publickly known, perswaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms, to be kept at Anduze, which was approved, and being there met, the Duke so dealt with them, that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly. The Cardinal observing his time, so wrought with them, though of a fiery, harsh, and stubborn nature, that what by his presence and dis∣course he at last overcame them; insomuch that they relied on his onely word, which was, that they should have the free exercise of their Religion, and enjoyment of their goods. Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesties pardon, and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure; withall▪ they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished, according as his Majesty ••hould command, to take off all occasions of any future revolts, and to give Hostages for the perform∣ance of their promises. The King pardoned them, and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them, which was to the great joy of his Sub∣jects in general, and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves.

Politique Observation.

THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars, then by disabling those who are dis∣contented from fomenting a party, or at least to make sure of their Loyalties. And when once a Revolt is on foot, no surer way to dissipate it, then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them. There ought to be great care had, that such men grow not great in the State, or if they be already, then ought they to be tied to their Princes Interests by sure and strong obligations; when things are once at this pass, there is no danger; well may the people grumble and stir, but all will soon end in nothing. They are then like Ivy, which indeed grows close together, but yet creeps on the ground, or like the Boughs of Trees, newly cut off, which bear no fruit, and in two or three days wither to nothing; or like a Ship, which though it have a Mast, Cords, and Sails, yet without a skilfull Pilot, she runs at randome where-ever the Winds will carry her, and at last dashes upon some Rock, and is there split in peeces. Or I may well compare them, to those lofty raging storms, which for a time seem to threaten Heaven, but at last weary out themselves upon the sides of the Rocks which are not moved at it; or to those thick black Clouds which hang in the Ayr, and are driven by the Winds this way and that way, but are soon dissipated by the weakest Rays of the Summers Sun.

The Chief is the Head amongst a mutinous rabble, who if once he leave them, they have no more life or motion then a Carkasse. He is the Primum mobile, who draweth them after him, like so many little Stars, and he is called their Head; one∣ly in consideration that as the parts of the body are without motion or life, if that be ••••ken off, so are they without him unable to go or stand.

His Majesty entreth into Usez, Nismes, and other Towns with the Edict of Peace.

SOon after the accommodation was concluded, his Majesty made his entrance into Ʋsez and Nismes, to the great joy of the inhabitants. During his stay there, he caused an Edict to be published, containing that Order which he requi∣red to be observed in all the Hugonot Towns, who untill that time denied the ex∣ercise

of the Catholick Religion amongst them. He pardoned the Sieurs de Rohan, Soubize and all others, who had born Arms under them. He ordained that the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, should be established in every place. That the Goods of the Church which had been taken away, should be restored to the Ecclesiasticks, together with their houses, Churches and Monasteries; that every Parish should be provided with good and able Curates: And in fine, that the Re∣ligion pretended to be Reformed, should be allowed as free exercise. But to se∣cure them from all future Revolts, the Fortifications of all their Towns and strong Holds were to be rased and thrown down, onely leaving them their Walls standing; and that for security of their Peace and good behaviour, until their works were de∣molished accordingly, they should deliver Hostages unto his Majesty, to be by him kept untill the execution of it. This Edict being thus finished, and according to the Articles and Conditions which had been agreed on, gave a great deal of sa∣tisfaction to the Hereticks, who all of them now thought on nothing else, but to live in Peace and Quiet, excepting those of Montauban, who proud of their strong Walls became so insolent, that they refused to accept of those conditions which the rest had with so great joy and gladnesse. They imagined themselves able a se∣cond time to resist his Majesties forces, but considered not how things were alter∣ed, and that affairs were not now managed, as formerly they were, how that his Majesty had by a Prudence, eternally happy for France, committed the Conduct of all things to the Cardinal, who had furnished him with all the means of taking Ro∣chel, a place lately thought impregnable, who had broken all the designs of Spain, who had repulsed the English force so often, who in one hours discourse, had re∣ced the Prince of Piedmonts Spanialized soul, to become absolute French, wo had per∣swaded the Duke of Savoy to whatever he had a mind; and upon whose onely word all the rest of the Hugonot Towns were resolved to have suffered their Walls and Fortifications to be demolished and thrown down. The obstinacy of the Town was such, that his Majesty thought himself obliged to go before it, that he might overcome it with force, seeing no fair means would work upon it. But the Cardi∣nal considering how the sicknesse began in the Army, and in divers Towns of Lan∣guedoc, beseeched his Majesty not to hazard his person, which was of greater con∣cern to France, then any other thing whatever; and that he would be pleased to leave him to fight with the rest of this Rebellion; with much ado his Majesty was at last overcome, and resolved to return to Paris, as he did, after he had in six mo∣neths time, taken Suze, saved Cazal, forced Privas, and reduced the most part of the Hugonot Towns under his obedience.

Politique Observation.

HEresie and Obedience are inconsistent with one another, whilest there is any hopes left of force. The Poets seem to have alluded to it▪ in a Fable which they tell of Juno, who being angry that Jupiter had gotten Pallas on himself, she would needs breed something on her self too; but instead of a Child she brought forth Typhon a mighty ugly Serpent, who making War against Jupiter himself, was looked on as a Monster of Rebellion; just so it is with Heresie, who having sepera∣ted it self from God (who in his Church begetteth children full of respect and obe∣dience) would needs have children of its own; but what are they? Children of revolt, and incapable of any subjection; never did a perfect Heretick yet love his King. And I wonder who can doubt or think it strange, that they are such enemies of Temporal, seeing they cannot indure any spiritual Monarchy. Heresie hath never any sound▪ solid reasons or arguments to defend its beleef; and therefore the next thing it flies to is force: Besides they finding that Kings have both an Autho∣rity and Power to punish them, und that they do allow and approve of the true Doctrine in all Schools, which is in prejudice to their false Tenents, they presently become their mortal enemies, and do their utmost to shake off the yoke of their Obedience. How many wars and jars have they raised on every hand of us? No

one but knoweth that the Arians filled all the East with troubles. That the Mace∣donians raised a great party in Greece, and that the Donatists put Affrick into con∣fusion. How many Revolts and Rebellions have been in processe of time, set on foot in the West by the Iconomiques, by the Albigeois, by the Lutherans, by the Calvinists? France, Germany, England, and Holland, have been theaters where they have played their pranks. They pretend that Gods cause and their Religion goeth hand in hand; and they do therefore the easilier beleeve, that Heaven will protect, assist, and go along with them, and upon this ground-work, do they build any insurrection, revolt, or rebellion. But why do they not remember, that the Laws of true religion, published by the son of God himself, do onely permit them to die or flie, but never to break the ties of their obedience, or to take up Arms, against their Prince? Union in Religion, is the strongest Bulwark of a State, where∣as diversity is the certain foundation of Revolts, of which there cannot be any doubt raised; for that God hath said in the holy Scripture, A Kingdome divided within it self cannot avoid destruction.

Cabals against the Cardinal.

AT the same time that his Majesty began his journey towards Paris, the Cardi∣nal mounted on horse-back, for the reducing of Montauban; but I cannot behold him thus blindly, sacrificing his own interests to the good of France (whilest sundry great ones were contriving his ruine and destruction) and not answer that malicious pen, which being unable to asperse him with any truth, takes the li∣berty and boldnesse to find fault with, and condemn those actions of his, begun, car∣ried on, and finished with so much judgement, zeal, and good successe for his Ma∣jesties glory. This Calumniator searching for pretences, whereby he might incense the Queen Mother against him▪ and instigate her to complain unto his Majesty, and whereby she might be provoked to do her utmost for his destruction; amongst other forgeries, writeth, That she could no longer indure to see him expose his Majesties person unto so eminent dangers, as passing over the Alps in the dead of the Win∣ter, and commanding of an Army infected with the Plague, and thorough a Coun∣try full of sicknesse, in the very heat of all the Summer. But how sencelesly hath he alledged it, how without truth or judgement? Surely nothing but passion and heat, the two enemies of reason and truth, could thus guide his Pen, whose onely quarrel is the meannesse and disorder of his Fortune, which he thinks must all be attributed to the Cardinal, without considering that it is the effect of his own mis∣demeanours and ill behaviour. Is there any man living so sencelesse, besides him∣self, as to beleeve, that the Cardinal should hazard his Majesties life and person, when as all his Fortune and hopes depend onely upon him? Was he not at that time well acquainted, how mortally the Queen Mother hated him? that Monsieur had no affection for him? and that by consequence, if his Majesty should miscarry his disgrace and ruine were unavoidable? The Queen Mother could not possibly be of his opinion, seeing her complaint was, that the Cardinal was too much tied to his Majesties Interests; which one consideration alone, were enough to have kept him off from hazarding his Majesties health upon a slight occasion, if his Loyalty had been capable of so great an Infidelity: But what would not the detain∣ing of his Majesty have been, to ravish from him one of the greatest Subjects of glo∣ry that had been presented to him since his Reign? had he stayed at Paris, he had been hindred from his journey to Suze, from the raising the siege at Cazal, he had never forced the Alps in despight of the Duke of Savoy, though seconded with the forces of Spain; he had not returned by Languedoc, and there brought all the re∣bellious Hugonots under his obedience, who had had the boldnesse to take up Arms against him. The Kings Generosity was such, that should the Cardinal have dis∣swaded him from the expedition withall his Art, yet I am confident he would ne∣ver have been perswaded to let any one else go and gather the Harvest of that glo∣rious expedition. Besides the Cardinal had much forgot himself, should he have

attempted to divert the King from this design, seeing there could not be any appa∣rent hazard of his health; doth not every one know, that his Majesty was used from his Infancy, to endure the ayr, and that he could not suffer much more in this Journey then he commonly did in his huntings? I shall only add this one consideration more. Hi•• being there was an absolute necessity, for the incouraging of his Forces, which wee newly come off from the troublesome siege of Rochel, and just then to begin a new voyage, no lesse laborious and painful.

The presence of a Prince is the soul of his Army, and without it the Souldiers are never so courageous. The Duke of Savoy, the Spaniard and the Hugonots, were to be overcome, they were no small encounters, and it was to be doubted whether his Majesties Army could have gone through with them, without his presence, to wh••se sight they were formerly wont to ascribe all their victories. Without all peradventure, some trouble and labour he must needs endure, and who knoweth not, that never any great Prince, did yet refuse it, for the obtaining of an hono∣rable victory?

Politique Observation.

THE way which leadeth to victory is Thorny, to think of arriving to it, without labour, is a vanity▪ That Prince who cannot compose himself to endure labour, and travail, shall never attain to any great matters. Crowns are only proper for their wearing, who win them by fight; and our Caesar and Alexander, had never been so much commended, had they not exposed themselves to all kind of Labour, Ha∣zard and Danger. A generous courage never apprehendeth any pain, and he who feareth it, is not worth a thought▪ To Labour, was the first lesson which the Ro∣mans taught in their military Art; and cannot sufficiently commend that Inven∣tion of theirs, whereby they designed to traduce it to posterity; They built the Temples of Honour, and Victory, in such a manner, that there was no comming to that of Honour, but through that of victory, wh••re there was nothing to be seen, but Swords Javelins Darts Helmets, Bucklers and the like, to teach all people, that there was no Glory without Labour, and that there was no comming to victory, but through the industrious painful exercise of Arms. I have oftentimes much ad∣mired that devise of the Emperour Severus, who gave this for his word, Let us la∣bour; and that of the Emperour ••ertinax, Let us fight: Both which seem to teach al•• Princes whether in Peace or War▪ that nothing is more proper for them, then to be in Action and Labour. The same thing too, we may gather from Adrian the Emperour; to whom Florus one day writ three short Verses, telling him, he would not for his part, ••e Emperour if he might seeing he was bound to go into England, and anon into S••i••••thia, to humour those troublesome Broylers; But Adrian re∣turned him Answer, that he would not exchange with Florus, seeing he spent most of his time in Taverns and good fellowship, which was as much as if he had said, no∣thing is so becomming a Prince, as to endure Labour and Travail.

The Sieur de Guron sent to Montauban.

THE Cardinal having at last perswaded his Majesty, to commit the Army to his Government for the reducing of Montauban, he thought good to send the Sieur de Guron, some few dayes before he advanced, unto the Inhabitants of the Town, to let them know his Majesties pleasure, and to incline them to peace, by all fair wayes; He had express order to assure them, in his Majesties behalf, of the free excercise or their Religion, the enjoyment of all their goods and Estates, and a full pardon for what was passed; but on the other side, to refuse them all other their demands, of Fortifications and the like which they did usually heretofore require for their security, (and as a pledge of performance) because subjects ought not to pretend, to any other Gages from their Soveraign, then his Princely word. The Sieur de Guron began his Journey towards them, with a Convoy of certain light

Horse; and being arrived at Villemur, where the Comte d'Arpajon then Quartered, the Count forthwith dispatched a Trumpetter to the Chief Consul of Montauban, to give him notice, That the Sieur de Guron was come thither, sent by his Majesty to declare his will unto them, and also advised him, that he thought it convenient, that they discoursed with him before he were admitted into the Town; to which effect, if he would the next morning come to Corbariou, the said Sieur de Guron would meet him in the Meadow just over against the River Tar; which was prudently done of them, to avoid any dis-esteem or neglect which might be put upon the Kings Authority, there being little or no assurance to be given to revolted people, especi∣ally to them, seeing they had retained a Trumpetter, sent to them on a Message not long before by Monsieur the Prince, at which time they likewise protested, that they would keep all that were sent to them▪ peradventure for reprisal of some, whom the Duke a'Espernon had kept of theirs▪ The Chief Consul of Montauban, with about two hundred more of the ablest Towns-men, came out the next morning to Corbariou, but making some scruple of passing the Tar, to go unto the Sieur de Guron, who then was in the Close before mentioned, they sent two Deputies to him▪ to entreat him he would come to Corbariou. This procedure of theirs was against the respect which they owed unto his Majesty, by their thus treating of him whom he had sent unto them. Neither would he suffer it, but sent them word, That their hearts were yet too full of Pride, instead of a sense which they ought to have of their faults, that he would neither see nor speak with them, but would return, in hopes however, of comming again a little better accompanied then he was; so accor∣dingly he caused his Trumpet to sound, and away he went the direct way to Ville∣mur, but the Discreetest amongst the Deputies, considering that this offence would reflect on his Majesties Person, who might hereafter punish them for it, presently sent after him, to assure him that they would the next day send their Deputies to him, to crave his pardon for their fault, and to beseech him, he would do them the honor to come see them at Montauban: accordingly the next morn, six Deputies came to Villemur to him, entreated him to excuse their fault, and beseeched him with a great deal of submission, that their errour might not hinder them from his Maje∣sties grace and favour, which they hoped to receive by his Mediation. The Sieur de Guron, finding how desirous they were to see and treat with him, (a signe, that many had a good inclination to submission) accepted of their excuses, and resolved to go with them the very same day; He went with them, and they of the Town be∣ing now a little more humbled, sent out all the Nobility and Gentry which were then there, about half a league, to meet him, who accompanied him to the lodging prepared for him, and the whole Corporation of the Town came to salute him.

Politique Observation.

IT is an Act of Imprudence to incense the minds of a Rebellious people▪ by de∣nying them their Liberty and enjoyment of their goods. Those two things, ought to be granted them at first word; but then, discretion commandeth a Prince to hold them close to it, and to refuse them any other demands, which the fickle∣ness of the multitude will propose unto him▪ Experience hath often made it evident, that the vulgar being rude and rough, are only to be bent by severity, now when once they are warm'd in a Rebellion, what but that will work any thing at all on them? A fiery Horse is only to be tam'd by the whip and spur, and it is a vanity to hope for the reducing of a people by caresses and kindnesses: Admit you grant them whatever they demand, yet it is well known they are of so insatiable a nature, of so greedy an humour, that the more is given them, the more they desire: If they find their first desires granted with ease, instead of being contented, they assume the liberty to demand more, like Hydropiques, whom drinking makes more thirsty. Lewis the twelveth, found it thus by experience, presently after he had taken Milan, as Guicciardine hath observed: Besides his natural Bounty, which inclined him to favour the people in almost every thing, he thought himself a little more obliged to grant them of Milan some extraordinary favours, that he might render them

more affectionate to himself, and that he might by this means assure and confirm his new Conquests: Insomuch that he easily granted them all the favours they could reasonably have desired. But his design succeeded very ill; for the Milanois in stead of being satisfied with their first gratifications, took the boldness to desire the being exempted from certain Impositions, which lay a little too heavy on them; which the King, though with some difficulty, did at last grant unto them; but the obtaining of this made them so insatiable, that their next request was, to be freed from all taxes whatever, nay so unjust and unreasonable they were that they be∣came more incensed against him, for his last refusal, then if he had never obliged them; which they had never done, had he not been too free with them at first; his safest way having been, to have taken time to deliberate, and consider on their first proposals, and have given hopes of obtaining some part of them, which would have made them more modest in all their succeeding Requests.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE Sieur de Guron, having received the Complements and visits of all the Towns-men, by their several Companies, he addressed himself to treat with the Consuls concerning his business; It was agreed between them, that he should the next morning come to the Town House, and shew his Majesties letter of Cre∣dence, as also that of Monsieur the Cardinal, and acquaint the Assembly with the subject of his Commission. The Cardinal, by a provident foresight, had sent two of the Deputies of Nismes, with the Sieur de Guron, Gentlemen of great esteem in the Hugonot party, affable and wel spoken, who might testifie to those stubborn peo∣ple of Montauban, with how great Clemency and Mercy his Majesty, had pardoned them; and on the other side, how severely he had chastised those of Privas for their Rebellion; how that they for their parts lived in a great deal of quiet & freedome in the Exercise of their Religion; how punctual Monsieur the Cardinal was to perform whatever he promised to them, and all others; how it was in vain to hold out in hopes of succour or assistance, seeing those very persons who had ingaged them in the War, had already made their Peace. These Deputies upon their first com∣ming, began to execute the design for which they came, to wit, to dispose the Chief of the City to submit, as they had done. The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house, where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence, Ingenuity and Address, that he made a good Impression on them; He related to them the many victories and good success, which had alwayes accompanied his Ma∣jesties Arms; the mis-fortunes of Rochel and Privas, which they too could not possibly avoid, if they persisted in their Rebellion; he likewise told, that his Maje∣sty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdome, which were not in his power and under his obedience; Next of all, he acquainted them, that his Majesty did passe his word to them, for enjoyment of their goods, and the exercise of their Religion, whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience, and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them: They were generally so touched with this discourse, that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace, as formerly they had been to War. The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech, and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what mis-for∣tunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced; The Peace and quietness, which they enjoyed by the Kings bounty, the deceits of them, who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succors, which were now vanished, seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty; That the great victories, which his Majesty had of late obtained, might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him, and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them, and those of their City, to cast themselves at his Majesties feet, and that after, had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal, they admired the incomparable vir∣tues

which were so eminently apparent in him, experimented his meeknesse, and been sensible of the truth of his promises, they could no longer defer their resoluti∣ons, but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty, as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads. It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people. However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them, they could not resolve till after two dayes to send their Deputies to the Cardinal, neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron, onely beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him. Thus was their final sub∣mission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinals Prudence, who alone was able to pro∣duce so admirable an effect.

Politique Observation.

THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts, is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty, then any other reasons whatever. As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit, so the respect and obligations which they owe their Princes, can hardly make any impression upon them; but he who can once possesse them with fear, may do what he will with them. Whence it is, that they are not so much to be perswaded by reason, as forced by the apprehensi∣on of rigors inevitable, if they consent not, to what is required of them. Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs, when he saith, That thought they have extraordinary forces, yet nothing is so cowardly, so fear∣full, nor so wavering, if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander; That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury, so do they faintly abandon them, and fall into disorder, upon their first apprehension of danger, and that holding no mean in their actions, whilest they are fearlesse, they are no sooner at a stand, but they may be wrought to any thing. Titus Livy, spake with no lesse knowledge of them, when he said, the nature of a people is; either to serve too ab∣jectly, or to command too insolently, they being incapable of any medium. Now when is it that they command with too much insolence, but when they find them∣selves of the stronger party, and that they fear nothing? and on the other side, when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude, but when they are abased and pulled down by rigors or chastisements? Upon this ground was it, that Drusus went into Panonia, to appease a great sedition; but finding all fair and gen∣tle means were to no purpose, he made use of force and power, which they no soo∣ner felt the smart of, but they returned to their former submission and obedience. Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is, not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury; but to let that a little passe over, for no∣thing doth more decrease and allay them then time; they being like the Sea, which of it self is calm and quiet; yet however subject to great storms and agitations, when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves, and to arm them with fury against one another, but returns to its own calmnesse, when the winds once cease to move it. Thus it is with the rabble, of themselves they are not capable to act or stir, but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some se∣dicious, furious spirit; Oh how do they then rage and rave! No violent thing can last long, neither indeed can their fury hold out, if once they who first raised them, forbear to lead them; and then, if in this nick of time, they are threatned with punishments, and see a power able to force them, you may presently lead them to what you will, so great an influence hath that Passion of fear, over their low and narrow hearts.

Montauban Surrenders to the Kings Obedience.

THe Deputies of Montauban came to P••zanas, in company with the Sieur de Guran, at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire, and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesties will and pleasure; but stood stifly in demanding, that their Fortifications of the Ville, Novel••e and Bourbon should be left standing, and seemed as if they had condiscended a very great deal, in permitting their out-works to be slighted: But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General, and one who represented the person of the King. That he did much admire (after they had understood his Ma••esties intentions by the Sieur Gu∣ron) they should thus come to treat, as if it were upon equal terms, and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns; and then told them, these delayes of theirs would make their case the worse: That his Majesties will was unalterable, and that they might be confident if they put the Army to the trouble of comming before their Town, they would soon see it reduced to the same passe with Rochel or Privas. This discourse did much daun•• them, so they desired time to return and bring their last resolutions, and requested the Sieur de Guron might go with them, to perswade the people to reason; but to that it was replied, the Sieur de Guron not having any further thing to do, but onely the acquainting them with his Majesties good will and pleasure, he could not consent to his returning with them, and yet at their request he was contented, that the Sieur de Guron should go some∣what neer the Town with them, and remain there at a little distance, in some place thereabouts. These things thus concluded and agreed, he fell to talk with them of other affairs, but such as his Prudence told him were most proper to work on th••m; and indeed they were so charmed what with his presence, garb and discourse, that they went away fully resolved to perswade their fellow Citizens, to yeeld un∣to whatever he should require of them▪ They being once returned, he cause the Army to march up within three Leagues of the Town, under the command of the Marshal de Bassompierre. Now it happened that about two days after the Sieur de Guron, had been in a house very neer Montauban, that the chief Consul, with about two hundred of the Towns-men, came to him, and told him, that they had run a hazard of their lives, and that the people cried out they were betrayed by them, in granting under hand whatever he had desired of them; wherefore they beseech∣ed him, that he would tell them, if there were any hopes of moderating their con∣ditions. The Sieur de Guron answered them, that it was in vain for them to hope the keeping up of their Fortifications, and that indeed they did much wrong themselves, to stand so stifly in their own way, seeing the Cardinals word was a greater security then all their Walls and Works; and lastly, that he could not be perswaded, but that it was in their power to work the people to what was reasona∣ble and fit, or else that they must look to suffer all possible extremities they could imagine. They then intreated two days time more; during which, they used their utmost to reduce and perswade the people to reason. Which at last they did, by representing to them, that the Army was just at their Gates, and that their ruine was unavoidable, if they did not lay hold on this occasion to make their Peace; as also, that they might rest confidently assured of any thing which the Cardinal promised, seeing all the rest of their party did give so high a report of him; and in conclusion, they ••o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies wai∣ting conclusion, they ••o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies wai∣ting on the Si••ur de Guron, went unto the Cardinal, then at Alby, and gave him as∣surances of their submission.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister can bring greater things to effect, by the means of his Con∣duct, then others by the strength of Armies, Battels, Sieges, or Conquests. Titus

Livy saith, he who knows how to command well, deserveth the first rank amongst men, and that those Captains who execute his commands, are onely his instruments and agents. An opportunity laid hold on, a Magistrate gained, a good credit insi∣nuated into all men, a consternation thrown amongst a people; these and the like are the means with which Prudence driveth on all her designs; and by these it is, that she brings greater things to passe then Armies and Multitudes, which without Prudence are nothing worth. Force of it self, is blind, all the eyes it hath, is Pru∣dence, without which, Force doth most commonly run into disorder. Whereupon the Poets feigned that Jupiter fore seeing the Gods intended to Revolt, and seise upon his person, took advice of Pallas, before ever he sent to Briarius with his hundred hands to defend him: Signifying, that Prudence keeps the key of all those Springs which move Force, and that without it, Force onely serves to ruine those who imploy it. A great Genius hath certain Engines and Springs by which he wor∣keth, as it were invisibly, and the effects he produceth, are the more admirable; because vulgar spirits not seeing how it is done, are the more surprised at it. He will do more with a peece of Paper, then a whole Army in a Battel. Upon this ve∣ry reason it was (as Plutarch hath observed) that Agesilaus advised the Lacede∣monians, being just then ingaging with the Athenians at Mant••neas, that they should onely contrive and bend all their thoughts to lay hands on paminondas, telling them, if they could but once make sure of him, the Victory was infallible. By this it appeareth, that successe dependeth in matter of fight and force on them, who are the instructers and designers of the time and manner, how, and when an Ar∣my must move, and when not.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE Deputies of Montauban, had soon carried their submissions to the Cardi∣nal, who was not a little glad, thus soon to reap the fruit of his Conduct; yet in regard he onely sought his Majesties glory in it, they had much ado to perswade him to go in his own person, and take possession of this place, whose people had never yeelded to such terms, but on the confidence they had in his word and pro∣mise, which they did more rely on, then in the very strength of their Walls and Fortifications. But at last they were so earnest and urgent with him, that he con∣sented to them. The Marshal de Bassompierre, entred with part of the army to take possession of the Town, and the next day the Cardinal marched in, to the peoples great joy and acclamation. The Consuls, the Corporations of the City, and the Justice went out a League from the City to meet him; where the first Consul, and the Lievtenant Criminal, made speeches to him, testifying their joy to see him, and how much they were transported with the apprehension of those favours which they had already received from him, and what confidence they had in his goodness, for the continuation of his kindnesses unto them. It cannot be imagined with what honour they received him; nay they offered him the Cloath of State but he re∣fused it, notwithstanding their instances; and telling him, they desired then to car∣ry it before him, which was usual, when any Governours or Lievtenants of Provin∣ces came into a City; but he absolutely denied it: neither would he that the Con∣suls should walk on foot by his horse, but desired them to attend at his lodging, whilest he went to the Church, seeing they were not of the same Religion. He went directly to the Church, which was onely covered with Tyles, it having been ruined by the Heretiques, where he sung the Te Deum, assisted by all that could throng in, as well Catholicks as Hugonots, so much were they delighted to behold him; and indeed his sweetnesse, his agreeablenesse, his Civility, and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World, did not a little captivate them, and charm their courages. Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him, where the whole Town waited to receive him; he enter∣tained them with such familiarity and freedome, that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight: And that I may the better describe the content they took

in beholding him, give me leave to add, this one thing, that never any one, yet saw him but loved him. He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Soul∣diers, that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse, for he severly punished the leaft insolency whatever, which did not a little please and content them of the City. They would gladly have kept him lo••ger amongst them, but his time drew on, and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts, he ha∣ving ••ettled al•• things in Peace, to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty, and the whole Kingdome; that he provided for his return to his Majesty, who desired even to longing, to see him, that he might take order for the affairs of Italy, which began to be re-imbroyled.

Politique Observation.

ARms are not all the means, for the obtaining of victories, Prudence hath some; if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end, for which a War is began; and provided that a man once Master his design, what matter is it whether it be by one or t'other. It is the end, that is all in all; So that he who over∣throws a City or wins a pitched Battail, is not the onely man, according to Quintus Curtus, who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror, who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy, we read of a great Contestation, between the French and Italians, con∣cerning the Battail of Tar, each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation: The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field, because their Quarters and Bagage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the Kings Tent: The French on the other side pretended, they had the better of the day, because they only lost two hundred men, and the Italians left three thou∣sand behind them, and were also forced to quiet the field and passe over the Tar; and that which was more then all the rest, was, they had obtained that end for which they began the fight, to wit, for a free passage to return into France, and fo•• ••his reason i•• was adjudged, that the French indeed had the better of them, it be••••g certain, that the Honour of a victory, doth not alone belong to him, who h••th killed most of his Enemies, or indeed hath lost fewest of his own, but likewise to him, who in conclusion of the fight, obtains that end, for which he began the Battail. Besides 〈◊〉〈◊〉 esteem those victories which are got by prudence, much more to be commende•• then those which are got by Force of Battails, in regard the one is a••••chieved with little noyses with safety, and without diminution of the strength, or losse of mens Lives; whereas the other, doth obtain but the self same thing, by a way quite contrary, that is, fu••l of trouble, danger, losse and expence. Those Victories which are atchieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause, where∣as those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other vertues, for theirs; and besides, who will not more esteem these then the former, if only be∣cause there is lesse bloud spilt? Tygers who delight to shed bloud, may perchance rejoyce to see the earth dyed with 〈◊〉〈◊〉; But true Honour and Glory, which procee∣deth from sweetness and humanity, cannot but abhor such sights, which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour, that rather on the contrary, nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural.

Prosecution of the History.

AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresie which had been long conquering; The Power of France was now be∣come the greater, in regard, it was not divided, as heretofore, within it self. Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country, were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allyes of the Crown; The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear, neither was there any fear of discontented persons; Who formerly, with the help of fifty thousand Crowns, could

raise a civil War, at their own pleasures. Those great Taxes did now cease, which were of necessity to be kept on foot, whilst the Kingdome was governed at ran∣dome. Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear, for the suppressing the Hugonots, in Pensions, Fortifications, Garrisons, Colledges and the like, were now layed up: The King was absolute Master of Poictou, Guyenne, Languedoc and Dauphinè, which formerly he had only at six and seven. But how much then was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal, seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage, to bring all these glorious things to passe, as his Majesty himself, had often published and declared in his letters, and on many other occasions? There cannot be any reasonable, indifferent Judg, but will con∣clude, he deserved all monuments, both of Honour and Glory, and that such as should be ingrateful, for these his services, or attempt to procure him any displea∣sure, ought to be punished with shame and confusion. But alas, that Passion of Private Interest, like a thick vail, which takes away the sight, would not let those of the Cabal, neer the Queen Mother, behold his deserts, and the praises which were due to him; But on the contrary, led them to take advantages by his absence, to invent new devices, and contrive sundry Artifices, whereby they might incense that great Princesse against him. If the King acted any thing, not agreeable with her humour, presently some one or other would acquaint her with it, and add; It was the Car∣dinals doings. When once they perceived, that she began to be jealous, because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels, (which indeed were not much to be commended) they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some dis∣course to that purpose, which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent. If at any time she could not presently effect, whatever she designed, then the Car∣dinals power was to be lamented either by words at length, or (perchance because that was not at all times permitted) by the language of their Eyes, no lesse power∣ful than the other. I should be too to long, if I should describe all their tricks. But who could endure that they should thus employ their time, whiles he employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France? Had he been then pre∣sent, they never durst have been so bold, but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him, who formerly had a great respect for him. They raised her anger to such an height, before she was aware of it, that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau, she could no longer conceale her discontent, her eyes darting anger, which formerly were pleasant toward him; her eyes dar••ed out flames indeed, and such as would have burned him, had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him.

Politique Observation.

ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites, It is difficult for them to be long away, and that some one or other raise not a faction against them, especially the Women, whose affection being more guided by sence than reason, verifies that Proverb, Out of sight and out of mind. Their memory is treacherous, and they who are not in their sight, are easily removed out of their favours. Importunity worketh more upon them then merit, and he who desires to be Master of their affections, must necessarily be continually in their sight. The Spaniard hath a Proverb, much to this purpose and a good one it is, Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends, those who are either dead or absent. But admitting this were not so, yet the envy of those, who appertain to great men, never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence, without attempting their ruine; The eminence of a Favourites genius, or the virtues which shine in him, are not able to secure him, for envy is a passion so maligne, that those persons who have most reputation, true worth and glory, are the usual objects of it. Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said; He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy, because that envy that

companion of virtue, had not found him out. It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State, do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute, that the despair of bettering them, secures them from the emulation of others, but it never exempteth them from hatred. There is an inevitable necessity, that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated, not onely, because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclina∣tion to hate those who command them, but also because there are divers persons of the Court, who flatter themselves, that they deserve more Honour than they have, and that they who Govern the affairs, depriving them of that which is their due, do attempt to hurt them: Such people are they, who blame the Sun, because they can∣not confidently look upon him, but consider not that the fault is in their eyes, not his lustre. They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue, than that of a bright Star, were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is, and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars, which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun: such maligne Spirits there are, who are excellent at nothing but finding faults, that they are ex∣cellent at, who never cease to contrive the downfal of others; and onely because they want merit to advance themselves. But happy is that Minister, whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services, upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory, upon his Princes affections, which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present. Happy is the Minister then, when his Master looks upon him as the Sun, which hath no lesse virtue or light, when it is furthest from us, then when it is nearest to us.

The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor, seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War.

THE Hugonot party being thus reduced, the History requireth my looking back into Italy, and I must tell you, that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze, made in Spain, upon condition however that the French should de∣part out of Italy, yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain, whom we may look upon as a Spaniard, both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire, as also because in this affair, the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard, invaded the Grisons, seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy, took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities, and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups. This breach was occa∣sioned by Monsieur de Savoy, a person naturally turbulent, and whose courage be∣sides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze, transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace, and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas, to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War, but upon the old design. He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze, did not so much concern his eminency in particular, as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty, seeing he, for his part, had never attempted the stopping of the passages, but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire; that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority, seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal, and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty: He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand, that the affront which he received before Cazal, brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy, and that it was to be feared, lest in prosecution thereof, they might attempt something upon his Dominions there; that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy; that the Common wealth of Genoa, was just ready for a revolt, that an expedition was already prepared against Milan; and that they had already proposed to engage him in it, by assuring Bresse unto him, and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces, which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy; and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets, the one by Sea, the

other by Land, there would then nothing be more easie, then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Napl••s. These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes, seeing it concerned their honour; but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses, as there was Justice in the C••mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons, without declaring a War against them; or without any cause given of hostility. It is true bei••g come near the Grisons, he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir, in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey; but instead of expecting an answer, he presently invaded the Territory of Mey••nfield, where he made great havock, and not long after surprised Coi••, and made a Garrison of it, without regard had to the Publick Faith, and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him.

Politique Observation.

JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries. It is an act full of hostility, not to be used but toward an enemy. I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians, who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas, desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians, told him, as Thucid••des relateth it. That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged, did an unjust act. Every one that hath power in his hand, ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours, seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence. The Romans were hertofore much commended, for that they never invade any Country, no not their enemies, without first proclaiming a War; so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends. If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours, they sent their Embassadours to demand it; if within three days after demand made, it were not delivered, they denounced the War; neither then did they enter upon them, but after many Ceremonies, which are described in Titus Livy. But that we may not go so far back, did not the Heralds of Florence, and that not above three hundred years since, declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much af∣ter that kind? Those ancient forms (indeed) are now no longer in use; but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it, cannot be consi∣dered but as an Usurper. But ambition is now grown to that passe, that it is enough be the means what they will, so they serve his designs, without considering that divine Justice throws down, whatever is founded upon injustice; that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts, so God the judge of Kings, will chastise their usurpations; that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater, and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice, can∣not long last, though force uphold it for the present.

Prosecution of the History.

THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir, and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons, had imployed the utmost of his in∣dustrie and prudence (which by his employment he was bound unto) for the kee∣ping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France, and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever, who should attempt against his Allies, surrounded his lodging with Guards, and seized on his Papers, without any regard to the Law of Nations, which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred, and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them.

Politique Observation.

SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons, they cannot be affronted (without great injustice) by any Prince who is not in open War with him. He who doth otherwise, breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States, and injureth the person of his Master. He is guilty of an outrage, seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable; and (as Tacitus saith) it is rarely seen among enemies, that Embassadours are ill treated. Besides, how un∣worthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves, but onely dispute it by reason. All that can be done toward an Em∣bassadour, from whom one hath received an injury, is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him. Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours, they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy, with order to tell their Master, that the Consul Publius Licinius, should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army, to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours, if he had any thing to propose to them, and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome, where they should be no more received. They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius, to conduct them out of Italy to their ships (as Titus Livy reporteth.) And the late King Henry the great, whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes, hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours, when he discovered that Tassas & Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour, Embassadours of Spain, held intelligence with Haste and Merargues, he had more regard to the Law of Nations, then to their sedicious practises, which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility. To in∣jure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without inju∣stice, neither can there be other reason for it, then for the satisfying of some ambi∣tious and rash pretences.

The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour.

SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons, his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand, but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies, thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour, upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze. His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his acti∣ons and designs; and to obtain (if possible at his recommendation) that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy. His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy, would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze, or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy, who proffred him their assistance, but would have been glad to have continued it, by paying this civility to the Emperor. The Duke of M••ntua had discharged his duty, when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment, and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission, could have been refused, seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it, do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it, at least without the prejudice of any other; in case there be several who claim it, which in processe of time, ought to be examined by the usual ways, and the Laws of Justice. To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour. Whiles he was yet in his way, he received new orders, to wit, that he should complain unto the Emperour, of the little respect, which the Comte de Merodes, had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour; and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons, by seizing on the Passages of Steir, Pom du R••in, the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield, and all this without declaring the War; but at that instant when he began it, and that he should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes, to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons, and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his

Embassadour. The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that em∣ployment, he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and in∣tentions, and to convince unto the Emperour, that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire. He further informed his Majesty, that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice, and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua, by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins, neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences, of the Count de Merodes. But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel, that Embassy came to nothing, and all the answer he could get, was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted, if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy, with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience, without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him, and that it would be a great dishonour to him, if he should not now assist him, considering he was more exposed to danger, than ever by reason of the Emperours, and Spanish Forces then in Italy, and designed particu∣larly for his ruine.

Politique Observation.

IT is an honorable employment▪ to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes, but he is more to be pittied then envied, who takes that office upon him, whilst their first heat is not yet over. It is with such Negotiators, as with Physitians, and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease a••e happier then the others; so those likewise are very fortunate, who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes, when they are a little cooled, and the great expences of War have discom∣posed them, and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares. The first Emotions of anger, are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace, not permitting them to lend an eare to it. Anger it self must make them feel those pains, which accompany it, that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it, and by consequence be the easilier appeased. It was the continual inconvenience of War, which induced Fr••ncis the first, to have a liking to Peace; Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it, during the advantages which they made by the Trea∣cheries of some French, had they not been tyred out, by the vast expences, great cares and dangers, to which a forraign War exposed them. In short, Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences, as not to seek the good of Peace, by some means of agreement, by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions, by their Ambassadors. He who undertaketh to carry all things, by a high hand, forceth all others to flye no extremities, which are accompanied with great Evils. The distance which is between Princes, is oftentimes the Cause of mis∣understandings between them; but their Ambassadors acquainting each other, with the Justice of their Intentions, doth not a little allay their Angers and dispose them to sweetness. The Wise, admit not of any injustice; and though they are free from obedience to others, yet will they be subjected to reason. They know, true great∣ness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will, as what they ought: Neither do they measure their greatness, by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions, but by their power to do that which is Just. It is their glory, to make it appear, that though they can do all, yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable: Whence it comes, that first putting themselves in the wayes of rea∣son, they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like. Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness, but of great Prudence, and Civility, which Princes owe to each other.

Prosecution of the Subject.

I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons, whose actions there did not much surprise the King, too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs; They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de ••req••y. to inform Monsieur de Savoy, that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze, for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty, and to summon him to declare himself in this occa∣sion. The Duke of Savoy, having sollicited their invasion, need not have pre∣tended time to inform himself of their design, yet that was it which he fled to, to hide his infidelity, after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction. The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed, gave him some time, which once past, he pressed him for an answer, which was this; That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages, had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Ma••tua's affair; yet however, if the King of Spain might be satisfied, who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy, as also from Suze, he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour, that he should withdraw his Forces, though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences, which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal; but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particu∣lar designs, because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze. The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer, who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy, that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze, that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces, and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself, but withal to assure him, that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua; he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze, his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the inv••sion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates, his Ally, and under his protection, by the ••reaty at V••rvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those D•…•…i•…•… to which he was Lawful Heir: and that as con∣cerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy, he had en∣deavoured to accomodate them, by proposing convenient expedients between them both. Nothing could be replied to so just reasons, neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy, but that he would remain Neuter, ••nd become a Mediatour of Peace, without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze, and without con∣sidering how prejudicial it might be to him, to sit still after he had kindled so great a fire betwixt so great Princes.

Politique Observation.

THat Prince, who hath raised a War between two others more potent than himself, cannot fix upon any resolution so inconvenient for himself, as that of becomming neuter, though he have no part in the broile: yet it is prudence to de∣clare for one or other. How much more reason then hath he so to do, seeing ••••e first raised the War? It is offence enough against the other to have raised the War, and though he should then sit down and be quiet, yet he would nevertheless be looked upon as an Enemy; he cannot possibly prevent it, but that one of them should be revenged, for he hath provoked both; him against whom the War is, who will be ready enough to call him to account for it, and him whom he hath engaged to make the War; because he withdraws from him, when he hath put him into danger: but admit he had not raised the War, yet I look upon neutrality as very dangerous; he had much better run the hazard of overcoming, by declaring him∣self, or to fall with a neighbour who may afterwards help to re-establish him, then to be reduced by an inevitable necessity of being oppressed by him, who shall get the victory, and perchance by both of them. The Example of those of Sienna may serve to confirm this Counsel, who after they had remained Neuters in the War of

Italy, were in conclusion pillaged by both parties, by which they gave a just ground to King Alphonsus to say, that it hapned to them as it doth to Lodgers, who lye on the second floor, who are troubled with the smoak of those beneath them, and the noise of those above them. Aristenus Praetor of Achaja, and Lucius Quintus, Consul and Captain of Rome, found that Counsel to be very ill, which C••••omidon the Macedonian Ambassador had given to the Achaians; that was, he advised them to remain Neuters, as to the War between the Romans and King Philip: The first of them not enduring he should call Neutrality a middle way; said, if it must be called a way, it was a very useless way, seeing the best successe that could happen, could be of no advantage to them, but would at last expose them for a prey to the Conquerour. Perchance he may avoid this storm, if he can manage his words and actions so circumspectly, as absolutely to perswade them, that he is neither enclined to one side or the other; a thing which I imagine to be impossible, because his most indifferent actions will raise some jealousie or other, each judging of him as he plea∣seth; at least he cannot avoid but that his Neighbours will forsake him, when he is in necessity, in the same manner as he neglects to assist them. For Neutrality doth provoke both parties, the stronger because he imagineth his greatness obligeth the rest to joyne their forces out of respect with his; and the weaker, because be∣ing not defended, he thinks himself wronged. And this is not good either to defend himself from Enemies, or to preserve his friends. Perchance he may imagine to save the charge of keeping some forces in the Army of his Ally, but yet every Prince is obliged to entertain Forces in his Countrey, to hinder both one and the other from invading him.

The Sieur de Leon sent Ambassador into Zwizzerland.

HIS Majesty was advised, presently after the news of the Comte de Merodes, that the Spaniards were making of parties amongst the Swizzers, and en∣deavouring to gain the Catholick Cantons. Whereupon his Majesty sent the Sieur de Leon Brulant Ambassador towards them, to assure them of the affection which he still had for their interest; to exhort them to continue in that alliance which had been for many years between them; and to perswade them to preserve that corre∣spondence which was between their Cantons, as also to preserve the Cantons their Neighbours and Allyes from the oppression of the house of Austria. He was not wanting to acquaint them, what devises had already been used to divide them from the Grison••, which was the inserting of a clause in the treaty of Madrid, by which it was provided, that the 13 Cantons, or the Major part of them, should see the per∣formance of the Articles of the Treaty, and at the same time to contrive under hand, that the Catholick Cantons should not consent to this warranty, and to perswade the Grisons, that those Cantons had fain off from their interest; the design being by sowing this darnel among them, to weaken them by division, and consequently to enable themselves the better to seize upon their Forts and passages; and last of all he represented to them by very evident reasons, that the Spaniard had design to sow the like division amongst their Cantons, to the intent he might also seize on their passages, which he had already sent letters to demand; and that therefore to secure them from this danger, the more important to them, in regard all their force consisteth in the good intelligence of their Cantons, and that of their Allyes, they were obliged to be careful, that no division were cast amongst them by any proposi∣tions which should be made, and also to take up Arms to assist the Grisons, not one∣ly because they were part of their Common-wealth, but to keep off from themselves the like mis-fortune wherewith they were threatned. The Sieur de Leon negotiated this affair with a great deal of prudence, and made them see their interests by such lively reasons, that they resolved in an assembly at Soleur held the 5. of August, to preserve themselves in a strict Union, and to write unto the Emperour, that if he did not restore the Grisons to their first State, they would then joyne themselves with the most Christian King to be revenged of the injury he had done them. This Re∣solution

gave the Spaniard an alarum, who presently sent Cassate to destroy it, and disunite the Protestants from the Catholicks who are Masters of the principal passa∣ges: They employed their continual cares to that end, and being more considera∣ble amongst them then we are by reason of their commerse, and trade with Milan, they so prevailed that at last they changed their minds, and we were forced to be contented with the raising of some Troops, which were to stay in their own Country to guard and defend the passages against the Imperialists, in case they should attempt to enter.

Politique Observation.

SEeing the Laws of prudence advise us to raise advantage; as well from our Ene∣mies as friends, I cannot be blamed if I observe from the practise of the house of Austria, who after they had disunited the Grisons from the Swizzers, endeavoured to raise division amongst the Swizzers themselves, that the best means to weaken ones Neighbours, to seize on their Countries, or at least to make use to their passages as occasion shall serve, without their being able to prevent it, is to raise some divi∣sion amongst them. The good intelligence of a people is the principal strength of a Kingdome, and their dis-union is the cause of their ruin whence Lycurgus assured the Lacedemonians, that nothing could so much contribute to the encrease and pre∣servation of their State, as an invincible courage against their enemies, and an in∣violable concord among themselves. The devise which Philip of Macedon, made use of to overcome the Precians, was the fomenting of some differences between them; he assisted one part of them against the other, and so long preserved the division between them, till at last they were both easily to be overcome; and who knoweth not that, that which heretofore brought France into the power of the English, was onely the division which the house of Burgonie, and several other Countries had raised within it? The Stars which are in an ill aspect, cannot but produce very ill consequences here below; so likewise when confederated Provinces shall begin to look awry one upon another and with animosity; they cannot but endanger one another. The stateliest Palaces are soon ruined by little cracks and the greatest peo∣ple by small divisions. I might insert here that the greatness of the God-head con∣sists in its unity, and that if it could be divided, it would not be infinite. Thus that which renders a State invincible is concord; and that which destroyeth a King∣dome is division, that same thing too that it doth in publick, it doth in private families.

The House of Austria entereth very strong into the Duke of Mantua's Country.

THE taking of Coir and Meyenfeld was the Gate by which War entred into Italy: For the House of Austria, presently after the taking of Suze, sent two Armies into Montferrat under the Marquis Spinola. The Spaniard had caused the said Marquis to quite the Low-Countries and to come into Italy. His first business was to set all things right between his Master & the State of G••noa, which Common∣wealth was upon the point of revolting. He came thither in July, and used his ut∣most to make a good Intelligence between them; and indeed, he was so successful in it, that he did the Spaniard one of the best pieces of service, that he had ever yet done. The next thing he did, was to store up great quantities of Corn, a Como∣dity very necessary in those parts, for the entertaining of any War, though never so little, by reason of the Scarcety in that Country. He declared every where that his Master desired Peace; but it was only until his Forces were got together, and that he was in a condition to begin the War; for as soon as ever he found himself pro∣vided, he entred into Montserrat, took some small places, and amongst the rest Pont∣desture, and made his approaches towards Cazal, but would not absolutely lye

down a second time before it, until he saw an impossibility for France to relie••e it. The ruine of the Hugonot party, did not a little stagger him, for that now his Ma∣jesties forces were at full Liberty to march out of the Kingdome; but he conceived us to have been so weakned and entangled by the divisions, which those of the Spa∣nish party had raised in the Kings Family, as also by the very doubt in which the Cardinal himself was, that his Majesty would not be perswaded, to repasse the Alpes, Winter now comming on that he hoped by this means, he might effect his design; and the sooner, seeing Canzal and Mantua, were assaulted at the same time, which would so surprise us, that we could hardly tell which we should first assist. For the German, Lutheran, Armie, led by Colalte, had entered into Man∣tua, at the same instant that he did into Montferrat; and thus instead of the Justice, which the Emperor had promised the Sieur de Sabran, and published, by a Declara∣tion wherein he undertook to restore it to the right owner, the Army Committed such cruelties, as are incredible, burning and pillaging Churches, wi••h greater vio∣lence and fury then ever the Iconoclasts did, breaking all Crosses Images, Saints, and what not? The Souldiers would commonly tye the Images with Cords and so dragg them up and down, sometimes they would throw them into the water, profane the consecrated Plate, ravish Women and Maydes, and fill the whole Country which mourning and blond; in short, they made it apparent, that that Cloak of Religion, which they so boast of in Germany, was only a Pretence to cover their Ambition. This great violence, seconded and upheld by Force of Armes, gave them the Lib••rty of overrunning almost all Mantua, most part of the Natives, flying from them a as heretofore they had from Alaricus, and Attila, by which means at last they came up to Mantua it self and besieged it. But Colonel Duran•• had gotten in a li••tle before them, with a thousand expert Souldiers well commanded, and Monsieur de Mantua, had likewise drawn in thither the choysest of his own men; so that the Spa∣niard resolved to sit down before the Town, though their Army was equally pestered with the Plague and Famine, which at last forced them to retire; yet before they went off, they committed the most infamous peece of treachery, was ever yet heard. They made several propositions of Peace, and Monsieur de Mantua, seeing how willing they were of an accomodation, consented to a Truce of three hours, Du∣ring which and in confidence of their faith he opened the Port Fort-Bourg, which is on t'other side the Bridge: now they more regarding their advantage, then the Fidelity which ought to be inviolable between Princes, after about three thousand of them were got in, seized on it; A Treachery very strange, but as few base actions succeed well, so that served them, but to small purpose, for Colonel Durand made a Sally out upon them, during which there was a Trench raised, and Cannon planted on it, which Commanded all the Fort-Bourg, by which means it came unserviceable to the Imperialists.

Politique Observation.

THE faith of them who Command Armies, hath been ever esteemed sacred: He who once breaketh it, looseth his Honour; And indeed, if there were not an obligation to keep it, to what passe would things come? There could be no secu∣rity in Treaties; One Prince could not trust another; and in Leagues, every one would be catching at all advantages, which he should find. A General ought to respect nothing more then his Honour; now there is not any one thing which can more obscure it, then Infidelity, which breaketh the Justice of Military Act, which gives a Liberty, to do any unreasonable thing, and converts War into Pyracy. He who would have his Souldiers be true to him, must be Just to his Enemies; Neither may he recede from one single word passed to them: Besides he is so much the more bound to the observance of it, as it is of consequence to them. Stratagem are allow∣able, but they must be of War, not Infidelity. The Romans were such strict ob∣servers of this particular, that they placed the Image of Fidelity next to that of Jupiter in their Capitol, to the end every one might respect it as a Deity. They

knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it; and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State, considering how true it is, that Justice and Fidelity, are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings.

Prosecution of the Subject.

I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua, it being impossible for his Majesties whole. Army to have been with him soon enough, although some few Troops had already come to him. The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians, upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design. Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours, it being their very great Interest to hin∣der the Spaniards growing power in Italy, especially so neer them, they having so often and so long had designs upon them. Besides they well knew, that they had at that present, several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan, but had been taken from it, by their Common-wealth; which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them. In conclusion they send divers times, Mony, Victuals, and some Troops unto the Duke of Man∣tua, which did not a little help to preserve him.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any thing more dangerous, then to suffer a potent Ambitious King, to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence; seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome. An Ambitious King is like a great River; ever eating into it's Banks, without regard had either to the Justice or In∣justice of his designs: When he hath once proposed his end, he careth not by what means it is atchieved: His chief care is, how to make a party in his Neighbours Country, how to raise a division, which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs: He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers, He is like some people in Affrick, who sleep with their eyes alwayes open; and as he believeth the greatest glory, to consist in possessing the greatest empire, so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War; If his Forces be not strong enough, he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt, and maketh use of those who are credulous, that he may subject their fellows to his Do∣minion. He winks at Justice, not that he may Judg with Equity; but that he may not behold, if possible, the injustice of his own intentions. In short, there is not any thing which he will not do, if it lead him to new conquests.

Which being thus, who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another, when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them? The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States, and in fighting for him, they confirm their own quiet: But above all, they who are nearest bordering upon one another, ought to be careful in this particular, because they run a greater hazard. When an Army is at our Gates, it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us, for great Armies do not flye; no, they march but slowly, and before they can arrive to assist us, we are lost and taken. He who be∣ing unable with his own strength to defend himself, calleth in a friend far distant from him, is like a sick person, who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit, sen∣deth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant, and in the mean time, before his Doctor arrives, becomes incurable. Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing, in that of S••g••nte, which being besieged by the Carthaginians, was taken, before the relief from Rome could come up to it: And of later times the City of Sienna, being besieged by the Imperialists, was in expectation of the French assistance, but to little purpose, they being at too great a distance to come up to them. In such occasions, those Countries neerest at hand

are to be employed, they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf, and here∣upon it is, that Alliances and Leagues made with them, are much more advantage∣ous then any others whatever.

Prosecution of the History.

NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace, and the Renewing of Alliance be∣tween France and England, had been concluded in April, whilst his Majesty was at Suze, yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath, and by extraordinary Ambassadors, interchangeably sent, which Ceremony had been put off, until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition, and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau, whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain, for that purpose; The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour, as had been accustomed on such occasions, particularly in∣vited him to dine with him, at his own Table, that day when the Ceremony was cele∣brated. The appointed hour being come, he was conducted into the Church of Bourg, magnificently prepared for that purpose, where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him, hear'd Vespers. At his entrance, he saluted with great respect the King and Queens, after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him. The King made the oath, in his presence, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists, to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed. The same oath was made at London the same day, with no lesse Ceremony, by the King of England, in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf, Extra∣ordinary Ambassador there, forth at purpose.

Politique Observation.

AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable, so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith, that Princes might be obliged, the more Religiously to observe them. But in all times, they have been as various, as Nations. That which was most universally observed, was to drink in the same Glasse. It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt, did not use the same Cup, but the same Ox∣horn. The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes. The Cal∣deans, passed through certain Flames, holding a Sword in their hand, to confirm their oaths: But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary, then all the rest; Some eminent Person of the Treaters, placed himself in the midd'st, and beating his hand with a sharp stone, drew bloud, which was gather'd up, with some part of their Cloths, wherewith they besmeared seven other stones, about which they stood, invocating the names of Denis & Vrania; The Scythians mingled blond with Wine, dipp'd their Arrows, their Hatchet and Javelins in it, with several Pro∣testations of Fidelity, and then drank it up, causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same. The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest, who raised an Altar of Turf, placed a Hog on it, which he smit with a stone in their presence, beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner, if they should break the Treaty. We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville, that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea, a Knight of the House of Concy came to him, and de∣sired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity, that he would be pleased, that his Majesties Souldiers and his, might in token of a strait alliance, mingle blond with Wine, and drink it one to t'other, and that the King approved thereof: and the same History addeth, that moreover; they forced a Dog to passe between their Ranks, at which every one struck with his Sword saying, so may he be struck that fails of his word.

The Monsieurs retreit into Lorain.

AFter the Kings return from Languedoc, the Queen Mother passionately de∣siring, that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence, though he could no way resolve to love her; shee being no beauty, saving the Honour of her Family, otherwise little recommendable, suffered with great impatience that Mon∣sieur should bear any good will unto the Princesse Marie. Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty, that he would expresly prohibite him to marry her, without his Royal permission. Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princesse, yet however the rule which he had alwayes imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother al content obliged him to forbid; and respect and obedience the other, to accept of it; but which such discontent it was, that unable longer to stay at Court, he retired into Lorain. The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour, whether it were because he was bound to respect him, or because himself being already discontented with France, and of the Spanish faction, did hope to find some occasion to satisfie his own hatred. His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat, but as most great men become jealous and su∣spicious of them, who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity, but en∣deavour to moderate their actions, so they durst not speak their thoughts to him. The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans, who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command, durst not endeavour to quench it, lest they might anger the Emperour, for that they saw several of his ser∣vants adding more fuel to the fire, whereby they might please him. Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur, who having no other design then to flatter him, for their own ends, perswaded him to such resolutions as in their own conscien∣ces they could not but condemne. I may add that they endeavoured from that time more then ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal, whereby they might possesse him with fear, and they became so much the more considerable unto him, in that they found means to oblige him to look upon them∣selves as the onely means of his safety: They having been thus, the principal causes of his departure, deserved much more to be blamed then he did; because he having once confided in them, it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries. The Queen Mother was not to be excused, shee having something contributed to drive him into these extremities, which could be advantagious to no one, but very dangerous to France, as experience hath made it appear; and withal the Cabal which was then at Court, having grounded all those broils which since hapned upon his departure. The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences, if not re∣medied, therefore he omitted nothing in his power, which might induce his Majesty to sollicite him to return; but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course, and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the maligne powers in the body, so there was a necessity of ex∣pecting what time might produce, that he might be perswaded to return.

Politique Observation.

PRinces of the Bloud Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel, than to with∣draw themselves from the place of their birth. There it is that the Center of their glory is, and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for; there they onely see the King above them, whereas in other Countries they are inferiour to many. The Stars in the Firmanent have not any light, but when they are within sight of the Sun, and Princes are never so glorious, as when in their Kings presence; it being their greatest glory to be of his bloud; they are like burn∣ing-glasses, which out of the Sun are of no use. Their King is as their soul, and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty, and the splendor ••••ich they receive from him, gives them so great Authority, that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they

desire, whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country, they change their Commands into intreaties. It is onely near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight, but when once they forsake him, they are presently reduced to want and necessity. Here they are onely restrained from being Prodigal, nothing is refused them that is necessary; whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that, which at home would hardly maintain their Officers, neither have they that without submission. Is it not then with little rea∣son pretended that they retire for more liberty, seeing they are never so much ob∣served as amongst strangers, where every thing they do is suspected? If they have any liberty, it is to foment divisions in their own Country. But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves, against their own greatnesse, for that they are not at all considerable, but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted?

The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement.

AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults, so Monsieur gave di∣vers reasons of his departure, for his own justification. Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born, cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water, where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger. He first of all complained of the disorders in the State, a thing usual in all those that revolt, as if the true reason of their discontent were not known; when the truth is, nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them. They who had been with him, should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France, since he first came to the State. He found it in the most de∣plorable condition that could be, by the ill management of certain Ministers, who unable to second the Kings prudent and generous intentions, had cast all things into confusion. The Hugonot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures. The Princes of the Bloud, would usu∣ally revolt upon the least discontents. The Governours of Provinces were like so many petty Kings. The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand, exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined, and without any honour to the King. The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies, of whom the Kingdome stood in fear. The case was now altered, the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees, the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience, the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just, the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State. In short, the whole body of France heretofore sick and lan∣guishing, began to recover strength, with assurance of perfect health, when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs. All these things were so apparent, that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them, but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them, who are over-mastered with Passion, as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur, seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom? They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their in∣fluences here beneath, without causing of great alterations in the world; so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country, but they cause great troubles and disorders, and in case there were any others in the State, this were to remedy it by a worse, a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence; but a thing not much by them regarded, so they could but overcome their Masters spirit, that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired.

Politique Observation.

IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing, then the Government of the Universe; then true it is, that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes, especially when they are fallen from their first height, and that there is a necessity to re-establish them. This re∣establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs, next under the Authority of his Prince; for he is in the State, as the Sun in the World, as the eye to the Body, and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens. Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said, the first is, that a State being a socie∣ty of free men, who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them, it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow, unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant. The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects, but not of being the onely producers of them, and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring, unlesse other causes did co-operate; and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds; so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever, should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it, seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly, then for the earth to bring forth weeds. The second, that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen in∣to confusion. Nature works slowly, produceth the seed out of the grain, the sien from the seed, the tree from the sien, the flower from the tree, and at last the fruit. Thus likewise a Minister of State, how excellent soever he be, cannot reduce confu∣sion into order, but by little and little, and by setting his Engines on work one af∣ter another. There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils, it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect. He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish, which he would now restore, and also that which hath been glorious for other States. He ought to imitate good Physitians, who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse, use their art first to purge them out, and then to bring their Patient to a good temper. The principal causes of the ruine of a State, are civil Wars, disrespect of authority, the too great Power of Princes of the Blood, Stran∣gers and Governours, Factions, negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders, want of good Discipline among Souldiers, and the oppressures of the people: now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contra∣ry? It cannot be done but by time and labour, nay impossible, if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War. Lastly, the Minister hath need of some time to re∣duce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his. Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health, that neither the ayr, nor any thing about him, may be offensive to him, and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull; not onely that his neighbours may not injure him, but that they may be serviceable to him. He must keep a strict intelli∣gence with his Allies, not injuring them, but assisting them in all occasions, as the Romans did, who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town, to make a friendship with them, and to divert them from the Carthaginians. He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes, whose strength by their uni∣ting might become suspected, whence it follows, that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them; nay some he is bound to foment, as Lewis the Eleventh did, to divert those storms, which else would have fallen upon France. These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State; but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes, it is impossible totally to effect it, unlesse after a long time, and with extream care and diligence.

The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur.

THey of the Queen Mothers faction, would by no means let slip Monsieur's re∣treat, without making advantage of it. They despaired of ever overcoming his Ma∣jesty, considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals ser∣vices; They very well knew, that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him, so powerfully, as Monsieur, whereupon they did their utmost, to breed a good understanding between them; and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur, they did at last work the Queen Mother, to procure Marillac to be sent to him, a person whom they knew to be fit for their design. The Cardinal gave him his instructions, as to what he should say from his Majesty, which tended to re∣member him, how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore; to assure him, he was not at all altered at that present; That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure, but of his Servants, who had perswaded him to it, and that he was so much the more obliged to return with speed, because all Europe would blame him, in case the Emperor and Spaniard should make any great progresse in Italy, whilst his Majesty stayed at Paris in Expectation onely of his comming thither. The Cardinal also considering, how lately he had obliged Marillac, by procuring the Marshals staffe for him, could not suspect any double dealing from him, whereupon he very earnestly recommended this one thing more to him, that he would testifie to Monsieur how desirous he was to serve him, and to assure him, that next to the preservation of his Masters favour, he had not any greater ambition, the of being known for his most humble and faithful Servant. But he instead of performing any tittle of this second Commission, no lesse important for the good of France, then the former, only discoursed to him, of the great power this Grand Minister had in the Kingdome; concerning the many strong places in his Government; of the great Expences he made, and those vast benefits which the King bestowed on him; he well knew this to be the only way, to provoke him unto Jealousie, and to encrease those disgusts which he had already conceived against him, which were still fomented by those who were about him. Indeed he did not quite forget to tell him, that the Cardinal recommended his very humble service to him; but Monsieur asking whe∣ther he would passe his word for performance of it, replied No; by which and the like answers he raised so great a distrust against him, that it was impossible to per∣swade him to return to his Majesty, until the Cardinal had passed the Alpes.

Politique Observation.

PRudence and Fidelity are two of the most necessary qualities in a person, im∣ployed in Negotiation of Affairs; The former to serve, the second to prevent all disservice to him who employeth. He who transacteth any affair without Pru∣dence, is like a Workman without Art; well may he have his Tools, but he knows not how to use them, and just as a Workman marrs his subject matter, if he know not what form to give it, so doth an Imprudent Negociator, ruin both publique and private affairs, committed to his charge and care; for Prudence ought to be his guide, the Conduct of his thoughts and words, and the square by which he ruleth his Actions; without it there is not the least hope of a good successe. Now although this vertue be thus and thus necessary, yet fidelity is in some sort, much more; By fidelity I mean, a firm constancy, and an unalterable resolution to serve them who set him on work; Without this, all the Abilities and Prudencies in the world are not worth one Rush; For admit Prudence inlightneth his Soul, yet fidelity is that which guideth his desires; though Prudence tell him what are the fittest wayes to obtain the end of his Commission, yet it is fidelity which preserveth him from turning ei∣ther to the right or left, after any particular advantages; and if Prudence preven∣teth him from being cheated and deceived, yet still fidelity defendeth him from all by Interests. Fidelity teacheth all men, that a Negociator ought not to look upon

what lyeth in his power, but upon what his faith obligeth him, which is, the inviola∣ble preservation of his Interests who employeth him, and that with so sacred a re∣spect, that no passion prevail upon him, to divert him from it.

Breach of Trust is a fault so much the more odious in a Negotiator, because pu∣blique affairs are entrusted with his integrity. Now for the choise of such persons, most fit for this kind of employment, I am of opinion, that they who are of an in∣different Temper, and of an approved honesty, are much more proper, then re∣fined crafty men. The former are much more capable of a true affection; They will at least stick close to every tittle in their Instructions, and return a right and exact accompt of the State of affairs, where they are sent: Whereas the latter, are apt to refine every thing, and to imagine, that only to propose what they are com∣manded, is too little. They are commonly addicted to ingage themselves in a thou∣sand things, if they concur with their particular inclinations, or Interests, instead of adhering barely to that which is given them in charge.

Monsieur's Pension is augmented.

THE Cardinal was well informed of the many devices used by Monsieur's Crea∣tures to divert him from that esteem which he ever had of his Services, neither was he defective in using his utmost care to give him all satisfaction and content, whereby he might oblige him to return; for he evidently foresaw, that strangers might raise advantages from these our intestine broyles, whereupon, although he could not serve him in making up his Match with the Princesse Marie; (a thing so passionately by him desired) in regard the Queen Mother opposed it with all her Interest, yet he procured his Majesty to encrease his Revenue, by granting him the Dutchyes of Valois and Chartres, and one hundred thousand Livres per annum aug∣mentation out of the Exchequer, which was two thirds more then the Revenue of all the Princes of France that had ever yet been, and withal so wrought with his Majesty, that he promised him the Command of the Army of Champagne, and Government of the adjacent Provinces to Paris, in case the Queen Mother went into Italy, with his Majesty, as she gave out she would. The King made some diffi∣culty of encreasing his Revenue, because he had so often found him capable of evil Counsels, which made him misdoubt lest he might employ them only in raising new Broyles in the Kingdome. But the Cardinal whose admirable soul foreseeth all remedies, proposed to his Majesty, which he very well approved, that whenever he should so do, his Rents and Revenews should be seized to his Majesties use. Mon∣sieur was acquainted with these affairs, and withal told, he was now obliged to be sa∣tisfied and contented in case he did only design to live within the limits of respect and obedience, seeing his Majesty had given him sufficient to live like a Prince, and to satisfie his smaller diversions. And he being by nature and of himself well enough inclined to live in obedience and order, accepted of it, and accordingly his accomo∣dation being thus made, he promised, his Majesty, that he would very sodainly re∣turn into France.

Politique Observation.

Concerning the* 1.1 Appanages of the Princes of the Blond.

IT is very dangerous to allot any chief Provinces for Appanage to the Princes of the Blond. Their Birth renders them great enough, neither need they any additions of Honour, especially such which may serve them to make revolts, which commonly draw their ruine with them, if their Kings rule as they ought to do. If they demand them for security, they may be answered, that they ought to expect none, but from their own obedience, and their Kings bounty. Their weakness is

the Kings strength, neither can they increase, but his must diminish. He who in∣trusteth them with power, raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself. The Sun is but one, and all the Stars receive their light from him; yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour; just so is it with Princes, their greatnesse proceedeth from the King, and he may despoil them of all their ho∣nour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him. The Riches which he bestoweth on them, are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency, not for the upholding of Factions, and abetting of Revolts. What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy, (given to him for Appanage) towards making a War against Lewis the Ele∣venth his Brother? And the States assembled at the same time at Tours, did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him, but advised him to recall it, and grant him onely an Annual Revenue, some in Lands and some in Pension, in lieu of his Appanage. Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers, as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne? Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discon∣tents? Were not the Courts of those two Dukes, the Forges where all the Thun∣derbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contri∣ved? Were not there the springs of all dissentions, discontents, and civil wars? And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England, and Dukes of Bri∣tain, onely to favour the designs of their Ambition?

The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy.

THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King, gave great hopes to the enemies of the State, to advance their designs in Italy. They doub∣ted not of inflaming a civil War in France, which might so divert his Majesties Ar∣mies, that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time. The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire, and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil, sent twice to him to com∣plain, that he being so much his servant, he should take any other country for his retreat, and to offer him his, with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him; nay, that he would even forsake it, to make him absolute Master thereof, as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure. These Of∣fers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul, had he been at that time so distrust∣full as after he was; but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him, and to submit himself to his pleasure. All that forraign facti∣on was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation; and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy, onely in expectation of his return, perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution, that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse. The King desired to go in person, he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber, whiles his Armies were in the field. But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him, advised him to stay some time, and offered himself to undertake that imploy∣ment. The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity, but such & so tender was his affection to him, that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him, he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him, as he was heretofore joyed for his return, as was seen by all the Court at Rochel, Privas, and Fountainbleau. Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Mon∣sieur de Mantua was, as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it, could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal, who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels, but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom. He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers, & what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery. Of his Prudence he was assured, having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him, & prevented before ever they were ready to be put

in execution. His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of, he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent, and such as was to be preferred be∣fore any other. In fine, he could not doubt of Victory, whilest his Army was in∣couraged by so brave a Commander. These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo. As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris, being about the latter end of the year, which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it. As great exploits beget emulation, so some there were who muttered that such an im∣ployment should be conferred on a Cardinal, an Ecclesiastical person, but they be∣trayed their own ignorance; who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals, who at sundry times have commanded Armies. Spain in the time of King Alphonsus, made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz, who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels. Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes, General of their Armies in Affrick. Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni, the Vitilesci, the C••∣r••••ffi, the Fregosi, who have shewed their valour in Armies, that we might know, that as the Romans with their long Robes, did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe, so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories. Be∣sides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused, seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to fol∣low his Majesty in person to the Wars, as also that they are bound to it by the Te∣nures of their Temporal Estates. It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis, in the year, 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English, called upon all the Bishops to accompany, which they did accordingly; and after∣wards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre, seeing the King was not there, re∣turned back again, they pretending themselves not obliged to it, unlesse when the King were there in person: The King seized upon their Temporal Estate, which they complaining of at Rome▪ could have no other redress, but that they ought to obey his Majesty, the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom, neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods, untill they had pay∣ed their Fines for it. In the same manner, I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Aux∣erre, dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two; by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois, being unable to go thither in person, by reason of his infirmity; and another injunction made to the Bayliffs in the year thirteen hundred and four, commanding all Prelates and Eccle∣siasticks who were bound to attend his Majesties service, that they should be ready to wait on his person. These examples may serve to demonstrate, that Prelates have heretofore been accustomed to serve our Kings, so that there cannot be any just ex∣ceptions made against their following of his Majesty in Arms.

Politique Observation.

THe General of an Army being the second person of a Kingdom, had need be in∣dued with all the qualities necessary to the King himself, but those which do most contribute to his glory, and the good successe of the Armies under his command, are Prudence, Courage and Reputation: Prudence is like the eye which beholds those things that are proper to be done, and what is fit to be commanded; Courage is that which executeth them, and Reputation is like the soul in couragious Battels, which gives motion to the Souldiers with so extraordinary a generosity, that it is easie to know, when they are commanded by a General in whom they have a con∣fidence. Prudence is necessary for him to deliberate with judgment, what is sound and fit, and to command them to good purpose, which teacheth him to keep his Army in good order, which acquainteth him with the humour and disposition not onely of those Officers who command under him, but likewise of his Souldiers, that he may the more readily know how to command them upon his designs, which tea∣cheth him the observation of military Laws, which helpeth him to foresee and prevent

great dangers, which gives him means to judge of Treaties, and make advantages of them as occasion shall happen; which furnisheth him with resolution to prosecute his designs, with courage of mind to bear mis-fortunes and with moderation in good successe. These are some of those effects of that Prudence which is requisite in a Ge∣neral. I could add a thousand other subjects in which it is needfull, but for the pre∣sent, I shall onely say in general, terms that Prudence ought to be the rule by which he squareth all his actions. Thus did the Egyptians acknowledge it for an insepa∣rable companion of command, whiles they represented it, by an eye placed over a Scepter. If a General have need of Prudence, surely Courage is no lesse necessary for him, that he may break through all obstacles which may happen for the assault∣ing of his enemies with rigour; that he may adventure upon dangers without fear; that himself may be in the fights, and that in his own person he may lead up his for∣ces to infuse the greater resolutions in them. It is not that he should rashly run in∣to dangers, but to look them in the face, and to send others on without apprehension of fear. It is an errour in young men who think that a General cannot be coura∣gious, unlesse he run madly into dangers; that were rather fury, and would pro∣cure him the discredit of being rash, rather then the honour of being couragious. If he had an heart without judgement, to what purpose were it? He being the Soul of War, and others lives depending on his, he is bound to preserve himself for the preservation of others. Not that he ought to be absent when orders are to be gi∣ven, or his Souldiers incouraged, but that he ought not to run headlong into the heat of the Battel, unlesse when he finds the Victory wavering, and that his example is requisite to renew the courage of his Souldiers, and to carry the day by some extra∣ordinary attempt. In such occasions he may adventure himself, else not. His staffe of command being to force others on, and the Sword in the Souldiers hand to exe∣cute his commands. Lastly, Reputation is requisite in a General, for without it, the Souldiers have not any confidence in him; whereas, when they once esteem him, it intitles him to a greater power over them then any other thing, when they shall have oftentimes seen him break through dangers, they will not flinch at any thing. The Sun his vigour maketh all things the more fruitfull; and it is most cer∣tain that the reputation of a General is that which makes him more resplendant amongst his forces, and adds a great life to his commands. The Souldier moves but by halfs under a low spirited Commander, and is hardly perswaded to any ex∣traordinary enterprises. He seems onely to have Arms for his own defence; but when his Commander is a person of reputation, it is far otherwise. I am of the same judgement with him, who said, Opinion hath so great an Empire, that it governs the whole world; at least it is so far true, for that virtue her self would have but small authority in commanding, without being beholding to her. Thus an ancient, and that wisely, held that the happinesse of successe, was the daughter of au∣thority, and of the reputation of great men.

The End of the First Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Revenues for life only, the remainder being in the Crown.