A short history of standing armies in England

A Short HISTORY OF Standing Armies IN ENGLAND.

IF any Man doubts whether a Standing Army is Slavery, Po∣pery, Mahometism, Paganism, Atheism, or any thing which they please, let him read,

First, The Story of Matho and Spendius at Carthage, and the Mamalukes of Egypt.

Secondly, The Historys of Strada and Bentivolio, where he will find what work nine thousand Spaniards made in the 17 Provinces, tho the Country was full of fortified Towns, possessed by the Low Country Lords, and they had assistance from Germany, Eng∣land and France.

Thirdly, The History of Philip de Commines, where he will find that Lewis the 11th inslaved the vast Country of France with 25000

Men, and that the raising 500 Horse by Philip of Burgundy sirnamed the Good, was the ruin of those Provinces.

Fourthly, Ludlow's Memoirs, where he will find that an Army raised to defend our Liberties, made footballs of that Parliament, at whose Actions all Europe stood amazed, and in a few Years set up ten several sorts of Government contrary to the Genius of the whole Nation, and the opinion of half their own Body: such is the influence of a General over an Army, that he can make them act like a piece of Mechanism, whatever their privat Opinions are.

Lastly, Let him read the Arguments against a Standing Army, the Discourse concerning Militias, the Militia Reform'd, and the Answers to them: but lest all this should not satisfy him, I will here give a short History of Standing Armies in England, I will trace this mystery of Iniquity from the beginning, and show the seve∣ral steps by which it has crept upon us.

The first footsteps I find of a Standing Army in England since the Romans left the Island, were in Richard the 2d's time, who raised four thousand Archers in Cheshire, and suffered them to plunder, live upon free Quarter, beat, wound, ravish and kill wherever they went; and afterwards he called a Parliament, en∣compassed them with his Archers, forced them to give up the whole power of Parliaments, and make it Treason to endeavour to repeal any of the Arbitrary Constitutions that were then made: but being afterwards obliged to go to Ireland to suppress a Rebellion there, the People took advantage of it, and dethron'd him.

The Nation had such a Specimen in this Reign of a Standing Army, that I don't find any King from him to Charles the 1st that attemted keeping up any Forces in time of Peace, except the Yeomen of the Guard, who were constituted by Henry the 7th: and tho there were several Armies raised in that time for French, Scotch, Irish, other foren and domestic Wars; yet they were constantly disbanded as soon as the occasion was over. And in all the Wars of York and Lancaster, whatever party prevail'd, we don't find they ever attemted to keep up a Standing Army. Such was the virtue of those times, that they would rather run the hazard of forfeiting their Heads and Estates to the rage

of the opposit Party, than certainly inslave their Country, tho they themselves were to be the Tyrants.

Nor would they suffer our Kings to keep up an Army in Ire∣land, tho there were frequent Rebellions there, and by that means their Subjection very precarious; as well knowing they would be in England when called for. In the first three hundred Years that the English had possession of that Country, there were no Armies there but in times of War. The first Force that was establish'd was in the 14th of Edward the forrth, when 120 Ar∣chers on Horseback, 40 Horsemen, and 40 Pages were establish'd by Parliament there; which six Years after were reduc'd to 80 Archers, and 20 Spearmen on Horseback. Afterwards in Henry the Eighth's time, in the Year 1535, the Army in Ireland was 300; and in 1543, they were increased to 380 Horse and 160 Foot, which was the Establishment then. I speak this of times of Peace: for when the Irish were in Rebellion, which was very frequent, the Armies were much more considerable. In Queen Mary's time the Standing Forces were about 1200. In most of Queen Elizabeth's Reign the Irish were in open Rebellion; but when they were all suppress'd, the Army establish'd was between 1500 and 2000: about which number they continued till the Army rais'd by Strafford the 15th of Charles the 1st.

In the Year 1602 dy'd Queen Elizabeth, and with her all the Virtue of the Plantagenets, and the Tudors. She made the Eng∣lish Glory sound thro the whole Earth: She first taught her Country the advantages of Trade; set bounds to the Ambition of France and Spain; assisted the Dutch, but would neither per∣mit them or France to build any great Ships; kept the Keys of the Rivers Maes and Scheld in her own hands; and died with an uncontrol'd Dominion of the Seas, and Arbitress of Christen∣dom. All this she did with a Revenue not exceeding 300000 pounds per Annum; and had but inconsiderable Taxes from her People.

No sooner was King James come to the Crown, but all the Reputation we had acquir'd in her glorious Reign was eclips'd, and we became the scorn of all Nations about us, contemned even by that State we had created, who insulted us at Sea, seiz'd Am∣boyna, Poleroon, Seran, and other Places in the East-Indies, by which they ingross'd that most profitable Trade of Spices; fish'd up∣on

our Coasts without paying the customary Tribute, and at the same time prevail'd with the King to deliver up the Cauti∣onary Towns of Brill, Ramekins, and Flushing, for a very small Consideration, tho there were near six Millions Arrears. He squandred the public Treasure, discountenanc'd all the great Men who were rais'd in the glorious Reign of his Predecessor, cut off Sir Walter Raleigh's Head, advanc'd Favorites of his own, Men of no Merit, to the highest Preferment; and to maintain their Profuseness, he granted them Monopolies, in∣finit Projects, prostituted Honors for Mony, rais'd Benevolen∣ces and Loans without Authority of Parliament. And when these Grievances were complain'd of there, he committed many of the principal Members without Bail or Mainprise, as he did after∣wards for presuming to address him against the Spanish Match. He pardon'd the Earl of Somerset and his Wife for Sir Tho∣mas Overbury's Murder, after he had imprecated all the Curses of Heaven upon himself and his Posterity; and it was generally thought, because the Earl was Accessary to the poisoning Prince Henry. He permitted his Son-in-law to be ejected out of his Principalities, and the Protestant Interest to be run down in Germany and France, while he was bubled nine Years together with the hopes of the Spanish Match, and a great Fortune. Afterwards he made a dishonorable Treaty of Marriage with France, giving the Papists Liberty of Conscience: and indeed, as he often declared, he was no otherwise an Enemy to Pope∣ry, than for their deposing of Kings, and King-killing Doctrin. In Ireland he gave them all the Incouragement he durst; which Policy has bin follow'd by all his Successors since to this present Reign, and has serv'd 'em to two purposes: One is, by this they have had a pretence to keep up Standing Armies there to aw the Natives; and the other, that they might make use of the Natives against their English Subjects. In this Reign that ridiculous Doctrin of Kings being Jure Divino was coin'd, never before heard of even in the Eastern Tyrannies. The o∣ther parts of his Government had such a mixture of Schara∣muchi and Harlequin, that they ought not to be spoken of seri∣ously, as Proclamations upon every Trifle, som against talking of News; Letters to the Parliament, telling them he was an old and wise King; that State Affairs were above their reach, and

therfore they must not meddle with them, and such like Trum∣pery. But our happiness was, that this Prince was a great Coward, and hated the sight of a Soldier; so that he could not do much against us by open force. At last he died (as ma∣ny have believed) by Poison, to make room for his Son Charles the First.

This King was a great Bigot, which made him the Darling of the Clergy; but having no great reach of his own, and being govern'd by the Priests (who have bin always unfortunat when they have meddled with Politics) with a true Ecclesiastic Fury he drove on to the destruction of all the Liberties of England. This King's whole Reign was one continued Act against the Laws. He dissolv'd his first Parliament for presuming to inquire into his Father's Death, tho he lost a great Sum of Mony by it, which they had voted him: He entred at the same time into a War with France and Spain, upon the privat Piques of Buckingham, who managed them to the eternal Dishonor and Reproach of the English Nation; witness the ridiculous Enterprizes upon Cadiz and the Isle of Rhee. He deliver'd Pennington's Fleet into the French hands, betray'd the poor Rochellers, and suffered the Protestant Interest in France to be quite extirpated. He rais'd Loans, Ex∣cises, Coat and Conduct-mony, Tunnage and Poundage, Knight∣hood and Ship-mony, without Authority of Parliament; im∣pos'd new Oaths on the Subjects, to discover the value of their Estates; imprisoned great numbers of the most considerable Gentry and Merchants for not paying his Arbitrary Taxes; som he sent beyond Sea, and the poorer sort he prest for Soldiers. He kept Soldiers upon free Quarter, and executed Martial Law upon them. He granted Monopolies without number, and broke the bounds of the Forests. He erected Arbitrary Courts, and inlarg'd others, as the High Commission-Court, the Star-Cham∣ber, Court of Honor, Court of Requests, &c. and unspeakable Oppressions were committed in them, even to Men of the first Quality. He commanded the Earl of Bristol and Bishop of Lin∣coln not to com to Parliament; committed and prosecuted a great many of the most eminent Members of the House of Com∣mons for what they did there, som for no cause at all, and would not let them have the benefit of Habeas Corpus; suspended and confin'd Arch-Bishop Abbot, because he would not license a

Sermon that asserted Despotic Power, whatever other cause was pretended. He suspended the Bishop of Glocester, for refusing to swear never to consent to alter the Government of the Church; supported all his Arbitrary Ministers against the Parliament, tel∣ling them he wondred at the foolish Impudence of any one to think he would part with the meanest of his Servants upon their account: and indeed in his Speeches, or rather Menaces, he treated them like his Footmen, calling them Undutiful, Seditious, and Vipers. He brought unheard of Innovations into the Church; preferred Men of Arbitrary Principles, and inclinable to Popery, especially those Firebrands, Laud, Mountague, and Manwaring, one of whom had bin complain'd of in Parliament, another im∣peach'd for advancing Popery, and the third condemn'd in the House of Lords. He dispensed with the Laws against Papists, and both encourag'd and prefer'd them. He called no Parliament for twelve years together, and in that time govern'd as arbitra∣rily as the Grand Seignior. He abetted the Irish Massacre, as appears by their producing a Commission under the Great Seal of Scotland, by the Letter of Charles the 2d in favor of the Mar∣quess of Antrim, by his stopping the Succors that the Parliament sent to reduce Ireland six months under the Walls of Chester, by his entring into a Treaty with the Rebels after he had ingaged his Faith to the Parliament to the contrary, and bringing over many thousands of them to sight against his People. It is end∣less to enumerat all the Oppressions of his Reign; but having no Army to support him, his Tyranny was precarious, and at last his ruin. Tho he extorted great Sums from the People, yet it was with so much difficulty, that it did him little good. Besides, he spent so much in Foolish Wars and Expeditions, that he was always behind-hand; yet he often attemted to raise an Army.

Upon pretence of the Spanish and French War he rais'd many thousand Men, who liv'd upon free Quarter, and rob'd and de∣stroy'd wherever they came. But being unsuccessful in his Wars abroad, and prest by the Clamors of the People at home, he was forc'd to disband them. In 1627 he sent over 30000 l. to Hol∣land to raise 3000 German Horse, to force his arbitrary Taxes; but this matter taking wind, and being examin'd by the Parlia∣ment, Orders were sent to countermand them. In the 15th year

of his Reign he gave a Commission to Strafford to raise 8000 Irish to be brought into England: but before they could get hither, the Scots were in Arms for the like Oppressions, and marched in∣to Northumberland, which forcing him to call a Parliament, pre∣vented that design, and so that Army was disbanded. Soon after he rais'd an Army in England to oppose the Scots, and tamper'd with them to march to London, and dissolve the Parliament: but this Army being composed for the most part of the Militia, and the matter being communicated to the House, who immediatly fell on the Officers that were Members, as Ashburnham, Wilmot, Pollard, &c. the design came to nothing. After this there was a Pacification between the King and the Scots; and in pursuance of it both Ar∣mies were disbanded. Then he went to Scotland, and indea∣vor'd to prevail with them to invade England; but that not do∣ing, he sent a Message to the Parliament, desiring their concur∣rence in the raising 3000 Irish to be lent to the King of Spain; to which the Parliament refused to consent, believing he would make another use of them. When he came back to London, he pick'd out 3 or 400 dissolute Fellows out of Taverns, gaming and brothel-Houses, kept a Table for them; and with this goodly Guard all arm'd, he entred the House of Commons, sat down in the Speaker's Chair, demanding the delivery of 5 Members: But the Citizens coming down by Land and Water with Musquets upon their Shoulders to defend the Parliament, he attemted no further. This so inrag'd the House, that they chose a Guard to defend themselves against future Insults, and the King soon after left London. Som time before this began the Irish Rebellion, where the Irish pretended the King's Authority, and shew'd the Great Seal to justify themselves; which, whether true or false, raised such a jealousy in the People, that he was forced to consent to leave the management of that War to the Parliament: yet he afterwards sent a Message to them, telling them he would go to Ire∣land in Person; and acquainted them, that he had issued out Com∣missions for raising 2000 Foot and 200 Horse in Cheshire for his Guard, which they protested against, and prevented it. By this we may see what Force was thought sufficient in his Reign to in∣slave the Nation, and the frequent Attemts to get it.

Then the Civil Wars broke out between him and his People, in which many bloody Battels were fought; two of the most consi∣derable

were those of Newbury and Naseby, both won by new Sol∣diers, the first by the London Militia, and the latter by an unex∣perienc'd Army, which the King used to call in derision the New Nodel. And som years after, the Battel of Worcester was in a great measure won by the Country Militia, for which Cromwel discharged them with anger and contemt, as knowing them In∣struments unsit to promote his Tyrannical Designs. At last by the fate of the War the King became a Prisoner, and the Parlia∣ment treated with him while in that condition, and at the same time voted that som part of the Army should be disbanded, and others sent to Ireland to reduce that Kingdom; upon which the Army chose Agitators among themselves, who presented a Petiti∣on to both Houses, that they would proceed to settle the Affairs of the Kingdom, and declare that no part of the Army should be dis∣banded till that was don. But finding their Petition resented, they sent and seiz'd the King's Person from the Parliaments Com∣missioners, drew up a Charge of High Treason against eleven principal Members for indeavoring to disband the Army, entred into a privat Treaty with the King: but he not complying with their demands, they seized London; and notwithstanding the Parliament had voted the King's Concessions a ground for a future Settlement, they resolved to put him to Death, and in order therto purged the House, as they called it, that is, placed Guards upon them, and excluded all Members that were for agreeing with the King; and then they cut off his Head.

After this they let the Parliament govern for five years, who made their Name famous thro the whole Earth, conquered their Enemies in England, Scotland and Ireland; reduced the Kingdom of Portugal to their own Terms; recovered our Reputation at Sea; overcame the Dutch in several famous Battels; secured our Trade, and managed the public Expences with so much frugality, that no Estates were gained by privat Men upon the public Mi∣series; and at last were passing an Act for their own Dissolution, and settling the Nation in a free and impartial Common∣wealth; of which the Army being afraid, thought it necessary to dissolve them, and accordingly Cromwel next day called two Files of Musqueteers into the House, and pulled the Speaker out of the Chair, behaving himself like a Madman, vilifying the Members, and calling one a Whoremaster, another a Drunkard,

bidding the Soldiers take away that fools bauble the Mace; and so good night to the Parliament.

When they had don this Act of violence, the Council of Of∣ficers set up a new form of Government, and chose a certain number of Persons out of every County and City of England, Scotland and Ireland: and these they invested with the Supreme Power, but soon after expelled them, and then Cromwel set up himself, and framed a new Instrument of Government by a Protector and a House of Commons, in pursuance of which he called a Parliament. But they not answering his Expectations, he excluded all that would not subscribe his Instrument; and those that remained, not proving for his purpose neither, he dissolved them with a great deal of opprobrious Language. He then divided England into several Districts or Divisions, and placed Major Generals or Intendents over them, who go∣verned like so many Bashaws, decimating the Cavaliers, and raising Taxes at their pleasure. Then forsooth he had a mind to make himself King, and called another Parliament to that purpose, after his usual manner secluding such Members as he did not like. To this Assembly he offered another Instrument of Government, which was by a Representative of the People, a 2d House composed of 70 Members in the nature of a House of Lords, and a single Person; and left a Blank for what name he should be called, which this worthy Assembly filled up with that of King, addressed to Cromwel that he would be pleased to accept it, and gave him power to nominat the Members of the Other House. This the great Officers of the Army resented, for it destroyed all their hopes of being Tyrants in their turn, and therefore addressed the Parliament against the Power and Go∣vernment of a King, which made Cromwel decline that Title, and content himself with a greater Power under the name of Protector. Afterwards he nam'd the Other House, as it was called, for the most part out of the Officers of the Army; but even this Parliament not pleasing him, he dissolved them in a fury, and govern'd the Nation without any Parliament at all till he died.

After his death the Army set up his Son Richard, who called a new Parliament; but their procedings being not agreable to

the humor of the Soldiery, they forced the Protector to dissolve them: then they deposed him, and took the power into their own hands; but being unable to weild it, they restored the Commonwealth, and soon after expelled them again, because they would not settle the Military Sword independent of the Civil; then they governed the Nation by a Council of War at Willingford-House, and those a Committee of Safety for the executive part of the Government; but that Whim lasted but a little time before they chose Conservators of Liberty; and that not doing neither, they agreed that every Regiment should choose two Representatives, and this worthy Council should settle the Nation; when they met, somtimes they were for calling a new Parliament, somtimes for restoring the old, which was at last don. By this means all things fell into Confusion, which gave Monk an opportunity of marching into England, where he acted his part so dexterously, that he re∣stor'd the King with part of that Army which had cut off his Father's Head.

This is a true and lively Example of a Government with an Army; an Army that was raised in the cause, and for the sake of Liberty; composed for the most part of Men of Religion and Sobriety. If this Army could commit such violences upon a Parliament always successful, that had acquired so much Re∣putation both at home and abroad, at a time when the whole People were trained in Arms, and the Pulse of the Nation beat high for Liberty; what are we to expect if in a future Age an ambitious Prince should arise with a dissolute and debauched Army, a flattering Clergy, a prostitute Ministry, a Bankrupt House of L—ds, a Pensioner House of C—ns, and a slavish and corrupted Nation?

By this means came in Charles the Second, a luxurious effe∣minat Prince, a deep Dissembler, and if not a Papist himself, yet a great favorer of them: but the People had suffered so much from the Army, that he was received with the utmost Joy and Transport. The Parliament in the Honymoon passed what Laws he pleased, gave a vast Revenue for life, being three times as much as any of his Predecessors ever enjoyed, and several Millions besides to be spent in his Pleasures. This

made him conceive vaster hopes of Arbitrary Power than any that went before him; and in order to it he debauched and ener∣vated the whole Kingdom: His Court was a scene of Adulte∣ries, Drunkenness, and Irreligion, appearing more like Stews, or the Feasts of Bacchus, than the Family of a Chief Magistrate: and in a little time the Contagion spread thro the whole Na∣tion, that it was out of the fashion not to be leud, and scanda∣lous not to be a public Enemy: which has bin the occasion of all the Miseries that have since happened, and I am afraid will not be extinguished but by our ruin. He was no sooner warm in his Seat, but he rejected an advantageous Treaty of Commerce which Oliver made with France, as don by a Usurper; suffer'd the French to lay Impositions upon all our Goods, which amount∣ed to a Prohibition, insomuch that they got a Million a year from us in the overbalance of Trade. He sold that important Fortress of Dunkirk, let the French seize St. Christophers and other places in North America.

He began a foolish and unjust War with the Dutch; and tho the Parliament gave him vast Sums to maintain it, yet he spent so much upon his Vices, that they got great advantages of us, and burnt our Fleet at Chatham. At last he made as dishonorable a Peace with them, as he had don a War; a perpetual reproach to our Country, that our Reputation at Sea should be sunk to so low an eb as to be baffled by that Nation, who but a few years before had sent a blank Paper to the Parliament, to prescribe to them what Laws they pleased. During this War the City of London was fired, not without violent suspicions that the Firebals were prepared at Whitehall. Soon after this he entred into the Triple Alliance to oppose the growing greatness of France, and received a great Sum from the Parliament to maintain it, which he made use of to break the same League; sent Mr. Coventry to Sweden to dissolve it; and entred into a strict Alliance with France, which was sealed with his Sister's blood. In conjunction with them he made a new War upon Holland, to extirpat Liberty and the Protestant Religion; but knowing the Parliament were averse to the War, and would not support him in it, he at∣temted before any War declared to seize their Smirna Fleet, shut up the Exchequer, and became so mean as to be a Pensio∣ner

to France, from whence his Predecessors with Swords in their hands had so often exacted Tribute. He not only suffered, but assisted them to arrive at that pitch of Greatness, which all Europe since hath sufficiently felt and lamented. He sent over ten thousand Men to assist in subduing Flanders and Germany, by whose help they did several considerable Actions. He sent them Timber, Seamen, Ship-Carpenters, and Models, contra∣ry to the Policy of all Nations; which rais'd their Naval Force to a degree almost equal to our own: and for their exercise, he suffered them to take multitudes of English Ships by their Privateers, without so much as demanding satisfaction.

During this War he issued out a Declaration suspending the Penal Laws, which appears to be designed in favor of the Papists, by his directing a Bill afterwards to be stolen away out of the House of Lords, for indulging Protestant Dissenters, whom he persecuted violently most of his Reign, while he both countenanced and preferred Papists, broke the Act of Settlement in Ireland, restored them to their Estates, issued forth a Proclama∣tion giving the Papists liberty to inhabit in Corporations, and married the Duke of York not only to a Papist, but one in the French Interest, notwithstanding the repeated Addresses of the Parliament to the contrary. It was in this Reign that that cursed and detestable Policy was much improved of bribing Parlia∣ments, by distributing all the great Imployments in England among them, and supplying the want of places with Grants of Lands and Mony. No Man could be preferred to any Imploy∣ment in Church or State, till he had declared himself an open Enemy to our Constitution, by asserting Despotic Power under that nonsensical Phrase of Passive Obedience, which was more preach'd up than all the Laws of God and Man. The Hellish Popish Plot was stifled, proved since too true by fatal experience; and in the room of it Protestant ones were forged, and Men tra∣pan'd into others, as the Meal-Tub, Fitz Harris's, the Rye-House, Newmarket, and Black-Heath Plots: and by these Preten∣ces, and the help of packt Judges and Juries, they butchered som of the best Men in England, set immoderat Fines upon others, gave probable suspicion of cutting the Lord Essex's Throat: and to finish our destruction, they took away the Char∣ters,

as fast as they were able, of all the Corporations in Eng∣land, that would not choose the Members prescribed them.

But he durst not have dreamt of all these Violations if he had not had an Army to justify them. He had thoughts at first of keeping up the Parliament-Army, which was several times in debate. But Chancellor Hyde prevailed upon him by this Ar∣gument, that they were a body of Men that had cut off his Fa∣ther's Head; that they had set up and pulled down ten several sorts of Government; and that it might be his own turn next. So that his fears prevailing over his ambition, he consented to disband them; but soon found how vain and abortive a thing Arbitrary Power would prove without an Army. He therfore try'd all ways to get one; and first he attemted it in Scotland, and by means of the Duke of Lauderdale, got an Act passed there, wherby the Kingdom of Scotland was obliged to raise 20000 Foot and 2000 Horse at his Majesty's Call, to march into any part of his Dominions; and this Law is in being at this day. Much about the same time he rais'd Guards in England (a thing unheard of before in our English Constitution) and by degrees increas'd them, till they became a formidable Army; for first they were but very few, but by adding insensibly more Men to a Troop or Company, and then more Troops or Companies to a Regiment, before the second Dutch War he had multiplied them to near 5000 Men. He then began that War in conjuncti∣on with France, and the Parliament gave him two Millions and a half to maintain it, with part of which Mony he rais'd about 12000 Men, which were called the Black-Heath Army (ap∣pointing Marshal Shomberg to be their General, and Fitz Ge∣rald an Irish Papist their Lieutenant-General) and pretended he rais'd them to attack Holland; but instead of using them to that purpose, he kept them encamped upon Black-Heath, hover∣ing over the City of London, which put both the Parliament and City in such confusion, that the King was forced at last to dis∣band them. But there were several accidents contributed to it: First the ill success he had in the War with the Dutch, such Gallantries being not to be attemted but in the highest Raptures of Fortune: Next, the never to be forgotten Generosity of that great Man General Shomberg, whose mighty Genius scorn'd so

ignoble an Action as to put Chains upon a free People; and last of all, the Army themselves mutini'd for want of Pay: which added to the ill Humors that were then in the Nation, made the King willing to disband them. But at the same time, con∣trary to the Articles of Peace with the Dutch, he continu'd ten thousand Men in the French Service, for the most part under Popish Officers, to be season'd there in slavish Principles, that they might be ready to execute any Commands when they were sent for over. The Parliament never met, but they address'd the King to recal these Forces out of France, and disband them; and several times prepar'd Bills to that purpose, which the King always prevented by a Prorogation; but at last was pre∣vail'd upon to issue forth a Proclamation to recal them, yet at the same time supply'd them with Recruits, incourag'd som to go voluntarily into that Service, and press'd, imprison'd, and carri'd over others by main Force: besides, he only dis∣banded the new rais'd Regiments, and not all them neither, for he kept up in England five thousand eight hundred and nine∣ty privat Men, besides Officers, which was his Establishment in 1673.

The King having two great designs to carry on together, viz. Popery and Arbitrary Power, thought this Force not enough to do his Business effectually; and therfore cast about how to get a new Army, and took the most plausible way, which was pre∣tending to enter into a War with France; and to that purpose sent Mr. Thyn to Holland, who made a strict League with the States: and immediatly upon it the King call'd the Parliament, who gave him 1200000 Pounds to enter into an actual War, with which Mony he rais'd an Army of between twenty and thirty thousand Men within less than forty Days, and sent part of them to Flanders. At the same time he continued his forces in France, and took a Sum of Mony from that King to assist him in making a privat Peace with Holland: So that instead of a War with France, the Parliament had given a great Sum to raise an Army to enslave themselves. But it happen'd about this time that the Popish Plot broke out, which put the Nation into such a Ferment, that there was no stemming the Tide; so that he was forc'd to call the Parliament, which met the 23d of October

78, who immediatly fell upon the Popish Piot and the Land Army. Besides, there were discover'd 57 Commissions grant∣ed to Papists to raise Men, countersigned J. Will—son; for which, and saying that the King might keep Guards if he could pay them, he was committed to the Tower. This so inrag'd the Parliament, that they immediatly proceded to the disbanding of the Army, and pass'd an Act that all rais'd since the 29th of September 77 should be disbanded, and gave the King 693388 pounds to pay off their Arrears, which he made use of to keep them up, and dissolv'd the Parliament; but soon after called another, which pursu'd the same Counsels, and pass'd a second Act to disband the Army, gave a new Sum for doing it, di∣rected it to be paid into the Chamber of London, appointed Com∣missioners of their own, and pass'd a Vote, That the continuance of any Standing Forces in this Nation other than the Militia, was illegal, and a great Grievance and Vexation to the People; so that Army was disbanded. Besides this, they complain'd of the Forces that were in France, and address'd the King again to re∣cal them, which had som Effect; for he sent over no more Re∣cruits, but suffer'd them to wear out by degrees. The Esta∣blishment upon the Dissolution of this Army, which was in the Year 1679/80, were 5650 privat Soldiers, besides Officers. From this time he never agreed with his People, but dissolved three Parliaments following for inquiring into the Popish Plot; and in the four last Years of his Reign call'd none at all. And to crown the Work, Tangier is demolish'd, and the Garison brought over, and plac'd in the most considerable Ports in England; which made the Establishment in 8¾ 8482 privat Men, besides Officers. It's observable in this King's Reign, that there was not one Sessions but his Guards were attack'd, and never could get the least Countenance from Parliament; but to be even with them, the Court as much discountenanc'd the Militia, and never would suffer it to be made useful. Thus we see the King hus∣banded a few Guards so well, that in a small number of Years they grew to a formidable Army, notwithstanding all the en∣deavors of the Parliament to the contrary; so difficult it is to prevent the growing of an Evil, that dos not receive a check in the beginning.

He increas'd the Establishment in Ireland to 7700 Men, Of∣ficers included; wheras they never exceded in any former Reign 2000, when there was more occasion for them: the Irish not long before having bin intirely reduced by Cromwel, and could never have held up their Heads again without his Countenance. But the truth of it was, his Army was to support the Irish, and the fear of the Irish was to support his Army.

Towards the latter end of this King's Reign the Nation had so intirely lost all sense of Liberty, that they grew fond of their Chains; and if his Brother would have suffer'd him to have liv'd longer, or had followed his Example, by this time we had bin as great Slaves as in France. But it was God's great Mercy to us that he was made in another Mould, Imperious, Obstinat, and a Bigot, push'd on by the Counsels of France and Rome, and the violence of his own Nature; so that he quickly run himself out of breath. As soon as he came to the Crown, he seiz'd the Customs and Excise without Authority of Parliament: He pick'd out the Scum and Scandals of the Law to make Judges upon the Bench; and turn'd out all that would not sacrifice their Oaths to his Ambition, by which he discharg'd the Lords out of the Tower, inflicted those barbarous Punish∣ments on Dr. Oates, Mr. Johnson, &c. butcher'd many hundreds of Men in the West after they had bin trapan'd into a Con∣fession by promise of Pardon, murder'd Cornish, got the Dis∣pensing Power to be declar'd in Westminster-Hall, turn'd the Fellows of Magdalen-College out of their Freeholds to make way for a Seminary of Priests, and hang'd Soldiers for running away from their Colors. He erected the Ecclesiasti∣cal Commission, suspended the Bishop of London, because he would not inflict the same Punishment upon Dr. Sharp for preaching against Popery. He closeted the Nobility and Gen∣try, turn'd all out of Imployment that would not promise to repeal the Test, put in Popish Privy-Counsellors, Judges, De∣puty Lieutenants, and Justices of Peace; and to get all this confirm'd by the shew of Parliament, he prosecuted the Work his Brother had begun in taking away Charters, and new mo∣del'd the Corporations by a sort of Vermin call'd Regulators. He receiv'd a Nuntio from Rome, and sent an Ambassador

thither. He erected a Popish Seminary at the Savoy to per∣vert Youth, suffer'd the Priests to go about in their Habits, made Tyrconnel Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, turn'd all the Pro∣testants out of the Army and most of the Civil Imployments there, and made Fitton (a Papist, and one detected for Per∣jury) Chancellor of that Kingdom. He issu'd out a Proclama∣tion in Scotland, wherin he asserted his Absolute Power, which all his Subjects were to obey without reserve; a Prerogative I think, never claim'd by the Great Turk, or the Mogul. He is∣su'd out a Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, order'd it to be read in all Churches, and imprison'd and try'd the seven Bishops because they humbly offer'd their Reasons in a Petiti∣on against it: and to consummat all, that we might have no hopes of retrieving our Misfortunes, he impos'd a counterfeit Prince of Wales upon the Nation.

Soon after he came to the Crown, the Duke of Monmouth landed, and in a few weeks got together six or seven thousand Men: but they having neither Arms or Provisions, were easily defeated by not many more than 2000 of the King's Troops. Which leaves a sad prospect of the consequence of a Standing Army: for here was a Prince, the Darling of the common People, fighting against a bigotted Papist that was hated and abbor'd by them, and yet defeated by so small a number of Men, and many of them too his Friends; such is the force of Authority. King James took occasion from hence to increase his Army to between fifteen and sixteen thousand Men, and then unmask'd himself, call'd his Parliament, and in a haugh∣ty Speech told them, He had increas'd his Army, put in Of∣ficers not qualifi'd by the Test, and that he would not part with them. He ask'd a Supply, and let them know he ex∣pected their compliance. This was very unexpected to those Loyal Gentlemen, who had given him such a vast Revenue for Life, who refus'd to take any Security but his Majesty's never∣failing Word for the Protestant Religion, and indeed had don for him whatever he ask'd; which yet was not very extra∣ordinary, since he had the choosing of most of them himself. But even this Parliament turn'd short upon an Army: which puts me in mind of a saying of Macchiavel, viz. That it is as

hard a matter for a Man to be perfectly bad as perfectly good; tho if he had liv'd at this time, I believe he had chang'd his Opinion. The Court labor'd the matter very much; and to shew that good Wits jump, they told us that France was grown formidable, that the Dutch Forces were much increas'd, that we must be strong in proportion for the preservation of our selves and Flanders, and that there was no dependence upon the Militia. But this shallow Rhetoric would not pass upon them. They answer'd, that we had defended our selves for above a thousand Years without an Army; that a King's truest Strength is the Love of his People; that they would make the Militia useful, and order'd a Bill to be brought in to that pur∣pose. But all this serv'd only to fulfil their Iniquity; for they had don their own Business before, and now he would keep an Army up in spite of them: so he prorogu'd them, and call'd no other Parliament during his Reign; but to frighten the City of London, kept his Army encamp'd at Hounslow-Heath when the Season would permit, which put not only them but the whole Nation into the utmost Terror and Confusion. To∣wards the latter end of his Reign he had increas'd his Army in England to above twenty thousand Men, and in Ireland to eight thousand seven hundred and odd.

This King committed two fatal Errors in his Politics. The first was his falling out with his old Chronies the Priests, who brought him to the Crown in spite of his Religion, and would have supported him in Arbitrary Government to the ut∣most; nay, Popery (especially the worst part of it, viz. the Domination of the Church) was not so formidable a thing to them, but with a little Cookery it might have bin rendred pa∣latable. But he had Priests of another sort that were to rise upon their Ruins; and he thought to play an easier Game by caressing the Dissenters, imploying them, and giving them Li∣berty of Conscience: which kindness lookt so preposterous, that the wise and sober Men among them could never hear∣tily believe it, and when the Prince of Orange landed, turn'd against him.

His second Error was the disobliging his own Army, by bring∣ing over Regiments from Ireland, and ordering every Com∣pany

to take in so many Irish Papists; by which they plainly saw he was reforming his Army, and would cashire them all as fast as he could get Papists to supply their room. So that he violated the Rights of the People, fell out with the Church of England, made uncertain Friends of the Dissenters, and dis∣oblig'd his own Army; by which means they all united a∣gainst him, and invited the Prince of Orange to assist them: which Invitation he accepted, and landed at Torbay the 5th of November 1688. publishing a Declaration, which set forth all the Oppressions of the last Reign [but the keeping up a Stand∣ing Army] declared for a free Parliament, in which things were to be so settled that there should be no danger of fall∣ing again into Slavery, and promis'd to send back all his foren Forces as soon as this was don.

When the News of his Landing was spread thro England, he was welcom'd by the universal Acclamations of the People. He had the Hands, the Hearts, and the Prayers of all honest Men in the Nation: Every one thought the long wish'd for time of their Deliverance was com. King James was deserted by his own Family, his Court, and his Army. The Ground he stood up∣on mouldred under him; so that he sent his Queen and Found∣ling to France before him, and himself followed soon after. When the Prince came to London, he disbanded most of those Regiments that were rais'd from the time he landed; and King James's Army that were disbanded by Feversham, were order'd to repair all again to their Colors: which was thought by som a false step, believing it would have bin more our In∣terest to have kept those Regiments which came in upon the Principle on which this Revolution is founded, than Forces that were rais'd in violation of the Laws, and to support a Tyrannical Government: besides, the miserable Condition of Ireland requir'd our speedy Assistance, and these Men might have bin trusted to do that work.

Within a few days after he came to Town, he summon'd the Lords, and not long after the Members of the three last Parliaments of King Charles the 2d, and was address'd to by both Houses to take upon him the Administration of the Go∣vernment, to take into his particular care the then present

Condition of Ireland, and to issue forth Circulatory Letters for the choosing a Convention of Estates. All this time Ireland lay bleeding, and Tyrconnel was raising an Army, disarming the Protestants, and dispossessing them of all the Places they held in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught: which occasion'd frequent Applications here for Relief, tho it was to send them but one or two Regiments; and if that could not be don, to send them Arms and Commissions, which in all probability would have made the Reduction of that Kingdom very easy: yet tho the Prince's and King James his Army were both in England, no relief was sent, by which means the Irish got possession of the whole Kingdom but Londonderry and Inniskilling, the for∣mer of which Towns shut up its Gates the ninth of December, declaring for the Prince of Orange, and address'd for immediat Relief, yet could neither get Arms or Ammunition till the 20th of March; and the Forces that were sent with Cunningham and Richards arrived not there till the 15th of April, and immedi∣atly after deserted the Service, and came back again, bringing Lundy the Governor before appointed by his Majesty with them, and alledg'd for their Excuse, that it was impossible to defend the Town. But notwithstanding this Treachery, such was the resolution of the Besieged, that they continu'd to defend them∣selves with the utmost bravery, and sent again for Relief, which under Kirk came not to them till the 7th of June; nor were these poor Creatures actually reliev'd till the 30th of Ju∣ly, tho there appears no reason why he might not have don it when he first came into the Harbor, which was more than seven Weeks before. Thus we see the Resolution of these poor Men weari'd out all their Disappointments.

When the Convention met, they resolv'd upon twenty eight Articles, as the Preliminaries upon which they would dispose the Crown; but this design dwindled into a Declaration of our Rights, which was in thirteen Articles, and the most conside∣rable, viz. That the raising and keeping up a Standing Army in times of Peace is contrary to Law, had tag'd to it these words, without Authority of Parliament; as if the consent of the Parlia∣ment would not have made it Legal without those words, or that their Consent would make it less dangerous. This made

the Jacobites say in those early days, that som evil Counsellors design'd to play the same game again of a Standing Army, and attributed unjustly the neglect of Ireland to the same Cause, because by that omission it was made necessary to raise a greater Army to reduce it, with which the King acquainted the Parliament the 8th of March, when speaking of the de∣plorable Condition of Ireland, he declar'd he thought it not advisable to attemt the reducing it with less than 20000 Horse and Foot. This was a bitter Pill to the Parliament, who thought they might have manag'd their share of the War with France at Sea; but there was no remedy, a greater Ar∣my must be rais'd, or Ireland lost; and to gild it, all the Courtiers usher'd in their Speeches with this Declaration, That they would be the first for disbanding them when the War was over; and this Declaration has bin made as often as an Army has bin debated since during the War, and I suppose punctually observ'd last Sessions. At last the thing was con∣sented to, and the King issu'd forth Commissions for the raising of Horse, Foot, and Dragoons. In this Army very few Gen∣tlemen of Estates in Ireland could get Imployments, tho they were in a miserable Condition here, and made their utmost Application for them; it being a common objection by som Colo∣nels, that a Man had an Estate there, which in all likelihood would have made him more vigorous in reducing the Kingdom. It was long after this Army was rais'd, before they could be ready to be transported; and even then it was commonly said that Shomberg found many things out of order; and when they were at last transported, which was about the middle of August, they were not in a Condition to fight the Enemy, tho lately baffled before Londonderry, especially their Carriages coming not to them till the 24th of September, when it was high time to go into Winter-Quarters. By this means the Irish got Strength and Courage, and three fourths of our Army perish'd at the Camp at Dundalk.

But tho our Army could do nothing, yet the Militia of the Country, almost without Arms or Clothes, performed Mira∣cles, witness that memorable Siege of Londonderry, the defeat of General Mackarty, who was intrench'd in a Bog with ten

thousand regular Troops, and attack'd by fifteen hundred In∣niskilling men, defeated, himself made a Prisoner, and three thousand of his Men kill'd; and a great many other gallant Actions they perform'd, for which they were dismiss'd by Kirk with Scorn and Ignominy, and most of their Officers left to starve. Thus the War in Ireland was nurs'd up either thro Chance, Inadvertency, or the necessity of our Affairs (for I am unwilling to think it was Design) till at last it was grown so big, that nothing less than his Majesty's great Genius, and the usual Success that has always attended his Conduct, could have overcom it.

When the Parliament met that Winter, they fell upon the examination of the Irish Affairs; and finding Commissary Shales was the cause of a great part of the Miscarriages, they ad∣dress'd his Majesty that he would be pleas'd to acquaint the House who it was that advis'd the imploying him, which his Majesty did not remember. They then address'd, that he would be pleas'd to order him to be taken into Custody, and it was don accordingly; upon which Shales sent a Letter to the Speaker, desiring he might be brought over to England, where he would vindicat himself, and justify what he had don. Then the House address'd his Majesty again, that he might be brought over with all convenient speed; and the King was pleas'd to answer, that he had given such Orders al∣ready. Then the House refer'd the matter to a privat Com∣mittee; but before any Report made, or Shales could be brought to England, the Parliament was prorogu'd, and after dissolv'd; and soon after he fell sick and died.

The neglect of Ireland this Year made it necessary to raise more Forces, and increase our Establishment, which afterwards upon pretence of invading France was advanc'd to eighty seven thousand six hundred ninety eight Men. At last by our great Armies and Fleets, and the constant expence of maintaining them, we were too hard for the Oeconomy, Skill, and Policy of France; and notwithstanding all our Difficulties, brought them to Terms both Safe and Honorable.

It not being to be purpose of this Discourse, I shall omit giving any account of the Conduct of our Fleet during this

War, how few Advantages we reap'd by it, and how many Opportunities we lost of destroying the French. Only thus much I will observe, that tho a great part of it may be at∣tributed to the Negligence, Ignorance, or Treachery of infe∣rior Officers, yet it could not so universally happen thro the whole course of the War, and unpunish'd too, notwithstand∣ing the clamors of the Merchants, and repeated complaints in Parliament, unless the cause had laid deeper: What that is, I shall not presume to enquire; but I am sure there has bin a very ill Argument drawn from it, viz. That a Fleet is no se∣curity to us.

As soon as the Peace was made, his Majesty discharg'd a great part of the foren Forces; and an Advertisment was publish'd in the Gazet, that ten Regiments should be forth∣with disbanded; and we were told, as soon as it was don, that more should follow their example. But these Resolutions, it seems, were alter'd, and the modish Language was, that we must keep up a Standing Army. Their Arguments were turn'd topsy turvy: for as during the War the People were pre∣vail'd upon to keep up the Army in hopes of a Peace; so now we must keep them up for fear of a War. The Condi∣tion of France, which they had bin decrying for many Years, was now magnifi'd: we were told, that it was doubtful whe∣ther the French King would deliver up any of his Towns; that he was preparing a vast Fleet upon the Lord knows what Design; that it was impossible to make a Militia useful; that the warlike King Jemmy had an Army of eighteen thousand Irish Hero's in France, who would be ready when call'd for; and that the King of Spain was dying. The Members of Parliament were discours'd with as they came to Town; 'twas whisper'd about, that the Whigs would be all turn'd out of Imployments: a new Plot was said to be discover'd for murder∣ing the King, and searches were made at Midnight thro the whole City to the discovery of plenty of Fornication, but no Traitors. The Placemongers consulted among themselves, and found by a wonderful Sympathy they were all of one Opinion; and if by any means they could get a few more to be of the same, the day was their own: so they were positive of suc∣cess,

and very sure they should carry it by above a hundred Voices.

The House had not sat a week, but this matter came to be de∣bated; and the question in the Committee was, Whether all For∣ces rais'd since the year 80 should be disbanded? which was carried in the Affirmative, the Court being not able to bring it to a division; and the next day when it was reported, they did not attemt to set aside the Vote, but to recommit it, upon pre∣tence it tied the King to the old Tory Regiments, (tho by the way, none of those Regiments have bin since disbanded) and som said they thought the Forces in 80 too many. I can safely say, tho I had frequent discourse with many of them, yet I never heard any one of them at that time pretend to be for a greater force than this Vote left the King: but let what will be their reasons, it was carried against them by a majority of 37, the Affirmatives being 185, and the Nega∣tives 148. I will not here take notice of what som People have said, viz. That of the 148 who were for recommitting the Vote, 116 had Places, because I doubt the fact; nor do I believe their Places would biass them.

This was a thorow Victory, and required great skill and ad∣dress to retrieve. The fears of France were again multiplied; 'twas said there was a privat Article that King James was to Ieave France, which the French refused to perform; that Boufflers and the Earl of Portland had given one another the Lie; that som of the latter's Retinue had bin kill'd; that the French Ambassador was stop'd, the King of Spain dead, and abundance more to this purpose. The Club was set up at the R—, great Applications made, the Commission of the Excise was declared to be broke (by which nine Commissioners Places were to be dis∣posed of, and above 40 Persons named for them) and many of the Country Gentlemen were gon home. Thus recruited, they were ready for a new Encounter: and since by the Rules of the House they could not set aside the former Vote directly, they would try to do it by a side wind; which was by moving, that directions might be given to the Committee of Ways and Means to consider to a supply for Guards and Garisons: but the other side, to obviat this, offered these words as an Amend∣ment,

viz. According to the Vote of the 11th of December. This matter was much labored, and the Gentlemen that were against the Army explain'd themselves, and declar'd they were not for obliging the King to the Regiments in 80, but that they insist∣ed only on the number, and he might choose what Regiments he pleased. By this means they carried it, but not without great opposition (tho I presume from none of those Gentlemen who∣declared in all Places they were for recommitting the former Vote only for the reasons before given) besides, they were forced to explain themselves out of a considerable part of it, for they allowed the King the Dutch Regiments, and the Tange∣riners; which in my opinion could not be well understood by the former Vote, the meaning of which seems to be, that the King should have all the Forces that Charles the 2d had in 80 in England, and these were not then here; the Holland Regiments being paid by the States, and their Soldiers; and the others 500 Leagues off at Tangier. But all this advantage would not satisfy the Army-Gentlemen: for in the Committee they in∣deavored again to set aside the Vote, by moving for a sum of 500000 pounds per annum for Guards and Garisons, with∣out naming any certain number (which would have maintain'd above 20000) but this could not be carried; therfore they came to a fort of Composition, to have but 10000, wherof a great number were to be Horse and Dragoons; and the Sum given to maintain them was 350000 pounds: but notwith∣standing this they moved afterwards for 3000 Marines (alledg∣ing that these were not a Land-Force, but a Water-Force) which was carried.

Here I will beg leave to observe one thing, that nothing would satisfy the Courtiers at the beginning of the Winter but to have the Forces establish'd by the Parliament, and upon other Terms they would not accept them; and in all Com∣panys said, that any Minister that advis'd the King to keep them up otherwise, or any Officer that continued his Commission ought to be attainted of High Treason: about which I shall nor dif∣fer with these Gentlemen, nor do I arraign them for altering their opinion; for perhaps they may conceive that a Vore to give 350000 pounds for Guards and Garisons, is a sufficient

Authority against Law to quarter Soldiers in all parts of Eng∣land, as well out of Garisons, as in 'em, and as well at a distance from the King's Person, as about it.

This what our Courts for above a thousand years together had never Effrontery enough to ask; what the Pensioner Parlia∣ment could not think of without astonishment; what King James's Parliament (that was almost chosen by himself) could not hear debated with patience, we are likely to have the honor of establishing in our own age, even under a Deliverance.

Now we will examin how far they have complied with the Resolutions of the House of Commons. Having so far gained upon the first Vote by the means before related, 'twas not easy to be imagined but they would nicely perform the rest, without any art or evasion: but instead of this, they reform'd a cer∣tain number of Men out of every Troop and Company, and kept up all the Officers, who are the most essential and chargeable part of an Army, the privat Soldiers being to be rais'd again in a few days whenever they please. This is such a disbanding as every Officer would have made in his Company for his privat advantage, and always did in Charles the 2d's time, and even in this Reign when they were not in action: so that all the effect of such a Reform is to hinder the Officers from false Musters, and save the pay of a few common Soldiers.

But this would not satisfy the People, and therfore they dis∣banded som Regiments of Horse, Foot and Dragoons, and thought of that profound Expedient of sending a great many more to Ireland; as if our grievance was not the fear of be∣ing enslav'd by them, but lest they should spend their Mony among us. I am sorry the Nation is grown so contemtible in these Gentlemens opinions, as to think that they can remove our fears of a Standing Army by sending them threescore miles off, from whence they may recal them upon a few days notice. Nay an Army kept in Ireland, is more dangerous to us than at home: for here by perpetual converse with their Relations and Acquaintance, som few of them perhaps may warp towards their Country; wheras in Ireland they are kept as it were in a Gari∣son, where they are shut up from the communication of their Countrymen, and may be nurs'd up in another Interest. This is so

true, that 'tis a common Policy among Arbitrary Princes often to shift their Soldiers Quarters, lest they should contract friendship among the Natives, and by degrees fall into their In∣terest.

It may be said perhaps, That the People of Ireland will pay them; which makes the matter so much the worse, for they are less likely to have any regard to their Country. Besides, if we consider the Lords Justices Speech to that Parliament, wherin they are let know that his Majesty EXPECTS that they will continue the Subsistence to the disbanded Officers, and support the present Establishment (which by the way is near three times as great as Charles the 2d's) and this without any other ceremony or qualification of Time (with which his Majesty was pleas'd to express himself to his English and Scotch Parlia∣ments) we may be convinc'd that they are not in a condition to dispute this matter; especially at a time when they appre∣hend Hardships will be put upon them in relation to their Trade: and therfore we may be sure they will gratify the Court to the utmost of their Power, in hopes, if they can't prevent the pas∣sing a Law against them, to obtain a connivance in the execu∣tion. We may add; by this means they will keep their Mony in their own Country, a great part wherof came formerly to England, and have an opportunity of returning the Comple∣ment we design'd them last Year, if we don't prevent it by disbanding the Army there, as Strafford's Army in Ireland was formerly in the 15th of Charles the first, and lately another in 78 by our English Parliaments.

I can't avoid taking notice here, how different the modish Sentiments are in Ireland and England: for there the Language is, We must comply with the Court in keeping up the Army, or otherwise the Woollen Manufacture is gon; and here the Men in fashion tell us, that an Army must be kept in Ireland to destroy the Woollen Manufacture, and execute the Laws we make against them; and in order to it the People of Ire∣land are to pay them.

This project of sending Men to Ireland was so transparent, that they durst not rely upon it; and therfore they told us, that as fast as Mony could be got, they would disband more

Regiments. The People were in great expectation when it would be don, and several times it was taken notice of in Parliament; and the Courtiers always assur'd them that no∣thing hindred it but the want of Mony to pay them off 'Twas considently said in all public places, that eighteen Re∣giments more would be disbanded, and the Regiments were nam'd; and I have heard it with great Assurance affirm'd by the Agents and Officers themselves, that the King had sign'd it in Council. Thus the Session was worn out, till the House of Commons tir'd with Expectation, address'd his Majesty, That be would be pleas'd to give order that a List be laid before the House of the Army disbanded, and intended to be disbanded, and of the Officers Names who are to have half pay; and his Majesty was pleas'd to answer, That he would comply with the desires of the House as soon as conveniently be couid: but the Parliament sitting not above a Month afterwards, his Majesty sent them no farther answer.

At last the Parliament rose, and instead of disbanding they brought over a great many foreign Regiments, and sent them to Ireland, as well as three more English ones. But even all this would not bring their Army in England down to ten thousand Men; so that they made another Reform, and since have in∣corporated the Officers of the disbanded Regiments in Ireland into the Standing Troops, by which means they have not an Army of Officers: wheras if these Gentlemen design their Ar∣my to defend us against a sudden Invasion, or to be in readi∣ness against the King of Spain's Death, in my poor opinion they should have kept up the privat Soldiers, and disbanded all the Officers but such as are just necessary to exercise them; for Of∣ficers will be always ready to accept good Imployments, where∣as the privat Soldiers will be very difficultly listed again in a new War, tho we all know they are easily to be got toge∣ther when they are only to insult their Countrymen.

One good effect of this Army has already appear'd; for I presume every body has heard how prevailing an Argument it was in the late Elections, That if we choose such a Man, we shall be free from Quarters: and I wish this Argument dos not every day grow stronger. Nay, who knows but in another

Reign the Corporations may be told that his Majesty expects they will choose the Officers of the Army, and the Parliament be told that he expects they will maintain them?

But to set this matter in a full view, I will here put down the Establishment of King Charles the Second in 88, which was the foundation of the Vote of the 11th of December, as also his present Majesty's: and in this, as well as my other Computati∣ons, I do not pretend but I may be mistaken in many Particulars, tho I have taken what care I could not to be so; nor is it mate∣rial to my purpose, so the variation from Truth is not con∣siderable.

I shall also set down King William's Establishment as the Regi∣ments were before the Reform, because all the Officers still re∣main, and a great part of the privat Soldiers, which I take to be in effect full Regiments; the rest being to be rais'd again in a few days, if they are design'd for home Service, but, as I said before, the hardest to be got if they are designed for Spain or Flanders. But herein if any Man differs from me, he may make his own de∣ductions.

The Establishment of Charles the 2d in England in the Year Eighty.

Horse and Dragoons in England.	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mis. Offi∣cers.	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Troops of Guards	3	48	15	600	663
The Royal Regiment of Horse	8	34	40	400	474
A Troop of Dragoons raised in July, 1680.	1	4	8	40	52
Total Horse and Dragoons	12	86	63	1040	1189
Foot in England.
Gentlemen Pensioners	1	6	0	40	46
Yeomen of the Guard	1	7	0	100	107
The first Regiment of Foot-Guards	24	75	192	1440	1707
The Coldstream Regiment	12	39	96	720	855
The Duke of York's Regiment.	12	39	96	630	765
The Holland Regiment	12	39	96	600	735
Independent Companies	26	78	208	1260	1546
Total Foot in England	88	283	688	4790	5761

King Charles the Second's Establishment in Ireland in the Year Eighty.

	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mis. Offi∣cers.	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Troops of Horse	24	96	196	1080	1372
His Foot in Ireland.
Yeomen of the Guard	1	3	0	60	63
A Regiment of Guards	12	40	99	1120	1259
Single Companies	74	222	444	4440	5166
Total Foot in Ireland	87	265	543	5620	6428
I have not here put down the Garison of Tangier, which was about three thousand Men, because that place is now lost, and consequently wants no Garison.
I will now set down his present Majesty's Establishment, and then compare them both together.
Horse and Dragoons upon the English Establishment.
Three Troops of Horse Guards	3	48	15	600	663
One Troop of Dutch Guards	1	15	5	200	220
One Troop of Horse Grana∣diers	1	11	20	180	211
Lord Oxford's Regiment	9	40	45	531	616
Lord Portland's Horse Dutch Regiment	9	42	54	603	699
Lumley's Regiment	9	40	45	531	616

	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mis. Offi∣cers.	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Wood's	6	28	36	354	412
Arran's	6	28	36	354	412
Windham's	6	28	36	354	412
Schomberg's	6	28	36	354	412
Macclesfield's	6	28	36	354	412
Raby's Dragoons	8	37	72	480	589
Flood's Dragoons	8	37	72	480	589
Lord Essex's Dragoons	8	37	72	480	589
Total Horse and Dragoons in England	86	447	580	5855	6876
Foot on the English Esta∣blishment.
Gentlemen Pensioners	1	6	0	40	46
Yeomen of the Guard	1	7	0	100	107
Lord Rumney's four Battalions	28	99	222	2240	2563
Lord Cutt's two Battalions	14	51	112	1120	1283
The blew Guards a Dutch Re∣giment, four Battalions	26	96	208	2366	2670
Earl of Orkney's a Scotch Re∣giment	26	88	208	1560	1656
Selwin's	13	44	104	780	928
Churchil's	13	44	104	780	928
Trelawny's	13	44	104	780	928
Earle's	13	44	104	780	928
Seymour's	13	44	104	780	928
Colt's	13	44	104	780	928
Mordant's	13	44	104	780	928
Sir David Collier's	13	44	104	780	928
Sir Charles Hero's Fusileers in Jersey	13	46	104	780	930

	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mission Officers.	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Collingwood's	13	46	104	780	928
A Company at Ʋpnor Castle	1	2	6	50	58
Total Foot in England	227	793	1796	15276	17865
Horse and Dragoons upon the Irish Establishment.
Luson's	6	42	30	354	412
Langston's	6	42	30	354	412
Lord Gallaway's a French Regiment	9	113	45	531	689
Ross's Dragoons	8	37	72	480	589
Ecklins's	8	37	72	480	589
Cunningham's	8	37	72	480	589
Mermon's a French Regiment	8	74	144	480	698
Total Horse and Dragoons in Ireland	53	338	465	3159	3962
Foot upon the Irish Establishment, with the disbanded Officers incorporated.
Fairfax's	13	66	104	780	950
Collumbine's	13	66	104	780	950
Webb's	13	66	104	780	950
Granvill's	13	66	104	780	950
Brewer's	13	66	104	780	950
Jacob's	13	66	104	780	950
How's	13	66	104	780	950
Steward's	13	66	104	780	950
Hanmore's	13	66	104	780	950
Titcomb's	13	66	104	780	950

Stanley's	13	66	104	780	950
Bridges's	13	66	104	780	950
Fr. Hamilton's	13	66	104	780	950
Ingoldsby's	13	66	104	780	950
Pisar's	13	66	104	780	950
Bellasis's	13	66	104	780	950
Gustavus Hamilton's	13	66	104	780	950
Tiffany's	13	66	104	780	950
Martoon's a French Regiment	13	83	104	780	967
Lamellioneer's a French Regiment	13	83	104	780	967
Beleastle's a French Regiment	13	83	104	780	967
Holt's Regiment in the West-Indies which is not upon the Irish Esta∣blishment	13	44	104	780	928
Total Foot in Ireland	286	1481	2288	17160	20929

I will now compare both Establishments together.

	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mission Officers.	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Charles the 2d's Horse in Eighty in England	12	86	63	1040	1189
His Foot in England	88	283	688	4790	5761
His Horse and Foot in England	100	369	751	5830	6950
His Establishment in Ireland.
His Horse in Ireland	24	96	196	1080	1372
His Foot in Ireland	87	265	543	5620	6428
His Horse and Foot in Ireland	111	361	739	6700	7800

All his Army in England and Ireland.	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mission Officers	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
His Horse in England and Ireland	36	182	259	2120	2561
His Foot in England and Ireland	175	548	1231	10410	12189
All his Army in England and Ireland	211	730	1490	12530	14750
King William's Establishment.
His Horse in England	86	441	580	5855	6876
His Foot in England	227	793	1796	15276	17865
All his Forces in England	313	1234	2376	21131	24741
His Establishment in Ireland.
His Horse in Ireland	53	338	465	3159	3962
His Foot in Ireland	286	1481	2288	17160	20929
All his Forces in Ireland	339	1819	2753	20319	24891
All his Army in England and Ireland.
His Horse and Dragoons in Eng∣land and Ireland	139	779	1045	9014	10838
His Foot in England and Ireland	513	2274	4084	32436	38794
All his Army in England and Ireland	652	3053	5129	41450	49632

So that his present Majesty in England and Ireland alone has above three times as many Troops and Companies as Charles the Second had in the Year eighty, almost five times as many Com∣mission Officers, near four times as many Non-Commission Offi∣cers; and when the Commanders shall have Orders to recruit their Companies, will have more than three times the number of common Soldiers, besides the disbanded Officers which are not

incorporated into other Regiments; and upon the Establishment they now stand, are as much Creatures to the Court, as if their Regiments were in being.

His Majesty's Forces in Scotland, which in the Year Eighty consisted of 2806 Men.

	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mission Officers	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
The Troop of Guards	1	15	5	120	140
The Royal Regiment of Dragoons	8	37	72	320	429
Jedborough's Dragoons	6	27	54	240	321
The Royal Regiment of Foot Guards	16	51	128	912	1091
Rew's Fusileers	16	51	128	640	819
Collier or Hamilton's	16	51	128	640	819
Maitland's	16	51	128	640	819
In Garisons	4	12	24	295	331
All his Forces in Scotland	83	295	667	3807	4769

These Forces are as they are now reduc'd and allow'd by the Parliament of Scotland, for Reasons best known to themselves; which without doubt must be very good ones, since 'tis common∣ly said, that ten Privy Counsellors of that Kingdom, who ap∣pear'd against the Army, are turn'd out of the Council; which, if true, I presume will be a sufficient warning to our Gentlemen at home.

However, there is this use in the Scotch Army, that if the Par∣liament of England shall be prevail'd on to think any Forces ne∣cessary, a lesser Number will be sufficient.

His Majesty's Forces in Holland.	Troops and Com∣panies.	Com∣mission Officers	Non-Com∣mis. Of∣ficers.	Private Men.	Total Number.
Lawder's	13	44	104	780	928
William Collins	13	44	104	780	928
Murray's	13	44	104	780	928
Ferguson's	13	44	104	780	928
Stranaver's	13	44	104	780	928
	13	44	104	780	928
All the Forces in Holland	78	264	624	4680	5568
☞ SO that his Majesty's whole Army consists of	813	3612	6420	49937	59969

Of these seven thousand, eight hundred, and seventy seven, are Foreigners, which is the first foreign Army that ever set foot in England but as Enemies.

Since the writing of this I am informed, that Brudenall's Regi∣ment is in being, and that Eppinger's Dragoons are in English Pay, which if true, will make the whole Army sixty odd thousand Men: but in this as well as many other Parts of the List I may be mistaken, for which I hope I shall be excused, when I acquaint the Reader that I was forced to pick it out from accidental Discourses with Officers, having apply'd to my Lord R—'s Office with∣out Success, tho I made such Interest for it as upon another occa∣sion would not have bin refused.

If the Prince of Orange in his Declaration, instead of telling us that we should be settled upon such a foundation that there should be no danger of our falling again into Slavery, and that he would send back all his Forces as soon as that was done, had promis'd us that after an eight Years War (which should leave us in Debt near twenty Millions) we should have a Standing Army establish'd, a great many of which should be Foreigners, I believe few Men would have thought such a Revolution worth the hazard of their Lives and Estates; but his mighty Soul was above such abject thoughts as these; his Declaration was his

own, these paltry Designs are our Undertakers, who would shelter their own Oppressions under his Sacred Name.

I would willingly know whether the late King James could have inslaved us but by an Army, and whether there is any way of scouring us from falling again into Slavery but by disbanding them. It was in that sense I understood his Majesty's Decla∣ration, and therfore did early take up Arms for him, as I shall be always ready to do. It was this alone which made his as∣sistance necessary to us, otherwise we had wanted none but the Hangman's.

I will venture to say, that if this Army dos not make us Slaves, we are the only People upon Earth in such Circumstances that ever escap'd it with the 4th part of their number. It is a great∣er force than Alexander conquer'd the East with, than Caesar had in his Conquest of Gaul, or indeed the whole Roman Em∣pire; double the number that any of our Ancestors ever in∣vaded France with, Agesilaus the Persians, or Huniades and Scan∣derbeg the Turkish Empire; as many again as was in any Battel between the Dutch and Spaniards in forty Years War, or be∣twixt the King and Parliament in England; four times as ma∣ny as the Prince of Orange landed with in England; and in short, as many as have bin on both sides in nine Battels of ten that were ever fought in the World. If this Army dos not inslave us, it is barely because we have a virtuous Prince that will not attemt it; and 'tis a most miserable thing to have no other Se∣curity for our Liberty, than the Will of a Man, tho the most just Man living: for that is not a free Government where there is a good Prince (for even the most arbitrary Governments have had somtimes a Relaxation of their Miseries) but where it is so constituted, that no one can be a Tyrant if he would. Cicero says, tho a Master dos not tyrannize, yet 'tis a lamentable consideration that it is in his power to do so; and therfore such a Power is to be trusted to none, which if it dos not find a Tyrant, commonly makes one; and if not him, to be sure a Successor.

If any one during the Reign of Charles the Second, when those that were call'd Whigs, with a noble Spirit of Liberty, both in the Parliament House and in private Companies, oppos'd a few Guards as Badges of Tyranny, a Destruction to our Constitu∣tion,

and the Foundations of a Standing Army: I say, if any should have told them that a Deliverer should com and rescue them from the Oppressions under which they then labor'd; that France by a tedious and consumtive War should be reduc'd to half the Power it then had; and even at that time they should not only be passive, but use their utmost Interest, and distort their Reason to find out Arguments for keeping up so vast an Army, and make the Abuses of which they had bin all their lives complaining, Precedents to justify those Procedings; who∣ever would have told them this, must have bin very regardless of his Reputation, and bin thought to have had a great deal of ill nature. But the truth is, we have lived in an Age of Mira∣cles, and there is nothing so extravagant that we may not expect to see, when surly Patriots grow servil Flatterers, old Common∣wealthsmen declare for the Prerogative, and Admirals against the Fleet.

But I wonder what Arguments in nature our Hirelings will think of for keeping up an Army this year. Good Reasons lie within a narrow Compass, and might be guessed at; but non∣sense is infinit. The Arguments they chiefly insisted upon last year were, That it was uncertain whether the French King would deliver up any of his Towns if we disbanded our Army; that King James had 18000 Men at his devotion kept by the King of France; that a great Fleet was preparing there upon som un∣known Design; that the King of Spain was dying; that there was no Militia settled; and that they would keep them up only for a year to see how the world went. This with a few Lies about my Lord Portland's and Bouffler's quarrelling, and som Pro∣phecies of our being invaded in six months, was the substance of what was said or printed.

Now in fact the French King has deliver'd up Giron, Roses, Belver, Barcelona, and a great part of the Province of Catalonia: The Town and Province of Luxemburg, and the County of Chiny; the Towns of Mons, Charleroy, Courtray, and Aeth in the Spanish Provinces, to the King of Spain.

The Town of Dinant to the Bishop of Leige.

The Towns of Pignerol, Cazal, Susa, Montmelian, Nice, Villa Franca, all Savoy, and part of Piemont to the Duke of Savoy.

The Cities of Treves, Germensheim, and the Palatinat; the County of Spanheim, Veldentz, and Dutchy of Deuxponts; the County of Mombelliand, and som Possessions of Burgundy; the Forts of Kiel, Friburg, St. Peterfort, Destoile; the Town of Phi∣lipsburg, and most of Alsace, Eberenburg, and the Dutchy of Lorrain to the Empire: has demolished Hunningen, Montroyal and Kernburg.

He has delivered up the Principality of Orange to the King of England.

These are vast Countries, and contain in bigness as much ground as the Kingdom of England, and maintained the King of France above 100000 Men; besides, he had laid out vast Sums in the Fortifications he delivered up and demolished. Add to this, his Kingdom is miserably impoverished and depopulated by this War; his Manufactures much impaired; great numbers of Offices have bin erected, which like Leeches draw away the Peoples blood; prodigious Debts contracted, and a most bene∣ficial Trade with England lost. These things being considered, there can be little danger of their shewing over much wantonness, especially for som years: and yet still we must be bullied by the name of France, and the Fear of it must do what their Power could never yet effect: which is a little too gross, considering they were inslaved by the same means. For in Lewis the 11th's time, the French gave up their Liberties for fear of England, and now we must give up ours for fear of France.

Secondly, Most of King James's English and Irish Forces which we have bin so often threatned with, are disbanded; and he is said to subsist upon his Majesty's Charity, which will be a suffi∣cient Caution for his good behaviour.

Thirdly, The French Fleet, which was another Bugbear, ex∣ceeded not this year 20 Sail, nor attemted any thing, tho we had no Fleet out to oppose them.

Fourthly, The King of Spain is not dead, nor in a more dan∣gerous Condition than he has bin for som years; and we are not without hopes that his Majesty by his extraordinary Prudence has taken such care as to prevent a new War in case he should die.

Fifthly, As to the Militia, I suppose every Man is now satis∣fied

that we must never expect to see it made useful till we have disbanded the Army. I would not be here understood to throw the whole odium of that matter upon the Court; for there are several other Parties in England, that are not over-zealous for a Militia. First, those who are for restoring K. James's Trum∣pery, and would have the Army disbanded, and no Force settled in the room of it. Next, there are a mungrel sort of Men who are not direct Enemies to the King, yet because their fancied merit is not rewarded at their own price, they are so shagreen that they will not let him have the Reputation of so noble an Establishment. Besides these, there are others that having no notion of any Militia but our own, and being utterly unac∣quainted with antient and modern History, think it impracti∣cable: and som wretched things are against it because of the Charge; whereas if their Mothers had taught them to cast ac∣count, they would have found out that 52000 Men for a month will be but the same charge to the Subject as four thousand for a year, supposing the pay to be the same; and reckoning it to be a third part greater, it will be equivalent to the charge of 6000: and if we should allow them to be out a fortnight longer than was designed by the last Bill for exercising in lesser Bodies, then the utmost Charge of such a Militia will be no more than to keep up 9000 Men the year round. None of the Parties I mention'd will openly oppose a Militia, tho they would be all glad to drop it: and I believe no body will be so hardy as to de∣ny, but if the Court would shew as much vigor in prosecuting it, as they did last year to keep up a Standing Army, that a Bill would pass; which they will certainly do if we disband the Army, and they think it necessary; and if they do not, we have no reason to think an Army so. When they tell us we may be invaded in the mean time, they are not in earnest; for we all know if the King of France has any designs, they look another way: besides, he has provided no Transports, nor is in any readiness to make an Invasion; and if he was, we have a Fleet to hinder him; nay, even the Militia we have in London and som other Counties, are moderatly exercis'd: and I believe those who speak most contemtibly of them will allow 'em to have natural Courage, and as good Limbs as other People; and

if they will allow nothing else, then here is an Army of a hun∣dred or sixscore thousand Men, ready listed, regimented, hors∣ed and armed: and if there should be any occasion, his Majesty can put what Officers he pleases of the old Army over them, and the Parliament will be sitting to give him what Powers shall be necessary. We may add to this, that the disbanded Soldiers in all probability will be part of this body; and then what fear can there be of a scambling Invasion of a few Men?

I have avoided in this place discoursing of the nature of Mili∣tia's, that Subject having been so fully handled already; only thus much I will observe, that a Standing Army in Peace will grow more effeminat by living dissolutely in Quarters, than a Militia that for the most part will be exercised with hard labor. So that upon the whole matter, a Standing Army in Peace will be worse than a Militia; and in War a Militia will soon becom a disciplin'd Army.

Sixthly, The Army has bin kept up for a Year, which is all was pretended to; and notwithstanding their Prophecies, we have had no Invasion, nor danger of one.

Lastly, The Earl of Portland and Marshal Boufflers were so far from quarrelling, that perhaps no English Ambassador was ever received in France with more Honor.

But further, there is a Crisis in all Affairs, which when once lost, is never to be retrieved. Several Accidents concur to make the disbanding the Army practicable now, which may not happen again. We have a new Parliament, uncorrupted by the Intrigues of the Courtiers: besides, the Soldiers themselves hi∣therto have known little but the Fatigues of a War, and have bin so paid since, that the privat Men would be glad to be dis∣banded; and the Officers would not be very uneasy at it, con∣sidering they are to have half Pay, which we must not expect them hereafter when they have lived in Riot and Luxury. Add to this, we have a good Prince, whose Inclinations as well as Circumstances will oblige him to comply with the reasonable Desires of his People. But let us not flatter our selves, this will not be always so. If the Army should be continued a few years, they will be accounted part of the Prerogative, and 'twill be thought as great a violation to attemt the disbanding them, as

the Guards in Charles the Second's time; it shall be interpreted a design to dethrone the King, and be made an Argument for the keeping them up.

But there are other Reasons yet: The public Necessities call upon us to contract our charge, that we may be the sooner out of debt, and in a condition to make a new War; and tis not the keeping great Armies on foot that will inable us to do so, but putting our selves in a capacity to pay them. We have had the experience of this in eight years War; for we have not bin suc∣cessful against France in one Battel, and yet we have neighed it down by mere natural Strength, as I haxe seen a heavy Country Booby sometimes do a nimble Wrestler: and by the same Me∣thod (not our Policy, Occonomy, or Conduct) we must encoun∣ter them hereafter, and in order to it should put our selves in such Circumstances, that our Enemies may dread a new Quarrel, which can be no otherwise don, but by lessening our Expences, and paying off the public Ingagements as fast as we are able. 'Tis a miserable thing to consider that we pay near 4000000 l. a year upon the account of Funds, no part wherof can be apply'd to the public Service, unless they design to shut up the Exche∣quer; which would not be very prudent to own. I would ther∣fore ask som of our Men of Management; Suppose there should be a new War, how they propose to maintain it? For we all now know the end of our Line, we have nothing left but a Land-Tax, a Poll, and som few Excises, if the Parliament can be pre∣vailed upon to consent to them. And for once I will suppose, that all together, with what will fall in a Twelvemonth, will amount to 3000000 l. and a half, which is not probable; and we will complement them, by supposing they shall not in case of a new War give above fourteen or fifteen per cent. for Premiums and Interest, then the Remainder will be 3000000 l. I believe I may venture to say, they will not be very fond of lessening the Civil List, and lose their Salaries and Pensions. Then if we deduct 700000 pound per annum, upon that account there will be 2300000 pound per annum for the use of the War, if the People pay the utmost penny they are able; so that the Que∣stion will not be as in the last War, how we shall carry it on against France at large, but how 2300000 pound shall be dispos∣ed

of to the greatest advantage; which I presume every one will believe ought to be in a good Fleet.

This leads me to consider what will be the best, if not the only way of managing a new War in case of the King of Spain's death, and a new Rupture with France; and I will sup∣pose the Nation to be as perfectly free from all incumbrances as before the War. Most men at this time of day, I believe, will agree with me that 'tis not our business to throw Squibs in Flanders, send out vast Sums of Mony to have our Men play at bopeep with the French, and at best to have their brains beat out against stone Walls: but if a War is necessary there, 'tis our Interest to let the Dutch and Germans manage it, which is proper for their Situation, and let our Province be to undertake the Sea; yet if we have not wit and honesty enough to make such a bargain with them, but that we bring our selves again to a ne∣cessity of maintaining Armies there, we may hire Men from Germany for half the price we can raise them here, and they will be sooner ready than they can be transported from hence, that Country being full of Men, all Soldiers inured to Fatigue, and serving for much less pay than we give our own: besides, we shall carry on the War at the expence of others blood, and save our own People, which are the strength and riches of all Governments; we shall save the charge of providing for the Officers when the War is don, and not meet with such difficul∣ties in disbanding them.

There are som Gentlemen that have started a new method of making War with France, and tell us it will be necessary to send Forces to Spain to hinder the French from possessing that Coun∣try; and therfore we must keep them up here to be ready for that service: which by the way is acknowledging the Horse ought to be disbanded, since I presume they don't design to send them to Spain. But to give this a full Answer, I believe it is every ones opinion that there ought to be a strong Fleet kept up at Cales, or in the Mediterranean, superior to the French; and then 'twill be easier and cheaper to bring the Emperor's Forces by the way of Final to Spain, than to send Men from hence: and they are more likely to be acceptable there, being of the same Religion, and Subjects to the House of Austria; whereas

'tis to be feared our Men would be in as much danger from that bigotted Nation as from the French: besides, the King of Potugal is arming for his own defence, and a sum of Mony well disposed there, will enable him to raise double the Forces upon the spot as can be sent from hence with the same charge.

But for once I will admit it necessary we should send Forces both to Flanders and Spain; yet 'tis no consequence that we must keep up a Standing Army in England till that time coms. We may remember Chrles the 2d rais'd between 20 and 30000 Men to fight against France in less than forty days; and the Regi∣ments this King raised the first year of his Reign were compleat∣ed in a very short time: fart I am of opinion, that a new Army may be raised, before Ships and Provisions will be ready for their transportation, at least if the management is no better than 'twas once upon a time; and perhaps it may happen that the King of Spain will not die in the summer time, and then we shall have the winter before us. We may add to this, that the King of France has disbanded a great many men, that his Country now lies open in a great many places; that the Germans and Dutch keep great numbers of Men in constant pay; and in all probability there will be a Peace with the Turks: That Portugal and the Italian Princes must enter into the Confe∣deracy in their own defence; and that the French will lie under an equal necessity to raise Forces with a much less Country than in the former War, to oppose such a mighty Union of Princes, who will attach him upon the first attemt he makes upon Spain.

And after all, what's the mighty Advantage we propose by keeping this Force? Why forsooth, having a small number of Men more (for the Officers will always be ready, and now a great part of the private Soldiers are to be rais'd in case of a new War) ready six Weeks sooner to attack France. And I durst almost appeal to these Gentlemen themselves, whether so small a Balance against France is equivalent to the hazard of our Liberties, destructiion of our Constitution, and the constant Ex∣pence of keeping them up, to expect when the King of Spain will be pleased to die.

If these Gentlemen are really afraid of a new War, and don't use it as a Bugbear to fright us out of our Liberties, and to gain

their little party-Ends, the way to bring the People into it hear∣tily, is to shew them that all their Actions tend to the public Advantage, to lessen the National Expences, to manage the Revenue with the greatest frugality, to postpone part of their own Salaries, and not grow rich while their Country grows poor, to give their hearty Assistance for appropriating the Irish Lands gain'd by the Peoples Blood and Sweat to the public Service, as was promis'd by his Majesty, and not to shew an un∣happy Wit in punishing som Men, and excusing others for the same fault, and spend three Months in Intrigues how to keep up a Standing Army to the dread of the greatest part of the Nati∣on: for let them fancy what they please, the People will never consent to the raising a new Army till they are satisfied they shall be rid of them when the War is don; and there is no way of convincing them of that, but the disbanding these with wil∣lingness. When we see this don, we shall believe they are in earnest, and the People will join unanimously in a new War; otherwise there will always be a considerable part of the Nation (whatever personal Honor they have for his Majesty, or fears of France) that will lie upon the Wheels with all their weight, and do them more harm than their Army will do them good.

To conclude, we have a wise and virtuous Prince, who has al∣ways indeavor'd to please his People by taking those Men into his Councils which they have recommended to him by their own Choice; and when their Interest has declin'd, he has gratified the Nation by turning them out. I would therfore give this seasonable advice to those who were once call'd Whigs, that the way to preserve their Interest with his Majesty is to keep it with the People; that their old Friends will not desert them till they desert their Country, which when they do, they will be left to their own proper Merits: and tho I am not much given to be∣lieving Prophecys, yet I dare be a Prophet for once, and foretel that then they will meet with the fate of King Phys. and King Ʋsh. in the Rehearsal, Their new Masters will turn them off, and no Body else will take them.

THE END.