State tracts, being a farther collection of several choice treaties relating to the government from the year 1660 to 1689 : now published in a body, to shew the necessity, and clear the legality of the late revolution, and our present happy settlement, under the auspicious reign of their majesties, King William and Queen Mary.

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Title
State tracts, being a farther collection of several choice treaties relating to the government from the year 1660 to 1689 : now published in a body, to shew the necessity, and clear the legality of the late revolution, and our present happy settlement, under the auspicious reign of their majesties, King William and Queen Mary.
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London :: Printed and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin ...,
1692.
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Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1689-1702.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A61358.0001.001
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"State tracts, being a farther collection of several choice treaties relating to the government from the year 1660 to 1689 : now published in a body, to shew the necessity, and clear the legality of the late revolution, and our present happy settlement, under the auspicious reign of their majesties, King William and Queen Mary." In the digital collection Early English Books Online 2. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A61358.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 16, 2024.

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Debates in the House of Commons, Jan. 7. 1680. upon His Maje∣sties Message.

The First Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

HIS Majesties relies not only on the Dictates of his own Judgment, but is confir∣med by the Judgment of the House of Lords; but many of them have gained their Honour by Interest rather than Merit. His Majesty hath given no Answer to several of your Addresses; when you say nothing can secure you but this Bill, that he should propose other means; but if we have not the Bill, we are deprived of the means

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to preserve His Majesties Life, Person and Government. I never knew that Tangier was more considerable than all the Three Kingdoms: Is it time to be silent, or not? Why is all this stir for a Man that desires the Throne before His Majesty is dead? He is in all the Plot, either at one end or other: who took evidence of London Fire? Ar∣bitrary Power was at the end; and no Religion like Popery to set up: That I will pay the Duty and Allegiance of an English-man, to an English Prince: But Popery and Ar∣bitrary Power must be rooted out. Can you hope for any Good while this Man is Heir, an Apostate from his Religion; his Government is the most dangerous: Our Mi∣nisters of State give us little hopes from Whitehall; I hope they will be Named; First set a Brand on all them that framed the Answer, and all them that shall lend Money by way of Anticipation; desire him to take Advice of His Parliament, rather then pri∣vate Men, or to let us go home, and attend His Service when he shall again call for us.

The Second Speech by another Person of Hour.

I am afraid we are lost, we have done our Parts, shewed our selves good Subjects; but some stand between the King and us to promote the Duke of York's Interest; Those that advised the King not to pass the Bill, deserve to be Branded.

The Third Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

We have made the modestest Request that ever People did in such a time of Dan∣ger: we have neither passed a Bill, nor obtained a kind Answer; our Trust must be in our Votes: When the King bid us look into the Plot, like well-meaning Countrey-Gentlemen, we looked into the Tower; we should have looked into Whitehall, There the Plot is hatched, cherished and brought up: It would be well, if all against the Bill were put out of Councel, and all of this House were put out of Commission that were for it: I had rather the Moors had Tangier, the French King Flanders, than the Pope had Eugland.

The Fourth Speech by a Person of Honour.

I think the Debate is upon a Message from the King; and the most especial part is about the Bill; I concur with that Noble Person, rather than with all the rest; But begin with the first, his Majesty hath suffered us twice to address upon the Bill; yet the Lords have not admitted one Conference; I believe every man came unwillingly into this Bill; have any that were against it proposed any thing for our Security, if they will, let them stand up, and I will sit down: I have advised with Men that know the Laws, Religion and Government; they say, if you will preserve this Govern∣ment, this Law, this Bill must pass: We have received no expedient from the Lords; the State of the Nation lies at their Door: they sit to hear Causes, they mind you of Mr. Seymour, but say nothing of the Bills. In Richard the Second his Time, some Lords were said to be Lords in the King's Pocket, but had no shoulders to support him. It's plain our evil comes from evil Ministers. There are some that will have a Prince of one Religion on the Throne, to rule the People of another; a Popish Prince and a Protestant Kingdom, will any Ministers of parts, unless they have an indifferency of Religion, think this consistent? I dedicate my Allegiance to the King, they to another Person, so the Kingdom must be destroy'd, either this limited Monarchy must stand, or come to Blood; on the other side Water-Monarchy is abso∣lutely supported by little men of no Fortune, and he that takes mean and low men to make Ministers of, sets up for Popery and Arbitrary Government: The King hath Counsels born; if you have a Popish Prince, and a Protestant Parliament, will the King ever concur with them in matters of Religion and Property, are not your Estates sprinkled with Abbey-Lands? If he asks Money, will you trust him? must Foreign∣ers comply with a Prince that in effect hath no People? We must be overcome with France and Popery, or the Body will get a new Head, or the Head a new Body.

The Fifth Speech by a Person of Honour.

The House was unwilling at first to enter into a Debate about Expedients, and I am not prepared to propound them; any thing you have heard proposed by the King in Print, if you had them they will do you no harm: One day you say the King had been a good Prince, if he had good Company and good Councils; no great Complement to the King, he offers you any thing but the Bill, I humbly make my motion to try it.

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The Sixth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

I think it becomes that Gentleman very well to be of the Opinion he is, though no man else in this House. I wish the D. was of that Opinion his Father desired him. The Lords rejected the Bill, but I am afraid the King solicited, or else they would not; it's some mens interest to be for the D. but while they are at Court, we shall never have it: Foreign Persons have given Influence at Court, the French Ministers access to Court, inclines me to believe some body is paid for it: The Court is a Nurcery of Vice; they transmit them into the Countrey, and none but such men are imployed.

The Seventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

The Question now before you is, Whether any other means be effectual besides the Bill; I have heard none proposed in this Parliament; the last Parliament thought not fit to debate them, they were so weak, but hath this Plot been no longer than 1678. We gave 250000 l. to fight the Dutch, and assist them that had a Design to subdue us, and the Protestant Religion, which is not well settled. Have all the Laws been put in Ex∣ecution against the Papists? But a few Apprentices going to pull down a Bawdy-house, with a Red Cloth on a Pole, was made Treason, but what hath been done with the Plot in the intervals of Parliament. The Lords have confirmed the King in his Opi∣nion; but did not the Proviso for the D. come from the Lords House; I believe the Lords do not fear him; but I believe the Plot is more dangerous than ever. To rely upon any Remedy but this Bill, will expose your Selves and your Religion.

The Eighth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

You have heard several Propositions, but first make an end of one. It is long since we thought in this House we were not secure without the Bill, some have not yet con∣sidered of it, and I think we never shall. To make an Act of Association against the D. is to say, Let him be lawful King, and then fight against him. Another way is Banishment, if it be during the Kings life; truly you run into more dangers, rather then remove them; if you talk of Banishment during the D. Life, that is Exclusion: if the D. be a Papist, exclude all Papists from inheriting. Some talk of an Act pass, they would not satisfie their Consciences, I am sure a Vote to Exclude him will not. Popery encrea∣ses upon hopes the D. may come to the Crown? we ought to take care of this Pre∣sumption; Will not Papists expect to have their Religion established when the D. is next: I wonder men will pretend to plead for Loyalty to one, that they may never come to use it; some say, Cannot the D. change his Religion? Must not the Two Hou∣ses joyn? Did not Queen Mary do it, Regis ad Exemplum, most will conform. To make Arguments of this Bill is to lessen it; the King bids you go on to other things; let's declare all other things are ineffectual without this Bill; We cannot think our selves safe; to rely on any thing else, is not only insufficient but dangerous.

The Ninth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

Now I see the House is full, so considerate, I am bound to give my Thoughts. The Reason, the Verity of the Bill hath formerly been debated, and Precedents are Print∣ed to shew it hath been done. It will be a Reproach to us when dead in our Graves, if we do not whatever any Parliament did to preserve Religion. When we received the Kings Message, I was perswaded he was over-ruled by other men; for he saith, What shall come in a Parliamentary Way; how comes the King to know what's done in Parlia∣ment? When Clifford set up bare-fac'd for Popery, he brought the King to come fre∣quently to the House of Lords. Cranmer saith, That King Henry the Eighth, passed the Act of 6 Articles in an Un-Parliamentary way, by the Kings coming and solliciting. Henry the Fourth in a Record called, The Indempnity of the Peers and Commons, the King be∣ing in haste for Money, sends a Message, desires he may debate the matter with them, they return Answer, Parliaments ought to debate free. It's entred into the Rolls, That the King shall neither come to one House or other: Danby's solliciting could not move them, the King comes and he prevails: Some Lords have little Estates, some little Consciences, some less Religion. The King calls it an Opinion, and tells you he is confirmed in it by the House of Lords; he may come to take up other Resolutions, if the Parliament go a∣way and leave this work undone: The King is in the highest Danger, though some men think they shall be accounted Loyal for opposing an Act of Parliament; it is but a

Page 91

Nick-name. King James in his Speech, 1603, thought it his Security to comply with his Parliament: Nay, He would betray his Country and Posterity in not doing it. Re∣member what care the last King took to have his Posterity maintain the Protestant Religi∣on. Remember Queen Mary broke her Word for Conscience sake every day; a Security would draw me from the Bill. Queen Elizabeths Association against the Queen of Scots in the Act of Parliament was an Exclusion, she was but a Woman, but had wise Coun∣sellors; Prelates then did not fear the frown of a Prince. Surely when the King sees so many Gentlemen of this House so firm, he will take their Advise, and Prorogue them, and then pass the Bill. I find not a Man that hath understanding, but saith, We are undone without it; We have not Compounded yet for our Throats, as some at White∣hall have done, there is no next best; the only way to preserve the Protestant Religion is to pass the Bill, what is as secure as this, must be amounting to Exclusion; We can't save his Personal Dignity, but with the loss of our Laws and Lives too. I would to God the King knew how well this House doth love him.

The Tenth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

Consider whether the Dis-inheriting of a lawful Prince be Injustice or not; or whe∣ther we ought not rather to trust to the Providence of Almighty God.

The Eleventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman.

I should be glad the last Gentleman would make it good, that we are to trust to the Providence of Almighty God, rather than do, as he supposes, an unlawful Act; but can he prove it unlawful; can the King, Lords and Commons do an unlawful Act? must we not have a Supream Power? But to hint it to something, is to say, it is not Supream; was there not Machinations every year against Queen Elizabeth, but she took away the Scotch Queen. I wonder we have this Answer, till I consider who is at the Kings Ear, and have had an Interest carried on so long. The denial of this, is the de∣nial of every thing; you see where there are divers Medicines, yet but one conducing to the end; you shall have a Popish King, if that be allowed, with Power to compel and corrupt you, you shall have what you will to protect you, but you shall be under the power of one to destroy you. The Frogs must have a Government, but they must have a Stork for their King. Samson's Locks will be grown again by that time he comes in; There is a Lion in the Lobby, keep him out say I, no says some, open the Door, we will chain him when he's come in: Would you have a King that would neither court you nor protect you; you would have a Parliament to make Judges and Bishops, then sure the Long-House will be Jure divino; you can have no Security under the Copes of Heaven with∣out this Bill.

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