State tracts, being a farther collection of several choice treaties relating to the government from the year 1660 to 1689 : now published in a body, to shew the necessity, and clear the legality of the late revolution, and our present happy settlement, under the auspicious reign of their majesties, King William and Queen Mary.

Reflexions on Monsieur Fagel's Letter.

SIR,

I Shall endeavour to Answer yours as fully and briefly as possible.

1. You desire to know whether the Letter I sent you be truly Monsieur Fagel's or not.

2. Whether their Highnesses gave him Commission to Write it.

3. How far the Dissenters may rely on their Highnesses word.

4. What effects it has on all sorts of People.

Sir, Roman Catholicks may be pardoned if they endeavour to make that Letter pass for an Imposture, it is their Interest so to do, and they are seldom wanting to promote that, let the methods be never so indirect which they are forced to make use of: It does indeed spoil many hopeful Projects of theirs. But how any Protestant among us can really doubt the truth of it, is strange to me. Some things carry their own evidence along with them, I take this Letter to be one of that kind. I do not desire you to believe me upon my bare affirmation that I know it to be genuine, (tho this be most true) but shall offer, my Reasons to convince you that it cannot be otherwise.

First, The Letter is like its Author, the matter is weighty, the Reasoning solid, the Stile grave, full and clear, like that of a Lawyer: It has an Air all over, which as well shews the Religion and Temper of its Writer, as the Matter and Method of it do his Capacity and Judg∣ment. Now all these Qualities make up the Character of Monsieur Fagel.

Secondly, There are the same grounds to believe this Letter to be M. Fagel's as there are to believe any thing you have not seen, Viz. The constant Asseverations of Persons of undoubted Credit that come from Holland, who all agree in it, and assure us of it. M. Fagel own'd it to several English Gentlemen, and many both here and in Holland knew two Months ago that such a Letter was written; a Forgery would before this time have been detected, especially such a one as ruines the Designs of the Triumphing Party.

Thirdly, It was written by M. Fagel in answer to Letters from Mr. Stewart, sent by his Ma∣jesties special Orders, and Mr. Stewart had both an English and Latin Copy sent him: There∣fore the English Copy is not called a Translation, but it is a sort of Original: For you are not to doubt but the matter was ordered so, that her Royal Highness might peruse it as well as his Majesty.

In the next place, you would know whether their Highnesses gave Order to Monsieur Fagel to write it.

I wish Sir; you would take the pains to read the Letter over again, and consider who this Monsieur Fagel is; He is Pensionary of Holland, and first Minister of State, raised to that Digni∣ty by the Prince's Favour, he Answers Letters written to him, which are ordered by his Ma∣jesty to be Communicated to their Highnesses, In his Answer, he gives an Account of their Highnesses Opinions about the Repeal of the Penal Laws and Test; matters of a National Concern, and of the greatest Importance. Now you must have a strange Opinion of Monsi∣eur Fagel, if you think him capable of so great an indiscretion (or rather Imposture) as to write such a Letter of his own Head. The Letter it self Demonstrates, that whoever writ it is no Fool, and the Circumstances I have marked show that he is no Knave. And indeed the Substance of it is not new, it only repeats to his Majesty the same Answer which the Prince and Princess had formerly given to his Majesties Envoy there.

In short, you may leave the whole Matter to this plain Issue: If this Letter be a false one, it will be disowned; if a true one, it will be owned. Their Highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the Light. It is evident, they did not intend the Matter of it should be a Secret, having told it to Monsieur D' Albeville, as often as he (in his discreet VVay) necessita∣ted them to do it. But how it came to be printed, I cannot inform you justly; however you shall have my Conjecture.

I remember, as soon as it was noised about Town, that Mr. Stewart had received a Letter of such a Nature from Monsieur Fagle, care was taken, that the VVriter of the common News Letters, which are dispersed over the Kingdom, should insert in them, that their Highnesses had declared themselves for the Repeal of the Test. This Pia Fraus might, I suppose, give occasion to the printing of the Letter, as the VVisdom and Policy of our States-men (in putting Mr. Stewart on writting such Letters) had procured 〈◊〉〈◊〉: I say Letters, for Monsieur Fagel had five or six on that Subject, before he answered, so unwilling were they in Holland to return an An∣swer, since they could not give one that was pleasing, or do any thing that looked like medling.

The third thing you desired to be satisfied in, is, Whether the Dissenters may re••y on their High∣nesses Word. I am as apt to mistrust Princes Promises, as you are. But shall now give you my Reasons, why I think the Dissenters may safely do it. And at the same time, because of the Affinity of the Matter, I will tell you why I think we may all rely on their Highness for

our Civil Liberties, as well as the Dissenters may do for Liberty of Conscience. Much of what I have to say is equally applicable to them both, yet because I know you have had an Account of Her Royal Highness, better than I can give you, I shall for the most part, speak only of the Prince.

My first Reason is the certainest of all Reasons, That it will be His Highnesses Interest to settle Matters at Home, which only can be done by a Legal Tolleration or Comprehension in Matters of Religion; and by restoring the Civil Liberties of the Nation, so much invaded of late. That this will be his Interest is evident, if his Designs lye abroad, as it's certain they do. Designs at home and abroad at the same time, are so inconsistent, that we see his Majesty, tho raised above his Fears at home by his late Victory; and invited abroad by all that can excite his Appetite for Glory, cannot reconcile them: The Truth is, one that would undertake it, is in the same Condition with Officers that beat their Men to make them fight, they have Ene∣mies before and behind.

But you may happily object, that Princes do not always follow their true Interests, of which it is not difficult in this Age to give several fatal Instances. I answer, That it is to be presumed that Princes, as well as other Men, will follow their Interests till the contrary appear; and if they be of an Age to have taken their Fold, and have till such an Age kept firm to their In∣terests, the Presumption grows strong; but if their Inclinations, the Maxims of their Families, the Impressions of their Education, and all their other Circumstances to side with their Interest, and lead them the same way, it is hardly credible they should ever quit it. Now this being the present Case, we have all the certainty that can be had in such Matters.

The Prince of Orange has above these 15 years given so great proof of his Firmness and Reso∣lution, as well as of his Capacity and Conduct in opposing the Grand Ravisher (I may add the Betrayers too) of Liberty and Religion, that he is deservedly (by all impartial Men) owned to be the Head of the Protestant Interest: A Headship, which no Princes but the Kings of En∣gland should have, and none but they would be without it.

Now one may rationally conclude, That when the Prince shall joyn to his present Possession of this Headship, a more natural Title, by being in a greater Capacity to act, he will not de∣grade himself, nor lay aside Designs and Interests, which ought to be the Glory of England, as they are indeed the Glory of his Family, acquired and derived to him by the Blood of his An∣cestors, and carried on and maintained by himself with so much Honour and Reputation.

I might add here, That the Prince is a Man of a sedate, even Temper, full of Thoughts and Reflections: one that precipitates neither in Thinking, Speaking, nor Acting; is cautious in resolving and promising, but firm to his Resolutions, and exact in observing his Word: Inform your self, and you'll find this a part of his Character, and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his Inclinations.

Now as to the Maxims of his Family, let us compare them a little where it may be decently done.

The French King broke his Faith to his Protestant Subjects, upon this single Point of Vain glory, that he might shew the World he was greater than most of his Predecessors; who tho they had the same Inclinations, were not potent enough to pursue them effectually, as he has done to the everlasting Infamy of his Name and Reign. The Maxims of the French Kings have been, how to outvie each other in Robbing their Neighbours, and Oppressing their Sub∣jects by Perfidiousness and Cruelty. But those of the Family of Orange, on the contrary, have been, to Rescue Europe from its Oppressors, and maintain the Protestant Interest, by Vertue, Truth, Honour and Resolution; knowing that such Methods are as necessary to make Prote∣stant Princes and States flourish, as Vice and Oppression are to maintain Popish Government.

No Popish Prince in Europe can pretend to have kept his Word to his Protestant Subjects, as the Princes of Orange have always done to their Popish Subjects at Orange, and elsewhere; and the Papists have often broke their Word to that Family, and have been and are its declared Ene∣mies; and tho the Princes two Great Grand-Fathers, Admiral Coligny, and Prince William, were as∣sassinated by the Authority, and with the Approbation of that whole Party, yet it cannot be made appear, that ever the Princes of that Family failed in keeping their Word, even to such Enemies, or used their own Popish Subjects the worse for it, in making distinction between them and their other Subjects, or influenced the States to use theirs so: I say the States, who a low their R. C. Subjects all the Priviledges of their other Subjects, only they are kept by a Test from having any share in the Government, which is truly a Kindness done them, considering that ill-natured humour of destroying all those that differ from them, which is apt to break out when that Religion is in Power.

Now the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of England may justly expect all sort of Protection and Countenance from the Succe•••••••• 〈…〉〈…〉 it's their Turn to give it, they have a legal Right to it, and impartial Dissenters 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••••ledge, that of late they have deserved it.

But as 〈…〉〈…〉 Protestant Dissenters, I think no honest Man amongst them will apprehend, that their 〈…〉〈…〉, who keep their Word to their Popish Enemies, will break it to Prote∣stant Subject•• 〈…〉〈…〉 from the publick Establishment.

The next thing I am to make good, is, That his Highnesses Education must have infused such Principles as side with his Interest: There must be a fatal Infection in the English Crown, if Matters miscarry in his Highnesses Hands, his Veins are full of the best Protestant Blood in the VVorld. The Reformation in France grew up under the Conduct and Influence of Coligni. Prince William founded the Governmtnt of the United Netherlands on the Basis of Property and Liberty of Conscience, his Highness was bred, and lives in that State which subsists and flou∣rishes by adhering steadily to the Maxims of its Founder.

He himself, both in his publick and private Concerns, as well in the Government of his Fa∣mily, and of such Principalities as belong to him, as in that of the Army, and in the Dispensing of that great Power which the States have given him, has as great regard to Justice, Vertue and true Religion, as may compleat the Character of a Prince, qualified to make those he go∣verns happy.

It does not indeed appear, that their Highnesses have any share of that devouring Zeal which hath so long set the VVorld on Fire, and tempted thinking Men to have a Notion of Religion it self, like that we have of the ancient Paradice, as if it had never been more than an interced Blessing, but all who have the Honour to know their Highnesses and their Inclinations in Mat∣ters of Religion, are fully satisfied they have a truly Christian Zeal, and as much as is consistent with Knowledge and Charity.

As to his Highnesses Circumstances, they will be such when his Stars make way for him, as may convince our Scepticks, that certain persons, times and things, are prepared for one ano∣ther. I know not why we may not hope, that as his Predecessors broke the York of the House of Austria from off the Neck of Europe; The Honour of breaking that of the House of Bourbon is reserved for him. I am confident the Nation will heartily joyn with him in his just Resent∣ments. Resentments which they have with so much Impatience long'd to find, and have miss••d with the greatest Indignation in the Hearts of their Monarchs.

His Highness has at present, a greater Influence on the Councils of the most part of the Prin∣ces of Christendom, than possibly any King of England ever had. And this acquired 〈…〉〈…〉 weight of his own personal Merit, which will no doubt grow up to a glorious Authority, when it is cloathed with Sovereign Power. May I here mention (to lay the Jealousies of the most unreasonable of your Friends) that his Highness will have only a borrowed Title, which we may suppose will make him more cautious in having Designs at Home, and his wanting Chil∣dren (to our great Misfortune) will make him less solicitous to have such Designs.

But after all, it must be acknowledged, that in Matters of this Nature, the Premises may seem very strong, and yet the Conclusion not follow. Humane Infirmities are great, Tempta∣tions to Arbitrariness are strong, and often both the Spirit and Flesh weak. Such fatal Mis∣takes have been made of late, that the Successors themselves may justly pardon Mens jealousies. A VVidow that has had a bad Husband, will cry on her VVedding-day, though she would be married with all her Heart. But I am confident you will grant to me, that in the Case of the present Successors, the Possibilities are as remote, and the Jealousies as ill grounded, and that there is as much to ballance them, as ever there was to be found in the prospect of any Succes∣sors to the Crown of England. Now may I add, To conclude the Reasons that I have given you, why we may depend on their Highnesses, that I know considerable Men, who after great En∣quiry and Observation, do hope that their Highnesses (being every way so well qualified for such an end) are predestinated (if I may speak so) to make us happy in putting an end to our Dif∣ferences, and in fixing the Prerogative, and in recovering the Glory of the Nation, which is so much sunk, and which now (when we were big with Expectations) we find sacrificed to un∣happy partialities in matters of Religion.

The last thing you desire to know, is, What Effect this Letter has had? But it is not yet old enough for me to judge of that, I can better tell you what Effects it ought to have. I find the moderate wise Men of all Perswasions are much pleased with it.

I know Roman Catholiks that wish to God Matters were setled on the Model given in it; they see the great Difficulty of getting the Test Repealed: And withal, they doubt whether it is their Interest that it should be repealed or not: They fear needy violent Men might get into Employments who would put his Majesty on doing things that might ruine them and their po∣sterity. They are certainly in the right of it. It is good to provide for the worst. A Revolu∣tion will come with a VVitness; and its like it may come before the Prince of Wales be of Age to manage an unruly Spirit, that I fear will accompany it. Humane Nature can hardly digest what it is already necessitated to swallow, such provocations even alters mens Judgments. I find that Men, who otherways hate severity, begin to be of Opinion that Queen Elizabeths Lenity to the R. C's proves now Cruelty to the Protestants. The whole Body of Protestants in the Na∣tion, was lately afraid of a Popish Successor, and when they reflected on Queen Maries Reign, thought we had already sufficient Experience of the Spirit of that Religion; and took Self pre∣servation to be a good Argument for preventing a second Tryal. But now a handful of Roman Catholicks, perhaps reflecting on Queen Elizabeths Reign, are not, it seems, afraid of Protestant

Successors. But if some Protestants at that time, from an Aversion to the Remedy, hop'd that the Disease was not so dangerous as it proves. I am confident at present, all Protestants are agreed, that henceforward the Nation must be saved, not by Faith. And therefore I would advise the R. C's. to consider that Protestants are still Men, that late Experiences at home, and the Cruelties of Popish Princes abroad, has given us a very terrible Idea of their Religion. That Opportunity is precious and very slippery, and if they let the present Occasion pass by, they can hardly ever hope that it will be possible for them to recover it. That their Fathers and Grand-fathers would have thought themselves in Heaven to have had such an Offer as this is, in any of the four last Reigns, and therefore, that they had better be contented with Half a Loaf, than no Bread. I mean, it will be their VVisdom to embrace this Golden Occasion of putting themselves on a Level with all other English Men, at least as to their private Capacity; and to disarm once for all, the severity of those Laws; which if ever they should come to be in good earnest executed by a Protestant Successor, will make England too hot for them: And therefore I should particu∣larly advise those among them, who have the Honour to approach his Majesty, to use their Credit to prevail with him to make this so necessary a step in Favour of the Nation; since the Successors have advanced two Thirds of the way for effecting so good and pious a VVork. Then, and not till then, the R. C's may think themselves secured, and his Majesty may hope to be great by translating Fear and Anger from the Breasts of his Subjects, to the Hearts of his Own and the Nations Enemies.

But if an evil Genius (which seems to have hovered over us now a long time) will have it otherwise; if I were a R. C. I could meddle no more, but live quiet at home, and caress my Protestant Neighbours; and in so doing, I should think my self better secured against the Re∣sentments of the Nation, than by all the Forces, Forts, Leagues, Garranties, and even Men Children, that His Majesty may hope to leave behind him.

As for the Protestant Dissenters, I am confident the Body of them will continue to behave themselves like Men, who, to their great Honour have ever preferred the Love of their Coun∣try and Religion to all Dangers and Favours whatsoever, but there are both weak and interested Men among all great Numbers; I would have them consider how much the state of things is altered, upon the coming out of this Letter, for if hitherto they have been too forward in giv∣ing Ear to Proposals on this Mistake, that they could never have such a favorable Juncture, for getting the Laws against them repealed: I hope now they are undeceived, since the Successors have pawn'd their Faith and Honour for it, which I take to be a better security (as Matters go at present) than the so much talked of Magna Charta for Liberty of Conscience would be, tho got in a legal way, for our Judges have declared, That Princes can dispense with the Obliga∣tion of Laws, but they have not yet given their Opinion, that they can dispense with the Ho∣nour of their Word; nor have their Highnesses any Confessor to supply such an Omission.

However it is not to be charged on their Highnesses, if such a Magna Charta be not at present given them, provided the Test be let alone; but I fear the Roman Catholicks Zeal will have all or nothing; and the Test too must be repealed by wheedling the Dissenters to joyn with will∣ing Sheriffs in violating the Rights of Elections, which are the Root of the Liberties of En∣gland; prudent way of recommending their Religion to all true English Men.

But if any of the Dissenters be so destitute of Sense and Honesty, as to prefer a Magna Charta, so obtained, Void and Null in it self, to their own Honour and Conscience, to the Love and Liberties of their Countrey, to the present Kindness of all good Men, and their Countenance at another time, and above all, to the Favour and Word of the Successors, who have now so ge∣nerously declared themselves for them: We may pronounce, that they are Men abandoned to a reprobate Sence, who will justly deserve Infamy and the hatred of the Nation at present, and its Resentments hereafter. Is it possible, that any Dissenter, who either deserves or loves the Reputation of an honest Man, can be prevailed with by any pretences of Insinuations, how plausible soever, to make so odious and pernicious a Bargain, as that of buying a precarious pretended Liberty of Conscience, at the price of the Civil Liberties of their Country, and at the price of removing that, which under God, is the most effectual Bar to keep us from the Do∣minion of a Religion, that would, as soon as it could, force us to abandon our own, or reduce us to the miserable Condition of those of our Neighbours, who are glad to forsake all they have in the World, that they may have their Souls and Lives for a Prey.

As for the Church of England, their Clergy have of late opposed themselves to Popery, with so much Learning, Vigor, Danger and Success, that I think all honest Dissenters will lay down their Resentments against them, and look on that Church, as the present Bulwark and Honour of the Protestant Religion. I wish those high Men among them, who have so long appropriated to themselves, the Name and Authority of the Church of England, and have been made Instruments to bring about Designs, of which their present Behaviour convinces me, they were ignorant, as I suppose many of the Dissenters are, whose turn it is now to be the Tools.

I say, I wish such Men would consider, to what a pass they have brought Matters by their Violences, or rather the Violences of these whose Property they were, and at length be wise;

They cannot but be sensible of the Advantages they receive by this Letter. I suppose they ap∣prehend (I am sure they ought to do it) that the Ruine of their Church is resolv'd on•• But if the Dissenters upon this Letter withdraw themselves, the R. C's. have neither Hearts to keep firm to such a Resolution, nor Hands to execute it.

Since therefore they themselves have unhappily brought their Church into such Precepices by provoking the Dissenters, it is in a particular manner their Duty, as well as their Interest, to en∣deavour to soften them, by assisting the Letter, and promoting the Design of it.

But if the old Leaven still remain, and they continue to argue as formerly, if the Surplice be parted with, the Church of England is lost; if the Penal Laws be repealed, the Test w•••• follow: and comfort themselves with this most Christian Reflection, that the R. C•••• will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 accept of what is offered them; such Men deserve all the Misery that is preparing for them, and will perish without Pity, and give thinking Men occasion to remember the Prove••••, But a Fool (or a Zealot) in a Mortar, yet his Foolishness will not depart from him. But the Disse•••••••• ought not to be much concerned at this, they have their own Bigots, and the Church ••••••∣land theirs, there will be Tools whilst there are Workmen.

This is a time for Wisdom to be justified of her Children, when honest Men 〈…〉〈…〉 off minding the lesser Interests of this or that particular Church, and joyn in 〈…〉〈…〉 com∣mon Interests of the Protestant Religion. And to conclude, I would 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Dissenters to make use of their best Judgment on this so critical an Occusion, wh•••• they will do, in my Opinion, in keeping close to the Contents of this Letter, by ends 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to obtain in a fair and legal way, such a Liberty to all Perswasions, as is the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Right of Free men, and as our Protestant Successors declare themselves willing to joyn in; and it those who have an equal, nay, a greater Interest than themselves, will not agree to such a Liberty, because they will be Masters or nothing; the Dissenters will have the Comfort of having discharged their own Consciences, as prudent Men and good Christians ought to do, and may safely trust God with the Event.

Sir, I thought I had made an end, but looking your Letter over again, I find I have forgot to answer a Reason or two you give, why you doubt whether the Letter be truly Mr. Fagels: You are informed (you say) that such and such Great Men doubted of it; but some might as well pretend to doubt of the Truth of that Letter (though they knew it to be true) as believe her Majesty to be with Child, almost before she knew it her self; and that she was quick, when the Embryo, as Anatomists say, is not much above an inch long; I don't think that Popish Succes∣sors, like certain VVeeds, grow faster than others: The Persons you name may Trim, and presume on their Merit, least they might be thought capable of Resentment. A dangerous Re∣flection. I say their Merit: you have seen a long Relation of the great Services some (when they were in Power) did their Highnesses; it is bound up with a Relation of the true Causes of their Sufferings for their (or rather their Highnesses) Religion. You know even how one of them the last Summer payed them his Reverence with all the Respect and Humility of a due distance, and with the same Caution with which the Invincible Monarch fights out of Canon Shot. But Sir, though the Character of a Trimmer be ordinarily the Character of a prudent Man, there are Times and Seasons when it is not the Character of an honest Man.

I acknowledge, that since their Highnesses Marriage, nothing has hapned so much for the Good of the Protestant Interest as this Letter of Mr. Fagels, and if I had been either the Writer or Adviser of it, I should be very proud of it, and think the Nation much in my Debt. But Sir, that was not a very good Reason to make you doubt of it, for a good Cause will have its time, though not so often as a bad one, which hath ordinarily the Majority of its side.

I am confident at present we have all the reason in the World to expect it, for my own part, though I am neither young nor strong, I hope to live to see a Day of Jubilee in England for all that deserve it; when honest Men shall have the same Pleasure in thinking on these Times, that a Woman happily delivered hath in reflecting on the Pain and Danger she was in. But Knaves shall remember them, as I am told, the damned do their Sins, Cursing both them and themselves:

SIR,

I am Yours.

January the 12th. 1688.