The history of passive obedience since the Reformation

CHAP. III. The Doctrine of Passive Obedience in the Reign of Queen Mary.

SECT. I.

UPon the Death of King Edward VI. so prevalent were the two Families of Northumberland and Suffolk; that they made a great Party to oppose the legal Succession of the Right Heir, their abettors being countenanc'd, and encouraged by the last Te∣stament of King Edward; but, as * 1.1 Fuller rightly observes, the Will of the Duke of Northumberland; but whatever was done in defence of the Lady Jane Grey, was contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England; which taught her Children better, and more whol∣som Doctrine; and though Archbishop Cranmer were one of the Subscribers to that Will, and to the Letter sent after Edward the sixth's Death to Queen Mary; yet there is much to be said in Apology for him. For first, Cranmer ‖ 1.2 of all the Privy Council was the last that stood out, having at first positively refused to sign the Will; and after much reasoning, and many arguments urged for the Queens Illegitimation, required a longer time of deliberation; and at last, could be overcome by nothing, but the King's own restless importunity: To whom the Archbishop had (as he ought) a great regard, and this his resolution so prevail'd upon his Judges, that, though at first they committed him to the Tower with the Lady Jane, * 1.3 and the Duke of Northumberland's Sons for High Treason; yet, though they prosecuted his Fellow Prison∣ers on that Statute, they let fall their Action against him, and prosecuted him only for Heresie, to his great joy, as Fox relates it. The same ‖ 1.4 Author assuring us, that Dr. Heath, afterwards Archbishop of York, did affirm, to one of Archbishop Cranmer's Friends; that notwithstanding his Attainder of Treason, the Queens Determination at that time was, that Cranmer should only have been deprived of his Archbishoprick, and had a sufficient Living assign'd him — with commandment to keep his House without meddling in matters of Religion. Secondly, that the Archbishop was encou∣raged

so to do, * 1.5 by the Example of all the Nobles of the Realm, and the States and Judges (Sir James Hales only excepted, for the Lord Chief Justice Mountague had, after much ado, subscribed) the Lawyers especially assuring him, that it was no breach of his former Oath so to do. And it is well known, that if any thing exaspe∣rated Queen Mary against him, it was not the signing of King Edward's Will, but her Mother's Divorce, which Cranmer so actively promoted.

Thirdly, The Reasons were specious, both from * 1.6 Law and Policy, as they were then stiled that both the Sisters were declared illegiti∣mate, and that by Act of Parliament; and that were they not so, yet being but of the half Blood to the King, by the Law they could not succeed: nor could any Foreigner by the same Law. And that the Duchess of Suffolk had waved her Title, and then the Right was in the Lady Jane: that this was the only way to preserve the Nation from the Vassalage and Servitude of the Bishop of Rome; and from subjecting the Realm to Foreigners, if the Sisters should marry out of it.

Fourthly, * 1.7 Dr. Burnet affirms, that as nothing, but the King's own importunities could prevail on the Archbishop, so it's probable, that he signed it only as a Witness, and not as Counsellor, according to a Distinction then found out by Sir William Cecil, Secretary of State.

But lastly, This act was no Declaration of the Archbishop's Judgment in the Case of the Deprivation, Deposition, or resisting of Kings; against which he protested through the whole tenor of his life. He it was that was, if not the Author, * 1.8 yet the main Con∣triver, Approver and Publisher of the Book of the Reformation, the Ca∣techism, with the Book of Homilies, as also of the Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man. In which Books the Power of Kings, and the Necessity of Obedience, together with the wretched Estate of Re∣bels, and such as resist Authority is plainly set forth. He calls the In∣surrection against † 1.9 King John (as much as others magnifie it, and what followed it) plain Rebellion. And having contrary to that Truth suffered himself to be over-persuaded in this one particular, he publickly acknowledges to the World his Crime; and begs God's, and the Queen's pardon for what he had done; as appears by more than one of his Letters, which are preserved to this day, being set out by Miles Coverdale, Bishop of Exon, and some of them by John Fox; and by this in particular.

Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, to Queen Mary.

Most lamentably mourning, * 2.1 and moaning himself unto your Highness, Thomas Cranmer, altho unworthy either to write, or speak unto your Highness, yet having no person, that I know, to be Mediator for me, and knowing your pitiful Ears ready to hear all pitiful Complaints, and seeing so many before to have felt your abundant clemency in like case, and now constrain'd most lamen∣tably, and with most penitent and sorrowful heart, to ask mercy and pardon for my heinous Folly and Offence, in consenting, and following the last Will of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, your Grace's Brother, which Will, God knoweth, * 2.2 God he knoweth, I never liked, nor never any thing grieved me so much, as that your Grace's Brother did; and if by any means it had been in me to have letted the making of that Will, I would have done it; and what I said therein, as well to his Council, as to himself, divers of your Majesties Council can report, but none so well as the Marquess of Northampton, and the Lord Darcy—which two were then present at the Communication between the King's Ma∣jesty and me. I desired to talk with the King's Majesty alone, but I could not be suffered, and so I failed of my purpose; for if I might have communed with the King alone, and at good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from that purpose; but they being present, my labor was in vain. Then, when I could not dissuade him from the said Will, and both he and his Privy Council also informed me, that the Judges, and his Learned Council, said, That the Act of entailing the Crown, made by his Father, could not be prejudicial to him, but that he being in pos∣session of the Crown might make his Will thereof; this seemed very strange to me; but being the Sentence of the Judges, and other his Learned Council in the Laws of this Realm (as both he and his Council informed me) methought it became not me, be∣ing unlearned to the Law, to stand against my Prince therein; and so at length I was required by the King's Majesty himself to set my hand to his Will, saying, that he trusted, that I alone would not be more repugnant to his Will, than the rest of the Council were (which words surely grieved my heart very sore) and so I granted him to subscribe his Will, and to follow the same; which, when I had set my hand unto, I did it unfeignedly, and without dissimulation: for the which I submit my self most humbly unto your Majesty,

acknowledging mine Offence with most grievous and sorrowful Heart, and beseeching your mercy and pardon; which, my Heart giveth me, shall not be denied unto me, being granted before to so many, which travelled not so much to dissuade both the King and his Council, as I did. And whereas it is containad in two Acts of Parliament, as I understand, that I with the Duke of Northumberland should devise, and compass the Deprivation of your Majesty from your Royal Crown, surely it is untrue; for the Duke never opened his mouth unto me to move me any such matter, nor I him; nor his Heart was not such towards me (seek∣ing long time my Destruction) that he would either trust me in such a matter, or think that I would be persuaded by him. It was other of the Council that moved me, and the King himself, the Duke of Northumberland not being present. Neither before, nei∣ther after had I any privy communication with the Duke about that matter, saving, that openly, at the Council Table, the Duke said unto me, that it became not me to say to the King, as I did, when I went about to dissuade him from the said Will.

Now as concerning the State of Religion, as it is used in this Realm of England at this present; if it please your Higness to li∣cense me, I would gladly write my mind unto your Majesty. I will never, * 2.3 God willing, be Author of Sedition, to move Sub∣jects from the Obedience of their Heads and Rulers, which is an Offence most detestable. If I have uttered my mind to your Majesty, being a Christian Queen, and Governor of this Realm (of whom I am most assuredly persuaded, that your Gracious In∣tent, is above all other things, to prefer God's true Word, his Honor and Glory) if I have uttered, I say, my mind unto your Majesty, then I shall think my self discharged; for it lieth not in me, but in your Grace only, to see the Reformation of things that be amiss. To private Subjects it appertaineth not to reform things, but quietly to suffer that they cannot amend; yet nevertheless to shew your Majesty my mind in things appertaining unto God, me∣think it my Duty, knowing that I do, and considering the place which in times past I have occupied. Yet will I not presume thereunto without your Grace's Pleasure first known, and your Li∣cense obtained, whereof I, most humbly prostrate to the ground, do beseech your Majesty, and I shall not cease daily to pray to Almighty God for the good preservation of your Majesty from all Enemies, bodily and ghostly, and for the encrease of all Goodness, Heavenly and Earthly, during my life; as I do, and will do, whatsoever come of me.

From Oxford, Apr. 23.

And in his Letter to the Lords of the Council, * 2.4 a little before his Martyrdom, sent by Dr. Weston, and by him opened, and kept, he expresseth himself after the same manner:

In most humble wise sueth unto your Right Honorable Lordships, Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Queen's Highness for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know, by what means I was brought and trained unto the Will of our late Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, and what I spake against the same; wherein I refer me to the Reports of your Honors.

And if still this particular Act of the Archbishop be urged, as an Argument what his persuasion was as to the Rights of Monarchs, it may as well be argued, that Popery was then the true Religion, be∣cause he once signed the Articles of it; whereas his Recantation, and his voluntary burning of his Right Hand were a true Discovery of his disowning the one, as this his reiterated Application to the Queen for her pardon, is a demonstration of his renouncing the other.

SECT. II.

And as the Archbishop refused a long time to sign this Will; so the Lord Chief Justice * 2.5 Montague refused for a long time to draw it up, nor would at last be brought to a compliance, till he had his pardon sign'd for so doing, and had been called Traitor by the Duke of Northumberland for his refusal; his own Narrative, which Fuller hath published, declares,

That being an old weak man, and without comfort, in great fear and dread, as were his Brethren, with weeping eyes and sorrowful hearts they devised the said Book according to such Ar∣ticles as were devised with the King's proper hand above and be∣neath, and on every side, (he thinking in his Conscience, that the King never invented this matter of himself, but by some won∣derful false compass) Montague determining with himself to be no Executor of the said Device, whatsoever should chance of it. — Nor did he ever execute any Commission, Proclamation, or other Commandment from the Lady Jane, or her Council, but commanded his Son, and Heir, with twenty Men, to join himself with the Buckinghamshire Men for the Defence of Queen Mary.

By this it appears, that it was fear that swayed the greatest part of the Council, and Judges at that time; I say, the greatest part of the Judges, because

* Sir James Hales, one of the Justices of the

Common Pleas, * 2.6 carried the Honor of a resolute and constant Man; a Man both religious and upright, whom no importunity could prevail upon to subscribe contrary to both Law and Con∣science, and tho he was afterward most unworthily requited by Queen Mary for it, yet the Council would not find a Bill against him for High Treason upon this very account. He was a Man, * 2.7 says Fox, both favouring true Religion, and also an upright Judge, as any hath been noted in this Realm. Of both which excellent Qua∣lifications he gave a publick demonstration, in that after the Queen's countenancing and establishing of the Mass, he at a publick Assize in Kent gave Charge upon the Statutes made in the time of Henry the Eighth, and Edward the Sixth, for the Supremacy, and Religion: for which, notwithstanding he had adventured his Life in Queen Mary's Cause, in that he would not subscribe to the disheriting of her by the King's Will, he was imprisoned in the Marshalsea, Counter and Fleet, and cruelly handled.

It is true, the Severities of his Usage in Prison, and the frightful Accounts, which the Warden of the Fleet gave him, of the Tortures appointed for Hereticks, made him very melancholy, in as much as he was, as Fox continues his Story, being perverted by Dr. Day, Bishop of Chichester, * 2.8 &c. contented to say as they willed him (or as Bishop Ridley, in his Letter to Archbishop Cranmer, words it, he re∣canted, perverted by Dr. Moreman.) And so just sometimes are God's proceedings with even a good man, when he forsakes the ways of Truth, as to leave him to walk in the paths of his own chusing to his ruin: † 2.9 for the Consideration of this Apostacy so wrought upon him, that he attempted in Prison to dispatch himself with a Pen∣knife, and after his Releasement was found drowned in a small River.

SECT. III.

And having entered into this Story, I shall proceed a little fur∣ther to shew, how the Protestants of * 2.10 Suffolk were the Men, who first resorted to Queen Mary, when she was at Fremlingham Castle, and gave her such aid and assistance, as dispirited Northumberland and his Army, and baffled all the Designs of her Adversaries. And that it may be fully known, what Principles swayed those good Men to assist their lawful Prince, tho a known Papist (and of a se∣vere temper) against an Usurper (a profest Protestant, and of other most amiable Qualifications) it is worth the considering,

* 2.11 that when about the latter end of 1555, or the beginning of 1556, Commissioners were sent by Queen Mary and the Council into Norfolk and Suffolk, (among other Counties) to enquire of matters of Religion, an humble Supplication was exhibited by certain Inhabi∣tants of the County of Norfolk, wherein they profess, 'That they were poor men, but true, faithful and obedient Subjects, who as we have ever heretofore, so intend we with God's Grace, to continue in Christian Obedience unto the end; and (according to the word of God) with all reverend fear of God to do our bounden duty to all those superior Powers, whom God hath appointed over us, doing as S. Paul saith, * 2.12 Let every soul be subject, &c. — These Lessons (right honorable Commissioners) we have learned of the holy Word of God in our Mother Tongue, 1. That the Authority of a King, Queen, &c. is no tyrannical Usurpation, but a just, holy, lawful and necessary Estate for man to be g••verned by; and that the same is of God, the Fountain and Author of Righteousness. 2. That to obey the some in all things (not against God) is to obey God; and to resist them, is to resist God: * 2.13 therefore as to obey God in his Ministers and Magistrates bringeth life; so to resist God in them bring∣eth punishment and death. The same Lesson have we learn'd of S. Peter, saying, Be ye subject to all human Ordinances, &c. * 2.14 — After which, with the Resolution and Courage of true Christian Con∣fessors, they profess, That the Religion lately set forth by King Edward, is such, in our Consciences, as every Christian Man is bound to confess to be the Truth of God to embrace the same in heart, to confess it with mouth, and (if need require) lose and forsake, not only House and Land, &c. but also (if God will so call them) gladly to suffer all manner of Per∣secution, and to lose their Lives in the Defence of God's Word and Truth.— We have learned the holy Prayer made for the Queen's Majesty, wherein we learn, that her Power and Authority is of God, therefore we pray to God for her, that she, and all Magistrates under her, may rule according to God's Word. — We think, at present, the unquiet multitude had more need to have these things more often, and earnestly beaten and driven into them (especially given in many places to stir, and trouble) than to take from them that blessed Doctrin; whereby only they may to their Salvation be kept in quiet. — After which, reflecting upon the Assistance which they and the Suffolk Men gave the Queen against the Lady Jane Grey, they subjoin, We protest before God, we think, * 2.15 if the holy Word of God had not taken some root among us, * 2.16 we could not in times past have done that poor Duty of ours, which we did, in assisting the Queen, our most dear Sovereign, against her Grace's mortal Foe, that then sought her Destruction. It was our bounden Duty, and we thank

God for his Word and Grace, that we then did some part of our bounden service — all our Bodies, * 2.17 Goods, Lands and Lives are ready to do her Grace faithful Obedience, and true service of all Commandments, that are not against God and his Word. But in things that import denial of Christ, and refusal of his Word and Communion, we cannot consent or agree unto it; for we have bound our selves in Baptism to be Christ's Disciples, &c. — We learn that true Obedience is to obey God, King of all Kings, and Lord of all Lords; and for him, in him, and not against him and his Word, to obey the Princes and Magistrates of this World, who are not truly obeyed, * 2.18 when God is disobeyed, nor yet disobeyed, when God is faithfully obeyed. We think not good by any unlawful Stir or Commo∣tion to seek remedy; but intend, by God's Grace, to obey her Majesty in all things not against God and his holy Word. — If Persecution shall en∣sue (which some threaten us with) we desire the Heavenly Father (according to his promise) to look from Heaven, to hear our cry, to judge between us and our Adversaries, and to give us faith, strength and patience, to continue faithfully unto the end, and to shorten these evil days for his chosen's sake.

It is also remarkable, that the Generality of the common People stood firm to their Duty in those days, and that the Council them∣selves at last repented of what they had done, and proclaimed the Queen (as did also Northumberland at Cambridge) and when Sir Tho∣mas Palmer, * 2.19 who was condemned to die (with the Duke and Sir John Gates) was to be beheaded, and he professed his Faith, that he had learned in the Gospel, (which Dudley shamefully had re∣nounced, if he ever sincerely professed it) so he lamented, that he had not lived more Gospel-like; and I doubt not but he meant it of his Rebellion.

Nay, the Lady * 2.20 Jane her self averrs, that her death was hastened by her Father:

That she was innocent of the fact, being constrained, and continually assayed, that she only seemed to consent, and therein grievously offended the Queen,

and her Laws, (as did also her Father, the Duke of Suffolk, at his death, acknowledging,

That he had offended the Queen, and her Laws, and thereby was justly con∣demned to die, desiring all men to be obedient, and praying God, that his death might be an example to all men.) Having, as she says, out of Obedience to her Father and Mother, grievously sinned, and offered violence to her self. Averring further, that her inforced Honor never blended with her innocent Heart. * 2.21 — For as Fox observes, she and her Husband did but ignorantly accept that, which the others had willingly devised, and by open Proclamation consented to take from

others, and give to them.

By which last passage, * 2.22 and by his calling Sir Thomas Wyatt's Conspiracy a Rebellion (as it truly was, tho he be mistaken in saying it was enter'd into for Religion, as the first part of this History makes appear, Wyatt himself condemning it on the Scaffold, * 2.23 says Fuller) I am inclined to reckon that industrious Mar∣tyrologist among the other assertors of this truth; and having thus occasionally mentioned Sir Thomas Wyatt, I cannot but subjoyn my conjecture, that he was much swayed in his Undertaking, by a Book written by Theodore Basil, and publish'd Ann. 1543. dedicated to Wyatt, called The true Defence of Peace; wherein he magnifies the Love that every one owes to his Country, and how honorable it is to fight and dye for it.

And it is further observable, * 2.24 that when he and his Army came into Southwark, and sent word to Dr. Sands (Mr. Saunders, and other Preachers Prisoners there) that the Gates should be set open for them all, Dr. Sands answered, I was committed hither by Order, I will be discharged by like Order, or I will never depart hence; and so answered the rest, despising even Liberty it self from an unjust im∣prisonment, to which they were confin'd by their lawful Prince, when it was offer'd them by a Rebel. * 2.25—And when Sir William Saintloe was accus'd by the Council, that he knew of Wyatt's Re∣bellion; he protested he was a true man both to God and his Prince, defying all Traytors and Rebels: And the Lady Elizabeth (afterward Queen) acquitted herself with a becoming bravery of the same Accusation.

SECT. IV.

As Cranmer and Ridley were always dear Friends, Colleagues in the holy Episcopal Office and Dignity, and Fellow-Confessors and Martyrs; so did their Opinions exactly conspire in this Point. For in his * 2.26 Letter to Dr. Grindal, then at Francfort (afterward Archbi∣shop of Canterbury) Ann. 1555. he prays heartily for the happy De∣livery of Queen Mary (when it was generally believed she was with Child) tho he knew it would bring him the sooner to the Stake; — Post partum Reginae, quem jam quotidiè expectamus, quemque Deus pro sui nominis gloriâ dignetur benè illi fortunare, &c. i. e. After the lying in of the Queen, which we every day expect, and which may God for the glory of his Name vouchsafe to make happy to her; we shall then immediately look for nothing else, but a triumphant Crown of our Con∣fession in the Lord against our ancient Adversary: And by this he

made amends for his preaching up the Lady Janes Title at S. Paul's Cross, in which matter, as Bishop Godwin † 2.27 says, I wish, he had not erred.

To what hath been said of Saunders, Bradford, and others, in the first part of the History, may be added, that such as was their belief, when they were admitted to a Conference one with ano∣ther, such also was their Faith in this Point, when they singly gave their Judgment. Mr. Bradford in his Letter to the City of London, * 2.28 Feb. 11. 1555. My right dearly beloved, let us heartily be∣wail our Sins, repent us of our former evil life, heartily and earnestly purpose to amend our Lives in all things, continually watch in Prayer, diligently and reverently attend, hear, and read the holy Scriptures, la∣bor after our Vocation to amend our Brethren; let us reprove the Works of Darkness, let us fly from all Idolatry, let us abhor the Antichristian and Romish rotten Service, detest the Popish Mass, forsake their Ro∣mish God, prepare our selves to the Cross, be obedient to all that be in authority in all things, that be not against God and his word; for then answer with the Apostles, * 2.29 It is more meet to obey God than man; howbeit, never for any thing resist, or rise against the Magistrates; avenge not your selves, but commit your Cause to the Lord, to whom Vengeance pertaineth, and he in his time will reward it.

And when Weston told Bradford how the People were by him procur'd to withstand the Queen, * 2.30 Bradford answering again, bad him Hang him up as a Traytor and a Thief, if ever he encouraged any to Rebellion.—And in the Postscript to his Mother, Brethren, and Sisters, he exhorts them to be obedient to the higher Powers, that is, In no Point, either in hand, or tongue, rebel, but rather, if they command that, which with good Conscience you cannot obey, lay your Head on the Block, and suffer whatsoever they shall do or say; by Patience possess your Souls. And of the Will of King Edward the Sixth, * 2.31 he gives his opinion in his Letter to Sir J. Hales, wherein after he had given him excellent Advice, and set forth the Advan∣tages of Persecution for a good Cause, and commended him, that he judged after Faith's fetch (as he stiles it) and the effects or ends of things, looking not on the things which are seen, but on the things which are not seen; he adds, Let the Worldlings weigh things, and look upon the Affairs of Men with their worldly and corporal Eyes, as did many in subscription of the King's last Will; and therefore they did that, for the which they beshrew'd themselves: But let us look on things with other man¦ner of Eyes, as (God be prais'd) you did, in not doing that which you were desired, and driven at to have done: You then beheld things, not as a man,

but as a man of God, &c. * 2.32—And in his Admonition to certain pro∣fessors and lovers of the Gospel, to beware they fall not from it, in consenting to the Romish Religion: Among other holy Exhorta∣tions and Cautions, my dearly beloved repent, be sober, and watch in Prayer, be obedient, and after your Vocations shew your Obedience to the higher Powers in all things that are not against God's Word, therein acknowledg the sovereign Power of the Lord; howbeit, so that ye be no Rebels, nor Rebellers for no Cause, * 2.33 but because with good Con∣science you cannot obey, be patient Sufferers, and the Glory and good Spirit of God shall dwell upon us.

In his Meditation on the Fifth Commandment, * 2.34 written in the days of Edward the Sixth, (See pag. 123.) he thus devoutly expresses him∣self; In this Commandment thou (O good Lord) settest before mine Eyes them, whom thou for Order sake, and the more commodity of man in this life hast set in degree and authority before me, comprehending them under the name of Father and Mother, that I might know, that—I am of thee commanded to do that which is most equal and just (as the very Brute Beasts do teach us) that with childly Affection and Duty, I should behave my self towards them, i. e. I should honour them; which comprehendeth in it Love, Thankfulness, and Obedience, and that, * 2.35 not so much because they be my Parents (for it may be they will neg∣lect the doing of their Duties towards me), but because thou commandest me so to do, whatsoever they do. * 2.36— And whereas thou addest a Pro∣mise of long Life, we may gather, that a civil Life doth much please thee, and receiveth here Rewards, especially if we lead it for Conscience to thy Law: And on the contrary part, a disobedient Life to them that be in authority, will bring the sooner thy Wrath and Vengeance in this Life. Thus speaks the holiest and devoutest of all Queen Mary's Mar∣tyrs, as * 2.37 Fuller styles him.

SECT. V.

To the holy Bradford it is requisite to joyn his dear Friend the zealous Lawrence Saunders, the man of God, who, said he, was in Prison, † 2.38 till he was in Prison, so fervently did he covet Mar∣tyrdom) they both being entrusted at the same time with the Cure of Souls in the City of London; he in his Letter to the Professors of the Gospel in the Town of Litchfield, thus exhorts them to sted∣fastness in the Faith, and Patience; And now dearly beloved, * 2.39 we be taught by that heavenly Spirit, which our God hath given unto us, to seek Comfort in these times of Affliction, not in hope of Rebellion,

or fulfilling unprofitable, yea, pestilent Welch Prophecies; but in the most comfortable and glad tidings of the heavenly Promises assured in his dear Christ. — Let us most obediently kiss the Rod of our heavenly Father, by obedient Submission to avoid all extremity, that man may do unto us, rather than to forgo Faith and a good Conscience.

When the good Bishop of Rome was hurried to Martyrdom in the Decian Persecution, his Deacon S. Lawrence would not be left behind: Nor is it fit that Lawrence Saunders should appear with∣out his Curate (and Brother in Sufferings) George Marsh, * 2.40 who in his Ex••••rtatory Letter to the Professors of God's Word and true Religion in Langhton, after much Discourse about Martyrdom, Patience, and Resolution, says, Give your selves continually to all manner of good Works, amongst the which the chiefest are to be obedient to the Magistrates, * 2.41 sith they are the Ordinance of God, whether they be good or evil, unless they command Idolatry and Ungodliness, that is to say, things contrary unto true Religion; for then ought we to say with Peter, We ought more to obey God than man; but in any wise we must beware of Tumult, Insurrection, Rebellion, or Resistance. The Weapon of a Christian Man in this matter ought to be the Sword of the Spirit, which is God's Word, and Prayer coupled with Humility and due Submission, with readiness of Heart, rather to dye than to do any Ungodliness. Christ also teacheth us, that all Power is of God, yea even the Power of the wicked, which God causeth oftentimes to reign for our Sins and Disobedience towards him and his Word. Whosoever then doth resist any Power, doth resist the Ordinance of God, and so purchase to himself utter Destru∣ction and Undoing.—We must honour and reverence Princes, and all that be in authority, and pray for them, and be diligent to set forth their Profit and Commodity.—And thus I commend you, Brethren, unto God, * 2.42 and the word of his Grace, &c. And in another Letter of his to several of his Friends, he exhorts them, Obey with Reverence all your Superiors, unless they command Idolatry or Ungodliness.

Thus also that hearty and zealous man of God, Mr. Philpot, Arch∣deacon of Winchester, * 2.43 in his Letter to the Christian Congregation, discoursing of the Excuses men make use of to hide their Sins, says, Another sort of Persons do make themselves a Cloak for the Rain, under the pretence of Obedience to the Magistrates, whom we ought to obey, although they be wicked: But such much learn of Christ, to give to Cesar that that is Cesar's, and to God, that that is due to God: And with S. Peter, to obey the higher Powers in the Lord, albeit they be evil, if they command nothing contrary to God's Word, otherwise

we ought not to obey their Commandments, although we should suffer death therefore; as we have the Apostles for our Examples herein to follow, who answered the Magistrates, as we ought to do in this case, not obey∣ing their wicked Precepts, saying, Judg ye, whether it be more right∣eous, that we should obey men rather than God.

Nor was this Doctrine peculiar to these few Confessors in that general Persecution; for Rogers, the Proto-Martyr of that Reign; Dr. Taylor of Hadley, Crome, Laurence, and others, as appears by the first * 2.44 Part of this History, were of the same mind; the con∣trary Doctrine among those, who called themselves Protestants, being then hardly hatch'd, or but just out of the Shell. Thus the Primitive Martyrs, who never declined going to a Stake, unani∣mously declared, that no man of their Society was imprisoned, or brought to suffer, as a Traytor against the Government, for they had learnt to dye, not to fight for Religion.

SECT. VI.

It cannot be denied, that John Knox was an early Opposer of this truly Christian, Apostolical, and Primitive Practice, as the ac∣count of the Troubles of * 2.45 Francfort declares: But we ought withal to consider, what our most worthy Primate, Archbishop Bancroft well observes † 2.46; that whereas such dangerous Doctrines as these [The Authority which Princes have, is given them from the People, and upon occasion the People may take it away again.—That evil Prin∣ces, by the Law of God, ought to be deposed.—That when Magistrates cease to do their Duties (in deposing evil Princes) then God gives the Sword into the Peoples hands; and such other like dangerous Positions, as he truly calls them] were owned by the Genevians, and many of the English that were fled to Geneva in the Reign of Queen Mary; 'that the rest of the learned Men, that fled in that Queens Reign, as John Scory, William Barlow, Richard Cox, Thomas Becon, John Bale, John Parkhurst, Edmond Grindal, Edwin Sandys, Alexander Nowel, Robert Wisdom, John Jewel, and very many more, having no great affection to Geneva, bestow'd themselves in Germany, espe∣cially at Zurich, Basil, and Francfort; and maintain'd the Reforma∣tion of the Church of England in King Edward's time; * 2.47 they used in their holy Assemblies the form of Service, and order of Ceremonies, which were then establish'd; and they utterly misliked and condemned the afore∣said Propositions, as very seditious and rebellious, according to the judgment of all the Reformed Churches (for ought I can learn) both in

Germany and elsewhere, except Geneva, and her Offspring; besides they of Francfort (as it appeareth) notwithstanding their grief, that they were constrain'd to leave their Country for their Conscience; yet in the midst of all their Afflictions they retained so dutiful Hearts to Queen Mary (imitating therein the Apostles and Disciples of our Master) as that they could not endure to hear her so traduced into all Hatred and Ob∣loquy, as she was by the other sort. Mr. Knox coming upon occasion from Geneva to Francfort, was by these grave Men accus'd of Treason (as he himself confesseth) for Matters that he had publish'd in print against their Sovereign and the Emperor, and was fain thereupon to fly thence to Geneva:—So that by this and the former Letter of Bradford, &c. we may plainly see, what was the uniform Belief of the English Confessors in those days of Persecution, both those who were in England, and those who had fled thence for Righteousness sake, and for a good Conscience.

Nor can I find any true Son of our Church, that asserted the contrary Doctrine, unless we must except Bishop Poinet in his short Treatise of Politick power and true obedience, in which it is Theti∣cally laid down, that it is lawful to depose an evil Governor, and to kill a Tyrant. But I cannot believe the Book to be his. 1. Because Printed (as I think) after his death Anno 1556. he dying at Stras∣burg April 11. of the same year, and the Preface to his Book seems to acknowledg it. 2. Because (if I conjecture aright, by the character) Printed at Geneva, (where two years afterward) Anno sc. 1558. both Knox's first blast of the Trumpet against the Re∣giment of Women, and Goodman's Book of Obedience first saw the light, and Ant. Gilbie's admonition to England and Scotland to call them to repentance; and thirdly, because it wants that learning and acumen, that discover themselves illustriously in his other Writings; and the Doctrine is contrary to that Bishop's Practices, * 2.48 Dr. Burnet acquitting Bishop Poinet of having any hand (as he was accused) in Sir Thomas Wyatt's Rebellion; and how easie is it in a disturbed Age, for Zealots to Father on a dead Bishop such Tenets, as he neither own'd nor defended? but if after all this, Bishop Poinet be the genuine Author of that Treatise, it is but the example of one, and that no Old Man, (for he died before he was forty) main∣taining a Paradox against all the other the venerable Martyrs, and Confessors of that time.

SECT. VII.

Among those pious Exiles, Thomas Beacon was one; who having been in the beginning of Queen * 2.49 Mary's Reign, committed to the charge of the Lieutenant of the Tower, with Bradford and Vernon, went afterwards into Germany, whence upon Queen Elizabeth's ad∣vancement to the Crown, he with many other Exiles return'd into this Kingdom. I shall at present omit, what he in his An∣thology out of the Works of Lactantius hath cited out of that Fa∣ther, and give an account of what he declares to be his own Sen∣timents: In his Governance of Virtue, Sect. * 2.50 against Rebellion and Dis∣obedience, he thus instructs us. If the Devil, that old Enemy of Man∣kind, and troubler of all good orders, go about to put in thy head, that the Magistrates, and High Powers do not their duty in the right Go∣vernment of a Common-wealth, * 2.51 but too much cruelly oppress their Sub∣jects, and that therefore they may justly rise and rebel against them; and take upon thee of thy own private authority to redress things, that are amiss in the Common-wealth, take heed that thou by no means con∣sentest to his most subtle and wicked temptation, whereby he goeth about to throw thee into everlasting damnation both of Body and Soul, besides the shameful death, that thou shalt have in this World, and the loss of all that ever thou hast; but content thy self with thy vocation, labour diligently and quietly for thy living to maintain peace, pray for the High Powers, think that cross to be laid upon thee for thy Deserts, amend thy life, humbly lament thy cause to God, who will not leave thee suc∣corless, and defend thy self against Satan, and all his crafty suggestions with these Scriptures following, * 2.52 — after which he cites very many places of the Holy Writ to confirm what he had said, both Precepts and Exam∣ples, out of the Old and New Testament.

* 2.53 Did not Christ teach Obedience toward the Higher Powers, did he not pay Tribute, &c? Did not the Apostles of Christ in like manner, both teach and do? — neither lack we in the Holy Scriptures Histories, which do manifestly declare what a great Sin Disobedience is, and how grievously God hath punish'd it, — the Histories of Dathan, and Abiron, Zimri, and Baasa, &c. confirm this, — it is good to fol∣low the example of David, * 2.54 which shewed such honour and reverence unto King Saul, being both a Wicked Ruler, and also his mortal Enemy; that he would not once hurt him, nor yet suffer any other to do it, although he had sufficient opportunity, and occasion at divers times to have slain him if he had been minded; The Lord forbid, said he, that I should lay

my hand on him; again, kill him not, for who, saith he, shall lay hands on the Lord's Anointed, * 2.55 and not be guilty? as the Lord liv∣eth, he dieth not, except the Lord smite him, &c. — and this Doctrine he confirms by many other examples, both under the Law and the Gospel, * 2.56 and closes all with the example of the Thebaean Le∣gion; so vigorously did our Forefathers thunder with it. Is the Magistrate appointed of God an Officer, * 2.57 or is he rather a Tyrant Usurp∣ing Power and Authority over other Persons against all Right and Law? Ans. He is ordained of God to be a Ruler over his People, and no Man hath justly Rule and Authority in any Common-wealth, which is not or∣dained of God. Obj. But what if the Magistrates be evil, wicked, un∣godly, tyrants, haters of the truth, oppressors of the poor, &c. are they also appointed of God? Ans. In Job it is thus written, for the sins of the People doth God make an Hypocrite to Reign over them; and God himself says by the Prophet, I shall give them Children to be their Princes, and Babes shall have Rule over them; the People also shall be pilled and polled, &c. — Our Saviour Christ confest, that the Authority which Pilate had, although a wicked and ungodly Person, was from God, * 2.58 and he willingly suffer'd death under that Tyrant; neither do we read, that the Apostles at any time did reject, and cast away the Re∣giment of the Heathen Rulers, as a thing unlawful, but they rather ex∣horted the Subjects to obey them, so far as they commanded nothing con∣trary to God's word, to honour them, to pray for them, to give them tri∣bute, &c. — Thus we see, that not only Godly, but also ungodly Prin∣ces; not only righteous, but also unrighteous and wicked Rulers are given us of God: the one, I mean the good, for the favour which God beareth towards us; the other, I mean the evil for the anger and displeasure, that he hath towards us, when he sees us disobedient to his Laws and Or∣dinances. — † 2.59 Subjects from the very heart must love, and reverence the civil Magistrates, as the Ministers and Vicars of God. — and if it be their duty to love and reverence, and honour the Higher Powers with a true and inward affection of the heart, then may they not hate them, and unworthily speak of them. — 2. * 2.60 Their next duty is to pray for them, that God may be with them, assist them, and defend them, &c. — 3. They must humbly obey them, and that not for fear of punishment, but for conscience sake; for as God hath commanded the Magistrate to rule, so he hath commanded to obey; this commandment of God may by no means be disobey'd; for to disobey the Magistrate is none other thing, than to dis∣obey God, whose Minister the Magistrate is, and whose Office he execu∣teth. And having proved this by several places of Holy Scripture, he subjoins: If this Obedience were throughly grafted in the hearts of Sub∣jects,

all murmurings, tumults, commotions, seditions, insurrections, &c. should soon cease in the Common-wealth. — they should soon cease, for they should never be attempted; but whosoever through the motion of the Devil, enterprise such things against the Magistrates, * 2.61 they always come to a miserable end; so far is it off, that they have good success in their wicked and damnable attempts, as Histories of all Ages do evidently de∣clare, &c. — 4. The Office of Subjects is willingly, and without grudging to bear such burdens, and pay such charges, as the Magistrates shall reasonably require of them, &c. but Qu. * 2.62 But may the Magistrate take away the Subject's goods at his pleasure? Answ. Nothing less, for there is a propriety of goods and possessions, as well in the Subject, as in the Magistrate; so that if the Magistrate do unjustly take away his Sub∣jects goods, he is a Tyrant, and shall not escape the terrible indignation, and fierce Plagues of God, as we may see in the History of King Ahab, and Naboth the Jesreelite, &c. — 5. and finally, it's requir'd of Subjects, that they do not blaze nor publish abroad, but rather conceal and hide the faults, oversights, and negligences of the Magistrates, &c. This was the Doctrine, which the Catechists of those days taught the People.

And as Men were taught to believe in those days, ‖ 2.63 so were they also taught to pray.

As it is thy Godly appointment, O Lord God, that some should bear rule in this World to see thy Glory set forth, and the common peace kept; so it is thy pleasure again, that some should be Subjects and inferiors to others in their vocation, altho before thee there is no respect of Persons, and forasmuch as it is thy good will to appoint me in the number of Subjects, I beseech thee to give me a faithful, and an obedient heart unto the High Powers, that there may be found in me no disobedience, no un∣faithfulness, no treason, no falshood, no dissimulation, * 2.64 no insur∣rection, no commotion, no conspiracy, nor any kind of Rebel∣lion in word, or in deed against the Civil Magistrates; but all faithfulness, obedience, quietness, subjection, humility; and what∣soever else becomes a Subject, that I living here in all lowliness of mind, may at the last day through thy favour be lifted up unto everlasting Glory, where thou with the Father, and the Holy Ghost livest, and reignest very God for ever. Amen.

The same Author in his Treatise, * 2.65 called the Glorious Triumph of God's most Blessed Word, introduceth the Holy Scriptures thus vindi∣cating themselves.

Now as touching that mine adversaries say, that I and my Preachers teach disobedience unto the High Powers, and encourage their Subjects rather to make Insurrection against

them, than they should lose any thing at all of their sensual plea∣sures; I know not, if mine Enemies in any point have utter'd their maliciousness against us, than in this one thing; that ye may know, how they shame nothing at all to lie, hear, I pray you, the sum of our Doctrine concerning this matter; * 2.66 Let every Soul be obedient to the Powers, that bear rule, &c. again, be ye obedient to every humane creature, &c. — here have I given you a tast of Doctrine con∣cerning the duty of Subjects unto the High Powers; what disobe∣dience do ye perceive by these words, that we teach? do we move the Inferiors, and the base commonalty, or any other unto such carnal liberty; that for defence of the same, they should either shew disobedience, or make Insurrection against the head Rulers, as our adversaries falsly report of us? — who brought the Higher Powers again unto the true Authority, which God from the be∣ginning gave them, but I, and my Ministers? contrariwise, who usurp'd this Power, and brought the Magistrates in Subjection, but these Enemies of God's Word? who goeth about to maintain it still, but they only? — I alone, and my Ministers have set the Princes again in their Authority, and valiantly delivered them from the Tyranny of the Papists, as ye may perceive not only in our Sermons, but also in our Writings.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Cent. 16. p. 1.
• ‖ 1.2

  Heyl. Hist. of the Refor. p. 152. Fox, Bur∣net, and Godwin, &c.
• * 1.3

  Fox. tom. 2. p. 1289.
• ‖ 1.4

  p 1698.
• * 1.5

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.6

  H••yl. Hist. Re∣form. ann. 1553. p. 151, 152. Burn. par. 2. p 223.
• * 1.7

  Par 2 hist. l. 1. p. 224.
• * 1.8

  Fox. p. 1697.
• † 1.9

  Vide Herbert H••••••. 3. p. 457
• * 2.1

  Coverd. Collect. fol. 1, 2, &c.
• * 2.2

  ☜
• * 2.3

  ☞
• * 2.4

  Ibid. Fol. 16. & a∣pud Fox. tom. 2. p. 1331.
• * 2.5

  Heylin. ubi supr. p. 152. & Fuller. Ch. hist. l. 8. p. 2, 3, &c.
• * 2.6

  Heyl. ubi supr. ann. 1553. p. 192, 193. Fuller ubi supr. p. 6. B••unet. par. ••. l. 1. p. 223. Fox. tom. 2. p. 1392.
• * 2.7

  Tom. 2. p. 1278, 1282.
• * 2.8

  Fox. tom. 2. p. 1331, 1393.
• † 2.9

  Cons. Bradfords Letter in Cover∣dale's Collect. p. 312.
• * 2.10

  Id. ibid. p. 1279, 1280. Heyl. Bar. Full. ubi supra.
• * 2.11

  Fox tom. 2. p. 1726, 1727.
• * 2.12

  Rom. 13.
• * 2.13

  ☜
• * 2.14

  1 Pet. 2.
• * 2.15

  P. 1728.
• * 2.16

  ☜
• * 2.17

  P. 1729.
• * 2.18

  ☞
• * 2.19

  Fox. pag. 1280.
• * 2.20

  Letter to her Fa∣ther, in Fox. p. 1291. See God∣win's An∣nals, ann. 1553. Id. p. 1334.
• * 2.21

  P. 1293.
• * 2.22

  pag. 1289.
• * 2.23

  l. 8. p. 14.
• * 2.24

  Id. p. 1893.
• * 2.25

  Id. p. 1896.
• * 2.26

  In Co∣verdale's Collect. f. 56. & apud Fox. tom. 2. pag. 1570.
• † 2.27

  Annal. An. 1553.
• * 2.28

  Ap. Fox. tom. 2. pag. 1477. and in Co∣verd. Coll. p. 25 4/••.
• * 2.29

  ☞
• * 2.30

  Ap. Fox. tom. 2. pag. 1471. Ap. eund. p. 1476. and Cover. p. 294.
• * 2.31

  Ap. eund. p. 148 6/7. and Cover. p. 287.
• * 2.32

  Ap. Fox. p. 1494. Coverd. pag. 282, 283.
• * 2.33

  ☜
• * 2.34

  v. Meditat. on the Lord's Pr. and Com. printed London, 1622. pag. 117.
• * 2.35

  ☜
• * 2.36

  pag. 118, 119.
• * 2.37

  Ch. Hist. l. 8. p. 21.
• † 2.38

  Ap. Fox. tom. 2. p. 1358.
• * 2.39

  Coverd. Coll. Pag. 188.
• * 2.40

  Ap Fox. tom. 2. p. 1426. Coverd. page 671.
• * 2.41

  ☞
• * 2.42

  Fox. page 1428.
• * 2.43

  Coverd. page 222.
• * 2.44

  page 23.
• * 2.45

  v. first part of Hist. page 25/6.
• † 2.46

  Danger. Posit. &c. lib. 2. c. 1.
• * 2.47

  ☜
• * 2.48

  l. 2. hist. Reform. p. 271.
• * 2.49

  Fox. tom 2. p. 1281.
• * 2.50

  Tom 1. oper. f. 263. Lond 1564.
• * 2.51

  ☜
• * 2.52

  f. 264.
• * 2.53

  Catech. p. 343.
• * 2.54

  ☜
• * 2.55

  2. Reg. 1.
• * 2.56

  Id. Tom.
• * 2.57

  1. f. 437. Obj.
• * 2.58

  ☞
• † 2.59

  f. 504.
• * 2.60

  f. 505.
• * 2.61

  ☜
• * 2.62

  f. 506.
• ‖ 2.63

  Id. tom. 2. op. f. 211. in the po∣mander of Prayer.
• * 2.64

  ☜
• * 2.65

  Tom. 3. f. 499, 500.
• * 2.66

  Rom. 13.1 Pet. 2.