The history of the warres of the Emperour Justinian in eight books : of the Persian, II, Vandall, II, Gothicke, IV / written in Greek by Procopivs of Caesarea ; and Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARRS of the Emperour JUSTINIAN. (Book 4)

Of the GOTHJCK VVarre, the Fourth BOOK: (Book 4)

CHAP. I.

MY discourse hath hitherto been distributed and accommoda∣ted to the severall places where the actions were done, and is publisht throughout the whole Roman Empire. But now I cannot compile the same in that manner, nor insert into a History already publisht succeeding Occurrents; but must write in this Tract apart, touching these Enemies, and the Persians, what hath happened since the Edition of my Histo∣ry; and so the discourse thereof cannot be but mixt. The Occurrents untill the fourth yeare of the Quinquenniall Cessation between the Romans and the Persians, were formerly related. The yeare following a Persian Army invaded Lazica, under Chorsanes a Persian, and an ex∣perienced Commander, accompanied with Alans. This Army encamped it selfe in a Province of Lazica, named Mucheirisis, by which the River of Phasis runns, not navigable there, but to be past by Men and Horses; and they entrencht to the right hand of it some distance off.

But that the Readers may have a cleer notion of Lazica, and of the people a∣bout it, and not converse with things obscure to them, like men fighting with sha∣dows: I have thought it seasonable here to discourse, what kinde of people dwell upon the Euxine Sea; conceiving, that the Ancients who have written thereof, have not handled it exactly; speaking of Tzanians, whom they make to border with the Trapezuntians, and name Colchians; and calling the now Lazians by ano∣ther name; being in both mistaken. For the Tzanians are high in the Land, and border upon Armenia, having steep Mountaines in the way to it, a vast and desart Countrey, deep Torrents, and Hills thick with Wood, and unaccessible Valleys;

all which are between them and the Sea. Nor can the Colchians be other then the Lazians, seeing they dwell now upon the Phasis. They have onely changed their name, as many other Nations. And since those Writers many ages have innovated much, by the transplantations of people, and successions of Princes, and altered their names. All which I am to take notice of, omitting both fabulous and old ob∣solete things; as upon what part of the Euxine Sea the Poets bound Prometheus, (Histories and Fables being different workes) but to set downe punctually both names and things notorious in those parts.

This Sea begins at Constantinople, and Chalcedon, and ends in Lazica. Within it on the right hand is Bithynia; then Honorias, and Paphlagonia, where stand Heraclea and Amastris, Maritime Townes. Next to them are the Pontick Nations, to the borders of Trapezond, where are Sinope and Amisus, Sea townes; not far from Amisus is Themiscyrus, and the River Thermodon, where they say was the Ama∣zons Campe; of whom more anon. The territory of Trapezond reaches to Susur∣maena, and Rizaeum, which stands upon the coast in the way to Lazica, two dayes journey from Trapezond. In all the Territory of that City of Trapezond the Hony is bitter: To the right hand of these Cities are the Mountaines of Tzanica, beyond which is the Roman Armenia. From those Mountaines descends the River of Boas, through infinite Thickets, and a Woodland Countrey, into Lazica, and disimbogues into the Euxine Sea; then it quits the name of Boas, and takes that of Acampsis, because it bends not, nor yeilds to the current of the Sea. For the stream is so strong and troublous, that running farr into the Sea, the Ships sayling that way keep off at Sea, not able to hold on their course, and cut thorough that swift streame.

Next to Rizaeum are Mountaines dividing Lazica from Roman Land, and inha∣bited by free Nations, and a Village called Athens; not so called from a Colony of Athenians (as some suppose) but from Athenaea, in ancient time Lady of that Countrey, whose Tombe remaines to this day. Next to Athens is Archabis, and Apsarus an ancient City, three dayes journey from Rizaeum, in old time named Ap∣syrtus, from a man of that name slaine by the plots of Medea and Jason neer unto that place; but many ages and successions of men have corrupted the memory of that act, and changed the name into Absarus; on the East side of which City stands yet the Tombe of that Apsyrtus. It was anciently very populous, and had ex∣cellent Walls, and a Circus, and a Theatre, and such other Ornaments of a great City. But of those antiquities nothing now remaines but the Pavements: By this it appeares strange, that any should affirme that the Colchians were borderers to the Trapazuntians. For so may Jason be thought not to have fled home into Greece with Medea and the Golden fleece, but to have gone the quite contrary way to the Phasis and furthest Barbarians. In the Raigne of Tra••an some say a Roman Legion was there garrisoned even to Lazica, and Suania. But now the Inhabitants are subject neither to the Roman Emperour, nor King of Lazica: But onely that be∣ing Christians, the Bishops of Lazica, appoint them* 1.1 Preists. They are in amity with both, and convoy their Ambassadors to each in small Barks, which they use; but to this houre they will pay tribute to neither. To the right hand of this Coun∣trey are steep craggy Mountaines, and a Desert reaching very farre: Above it is Persarmenia, and the Roman Armenia, reaching as farr as Iberia. From the sayd Ab∣sarus to the City of Petra, and Marches of Lazica, is one dayes journey, where the Euxine Sea ends; which Sea makes there a halfe Moon, and the passage crossing the same is about sixty nine miles.

All behinde the end of the Euxine is Lazica, next to which is Scumia, and Sua∣nia, both subject to the Lazians. They have Princes still of their owne Nation; but when any of them dye, the King of Lazica appoints another in his roome. On one side of this Countrey are the M••s••hians, reaching almost to Iberia, to which they have been anciently Subjects, and dwell upon the Mountaines, which are not wilde nor barren, but abound with all commodities, and the people are good hus∣bands, especially for Vines. Over this Countrey hang very high Mountaines, thick with Wood, and hard to be past, extending almost to the Caucascan. Mountaines. Beyond them Eastward is Iberia, reaching to Persarmenia. Between these Moun∣taines descends the Phasis, springing from Mount Caucasus, and disimboguing into

the middle of the sayd halfe Moon at the end of the Euxine, whereupon some hold that it divides the two Continents, having Asia on the left hand, and Europe on the right. On Europe side are the Lazians dwellings, having on the other side no Towne nor Fortresse but Petra, lately built by the Romans. The Countrey people hold that the Golden Fleece was kept on Europe side, but in my opinion they are mistaken: For Jason had never gotten away with Medea and the golden Fleece un∣espyed by Aeetes; if the Kings Pallace, and Houses of the Colchians had not beene separated by the River from the place where the Fleece was kept; which may appear also by the Poems written on that subject. The Phasis (as I have sayd) thus en∣ters into the further end of the Euxine, and at one point of the sayd halfe Moone stands Petra on Asia side: Over against which, on Europe side, is Apsilia, a Coun∣trey of the Lazians; the people whereof are Christians, as all the rest before men∣tioned.

CHAP. II.

ABout Apsilia stands Mount Caucasus, so high, that neither Raines, nor Snowes touch the top of it, being higher then any Clouds. From the midst to the foot, it is perpetually covered with the Snow; the foot of this Moun∣tain being as high as the very ridges of other Mountaines: Some parts of the said foot of Caucasus run out to the West, and North-ward, even to Illyrium and Thrace; other parts of it to the East and South-ward, reach to the two straits, which let in the Hunnish Nations upon the Romans and Persians: The one of the straits is called Tzur, the other is called the Caspian Gates. The Country extending from Mount Caucasus to the Caspian Gates the Alans hold, subject to none, but as Confederates they serve the Persians, against the Romans, and all the World. Under Mount Caucasus dwell the Sabirian Hunnes, and some other Hunnish Na∣tions. From hence, they say, issued the Amazons, and made a Camp at Themiscy∣rus, by the River of Thermodon; neer where now stands the City of Amisus. But now no Monument is left of any Amazons in the Countries about Mount Cau∣casus. Strabo and some others have spent much discourse about them: But they seem to speak most truly, who think that there was never any such Mannish race of Women; nor that Nature, in Mount Caucasus only, swerves from its sacred Lawes; but that the Barbarians of those parts, making an expedition against Asia, brought their Wives with them, whom they left in a Camp neer Thermodon: And that themselves over-running much of Asia, were encountred, and so defeated, that none escaped to the Camp; and that there the Wives being put to it by the feare of the People adjoyning, and by their want of Victuall, put on mens faces, and ar∣med themselves with furniture left behind by their Husbands, and with the same performed some commendable Actions, compelled by necessity, till they were all slain. This is my Opinion, and that the Amazons were Wives who went to War with their Husbands; the experiment whereof hath happened in our time. And commonly the addictions which descend to Posterity, are the Images of those which were before. For the Hunnes, in their in-roads upon the Romans often coming to a Battell, wherein some of them were slain; and the Romans searching the dead bo∣dies, have found Women among them. Other Armies of Women were never, nei∣ther infesting Asia nor Europe. Neither was it ever heard that the Caucasian Moun∣taines had all their men wasted at any time. And so much touching the Ama∣zons.

Beyond Apsilia, and the other point of the aforesaid halfe Moon, is Abasgia, to the Caucasian Mountaines. The Abasgians were formerly subject to the Lazians, and had two Princes of their own Nation; one seated in the West, and the other towards the East. They did worship, till my time, Groves, and Woods, and in a Barbarian simplicity esteemed Trees to be Gods. But they suffered much from the covetousnesse of their Princes; who took violently from the Parents such Children as were beautifull, and made them Eunuchs, and sold them to the Romans at great prices; then killed the Fathers, least they might revenge their Children•• abusing,

and that they might not have suspected Subjects. And thus the poor Wretches were ruined by the fatall handsomenesse of their Children: And hereby most of the Eunuchs of the Imperiall Palace were Abasgians. But in the now Raigne of Justinian all hath been changed for the Abasgians to the milder and more civill. They have received the Christian Religion; And the Emperour sent Euphratas his Eunuch expresly to admonish their Princes, to force out no more the virility of humane nature with Iron, and the Abasgians, bold upon this injunction of the Emperour, have opposed that course; which made it formerly their greatest feare to be Fathers of handsome Sons. The Emperour also built for them a Church dedi∣cated to the Mother of God, appointing them* 1.2 Priests, and causing them to be in∣structed in the Christian rites. They also deposed both their Princes, and became a free State. Beyond the Abasgians towards Mount Caucasus are the Bruchians, and the Alamans. Towards the Sea Coast are the Zecchians, to whom anciently the Roman Emperour gave their King, but now in nothing they obey the Romans. The Country of the Sagines is next, wherein formerly the Romans built two Castles upon the Sea-coast; Sebastopolis and Pityus, distant from each other two daies journey, and there put the first Garrison of Souldiers in those parts. Before, the Ro∣man Coho••ts were Garrison'd by the Sea-side, from Trapezond to the Sagines, but then held only these Castles, where were Garrisons till my time. But Chosroes, King of Persia (the Lazians having drawn him into Petra) intended to send an Army to surprise those Castles; and the Romans within them hearing it, burnt them, and threw down the Walls, and fled to the opposite continent by Sea to Trapezond, whereby they damnified indeed the Romans, by demolishing those Castles, but they prevented the Persians from being Masters of the Country; who forth-with went back to Petra, without doing any thing.

Beyond the Sagines are many Hunnish Nations in a Country called Eulysia, pos∣sessed by those Barbarians in the Maritime and mid-land parts thereof to the Lake of Maeotis, and River of Tanais, which disembogues into the said Lake, and the Lake into the Euxine Sea. Anciently the Inhabitants were called Cimmerians, but now Ʋturgurians. Beyond whom to the North-ward are innumerable races of Antians: where the Lake begins to disembogue, are the Goths, called Tetraxites, observers of the Christian Religion, no men more. The Natives call this disem∣bogure, Tanais, which reaches from Maeotis to the Euxine, and running along 20. daies journey; and they call the wind which blowes from thence, Tanaites. These Goths whether they were Arrians, as the other Gothish Nations, or other∣wise instructed in Christianity, I cannot say, nor do themselves know; but they professe the same with much simplicity, and without disputes. Lately they sent foure Ambassadours to Justinian, for a Bishop to be given them, as to the Abasgians: And the Emperour dismist them with satisfaction in what they desired. The said Ambassadours in their publick audience, exprest no other cause them that, for feare of the Hunnes: But being admitted privately, they acquainted the Emperour with what might advantage the Romans (all 'Barbarians having ever some piques with their Neighbours.) The planting of these Tetraxites in that Country was thus. Anciently multitudes of Hunnes, then called Cimmerians, kept their Heards in the same, and were governed by a King. One of their Kings had two Sons, named Ʋ∣turgur, and Caturgur, who after their Fathers decease, divided the Kingdome; and gave their names to their severall Subjects; and they are yet called Ʋturguri∣ans, and Caturgurians. They have all the same addictions, and converse not with the Nations dwelling on the other side of the Lake of Maeotis, and the Cimmerian straits, fearing the passage, though very easie, because they never had tryed it. On the said other side neer unto the shore of the said Lake and straits, were formerly seated the Tetraxite Goths, and not far from them the Goths, and Visigoths, and Vandales, and all the other Gothick Nations, anciently named Scythians, as all the other Nations of those parts, with some difference in some of Sarmatians, Melan∣claenians, and other names. These People have a tradition, if it be true, that some Cimmerian young men hunting a Stag, it took the water; and that they either ea∣ger upon their sport, or driven by some Spirit, followed the Stage to the opposite shore: where the same (whatsoever it were) suddainly vanisht, as having ap∣peared to no other end, but to bring a mischiefe upon the Inhabitants there. The

young men, (they say) though they mist their game, found matter for warre and booty. And returning home told the Cimmerians, how the passage was fordable; who instantly took armes, and in multitudes past over to the other side. The Van∣dales were gone before, and seated in Affrica; and the Visigoths were in Spaine. So they fell upon the Goths, who dwelt in the Champian, killed many, and chased away the rest. Such as escaped past the river Ister with their wives and children into the Roman territory, where they did much mischeif. Afterward the Emperour planted them in a country of Thrace; and sometimes they aided the Romans in the quality of Confederates, receiving yearly pensions: whereby it appeares, that the Goths came not as men conquer'd, but upon the articles of a League, (The Romans calling Leagues after a war, Foedera.) Sometime also they made causelesse war upon the Romans, till under Theoderick they removed into Italy.

CHAP. III.

BUt (as I said) the Hunnes having slain many of them, and driven away more, possest their country: And the Caturgurians sent for their wives and children, and are planted there to this day; receiving from the Emperour yearly pensions, yet passing continually the River Ister, and over-running the Empire, being both confederates, and Enemies. The Ʋturgurians returned home with their Prince, where still they remain. They past the Cimmerian straits again a∣gainst the Goths, wasted, as aforesaid: Who at first stood fenced with their sheilds a∣gainst the Enemy in battell being confident in their power, and the strength of their country: And themselves are the valiantest Barbarians in those parts; and the straits (where about dwell these Goths) from the Entrance out of the Lake of Maeotis pre∣sently spreads into a Bay, imbracing most of those people, and hath one only nar∣row passage over. The Hunnes meant not to spend much time there; and the Goths could not hope to hold out long against such a multitude; so they came to a Capi∣tulation, that the Goths should go over and dwell with them in the opposite Conti∣nent, (where now they are) and be in perpetuall League with the Ʋturgurians upon equall tearms. Thus the Caturgurians hold the other side of the Lake, and the Ʋturgurians their former country, never troubling the Romans; but secluded by many nations, they observe an unwilling peace. Beyond the Lake, and the River Tanais, the Caturgurian Hunnes have a large country, all beyond that way, is possest by the Scythians and Taurians: part wherof is yet named Taurica, where stood the Temple of Diana, of which Iphigenia, Agamemnons daughter, was cheife Preist. The Armenians say, that that Temple stood in Celesene, a country adjoyning to them; and that the Inhabitants thereof were then called Scythians; grounding themselves upon that which I related formerly concerning Orestes, and the city of Comana. Thus many things happening other-where, or peradventure no where, men are fond to attribute to their owne countries, and are angry if all men yeild not to their con∣ceits.

Next to the aforesaid Nations is Bosporus, a maritime city, lately become subject to the Romans. From Bosporus to Chersone a maritime City also, and formerly subject to the Romans, all between is possest by Hunnish nations. Cepi also, and Phanaguris, two cities, were formerly under the Romans, almost untill our time; but the neigh∣bouring Barbarians took, them and utterly ruined them. From Cherson to the mouth of the Danuby, or Ister, is ten dayes journey, all inhabited by Barbari∣ans.

The River Ister springs from the mountaines in Gaule, and skirting by Italy, and descending through Dacia, Illyrium, and Thrace; it disembogues into the Euxine Sea. From the mouth of the River Ister unto Constantinople all belongs to the Roman Emperour. This is the whole circuit of the Euxine Sea, from Chalcedon to Constanti∣nople. How many miles it containes, I cannot say; so many Barbarians inhabiting the coasts (with whom the Romans have no commerce, unlesse it be upon Ambas∣sages) and they who formerly pretend to have taken the measure of it, not spea∣king exactly. Certaine it is, that from Chalcedon on the right hand side of the Eux∣ine,

to the River Phasis is two and fifty daies journey; and one may conjecture that the other side differs not much.

And here I think it not unseasonable to set down the dispute among the Learned, concerning the bounds of Asia and Europe. Some think the River of Tanais doth sever these two continents, and alleadge that division to be naturall. For the Sea com∣ing from the western lands to the Eastern; the Tanais, from the North crosses be∣tween Europe and Asia; and the Egyptian Nile, from the South between Asia and Affrick; others reject this reason as weak, saying, that the straits of Caliz distin∣guishes at first these two continents, and that the Mediterranian still leaves Africk and Asia on the right hand, and Europe on the left, till it come to the Ends of the Euxine Sea. But the Tanais springs in Europe, and disembogues into the Lake of Maeotis, and the lake falls into the Euxine, not into the end of it, nor into the middle; but further. Now all to the right hand of the Euxine is attributed to Asia. Moreover the River Tanais springing from the Riphaan mountaines, which are con∣fest by themselves and the ancients to be in Europe; and the Ocean being far distant frō these mountains, the land behind them on both sides must necessarily be Europ••∣an. Where then begins the River Tanais to distinguish the continents? If some River must divide them, it can be no other then the river Phasis; which descending direct∣ly oposite to the straits of Caliz, cuts between those two continents,; as those straits also have them on each side of it; opening from the Ocean to the midland Seas. And the Phasis likewise entring at the end of that part of the midland Seas, called Pontus Euxinus, manifestly receives from the Sea the continuation of dividing the Earth. This last opinion challenges antiquity, aswell as the other. For indeed, men possest of some ancient learning in a thing, commonly have not the patience to search long touching the truth of it, nor will endure new opinions. To them ever the ancienter the things are, the truer they seem, and they deride all of their own time as despicable. But the question now is not about Intelligences, and Intelligibles, nor such obscurites; but of a River and a country, which time could neither change nor conceal: Neither herein is there any thing can hinder a diligent searcher from finding the truth. And yet Herodotus, an ancient writer L. 4. saies, that the Earth is in one peice; but distinguisht in three parts and names, viz, Affrick, Asia, Europe; and that the Aegyptian Nile cuts Asia, Africk; and the Colchian Phasis, Asia, and Europe; and he taking notice also of the other opinion concerning Tanais, hath

these words. I cannot guesse from whence three names are given to the Earth, (being one peice) and those of women. Nor why the bounds thereof are set to be, the Egyptian Nile, and the Colchian Phasis, or (as some say) the River of ••anais, Lake of Maeotis, and Cimmerian straits. The Tragedian Aelcylus also in beginning of his Tragedy called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉calls Phasis, the boundary of the land of Asia, and Europe.

Another opinion there is among the Learned, that the Lake of Maeotis doth make the Euxin•• sea, spreading part to the right side of it, part to the left; and is therefore called the mother of the Euxine The ground of their con∣jectureis, because a current of this sea comes from the place called Hieron like a River, to Constantinople; and so they thinke the Euxine to end at Hieron. But against this down is alledged, that the Ocean is still the same, and ends no where before it arrive at Lazica; unlesse men will argue from variety of names, the one being called Pon∣tus, the other Thalassa, both signifying the Sea, And the current from Hieron to Constantinople is no proof, many things happen in Straits of the Sea, not subject to common reason, and none can expresse the causes of them. Aristotle himself, a most learned man, went purposely to Chalchis in Euboea, to consider the straits called Euripus, and the naturall reason, why the tyde there comes sometimes from the west and sometime from the East, according to which all ships made their course: and if with a tyde from the East, the ships steer'd on, and then the stream came against them (as often happens there) instantly they were driven back again, and others came on from the West with the tide, though they had no wind at all. The Stagi∣rite revolving this long in his mind, grew weary of his life, and there they say en∣ded it. In the straits likewise between Italy and Sicily, with a seeming contrariety to reason, a current puts in from the Adriatique sea, where as the tyde is from the ocean and Caliz, and sudden Eddi••s without any apparant reason cast away many ships. Whence the Poets fain the swallowing up of ships by Charybdis. And all this happens

thus strangely in Straits, because the tyde is contracted in a narrow passage between two lands, and so falls into those necessities, whereof no reason appeares: And so the coming of a current from Hieron to Constantinople is no argument that the Me∣diterranean and Euxine Seas have there their endings. The said reason hath no naturall foundation; but there also the narrownesse of the straits must carry it: And the fishermen of that coast find that current to Constantinople, to be only upon the upper part of the water (which is seen by us) and towards the bottome quite contrary: Where finking their Drags, they find them carried up to Hieron by the tyde below. But in Lazica the Land beats the tyde directly back again (whereas by all other shores it passes on side-long) and there only causes it both to stay its course, and to retire; as if the Creator had there sets its limits. The Sea touching that shore runnes no further, and rises no higher, though from all sides supplied with numberlesse Rivers, and some great ones; but back it goes, as being extended to its just measure, and keeping its bounds and limits in (as it were) by the awfull necessi∣ty of some Law, the articles whereof it is carefull not to transgresse. These are their arguments, whereof every man may judge as he pleases.

CHAP. IV.

BUT why Chosroes was so desiroust of Lazica, having sayd something before, I will now relate what most induced him, having thus described the afore∣sayd Countries, and thereby made my discourse more cleer. The Persians often had invaded the Roman Territories under Chosroes, and done mischeifes there not to be expressed: But they got little by it, but came home still with much losse of their men and estates, whereupon at their returne into Persia they mur∣mured against Chosroes, calling him the ruiner of their Nation. Once coming home out of Lazica, and being fallen into some desperate extremities, they were ready to mutiny; and had slaine him, if he had not foreseen it, and warded it, by gaining the principall of them with faire words. And being desirous to finde some reall Apologie, he was studious to procure some notable advantage to the Persian Empire. He attempted the City of Daras, but was repulsed (as I have sayd) and he despaired to get it, either by surprize, the Guards being well kept, or by a siege. There being still in Daras all Provisions layd up in store for a long time: And be∣sides neer it rises a Spring in a Rocky ground, which makes a pretty River, descen∣ding directly into the City: an no Enemy can divert it, nor force it another way, by reason of the Rocks. Being within the City it goes round about it, and having filled their Ponds and Cisternes, it goes out againe, and close unto the Town-wals falls into a bottomlesse pit, and is seen no more, nor hitherto knowes any man where it rises againe. This pit was not alwayes there, but it happened thus, long after the building of Doras by Anastasius the Emperour. By reason of this natu∣rall situation of the place, they who besiege it are afflicted with much want of wa∣ter: So that Chosroes failing in this attempt, thought of taking some other Roman Towne; but farr within the Roman Territories to sit downe before any City, lea∣ving so many strong places at his back, he thought it impossible. For this reason he layd Antioch flat with the ground, and quitted the Roman-Territories, so that his thoughts mounted after hopes further off, and full of difficulty. For hearing how the Barbarians seated on the left hand of the Euxine Sea, about the Lake of Maeotis, doe without controule over-run the Roman Provinces; he thought also by having Lazica to passe unto Constantinople it selfe, without crossing the Sea, as well as those Barbarians. And for this cause the Persians strive to get Lazica. But to returne from whence I digressed.

Corianes with the Persian army encamped by the River of Hippis, and against them Gubazes King of Lazica, and Dagisthaeus commander of the Roman army, led their forces of Romans and Lazians. They past the said River, and being there incam∣ped, they consulted whether they should stay there, or receive the Enemy marching them, or should march against the Enemy, and by giving demonstration of the cou∣rage

and by beginning the fight, charge them with lesse apprehension of danger themselves, and abate the Enemies spirits. This counsell prevailed that they should charge them, and on they went: But the Lazians refused to joyne with the Roman Troops, who, they sayd, were not to fight for their Countrey and dearest pledges, themselves adventuring for Wives and Children, and their native soyle: So that being overcome, they should be ashamed to look upon their Wives; by which ne∣cessity, valour (in case they had none) would grow in them. And they would have the first charge, least the Romans, who could not have an equall eagernesse to theirs, should in the fight break their orders. Gubazes being glad to see his La∣zians so gallant, called them together at some distance from the Romans, and spake thus.

Countrey-men! I know nor whether it be sit to use exhortations to courage, your forwardnesse provoked by necessity not ne••ding any: The danger is about Wives and Children, and your Countrey, and for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which the Persians now in∣vade you. And none will willingly suffer others to take their estates from them by force, nature compelling men to contend for their right. You know how nothing will stop the Persians avarice, if once they get power. They will not now rule over you onely, and lay tributes, and in other things make you subject; but ruine and transplant you, if they have the better in this Warr. We cannot forget what Chosroes lately attempted against us: And let me not so much as mention the tryall of the Persians in that kind nor let ever the name of the Laz••ans be extinguished. Our fight with them will not be difficult; we have often fought with them, and vanquisht them. And there is no hardnesse in things, we have been used to; the toilsomenesse thereof being spent in our former practise. So that we must not apprehend an Enemy often beaten; as being now not so vali∣ant as they were before; and a spirit once dejected, commonly neve rising again. With these considerations therefore, encounter the Enemy with courage.

Ha∣ving thus said, he led them on. The army was thus ordered. The Lazian horse were set in the front, and a good distance behind them came on the Roman horse, com∣manded by Philegagus a Gepaede, a valiant man, and by John the Armenian, sirnamed Guzes, formerly spoken of by me, an extraordinary good souldier. In the rear came Gubazes, and the King of the Lazians, and Dagisthaeus, the Roman Generall, with their foot; that if the horse were routed, they might escape unto them. Corianes on the other side sent a thousand choice men well arm'd to discover, himself marching after them, and leaving only some few to guard the camp. The Lazians being fore∣most, and coming to the businesse, gave the lye to their former confidence. For lighting suddenly upon the Enemies Avant-coureurs, they being unable to withstand them, came gallopping all back in confusion, and mingled with the Roman Horse; glad to fly to those, with whom before they made scruple to be ranckt. Both the Cavalleries being neer, they joyned not battell, but each, when the Enemy came on, gave back, and set on them retiring, and so spent much time in renewing charges, and in quick turns and returnes. In the Roman army was one Artaba∣nes a Persarmenian, revolted lately to the Roman army, having secured his faith by the killing of a hundred and twenty Persian Souldiers. He got accesse to Valerianus, then Generall of Armenia, and desired of him fifty Romans, with whom he went to a Castle in Persarmenia, guarded by a hundred and twenty Persians; who received him with his men, not knowing of his revolt. This Garrison they killed, and returned to Valerianus; and Artabanes appearing by this sure and firm to the Romans, serv∣ed them in their warrs. In this incounter he put himself between the armies accom∣panied with two Romans; against them came some Enemies, whom Artabanes charging killed a Persian, valiant, and of a strong body, and threw him from his Horse to the ground. A Barbarian standing next, strake Artabanes with his Sword upon the head, but no mortall blow. One of Artabanes two Companions, a Goth, while the Persians hand was yet over the head of Artabanes, thrust him into the left flanck and killed him. The thousand that were sent out at this retired, and stayd for Corianes, and the rest of the Army of Persians and Alans, and soon after they joyned: Then came up the Infantry both of Gubazes and Dagisthaeus to the Horse, and the fight came to handy blowes. Philegagus and John finding them∣selves too weak for the Enemies horse, and having seen what the Lazians could do,

lighted, and caused the Romans and Lazians to do the like; and with the foot they stood in a deep battallion opposite to the Enemy and charging with their Lances. The Persians being not able to charge the Enemy being on foot, nor to break their Battallion, and their Horses flying back, troubled with the heads of the Lances and noise of the sheilds, they trusted with the multitude of their arrowes to break them. The Romans also, and the Lazians let fly their arrowes, and they coming thick, ma∣ny were slain on both sides. The Persians and Alans discharged oftner; but the arrowes for the most part rebounded from the Romans sheilds. Corianes, the Persian Generall, was shot into the neck' (by whom it was not known) of which he dyed instantly; and his death swayed the victory to the Romans side: For the falling from his horse, forthwith the Persians ran away to their camp. The Romans pursued, kil∣led many, and hoped to take the Enemies camp at first assault; But an Alan a strong man, & very expert to shoot backward and forward, put himself into the nar∣rowest entrance into the Trenches, and stopt the invaders a long time; untill John Guzes killed him with his Lance, and then the Romans took the Camp. Many Persians there perished, the rest returned home as they could. This was the successe of that Persian invasion of Lazica. Another army also came, and victualled the Garrison in Petra; and then retired home.

CHAP. V.

IN the mean time the Lazians at Constantinople accused Dagisthaeus of Trea∣chery, and favouring the Persians; and that by the perswasions of the Per∣sians he forbare to assault that part of the Walls of Petra, which fell down, and that the while the Enemy fortified the breach with sack-fuls of Sand laid one upon another: And that for money, or negligently he lost his opportuni∣ty, by putting of the assault, which he could never after recover. The Emperour upon this confined Dagisthaeus to his house, and made Bessas, lately come out of Italy, Generall of Armenia; whom he directed also to command the Army in La∣zica, sent thither before under Venilus, Brother to Buzes, and Odonachus, and Ba∣bas the Thracian, and Ʋligangus an Herulian. Nabedes also came into Lazica with an Army, but effected nothing worth the mentioning; save only a defecti∣on of the Abasgians from the Romans and Lazians; and upon the occasion of be∣ing there with an Army, the taking of sixty Sons of their principall men for Ho∣stages; and the taking Prisoner in his way Theodora in Apsilia, the Widow of Op∣sites, late Uncle to Gubazes, and King of Lazica. She was by birth a Roman, the Kings of Lazica having long used by the Emperours consent, to take Wives in Constantinople, and to make allyances with sundry Senators: And Gubazes him∣selfe was the Son of a Roman Lady. The reason moving the Abasgians to revolt, was this. After they had (as I said before) deposed their Kings, some Roman Garrisons were by the Emperour laid upon the Country, who sought to reduce it under the Roman Dominion, and exacted new things, using violent waies, which discontented the Abasgians; And least they should be brought into slavery to the Romans, they set up Kings again: Opsites of the Eastern part of the Country and Scaparnas of the Western. They were grown desperate of any good, and so chose rather to resume their former condition, though bad, then to retain the worse which succeeded; and fearing the Romans power, revolted secretly to the Persian. But the Emperour perceiving it, commanded Bessas to march against them: who sent some choice numbers of his Army under Ʋligangus, and John Guzes. One of the new Kings of Abasgia had been lately sent for into Persia by Chosroes, where he then was. The other drew the Abasgians together, and opposed the Roman invasion. Upon the confines of Apsilia and way to Abasgia, is a high Mountain, beginning at Caucasus, and by degrees growing lower, till it ends in the Euxine Sea. At the foot of this Mountain the Abasgians have an ancient Ca∣stle of a considerable bignesse, where they beat off any Enemy invading, the place being a great fastnesse, not possible to force. It hath one passage only, leading to this Castle, and into Abasgia, not passable but by one man at once a foot. Under

the said foot-path, is a deep Vally reaching to the Sea, and very stony; which hath gotten a name sutable for the roughnesse, being called Trachea. The Roman Fleet came to the confines of Abasgia, and Apsilia, where John and Ʋligangus landed their Forces, leaving the Sea-men to waite on them neer the Shore. They marcht afoot unto Trachea, and seeing the Abasgians in Armes, and guarding the foot path, they were troubled. In the end John left there Ʋligangus with halfe the Army, and himselfe with the rest went aboard the Barkes, and compassed the Tra∣chea, so that he got the Backes of the Enemy. With Ensignes displayed he marcht against them, who perceiving themselves charged on both sides, resisted not, but re∣tyred in confusion, so hamperd with their feare and amazement, that they hardly found their owne Countrey wayes, nor easily got cleer of them. The Romans on both sides had the execution, and killed many; and came running to the Castle, where they found the Guards shutting the Gates; but not able to put them to, and so still receiving in the pursued and Pursuers, pell-mell, and not discerning Abasgians from Enemies, and by reason of the croud being not able to close the Gates, the Abasgians, who were so glad to get within the walls, were taken with the castle. Yet the Romans, when they thought themselves masters of the Enemy, found a difficulty: for the houses standing close to one another, the Abasgians mounted the same, and shot down upon their heads, and defended themselves stout∣ly, out of fear and pitty of their wives and children, till the Romans set the houses on fire, and so became absolute victors. Opsites, King of the Abasgians, fled with some few to the neighbouring Hunnes, and to mount Caucasus: The rest were consum∣ed to ashes, or made prisoners. The Romans took both the Kings wives, and all their children, demolisht the Castle, and almost emptied the country: This was the successe of the Abasgians revolt.

But the Apsilians, being anciently subject to the Lazians, have in their country a strong Castle called Tzibulum; which Terdites, Master of the Palace in Lazica, ha∣ving offended the King, and being discontented, agreed to betray to the Persians; and getting some Persian forces ready, he went into Apsilia. Being neer the Ca∣stle, he rode afore with his company of Lazians, and got in, the Garrison not di∣strusting a principall Officer of Lazica. And thus Terdites, so soon as the Persian forces came up, received them into the Castle; and the Persians now held themselves Masters, not only of Lazica, but of Apsilia also; while the Romans being busie a∣bout Petra, and to incounter the Persian army, had no meanes to send succours. But the Governour of that Castle had a fair wife, by birth an Apsilian, with whom the commander of the Persian forces fell fondly in love; and when with his temptations he could not gain her, he attempted to force her; which so inraged her husband, that he killed him, and sacrificed also his Company to their commanders lust, and took the Castle to himself. Hereupon the Apsilians took occasion to re∣volt from the Lazians, charging them for not coming to their succours against the Persians. Gubazes sent against them a thousand Romans, and John Guzes; who with fair words brought them back to their former obedience to the Lazians. And thus was it concerning the Apsilians, and the castle of Tzibulum.

CHAP. VI.

ABOUT the same time, the cruelty of Chosroes toucht even upon his own blood. His eldest Son Anatozadus (which in the Persian language signifies, Immortall) had much offended him with his lewd courses, making no scruple to lye with his Fathers Wives. At first Chosroes chastised him with Banishment, and confined him to the City of Lapato, seven dayes journey from Ctesiphon, in a Province of Persia called Vazaine, a very good country; and soon after fell sick so dangerously, that he was reported to be dead; being of a sickly constitution: and having Physitians about him still of all countries, and among others Tribunus of Palaestina; a man famous for his art, and inferiour to none of his time, & moreover a wise and a godly man, and very honest. He had formerly cured Chosroes &

came out of Persia with many great presents; but at the making of the Quinquen∣niall cessation, Chosroes intreated the Emperour, to let him have Tribunus with him for one year; Who having performed his attendance, Chosroes bade him aske what he had a mind to. Tribunus instead of wealth, askt of him the liberty of some Roman captives; and got 3000 freed; besides some men of quality, whom he demanded by name. By this act Tribunus got a great reputation among all men. Anatozadus hea∣ring of his Fathers sicknesse, usurped, and rebelled; and though his Father were re∣covered, yet he put the City into revolt, and keenly pursued the Warr. Chosroes sent against him an army under Fabrizus, who won the battell; took Anatozadus Prisoner, and brought him to his Father. Chosroes blemished the young mans eyes, not by taking away the sight; but by distorting the eye-lids into much uglinesse, with irons red hot, applied to the out side of the Eye-lids being shut. This Chosroes did, to cut off his hope of his Kingdome, the Law permitting not any man with any blemish to be King of Persia, as I have said before.

Now also was the fifth year of the Cessation expired, and Justinian sent unto Chosroes, Peter a Patritian, and his Master of the Palace with commission to con∣clude an absolute truce for the East. Chosroes dismist him with promise to send one shortly to finish all, as should be best for both: And soon after he sent Isdigunas a∣gain; a man supercilious and arrogant, and whose insolent puffing, and swelling was not tolerable to any Roman. He brought his wife and Brother with him, and a train so great, as if he were marching to a battell: He had also with him two principal Persians, who wore Diadems of Gold upon their heads. The Constantinopolitans mur∣mured to see the Emperour honour him something more then according to the qua∣lity of an Ambassador. Bradicius the interpreter was not with him, whom they say Chosroes put to death, for presuming to sit at the same Table with the Emperour Justinian, who (said he) would not have admitted an Interpreter to such an ho∣nour, if he had not betrayed the Persian affaires. Some say, that Isdigunas charged him with secret conferences with the Romans. Isdigunas now at his audience, said not a word of the peace; but complained of Transgressions against the Cessation; That Arethas, and the Saracen Confederates of the Romans committed spoiles upon Alamundarus, during the truce, and some other things of smal importance.

In the meane time Bessas sate downe before Petra with the whole Army. The Romans mined in the same place where Dagisthaeus formerly had done, and for the same reason: For the Walls are for the most part founded upon a Rock; but in some places upon earth. Towards the West they are upon an impenetrable Rock, but not very thick, a peice whereof Dagisthaeus then, and now Bessas digged into; but the nature of the ground bounded their Mine, not permitting it to proceed fur∣ther then it selfe. After the retreate of Dagisthaeus, the Persians had mended the fallen piece of their Wall there, by filling up that which had been digged into, with pebble stones, and placing over it great beames, smoothed and tyed together to a pretty breadth. This basis of Timber was in stead of a foundation, and upon it was the Wall set: Which the Romans not knowing, thought their Mine to be quite under the foundation; and having voyded away much earth from beneath those timbers, they shook indeed the Wall, and a part of it suddenly sunk, but it in∣clined not to either side, nor had one stone disordered, but setled upright, whole and intire upon the digged ground, as if it had been let downe with an Engine; onely it was lower then before: And so the Romans could not assault the Towne; Mermeroes having formerly also with many hands raised all the Walls higher then ever. The Romans seeing the piece that sunck, and stood upright so, were much troubled. Mine they could no more, neither could they bring the Ram to the Wall, the ground being steep, and the Ram not being to be drawne but in even ground. In the Army then chanced to be Sabirian Hunnes, who inhabite about the Cauca∣sian Mountaines, and are populous, and divided into many Principalities. Some of their Princes are ancient freinds to the Roman Emperour, some to the King of Per∣sia; who give Pensions in Gold to their severall Confederates, not yearely, but upon occasions. The Emperour to his Confederates had lately sent Gold for their ayde in this Warre: But the Messenger finding it unsafe to passe the Caucasian Mountaines, and by an Enemy with Money, came to Bessas before Petra, and from thence sent to the Sabirians, to send some to receive the Money, who presently-sent

three of their Princes into Lezica, and these were with the Army at the as∣sault. When they saw the Romans despairing, they devised a new Engine, never thought of by the Romans nor Persians, who notwithstanding have had excellent Artists, and have often needed such an Engine to assault places in stony and steep ground: But it never came into their minds; Mans nature ever proceeding with time to new inventions. As these Barbarians suddenly made a new fashioned Ram, using no timbers upript, nor lying a crosse, but in stead of them small Poles tyed and sitted together. They covered the whole Engine with Hides, and observed the perfect forme of an ordinary Ram, and in the midst placed the usuall Beam, with a topp headed with Iron, to batter the Walls: It was made so light that it needed no men or cattell to draw and thrust it forward; onely forty men within it cover∣ed by the Hides, carryed the Engine with ease upon their shoulders, and winded up the Ram and let it go against the Walls. Such Engines now were framed by these three Barbarians, taking Beames and Iron worke from the Romans Ramms, which they could not bring neer the Walls, and forty men being put under each, they set it close to the Walls. On either side of each stood men well armed with Corslets and Morions, and with long Poles in their hands topt with great Iron Hooks, to draw off from the Walls the stones loosened and unjoynted by the strokes of the Ram. The Romans with many pushes of the same shook the Wall, and they with their Poles pull'd downe the loose stones, and quickly the Town was in the point of being taken. But the Persians upon the Wall set a wooden Tower (which they had long before prepared) full of their best men, having their heads and bodies all covered with Iron and with Corslets, and vessells full of Brimstone, and Babylonian Pitch, and Naptha, a Drug used by the Persians, and by the Graci∣ans called Medean oyle: These Vessells they sired and threw upon the Romans Rams, which failed little to be all set on fire, and were saved by the men having the long Poles, who cleered away the fire still; but long they could not think so to hold out, the fire being such, that where it toucht it instantly burnt, if not in∣stantly cast off.

CHAP. VII.

BUT Bessas putting his Forces in Armes, caused scaling Ladders to be set to that part of the Wall which was sunck; And himselfe using no other ex∣hortation but the example of his own Valour, being an old man above 70. yeares of age, he first mounted the Ladder. Here was a Fight so valiantly performed by both Romans, and Persians, as the like hath not been seen. The Per∣sians amounted to about 2300 men, and the Romans were some 6000. On both sides almost all were hurt, that were not slaine: the Romans forced their ascent with all their power, and the Persians with much toile, and after the killing of many on both sides, were very neer to have quite beaten off the danger. Many Romans were slain at the tops of the Ladders, the Enemy standing above them; and Bessas himselfe fell from the Ladder, whereat a great shout was made, the Persians from all parts shooting at him, and his Lanciers standing all close about him, covering him, having their Murrions and Corselets on, and with their Shields, making the form of a Roofe over him, and keeping off the Arrowes, which clasht upon their Armour, and snapt asunder. And all was full of clamour, panting, and toile. The Romans, eager to bring off their Generall, shot thick at the Walls, and represt the Enemy. Bessas could not get up for the Shields that were hold over him, and be∣ing an old man, fat and unweildly. Yet he lost not his Spirits, but in that great dan∣ger suddenly advised that which preserved himselfe, and the Romans Affaires. He directed his Lanciers to drag him off by the legs, which they did, and went off with him, holding their Shields over one another, and drawing him away so far at once only, as not to be subject to the Enemies shot. Bessas, so soon as he was in a safe place, rose, and encouraging his Souldiers, gave on again, mounting again the Ladder himselfe; and the Romans following him did very valiantly. The Persians hereupon demanded time to quit the place, and to yeild it. But Bessas suspecting

it to be cunning, in the mean time to fortifie the Walls, said, that he could not stay the Fight; but he pointed to another part of the Walls, whether they might go with him, and parly while the Armies fought. They not entertaining the motion, the Fight was hotly pursued: Which continuing equall, another part of the Wall, where the Romans had formerly min'd, suddenly fell down. Many of both parts ran thither; The Romans, though divided, exceeded the Enemy in numbers, and prest hard upon them: And the Persians being charged in both places, and their fewnesse by being divided appearing, did not equally indure the charge. While the Armies were toyling, and the Persians unable to repell the eagernesse of the Romans, and the Romans absolutely to force their entry; John Guzes left them fighting upon the ruined Wall, and with some Armenians his Country-men, moun∣ted the Rock where the City was esteemed impregnable; and forcing upon the Guards there, killed with his Lance one of the gallantest Persians, and made the place accessible. In the mean time the Persians in the wooden Tower, kindled ma∣ny Fire-vessels, by flinging the same thick, to burn the Engines and men in them, notwithstanding their long Poles. But a strong Southern wind blew against them, and withall let afire one of the boards of the Tower: They within it, being over∣toyled, and full of tumult and disorder, perceived not the Accident soon enough, (their businesse taking from them their senses,) and the flame kindling by little, and little, and with the Medean Oyle, and the other materials, burnt all the Tower, and the Persians in it; who consumed into Coales, fell down, some with∣in the Town, some among the Roman Engines. At the ruined Wall also the E∣nemy grew faint, and gave back, and the Romans entred, and then was Petra ab∣solutely taken; only some 500. Persians retired to the Cittadell. The rest the Ro∣mans took, being 730 men, of whom 18. only were unhurt in the Fight. Many Ro∣mans also fell, brave men, and among them John Guzes, valiantly entring the Town, was killed with a stone. The next morning the Romans besieged the Persians in the Cittadell, and propounded offers of safety unto them, and to give assurances for the same: But they rejected them, and resolved to oppose, though they had no thought of subsisting long; but they chose to dye bravely. Bessas was desirous to draw them from this Opinion, and to perswade them to live. He commanded a Roman Souldier to speak to them to that purpose, as hee dictated it unto him; who being neer, said thus.

Valiant Persians, what mean you thus to pull on your own destruction? using a sence∣lesse endeavour to dye, and shaming the profession of Valour; which never opposes unre∣sistible necessities, but wisely yeilds to the Conquerour. It is not dishonourable to obey your Fortune, and Live; Necessity having left no hope, excuses the dishonour, although one be put to the poorest Actions; pardon ever attending that which cannot be avoided. Insoevident a danger, affect not therefore pride, nor sacrifice your lives for a little vaine-glory. Think how men once dead revive not again; but that the living may in time recompose themselves. Consult therefore your last consultation, and study your own good: Those Counsels are ever best, wherein the advisers have left it in their power to repent. We pitty this your strugling under the Yoake, and spare you, so fond to dye. And while you are wanton and foolish in a case of life; wee, as Romans, and Christi∣ans, commiserate you. If you live, the worst that shall befall you, will be to change your Common-wealth for a better, and to have Justinian your Lord instead of Chosroes; and for this we give you our Faith. Murther not therefore your selves, having meanes to live; It is not excusable thus to no purpose to be in love with dismall things, which is not to be valiant, but to be weary of life. The valiant man endures, while from his sufferings he expects advantage. Men commend a willing death, when some gallant hope is built upon it; But a precipitate end, is a rash and uselesse folly, and a vaine∣glorious dying foolish: Wise men condemning such a fond pretext of brave spirit. Con∣sider moreover, if herein you be not unthankfull to God; who if he Would have you de∣stroyed, would not have delivered you to men, who desire your preservation. Thus it is; and doe you advise, whether you be worthy to live or no.

The Persians would not so much as afford attention to this Counsell, as men willingly deafe. By the Generals direction therefore the Romans threw fire into the Cittadell, thinking so to bring them to yeild. But they, though beholding the mischiefe, and knowing that certainly they would be all consumed, and having no

hope by resisting to escape, yet would not come into their Enemies hands; but pe∣risht all with the Cittadell; the Romans wondring at it. How serious a businesse Chosroes held Lazica to be, appeared by this his putting into Petra the choice and the bravest of his men, and by storing the same with so great a proportion of armes, that to every Roman souldiers share upon the pillage fell five mens furni∣tures, besides much burnt in the Cittadell. There was also found corn, and other salted provisions for five years siege: Wine there was none; but some Beveridge, and store of beans. The Romans wondred to find water coming from the Aquaeduct, till they understood the mystery. For Chosroes having taken Petra, and placed a Garrison in it; foreseeing the siege, and that doubtlesse the Romans would attempt the Aquaeduct, divided the water, brought from it to the City, into three parts, by making a deep Sewer, and by building three severall Aquaeducts; the one at the bot∣tome of the Sewer up to the middle of it, covered with stones and Earth; above that a second covered also, and a third above Ground and visible. The Romans not understanding those close conveiances, spoiled the uppermost at the beginning of the siege, not working downward to the other, thinking the water did fail the City by what they had done; and from their loathnesse to work, their wits failed them. The siege continuing, the Romans understood by some prisoners, that the besieged had water from the Aquaeduct still; whereupon digging, they found the second Conduit and cut it, and in their second Errour were not admonished by their first. But now the city being taken, and finding the water still coming in, and from their Prisoners, hearing how it was done; they saw too late their Enemies providence, and their own negligence. The Prisoners Bessas sent all to the Emperour, and threw down the Walls of Petra, that the Enemy might put them to no more businesse about it: which the Emperour approved, & commended him both for his valour, and this wise counsell of his. Thus Bessas, by his good fortune, and the great valour shewed in this action, grew into a great reputation again: when he commanded Rome, there was great hope of him, having done very valiantly in former imployments. After his ill fortune at Rome (the same being sackt by the Goths, and the whole strength of the Romans there being well nigh destroyed) yet at his return to Constantinople, the Emperour made him Generall against the Persians; though the world flouted the Emperours resolution herein, in committing the Persian war to an old man allmost in his Grave, and one who had been so grosly beaten by the Goths; but notwithstan∣ding this generall opinion, Bessas used the valour, and found the good fortune, I have said. So are humane affaires determined, not as men imagine; but as God swayes the Ballance: And this men call Fortune; finding accidentall things to suc∣ceed in a way by them not discerned, and so attributing a name of Fortune to things above their own reason.

CHAP. VIII.

IN the mean time Mermeroes, afraid of Petra, was coming with his army thither so soon as the winter was done, and the season was sit; but hearing what was become of it, he staid his journey, knowing how on that side of the Phasis the Lazians had no Town, but Petra. So that he marcht homeward, having pre-possest the passages in Lazica, from Iberia: and he past over the Phasis, where he found it for∣dable, and over another River called Reon. Having now the Phasis to his right hand, be led his army to Archaeopolis (the cheif city of Lazica) being most horse, and with eight Elephants, which the Persians use as a Tower to stand upon, and shoot upon the Enemies heads. The Persians industry also is worthy admiration; having made the way between Iberia and Lazica (which was unpassable for rocky places, cove∣red with thick woods and bushes; that there was no going for a man a foot) now so plain and easie, that not only their Horses, but their Elephants may passe. There came also 12000 Sabirian Hunnes to Mermeroes; who fearing least their multi∣tude would not obey him, but might do him some mischeif rather, he kept 4000 of them, and sent the rest home with good store of mony: The Roman army ••oun∣ted in all to 12000, whereof Odonachus and Babas two expert Commanders, had 3000. and the rest incamped neer the Phasis (with intention to succour any place

where the Enemy should fall on) commanded by Bonilus & Ʋligangus: there was also Ʋarazes the Persamenian with them, wholate came out of Italy followed by 800 Tza∣nians. Bessas was retired into Pontus and Armenia, his Government, meaning to toil no more, but to get what he could by his place; and by his avariciousnesse he again ruined the Roman affaires. After his victory at Petra, if he had made haste to fortifie the passages into Lazica from Iberia, the Persians had not entred Lazica, which he e∣ven as good as delivered to the Enemy by his neglect, and carelesnesse of the Empe∣rours indignation. Who indeed used much to connive at the Errours of his cheif Ministers, and they from thence committed many, both in the courses of their lives, and in their Governments. The two Castles of Scanda and Sarapanis, in Lazica, about the frontier of Iberia, standing upon two passages very hard to get through, the Lazians had demolisht. These Castles Justinian in the beginning of the War guarded with Romans, taking out the Lazians formerly in it; but the Romans wan∣ting victuall, and being not able like the Lazians to live long upon Elymus, a kind of pulse like mill-seed; the Lazians also being weary of bringing Provision upon their backs (there being no passage for horses) the Romans there abandoned them, and the Persians took them; but upon the truce restored them to Justinian for the Forts of Bolum and Pharangium, as I have said before. But the Lazians having de∣molisht them now, the Persians repaired Scanda, and held it at this coming of Mer∣meroes into Lazica. And entring the same from Iberia, the first Towne you meet with in the Plaine, is Rodopolis, very assaultable; whereupon the Lazians demolisht it, fearing the Persian Invasion; so that now Mermeroes marcht on to Archaeopolis. But he would not sit downe before it, fearing the Romans Army at his back, en∣camping neer the Phasis. Towards them he went first, and passing by Archaeopolis told them, That he meant to make a visit to the Romans upon the Phasis, and that done, would come to them againe. They answered him bravely, and bade him go, and that if he spake once with the Romans there, he would never come back to them. But the Commanders of the Roman Army hearing the newes, and finding them∣selves too weak, went aboard their Darks, carrying with them what they could, and throwing the rest into the River. Soon after came Mermeroes, and was very melancholly to see the Romans Camp with not a man in it; he burnt the same, and in much anger led his Army back to Archaeopolis.

This City stands upon a kind of Rock, and by it runs a River descending from the next Mountaines. The Low Gate opens neer the foot of the Rock, and the ground to it from the Plaine rises onely, but makes no difficulty of accesse. The Gate opening toward the Rock is very hard to approach, having also for a great way thereabout great Thickets. The towne Walls were built up to the River, that they may draw up their water, having none within the Towne. Mermcroes was eager to assault, and finding it rising ground, not to be medled with by ordinary Rams, he caused his Sabirians to make Rams portable on mens shoulders, using the advantage of his Enemies experiment thereof at Petra, which he had heard of. And these Sabirians made such Rams as their Countrey-men in league with the Ro∣mans made then. Mermeroes set against the rocky part of the City the Delomites, a people dwelling in the midst of Persia, among unaccessable Mountaines, and so not subject to the Persian, but free; and in the Persians wars they serve them for pay, being all foot men, with sword and sheild and two Javelins; and are nimble to climbe rocks, and to runne along the sides of mountaines, as upon plain Ground. These being there ordered, Mermeroes with the rest of his army assaulted at the low∣er gate, and with his new Rams, and his Elephants. Where the Persians and Sabi∣rians galled the Romans with their shot, making them almost to quit the Battlements, and the Delomites did as much on their side with their Javelins, that the Romans were in much extremity. Odonachus and Babas (were it to shew their own, or try the Romans resolution, or by some instinct) leaving some few upon the Battlements, drew together the rest, and sayd thus to them.

Fellow Souldiers! you see our danger; but neverthelesse you must nor yeild to it: Nothing preserves men despairing of life, but not to be in love with life: which sond love is commonly attended with destruction. Consider how in such a difficulty as this, it is not safe to resist an Enemy from the Battlements of a Towne: We may do it bravely, but the distance of place will not permit us to

use our valour: The best we can get, is, to get off and retyre: But if we fight bo∣dy, to body, courage is it gets the better there, and the Victory goes with valour. They who get the better from a Wall, gaine not much; for the next day the dan∣ger renues as fresh as ever, and so they perish by little and little, and loose at last their defended Fortresses. But who overcome in a standing fight, are ever after secure. Taking this into our thoughts, let us make a brave sally, trusting in Gods assistance, and hoping well even from the despaire wee are in. God preserves those most, who have no hope left in themselves.

CHAP. IX.

ODONACHƲS and Babas having thus fayd, led out the Army: Some they left behinde, having suspition of one of the cheife Inhabitants of the City, a Lazian; who had been treated with by Mermeroes in the heat of the assault, to set the City-Magazines on fire. Mermeroes by this thought either to enter the Towne with lesse opposition, the Romans being busie to quench the fire, or if, being eager to defend the Towne, they neglected the fire, he should deprive them of their stores, and so easily in time get the Towne by Famine. The Lazian according to his promise to Mermeroes, when he saw the assault at the hot∣test, fired the Store-houses. The Romans left behinde, seeing the flame rise, ran to it, and with much toyle, and some hurt, put it out. Those who sallyed, frighted the E∣nemy with the suddennesse, and killed them without resistance. For the Persians sus∣pected no sally from so few Defendants, and were scatterd, and in disorder as upon an assault: Some with the Ramms upon their shoulders, and without their armes: others could do no Execution with their bowes, the Romans at the first running up close unto them; who slasht with their Swords on all sides, and cut them in peices. One of their Elephants also, either wounded, or otherwise starting, flew back, and cast his riders, breaking the rancks, and driving the Persians backward; whise the Romans securely cut off all in their way. It may seem strange, that the Romans know∣ing so well the means of resisting Elephants, did nothing now; confounded (it seems) with the present businesse. The means is that, which was practised upon Chosroes at Edessa: an Elephant there was brought close to the walls, with many of the gallantest Persians upon it: and appearing like a Tower, and the shot from it being made di∣rectly upon the Defendants heads, the taking of the town was certainly expected: when the Romans escaped this danger, only by hanging out a Hog from the Bulwark, which with his squeaking scared the Elephant so, that he turned about and retired fair and softly home. This now was omitted by the Romans; but their good fortune supplied their negligence. Having mentioned here Edessa, let me tell a strange pro∣digy which happened in that City a little before the breaking of the Perpetuall Peace; which was, the delivering of a woman with a child having two heads: the events since have made the meaning manifest. For the East, and much of the Roman Empire besides, have been disputed by two Emperours; but to return to the fight. The Persians being thus disordered, and they in the rear seeing the confusion in the van, and not knowing the matter, ran away in fear. The Dolomites also, who were upon high Ground, and saw all, ran away shamefully, and the overthrow was cleer. Four thousand Persians were slain, and three principall commanders, and four En∣signes were taken, which were sent to Constantinople. They lost 20000 horses, not all in fight; but being spent with running away, and not getting a belly full of meat in Lazica, they dyed with famine and weaknesse

Mermeroes having failed at Archaeopolis, was neverthelesse master of the feild in Lazica, and led his army into Muchirisis, a country distant from Archaeopolis a daies journey, having many populous villages, and the best land of Lazica, full of vines and other fruits, through which runs the River of Reon, upon which anciently the Lazians had a Castle; but they demolisht it, because standing in a plain it was easie to be taken. The Castle was called by the Grecians Cotyaeum, but now by the Lazi∣ans Cotaesis, as Arrianus in his history. Others say, it was anciently a City named-Coitaeum; where Aeaetes was born, whom the Poets call Coitaeensis, and Lazica, Coy∣taitis.

This Castle Mermerces was desirous to re-edifie, and wanting materialls, he staid till the winter was past, purposing to repaire it with Timber. Neer unto Cotae∣sis, stands Ʋchimerium, a strong Castle, guarded by Lazians with some Roman soul∣diers intermingled: Hereabout Mermeroes lay with his army, possessing the best land of Lazica, and cutting off the Romans from bringing victuall to Ʋchimerium, and from marching into the countries of Suania, and Scymnia, subject to the Persians; an Army in Muchirisis, crossing the passage into those countries. These were the successes of the armies in Lazica.

In Constantinople, in the mean time Isdigunas the Persian Ambassador, had many conferences with the Emperour touching a peace. And after a long time spent in disputes, at last they came to this agreement:

That in their proper Dominions there should be a cessation of armes for five years, and during the same, that sen∣ding to each other they should endeavour to compose the differences concerning Lazica and the Saracens; and that the Romans should pay to the Persians twenty Centenaries of Gold for this Cessation of five yeares, and for the eighteen months passed between the end of the first Quinquenniall Cessation, and their sending Ambassadors to each other sixe Centenaries more; the Persians alleadging, that they yeilded to a conference for truce upon that Condition.

These twenty Cente∣naries, Isdigunas would have presently paid, and the Emperour demanded to pay them by four Centenaries every year, and thereof to give caution; but in the end the Romans paid down the whole summe, that they might not seem to pay a yearly Tribute to the Persians.

Thus men are ashamed more of the dishonour of names, then things. Barsabes al∣so, a Persian of great quality, and much favoured by Chosroes, whom Valerianus had taken prisoner in a fight in Armenia, and sent to Constantionople, and for whom Chosroes had offered a great ransome, was now set at liberty upon the suit of Isdigunas, who promised to perswade Chosroes to remove his army out of Lazica. This Cessation concluded in the twenty fifth year of Justinians Raigne, much discon∣tented the Romans, whether unreasonable or no, (as Subjects use to censure the acti∣ons of their Princes) I will not determine. But they alleadged, that the Persians be∣ing now strong in Lazica, they might securely without the interruption of any, for five years to come, hold the fairest peices of it, and that the Romans would never afterward be able to drive them out of it, but the Persians have easy accesse even to Constantinople it selfe. These considerations troubled most men, but they could not help it; and likewise to see the ancient indeavour of the Persians, to make the Ro∣mans tributary, which by war they could never hope to effect, now established by the colour of a cessation of armes; Chosroes now taxing the Romans with a tri∣bute of four annuall Centenaries upon this fair pretence, untill his forty six Cente∣naries were paid, calling his Taxe a Truce, and shewing apparantly to have plot∣ted it from the beginning of the War. And yet still he used hostility in Lazica, as hath been said. From this Taxation the Romans had no hope ever to be freed, but saw themselves in the quality of plain Tributaries to the Persians. Isdigunas also having gotten more wealth then ever Ambassador did, and received the highest ho∣nours from the Emperour, together with immense gifts, was sent home the richest man (I think) in Persia. This only Ambassador had no Guard put upon him; himselfe and his followers freely conferred, and kept company with whom they would; and in the city bought and sold, and made any contracts, and were present at them, with all manner of license, no Roman attending them to observe their do∣ing, as was wont to be.

At this time also wer Heats, such as none ever remembred the like, the Roses towards the winter growing in abundance, as in the spring, with no manner of difference, and the weather as hot as at midsummer: And the vintage being long past, new Grapes came up. Some divined from hence at great accidents likely to succeed; but the naturall cause of it was the continuance of the Southerly winds, longer then was or∣dinary, from whence came those unusuall heats. If any strange matters were signi∣fied by them, we shall know the certainty by the Event.

CHAP. X.

DUring the sayd Negotiation at Constantinople for a truce; in Lazica King Gubazes affected the Romans, because he found Chosroes to plot his death; but the generality of the Lazians offended with the Romans oppressions; and discontented with their Commanders, did for the most part favour the Persians, not for love of the Persian Government, but to be rid of the other, of two ills choosing that rather which they felt not. And Theophobius a cheife man a∣mong them, treated with Mermeroes to deliver to him the Castle of Ʋchimerium, who animated him to the action with large hopes of being a Favorite of Chosroes, and naturalized a Persian, and of getting great wealth and preferments. There were no Forces joyned of Romans and Lazians, and the Persians visited all the Townes at their pleasure. The Emperialists lay concealed, some neer the Phasis, o∣thers in Archeopolis, and other Fortresses; and King Gubazes lay quiet upon the tops of Mountaines: So that Theophobius without any difficulty appearing, came to the Castle and told the Emperiall Garrison there, That the Roman Army was cut in peices, King Gubazes ruined, and Lazica wholly under the Persians, without any hope of recovering the same for the Romans or Gubazes. Mermeroes with se∣venty thousand Persians had done all this, and with great numbers of Sabirians; And that Chosroes was now also joyned suddenly with an innumerable Army, that all Lazica would scarce containe them. With this terrible newes Theophohius so frighted the Garrison, that they besought him even by the God of their Fathers to finde some accommodation for them. He promised to procure their safety from Chosroes; and returning immediately to Mermeroes, obtained of him some princi∣pall Persians with Commission to repaire to Ʋchimerium, and having given assu∣rances to the Garrison for their lives and Goods, to take possession of the Castle; by the having whereof the Persians were absolute Masters of Lazica. They subdued also Scymnia and Suania, that all places from Muchirisis to Iberia were unacces∣sible to the Romans and King Gubazes. And nor Romans nor Lazians durst meddle with the Enemy, nor come, the one from their Fortresses, the other downe from the Mountaines. Mermeroes during the Winter, repaired with timber the Walls of Coitaesis, and placed in it three thousand Persians; he put also a competent Garri∣son in Ʋchimerium, and repaired another Castle called Sarapalis, upon the Fron∣tier of Lazica. Then he martcht toward the Phasis, where he understood that the Romans and Lazians had newly made head and were encamped. But Gubazes and the Roman Commanders at the first news of his coming disbanded, and every man saved himselfe as he could. Gubazes ran up againe to the Mountaines, and there with his Wife and Children made an end of the Winter, fighting it out with pover∣ty and the hard weather, and comforting himselfe (as men use) with hopes from Constantinople. And the other chiefe Lazians in their respect to their King were contented, as he, with hard winter lodgings in the holes of Rocks. Enemy they feared none in those Mountaines, being (especially in the Winter) not to be med∣led with; but famine and other misery made them weary of their lives. Mermero••s in the meane time built Store-houses in the Villages of Muchirisis, and furnisht the same with Victuall; and by sending Fugitives to the foot of the Mountaines, and promising conditions of safety, he drew many downe, supplyed them plenti∣fully with what they most wanted, and used them as his owne people. In all things else he ruled the Countrey at his pleasure, and to Gubazes wrote this Letter.

Power and wisedome are the two composers of humane affaires; and they who in power excell others, live as they list, and bring the weaker to what termes they please, who being slaves to the stronger cure their want of power with wise∣dome, and by soothing their Conquerours, hold that with comfort, whereof their infirmity deprives them. This is generally in all Nations, and is fixed in the nature of men. So that gentle Gubazes! if you thinke you can vanquish the Per∣sians, delay not your owne good, but come to Battell, you shall finde us in what part of Lazica you please, ready to fight with you for the Countrey. With us you may now try your power, who can never thinke afterward to oppose the whole power of Persia. Or you may take the second course, which is to know

your selfe, and to adore Chosroes as your Master, King, and Conquerour; by sup∣plications you may be rid of your present miseries; I undertake that the King will be gracious to you, and will give you of the best Hostages in Persia for the perpetuall assurance of your life and Kingdome. If neither of these please, suf∣fer the Lazians, made miserable by your bad counsels, to raise themselves from the difficulties that presse them; and see them not crusht with an endlesse ruine, while you trust to the slippery hopes of Roman Succours, who can vindicate you no more then hitherto they have done.

Gubazes was not perswaded by this Letter, but still stayd upon the Mountaines; his hatred of Chosroes not suffering him to despaire in the Roman Succours. Mens judgements ever thus tune to that which pleases their wills, admitting all reasons of that side, without examination of the soundnesse of them; and obstinately not crediting, nor weighing the arguments which crosse their desires.

About this time certaine Monks came out of India, and getting accesse to the Emperour, promised to effect his long desire, that the Romans should no more buy the Metaxa, or Raw-silke from the Persians their Enemies, nor any other Nations. For having remained long in those Countries, they had learnt the way how the same might be had in the Roman Provinces. They told him that certaine Wormes, taught by nature, did spin this Raw-silke; to bring the Wormes alive, that it was not possible, but easie to get their Bags, wherein were innumerable Eggs, which being covered in Dung, and thereby heated, produced the Wormes. The Emperour promised them a great reward to bring their undertaking to effect; who returned into India, brought those Eggs to Constartinaple, and being by the meanes afore∣sayd growne to Wormes, fed them with Mulbery leaves, and so caused the making of Raw-silke in the Roman Territories.

The Winter being ended, Isdigunas came to Chosroes with the Money, and the Treaty agreed upon, who sealed the same and took the Money; wherewith levying agreat Army of Hunnes, he sent them to Mermeroes, resolving not to quit Lazi∣ca. Mermeroes with these Hunnes and his Persians and Elephants marcht against the Townes of Lazica, whom the Romans encountred not, but under the com∣mand of Martinus fortified themselves about the mouth of the Phasis; and lay quiet, in the company of King Gubazes. Mermeroes led the Army first against a Castle where he understood the Sister of Gubazes to be; but the Garrison; and the strength of the place beat him from thence, and caused him to retyre without do∣ing any hurt in that journey either to Romans or Lazians. Marching into Abas∣gia, he found the narrow and rocky passage into the same possest by a Roman Gar∣rison, who opposed his entrance. So that he drew back, and went against Archaec∣polis; and not prevailing there neither, he retyred with his Army: which the Ro∣mans followed, and in that fast Countrey intercepted many, and killed the cheif Commander of the Sabirian Hunnes. But fighting about the dead body, the Per∣sians forced away the Enemy, and retyred to Coitaisis in Mucheirisis. Such were the successes of the Armies in Lazica.

CHAP. XI.

IN Asrica all things proceeded fairly for the Romans, by the incredible successes of John the Generall, who had drawn to his party Cutzinas, a Prince of Numi∣dia, then vanquisht all the other Numidians in a battell, and soon after brought Antalas and Jabdas, (who were Princes of Moores in Byzacium and Numidia) to follow him in the quality of slaves. So that in Africa the Romans had no Enemies, and not many subjects, whom the former wars and mutinies had almost wasted.

In the mean time in Europe, the Gepades, who (as I said formerly) made a truce with the Lombards, not ending their differences, resolved upon a war again, which grew as hot as ever: The Gepades being led by Thorisin, and the Lombards by An∣auin; followed by great multitudes on both sides. They came neer, but the armies discerned not one another; when a sudden Panick fear, without any cause appear∣ing, frighted both the armies so, that they ran away, leaving their Commanders

with some few only behind: who neither with fair words nor threates could stopp them. Auduin not knowing the Enemy was in the same case, sent an Embassage to the Enemy for truce. The Ambassadors, finding the Gepades to have had the same for∣tune

with themselves, demanded of Thorisin, whether his people were gone; they are fled (quoth Thorisin) none pursuing, and so are the Lombards, sayd they: since you deal truly with us, we will conceal nothing from you. And since God is pleased that these nations shal not perish, and hath cast on us both this sav∣ing fear, let us concur with that gracious sentence, and make an end of the war.

Be it so, quoth Thorisin, and so a Cessation was concluded for two years, and in the mean time to send their Heralds, mutually and fully to compose the differences: but not being able to end the same, they fell again to the way of hostility. The Gepados feared that the Romans would joyne with the Lombards, and therefore they sent to the Cuturgurians, Hunnes inhabiting on this side the Lake of Maeotis, to assist them in this war against the Lombards. They sent them twelve thousand men, comman∣ded by Chinialus, an experienced Souldier. But one year of the Cessation being yet to come, and the Gepaedes having no occasion to use such a multitude, perswaded them in the interim, as upon the by, to invade the Romans, who keeping no exact Guards upon the Ister, into Illyrium and Thrace, the Gepaedes transported the Hunnes into the Empire; who spoiled the country, and sackt the Towns. The Empe∣rour hereupon sent to the Ʋfurgurians, Hunnes planted beyond the Lake of Maotis, blaming their unjust lying still, it being most unjust to neglect their freinds perish∣ing; alleadging how the Cuturgurians being their neighbours, and receiving great pensions yearly from Constantinople, ceased not to wrong them, but made daily in∣roades and spoiles upon them: & they, the Cuturgurians getting no share of the same, were carelesse of the Romans their ancient freinds, and saw them spoiled and ransackt by the Cuturgurians, without vindicating them from those oppressions. The Vtur∣gurians upon this remonstrance of the Emperour, and of the many presents they had received from him, and upon receit of more mony now, were won to invade the Cuturgurians country. They passed the Tanais, accompanied with two thousand Tetraxite Goths, who dwelt neer them, and the army was commanded by Sandill, a wise and a valiant man, and experienced in many warrs. The Cuturgurians in∣countred them in a battell long fought; but were routed, and many were slain. And the Ʋturgurians took their wives and children captives, and went home. During the battell, some thousands of Romans, who had been taken captives by the Cuturgu∣rians, slipt away, and recovered their native countries unfollowed, and getting so in that which most concerned them, the benifit of the others victory. The Empe∣rour sent Aratius to Chinialus, Generall of the Cuturgurians, to tell him the newes of his own country, and to perswade them with mony to quit the Roman territory, who hearing what the Ʋturgurians had done, took the mony, and came to this ac∣cord: That without killing, or taking prisoners, or other hurt doing, they should retire home through the Roman Subjects, as freinds: That if they could continue in their country, they should observe saith to the Romans, if they could not, they should come back, and have townes given them by the Emperour in Thrace; and being Confederates with the Romans, should guard the provinces from all Barbarians whatsoever. Of them al∣ready two thousand were come into Roman Land with their wives and children, after receiving that overthrow, from the Ʋturgurians; and were led by Sisinnion, who served formerly under Belisarius, against Gelimer, and the Vandales. They be∣came servants to the Emperour, and were seated in Thrace. Sandill, King of the Ʋ∣turgurians grew angry at this; that he should punish the Cuturgurians of the same Race, and expell them for wrongs done to the Romans, and that now the Empe∣rour should entertain them to live among the Romans, and better then ever they did. He sent Ambassadors to the Emperour to expostulate; but without Letters: for the Hunnes know no letters, nor Grammer, nor breed their Children in the toiles about learning. The Ambassadors having accesse to the Emperour, told him as they were directed.

That their King Sandill bade them say, that he heard an old saying, when hee was a boy, how a Woolfe may change the colour of his haire, but not his nature, which will ne∣ver be mended: that he knew by his own experience also, as a rusticall Barbarian could observe it, how shepheards breed their Dogs in their houses from little Puppies, who have

the good nature to remember the kindnesse of them who seed them: and the Shepheards do this, that they may have the Doggs to chase away the Wolves, and to protect the poor sheep. That this is used every where, no where Dogs invading the stock, nor Wolves de∣fending it. And he doth not thinke that in the Emperours Dominions, (though aboun∣ding with so many strange things) there is any varying from this constant Law of nature; which se••ing it is universally the same, that he conceiveth it not good for the Emperour to harbour this wolvish race of Cuturgurians, nor to bring in such turbulent neighbours; nor to take them as sojourners, whom he could not bear being strangers, and that they will shortly snew their nature to the Romans. That the Romans shall never want Ene∣mies to destroy them, when even those who shall be beaten may hope to be in a better Con∣dition; nor will their freinds hinder inreads into their country, when the vanquisht shall have more respect from them then they, after the best they can do. As themselves live now in a barren country, while the Cuturgurians have plenty of corn, and surset in their Wine sellars, and seed upon every dish. The wanderers are now admitted to the Bathes, and have their Jewells, their silkes and imbroyderies of gold to wear, and yet they carried innumerable Romans into their country captives; where they inflicted on them the ba∣sest abuses, scourging them, nay killing them without any offence committed, and in o∣ther things acting upon them the humour and power of Barbarian Masters; but that the Uturgurians set them at Liberty, and restored them to their country by the sweate and ••••ile of a war. And now that the rewards of them both are very unequall; while themseives still injoy the miseries of their poor country; but the Cuturgurians share a part of the country of those very men, who by the valour of the Uturgurians were delivered from thraldome under the other.

Thus spake the Ʋturgurian Ambassadors, whom the Emperour soothed with store of gifts, and shortly sent them home.

CHAP. XII.

IN these times was a great Warr between the Varnians and the Islanders of Brit∣tia: The Varnians are seated beyond the River Isler, and extend to the Nor∣thern Ocean, and the Rhyne, which River divides them, and the Francks, and the other Nations inhabiting those parts. All which Nations on both sides the Rhyne are named Germans. Brittia lyes on the Ocean Sea, distant from the Conti∣nent but twenty five miles, opposite to the mouth of the Rhyne, and lying between Brittany and * Thule. Brittany lyes to the West of Spaine five hundred miles,* 1.3 but Brittia lyes at the bottom of Gaule upon the Ocean, Northward to Spaine and Brittany: And Thule lyes in the uttermost bounds of the Ocean, Northward. This Island of Brittia is possest by three populous Nations, and over each is a King, and they are named Angli, Frisons, and Brittians. The people are so fruitfull, that yearely they transport many Families to the Francks, who plant them in de∣sert Countries, and upon that ground pretend an interest to the Island; and lately in an Embassage to the Emperour Justinian, sent some Angli in company, as if the Island were theirs. Over the Varnians one Hermegis••lus lately reigned, who took to Wife a Sister of Theodebert King of the Francks, his former Wife being dead; by whom he had a Son named Radisis, betroathed to the Sister of the King of the Angli in Brittia: This Hermegliscus riding to take the avre, a Raven from a tree croaked at him; he told his Noble men attending him, that the Bird in her lan∣guage did foretell his death to be within forty dayes after: And I (quoth he)

for your peace and security made an allyance with the Francks by mine owne Wife, and contracted a Brittian Lady to my Son: But now being suddenly to dye without Issue from my now Wife, and my Son being yet without his Bride, let me communicate my thoughts to you, and when I am dead, if you like my ad∣vise, put it in execution. I hold it more advantagious for you, to have allyance with the Francks then with the Brittians; who being Islanders, cannot joyne with you in time, nor easily: whereas nothing severs the Francks, but the Rhyne, from you. And being so neer and so powerfull, they are at hand both to helpe and hurt you; and hurt they will, if this allyance restraine them not: An over∣growne

neighbour proves heavy, and apt to doe wrong, and the meanes of a War are easie against men at the next doore. Quit therefore that betroathed Islander, and the Money shee hath received restore, according to the Law of Nations, for a reparation of the refusall of her: and let my Son Radisis marry his Mother-in-law, which our Lawes permit.

Hermegisclus gave this advise, and at the fortieth day dyed; and his Son taking the Kingdome, renounced his betroathed Spouse by the perswasion of his Nobles, and tooke his Mother-in-law to Wife. The contracted Lady could not brook the scorne done her, but was eager to revenge it. For so tender of their honour are the Barbarians of those parts, that after the name onely of a marriage without consummation, if the woman be refused, shee thinks her selfe profest a Strumpet. First shee sent Messengers to demand the reason of this rejection, seeing he could not charge her with incontinence, nor any other offence; but that way prevailing nothing, with a manly courage shee resolved upon a Warr: Shee got four hun∣dred Ships and an hundred thousand men, whom her selfe led, with one of her Brothers to assist her. The Brittians are the bravest Infantry we know, but so un∣exercised in Horsemanship, that they know not what a Horse is, nor ever saw in Brittia the Picture of any, where never any was bred.

When upon Ambassages they come abroad among the Romans, or Francks, and are put to necessity of riding, men lift them up, and set them upon their Horses; and so take them downe againe when they are to alight. The Varaians also are all Footmen. Aboard the aforesayd Fleet were none but rowers, for the Brittians have no Sailes: Being landed upon the Continent, the Virgin-Generall encamped at the mouth of the Rhyne, where staying her selfe, shee sent out her Brother a∣gainst the Enemy: He finding the Varnians neer the Sea shore encamped, had a bat∣tell with them and defeated them, where many fell, and the rest with their King fled, and were followed by the Angles as farr as foot-men could; who retyring to the Campe, were by the Lady chid, and especially her Brother, for having nothing worthy such an Army, seeing he brought not Radisis to her alive. Shee selected then her best men, and charged them to bring the man to her: who in the end found him concealed in a Wood, and brought him bound to the Lady. He stood before her trembling, expecting some cruell death: But shee onely reproaching to him the unjust affront he had done her, askt him why he would neglect his Vow, and bed another Woman, his owne Spouse not having committed whoredome. He excused all upon the injunctions of a Father, and the importunity of his Nobles, mingling his apologie with supplications, and imputing the crime to necessity, pro∣mising now, if it were her pleasure, to live with her, and by his future services to cure his former injury. The Lady was pleased, and Radisis loosed from his bonds was vouchsafed all manner of courtesie: And immediately he sent home the Sister of Theodebert, and marryed this Brittian Lady,

In Brittia also is a Wall dividing a great part of the Island in two; the reason of it is, because to the Eastward is good ayre according to the seasons, and many ci∣vill Inhabitants, and they have Corne and Fruit-trees in abundance, and are well stored with waters. But to the Westward all is so contrary, that a man cannot live there halfe an houre, the Countrey being possest with Adders and Snakes, and all sorts of venemous creatures. The natives affirme, that so soon as a man passes to the other side of the Wall, he instantly falls dead with the pestilentiall ayre; and the like happens to Beasts.

In this description I am to mention a Story, or rather a Fable; I cannot think it true, though many men affirme to have seen it and been actors in it, neither must I absolutely reject it, least professing to write of the particularities of this Island, I be thought ignorant of the things done in it. They report that to this part of the Island are transported the Soules of the departed, by a meanes, which though I have heard in very good earnest related, yet I conceive that the first rumour of it sprung from some dreaming heads. Along the Ocean shore, over against Brittia, are ma∣ny Villages, inhabited by Fishermen, Husbandmen, and Boatmen, who traffique in the Island; subjects they are to the Francks, but pay no Tribute, the exemption from which is granted unto them for a service which I will now relate. They have the employment of conducting Soules departed imposed on them by turnes; when

any mans turne comes, they goe home to bed towards night, expecting their fel∣low conductor; and at midnight they finde the door opened, and heare a softly voice calling them to the businesse: Instantly they rise, and go downe to the Sea∣side, finding themselves constrained to goe on, but they perceive not by whom: Boats they finde ready, with no men in them, and aboard they goe and sit to their Oares. They perceive the Boats loaded with Passengers even to the Deck; and the place of their Oares not an inch from the water: They see nothing, but after an houres rowing, come a Land in Brittia, whereas in their owne Boats they have much adoe to passe over in a day and a night, having no Sayles, but rowing onely. They instantly land their Fare, and are gone away with their Boats suddenly grown light, and swimming with the current, and having all save the Keele above water: They see no men leaveing the Boat, but they heare a voice, relating to some, who it seemes stayes there for them, the names of the Passengers, with their Titles, and additions of what Fathers they were; and (if women) of what Husbands. But to returne to my History, and to the Gothick Warr, having already spoken of the successes of other Provinces.

CHAP. XIII.

THE Emperour, as I sayd before, had sent for Belisarius home, where he held him in honour, upon the death of Germanus: yet he would not send him into Italy; and though he were Generall of the East, he made him Commander of the Guards of his body, and kept him at Constantinople: And Belisarius was the cheife of all the Romans in dignity; some indeed had the pri∣ority of being made Patricians and Consulls before him but yet they yeilded the pre∣cedence to him, and were ashamed to make use of the Law, and to assume the right, which that gave them, against so eminent a vertue; and the Emperour took it well of them. But John, Sisters son of Vitalianns, past that Winter in Salonae, whom the Roman Commanders in Italy expecting dayly, forbare any action. And the Winter ended, and the sixteenth year of this Warr wrirten by Procopius.

The next yeare John resolving to lead the Army from Salonae against Totilas,* 1.4 the Emperour commanded him to stay the comming of Narses the Eunuch, whom he had made his absolute Generall in this warr. The reason of this determination of the Emperour was not knowne; for who can declare the counsels of his heart with∣out his consent? But men did conjecture that his Majesty did consider how the rest of the Commanders would grudge to have their power lessened, and to be made subordinate to John; whereupon either by contrary opinions, or through envy, they might purposely prejudice his affaires. I heard also this story at my former be∣ing at Rome from one of the Senators, That in the Raigne of Atalaricus, a heard of Cattell about evening came into Rome, and past through the Market place, call∣ed Forum pacis, where stood the ancient Temple of peace, and was thunder-struck∣en. Over against this Market place stands an ancient Conduit, and upon it a bra∣zen Bullock, the work of Phidias the Athenian, or of Lysippus; there being in the same place many Statues of their making, and upon one the name of Phidias is in∣graven. There is here also the Bullock made by Myron: The ancient Romans be∣ing most studious to make all the fairest peices of Greece the ornaments of Rome. But the Senator told me, that an Oxe of this Heard was left behinde the rest, and got up to the Conduit, and stood above by the brazen Bullock; and that a Tulcan passing by, a plaine countrey fellow in appearance, but a pretended Soothsayer (as all the Tuscan are) sayd, That one day an Eunuch should depose the Prince of Rome. The Tuscan and his Divination was then laught at, as all predictions are, before they be justified by the event, seeming till then ridiculous and fabulous: But now all men admire that his interpretation, being convinced by the event. So that Narses was chosen Generall against Totilas, either the Emperour wisely foreseeing the successe, or fortune determining the same: And Narses with a Gallant Army, and store of Treasure was dispatcht. He stayd a while in Thrace at Phillippopolis.

his way being stopt by an army of Hunnes, who drave and carried all away without opposition; but they being gone some towards Thessalonica, some towards Con∣stantinaple, he marcht on, being hardly disengaged from them.

While John thus staid for Narses at S••ilonae and Narses intangled with those Hunns marcht slowly: T••tilas looking for Narses coming, placed in Rome some of the Se∣nators, confined in Campania, and other Romans, Commanding them to guard the City, and professing to repent for what he had done to it. He had burnt the most part of it, especially beyond the Tiber; and these men being grown little better then Slaves, and stript of all they had, were so unable to vindicate the publick, that they could not get every man his ownpeculiar right: and yet are the Romans the best patri∣ots in the world, studying to recover from all parts, what belongs to their City, and to save all the ancient Ornaments of Rome from perishing. During so long a subjection to Barbarians, how did they preserve their publick buildings and ornaments of their City! Even the orginall monuments of their race do yet last, the sufficiency of those ancient workmen holding out against the ruines of time, and the negligence of men Among which there yet stands a miraculous spectacle, which my selfe have seen; the ship of Aenaeas the founder of their City: it is for one row of oares only, and of a huge length, being 120 foot long, and 25. broad. It is so high only, as that men may row in it. The Timbers in it are not mortessed into one another, nor fastned by iron; but are every one of a peice, such as were never heard of, and are only found in this ship, that we can learn. For the keele be∣ing all one peice, reaches from the stern to the foreship, and bowes by little and little into a convenient crookednesse, then strangely turnes straight again, and most aptly in proportion. The ribs also of the ship reach from side to side, crooking downwards, and bowing so handsomely, that one would think the hollow bulk of the Ship to be made round and turned with instruments; either nature providing such a crookednesse in the Timber for the present use, or else those uneven ribs were fit∣ted by mens hands, or Engins. Every planck also reaches from the stern to the fore∣ship, being all of a peice, and have only spikes of iron to fasten them to the shipps ribs, and to make up her sides. Thus doth this ship affoard a sight beyond expres∣sion; strange workman-ships naturally rising above discourse, and as they subdue common things by thenew invention, so over-mastring evenspeech it selfe. And the ship is strong and lusty yet, and sound all through, none of the Timbers having any rottennesse appearing; as if the ship-wright (whatsoever he were) had lately built it.

Totilas also manned 300 Gallies with Goths, whom he commanded to pillage, and spoil the coast of Greece. This fleet hurt nothing, till it came to Corcyra, anci∣ently the country of the Phaeacians; being the only inhabited Island in this passage from the straits of Scylla. Having been often upon that Sea, I was curious where the Iland of Calypso was: I found only three small islands, some thirty seven miles from Phaeacia, (now Corcyra) called Othonae, from whence one may imagine Ʋ∣lisses to have past to Corcyra, being no farther off, either in a boate made of a sud∣den, or otherwise; this is but my conjecture only. It is hard to discourse exactly of things so ancient: Time changes the names of places, and the opinion formerly held of them. Upon the Sea shore in Corcyra stands the modell of a ship made of white stone, compounded of many severall stones, which some suppose to be the modell of that which transported Ʋlisses into Ithaca, after his entertainment with the Phae∣acians.* 1.5 But * the being not of one stone, and the Letters ingraven upon it, pro∣claime the same to have been set there by some Merchant in ancient time, and de∣dicated to Jupiter Casius; the town also where this ship stands being yet called Ca∣s••••pe. In Euboea at Geraestum, there is also such a modell of a ship, dedicated by A∣gamemnon to Diana, to please her with this also, as he had, by the sacrifice of his Daughter Iphigenia, obtained of her a passage for the Grecian army to Troy. Which is testisied by Letters ingraven upon it either then or afterward; the most of which time hath defaced, but at the beginning of the verses, they appear thus.

— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Here Agamemnon plac'd this black-pitcht Barke, Of the Greeks Army now at Sea a Mark.

And the Inscription thus,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — Tenichus built This to Diana Bolosia. —

For so anciently they called Eileithuia, or Lucina; terming the Throwes and pangs of Childbirth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But I returne from whence I digressed.

CHAP. XIV.

THE Goths with their fleet came to Corcyra, and forraged the Island, and the Ilands also of Syntae. They landed also upon the main land of Epirus, and pillaged the townes about Dodona and Nicopolis it selfe, and Anchia∣lus, where Anchises, the Father of Aenaeas sayling from Troy dyed, and gave the name to the Towne. They tooke upon the coast also many Greeke shippes, and some transporting Provisions to Narses Army. Totilas likewise sent an army into Picenia to take Ancona, commanded by Skipuar, and Giblas and Gun∣dulse, (called by some Indulfe) formerly of the life-guard to Belisarius. He gave them forty seven gallies to block up the Castle by sea also. The Seige lasting long, and the besieged wanting victuall, Valerianus being at Ravenna, and unable alone to succour it, wrote this Letter to John, Vitalianus his Sisters Son, at Salonae.

Ancona you know is only left us within the Jonian Gulfe, if it be left us: it is so sharply besieged, that I fear our succours will come too late, and we shall use our indeavour after our opportunity. I forbear to write more; the necessity of the be∣sieged claimes all our time, and their danger permits not a long Epistle, requiring succour swifter then speech.

John, though the Emperour had forbidden him to stir, adventured to go, concei∣ving the necessity, whereinto fortune had cast them, to dispence with the Emperours instructions: He chose his best souldiers, and put them aboard forty Gallies, swift of Sail, and well built for a Sea fight; and having furnished them with all necessaries, came with them before Ancona. Whether soon after came Valerianus with twelve ships: Upon conference together they rose from thence, and Anchor'd at a place called Senogallia, not far from Ancona. The Goths Generall also manned forty seven ships with their choice men, leaving the rest to block up the Castle: and sailed against the Romans. Skipuar commanded the men left behinde, and Giblas and Gundulfe those in the Ships. The Fleets being neer, each drew their ships as close together as might be and exhorted their men. John and Valerianus spake thus.

Think not fellow Souldiers! that you are to fight now only for the Castle of Ancona, and the Romans in it; but that the main of the war depends upon this bat∣tell; and that the conclusion of our fortune is to be drawn in the same Lot with it. Consider, how the cheif moment of war consists in the expences of it, and that they who want supplies, are of necessity to be beaten in the End. Valour and hun∣ger cannot dwell long together, nature not induring to pine with famine, and to fight bravely too: And other fortresse we have none between Otranto and Ra∣venna, where we can lay in any provisions for our selves or our Horses. And the Enemy being Master of the Country we have no place our freind, from whence to furnish any small proportion of victuall. In Ancona is our only hope,

where such as come from the opposite land may put in and ride safely. So that if we win this battell, and thereby assure Ancona, we may hope well of all the rest of this war; but if we be defeated, I will not speak any thing that is harsh, God grant unto the Romans the perpetuall Dominion of Italy. And consider too, that if you speed ill now, you cannot so much as run away; the Enemy possessing all the land, and being also absolute master of the Sea. Our only hope of living now is in our armes, and depends upon our actions in this fight. Fight bravely therefore, having this in your minds, that if you now be beaten, it will be your last beating; if you conquer, you will be rancked with honour among the most happy.

Thus Iohn and Valerianus; and the Goths Commander spake thus.

These wretched men expulsed out of Italy, and long hid in some corners of the Sea and Land, seeing now they dare to sight with us again; it is our parts to check their unadvi∣sed presumption, least it grow higher being let alone. Folly, not restrained in the beginning, proceeds to endlesse daring, and at last ruines those it incounters. Shew them then quickly, that they are Greeks, and naturally cowards, and now grown desperate with being beaten. Take heed least they prosper upon this Experiment; Cowardize despised, becomes bold, and fool-hardinesse in the end may grow to be incapable of fear. And if you do valiantly, thinke not that they can stand long. A spirit not measured out proportionably to the power of him that uses it, common∣ly rises before the businesse; but when the battell is begun, it suckes. Remember therefore the often tryals this Enemy hath made of your valour;

& from their then successe, argue, that they are not now suddenly become better men; but have rash∣ly undertaken as then, and will go off with the like fortune.

After these exhortations, the battell began, and was stoutly sought, and some∣thing like a land fight. They stood with all their ships in front against each other; and plied their Bowes. The forwardest grapled, and fought from the decks with Javelin and sword, as in a feild. But the Goths unexperienced in Sea-sights maintained the incounter with much disorder. Some stood aloofe, whereby the Romans set on them single: Some came on so thick, that they fell, foule with their fellowes for want of Roome. Their ships stood jumbled together like so many baskets that they could neither shoot at the Enemy, nor manage their Javelins nor swords; but were perpe∣tually imployed in getting cleer of one another, with loud clamours, and confused pushing off with their long poles; intangling their front for want of roome, and then getting aloofe, and both to their own mischeise: their cries and hollowings were not against the Enemy, but to their own men to keep off; and thus puzzelling one ano∣ther, they were the cheifest cause of the Enemies victory. Who in their close fights did valiantly, and in their Sea fights skillfully; keeping their ships in front, not too far asunder, nor more close then was convenient; And still joyning and severing in good proportion, when they saw an Enemies ship scatter'd, they struck at her, and with ease sunck her; and where they saw the Enemy in confusion, thither they sent clouds of arrowes; then seeing them wearied with the toyle of their disorder, they fell on them and cut them in peices. The Goths desponding, did neither consider their crosse fortune, nor their own Errours; and being not able either to use their ships, nor to fight from their decks they left fighting and fell to a dangerous quiet∣nesse, committing themselves to fortune; and then betook themselves to a shameful and disorderly retreat, having no remembrance either of resisting, or of handesom∣ly flying; but being scattered among their Enemies, they stood amazed. Eleven ships got away; the rest the Romans took, or sunck with the men in them. Giblas was taken Prisoner; but Gundulse escaped in the eleven ships, and the men being landed, he set them on fire, that they might not come into the Enemies hands. Then they went a foot to Ancona, where relating the accident to their companions, they all retired from thence, leaving their camp for the Romans, and they ran tumultuous∣ly into Auximum. The Romans came to the Goths camp before Ancona, and took it, then put provisions into the Castle, and sailed away, Valerianus to Ravenna, and John to Salonae. This overthrow much abated the power of Totilas.

In Sicily at the same time thus it was. Liberius was sent for home to Constantin••∣ple, and Artabanes by the Emperour was made sole Commander of the army in Sicily; Who took in all the Castles from the few Goths left in the Iland, after some sieges and overthrowes given them. The Goths were terrified therewith, and with

the late defeat at Sea, and their hearts with these losses were so dejected, that if any succours should come to the Romans, they had no thought of subsisting, or of keeping their footing in Italy; nor could they hope to obtain any thing from the Emperour. For Totilas had sent many Ambassadours to the Emperour, shew∣ing how the Francks had seised upon a great share of Italy, and how the rest was become wast: That the Goths should quit to him Sicily and Dalmatia, which only remained unspoyled; and should pay tribute for the wasted Lands in Italy, and serve the Emperour against all the World, and in other things be obedient to him. But the Emperour would take no notice of these overtures, but still sent away the Ambassadours, being distasted at the very name of Goths, and purposing to chase them out of the Roman Empire.

CHAP. XV.

NOT long before dyed Theodebert King of the Francks, having unjustly made tributary some Townes in Liguria, and the Cottian Alpes, and a great part of Venetia: The Francks thus getting without blowes, what the two Antagonists were busily fighting for. In Venetia the Goths had little; the Sea-townes the Romans had, and the Francks seised upon the rest, while neither the Goths nor Romans had leisure to make new Enemies. The Goths al∣so came to this agreement with the Francks; that during the War with the Em∣perour,

both should hold what they had, and forbeare hostility. If Totilas con∣quer, that then the said acquisitions of the Francks be disposed, as should be a∣greed between the parties.

But in the Kingdome of Theodebert succeeded Theu∣dibald his Son, to whom the Emperour sent Leontius a Senator, and Son-in-law to Athanasius, his Ambassadour, to perswade a League against Totilas, and to demand the Townes in Italy, unjustly held by Theodebert, and surprised during the Truce. The Ambassadour spake thus to Theudibald.

Others, Sir, (it may be) have had Accidents which they expected not, but no men (I think) such as the Ro∣mans have had from you. The Emperour entred not into this VVar, nay not into any expostulation with the Goths, before the Francks had received great sums of money of him, and had promised aides, and the conjunction of their Forces: VVhich Accord they have not only not performed, but have done us injuries, which none could imagine. Your Father Theodebert hath intruded into a Pro∣vince by the Emperour, acquired with much toile and hazard, and with the Francks consent. But I come not to chide, nor complain, but to demand only, and therewithall to give you this advise; to establish the prosperity you have, and to let the Romans have that which is theirs. Some small thing often times unjustly gotten, is the occasion of losing greate and powerfull acquisitions; stable hap∣pinesse, and injustice never meeting in one point. I advise you likewise to joyn in this War, according to your Fathers engagement to the Emperour. Nothing becomes good Sonnes better, then to rectifie their Fathers erroneous Pro∣ceedings, and to ratifie what they have well done.

The wish of a wise man is, that his Son may emulate his vertuous Actions, and if he have done any thing amisse, he wishes another may rather imitate it, then his Son. Indeed you should not have needed invitation to this War against the Goths, originally your Enemies, and false to you of old, and ever in War with you, without truce or quarter. Now for feare of us they fawn upon you, but being rid of us, they will soon shew their intentions. Wicked men change not their Natures with their Fortunes; in adversities indeed they hide them, es∣pecially when they have need of a Neighbour. Consider this, and renew your Amity with the Emperour, and take a revenge against your ancient Enemies.

Theudibald answered this Speech in this manner.

It is not now just in you, to demand our assistance against the Goths, now in Amity with us; If we prove unsure to them, we shall not be trusty to you. A bad disposition to Friends being once discovered, puts a man for feare out of the right way. Concerning the Townes you mention, my Father Theodebert was no

oppressour of his Neighbours, nor intruder: And it appeares so, for I am not rich; And he took not the Townes from the Emperour, but got them fairely from Totilas, the then owner of them, which should please the Emperour, to see one who wronged him, disseised by another, and thereby justly punished, unlesse because he would have them himselfe, and cannot get them, he will envie him that can. But let us refer the examination of these things to Arbitrators: If it shall appeare that my Father hath taken any thing unjustly from the Romans, there is reason we should give satisfaction:

And we will shortly send our Am∣bassadours to Constantinople, touching the same. With this he dismissed Leontius, and sent Leudard a Franck his Ambassadour to Justinian, with three others; who at Constantinople effected what they came about.

Totilas desired to get the Islands belonging to Africk, and he sent an Army to Corsica, and Sardinia, which he made tributary to him. John the Generall of Africk, sent presently to Sardinia some Forces, who besieged the City of Carna∣lis; blocking it up only but not able to assault it, having a very sufficient Garrison of Goths within, which sallied suddenly, and routed the Romans; who having lost many, ran to their Ships, and returned to Carthage, where they wintered, purposing in the Spring to renew the Voyage with greater preparations. There growes an Herb in this Island of Sardinia, which being tasted, puts men into fatall Convulsi∣ons, wherein they seem to laugh, and quickly dye of it; whence is called the Sar∣donian laughter. Corsica was anciently named Cyrnus, and in it, as there is a Ge∣neration of Dwarfes, so there are races of horses not much bigger then sheep.

A mighty troup at that time of Slavonians, fel upon Illyrium, committing mischeifs not to be exprest. Justinian sent against them an army commanded by the Sonnes of Germanus, and others. Who being much fewer then the Enemy, durst not fight; but infested their Reare, and cut off some, & sent of them some prisoners to the Em∣perour. These Barbarians did infinite hurt, long pillaging the Country, and strew∣ing the high wayes with dead bodies, and then went home with innumerable priso∣ners, and all their booty, none incountring them. The Romans could not infest them in their passage over the Ister, because the Gaepedes transported them, and had for every head a gold stater for their fare: This troubled the Emperour, ha∣ving no means to restrain their passage over the River Ister, to spoile the Empire, nor their sudden retreat, which made him resolve to make a League with the Gaepedes who were then again quarrelling with the Lombards, and fearing the power of the Romans. (who had lately sworn a league with the Lombards) they endeavoured to be admitted freinds and Auxiliaries. They sent Ambassadors accordingly, and the Emperour swore a league with them also, and upon the demand of the Ambassa∣dors, twelve Senatots sware it likewise. Shortly after, the Emperour sent an army to aide the Lombards against the Gaepedes, whom he charged since the League, to have transported Slavonians over the River Ister against the Romans. The Army was com∣manded by Iustine & Iustinian the Sons of Germanus, & Aratius and Swartwall, for∣merly made Prince of the Herulians by the Emperor, but banished (as I said before) by the Herulians of Thule, and returning to Constantinople made Generall of the Co∣horts there. There was likewise Amalafridas a Goth, the Daughters Son of Amala∣fridas (who was Sister to Theoderick) by Hermenifrid Prince of the Thuringians, who being brought to Constantinople by Belisarius with Vitigis, the Emperour made him Commander of Roman troops, and betrothed his Sister to Auduin Prince of the Lombards. Of the aforesaid army only, that Amalafridas with his troops, came to the Lombards, the rest by the Emperours direction staid about the City of Ʋlpiana, in Illyrium, where was a mutiny among the inhabitants about things, wherein Chri∣stians contend among themselves, as shall be set down in my relations concerning the same. The Lombards with Amalafridas invaded the Gaepedes, and in a battell de∣feated them, and killed many: And Auduin their King sent the good newes to the Emperour of his victory; but complained of the not coming up of the Emperours army according to the League; so great numbers of Lombards having been so lately sent by him to aid Narses against Totilas.

CHAP. XVI.

GReat Earthquakes at that time happened in Boeotia; and Achaia, and other parts of Greece, about the Gulfe of Crisaeum, overthrowing many Cities, as Chaeronea, Corone, Patra, and Naupactus. Many men perished, and in ma∣ny places, by the renting of the Earth, were made bottomlesse holes; some whereof closed again afterward, some continue still so, that the people are to com∣passe much Ground to come to one another. The arme of the Sea between Thessaly and Boeotia, flowed up into the land about the City of Echinae, & Scarphia in Boeotia, & overwhelmed all the Towns there: The waters lay long, & men went into the Iland lying upon that arm of the Sea on dry land; while the Sea leaving her ancient current covered the firm land even to the mountaines. Afterward it returned to the channels again, leaving the fishes upon the land; a strange & prodigious accident; For some tri∣ed to seeth and eat them; but no sooner heated, but they turned to a slymy matter, extreamly putrified. In one town, where the greatest breach was, the people being assembled at a great festivall, more men perisht then in all Greece beside.

But in Italy, the Crotonians, and the Garrison commanded by Palladius, being sharpely besieged by the Goths, and wanting food, had sent to Artabanes in Sicily, protesting, if they were not instantly succoured, to yeild the Town and themselves too. But no succour was sent; and so ended the winter, and the seventeenth year of this war, written by Procopius.

The Emperour commanded the Garrison at Thermopylae, in Greece,* 1.6 to sail for Italy and to releive Crotona. Who getting a faire wind, came unexpected into the Haven of Crotona. The Goths upon sight of the fleet rose from their siege in much fear and tumult, and fled some by sea to Tarentum, others ran from their trenches up to the mountain of Scyllaeum. These things much deiected the Goths: And Ragnaris Commander of the Garrison in Tarentum, and Morras of that in Archerontia, two principall Goths, with their Souldiers assent, had a treaty with Bacurius, the Sonne of Peranius, Commander of the Romans in Otranto, for receiving assuran∣ces from the Emperour, and thereupon to deliver up the townes in their Guard: the Capitulation Bacurius took with him to Constantinople. And now Narses marcht from Salonae against Totilas, with a very gallant army; having received much treasure from the Emperor to levy & furnish the same, & above al to pay to the Souldiers in Italy their arreares, which were grown great, being due for many years. He was with this mony also to invite the revolted, to return again from the Goths to the Romans. The Emperor in the beginning of this war, made it very carelesly, but now his prepa∣rations were very great; for Narses seeing him eager to have him to lead the army into Italy, did like a brave Generall, protesting herein not to serve the Emperours commands, unlesse he might have competent forces; and by this resolution, he pro∣cured mony, men, and armes, befitting the Roman Empire. Then with much ala∣crity he made up gallant companies out of the Constantinopolitan Guards, and Gar∣risons of Thrace,, and many he raised in Illyrium. With him went John with his own Troops, and those left him by Germanus his Father in Law. Auduin also, prince of the Lombards, in accomplishment of the league, and for great summes given him by the Emperour, sent five and twenty hundred selected men for auxlliaries, accom∣panied with a retinue of above three thousand men. Narses had also three thousand Herulians, all horsemen, commanded by Philimuth and others, and he had many Hunnes. Dagistthaeus also was with him with his troops, being discharged of his im∣prisonment for the same purpose. Cabades went also with many Persian fugitives, who was the Son of Zames, and Grand-child of King Cabades, and long ago came into the Empire; having by the practice of Chanaranges escaped his uncle Chosroes; and a young Gepaede very valiant, named Asbadas, with four hundred Gepaedes, good Souldiers. And Aruth an Herulian, from a child bred among the Romans, and married to the widow of Mauricius the Son of Mundus, a gallant man, and accom∣panied with many old Souldiers of his Nation; Iohn Phagas also commanding many Romans, good Souldiers. Narses was a man liberall, and most forward in releiving men in want; using his disposition the more easily, by reason of his great power with

the Emperour, so that he had obliged many, both commanders and common Soul∣diers; who all upon his being now Generall were eager to serve under him, both in acknowledgement of former favours, and in expectation of great advancements by him. Above all, the Herulians, and other Barbarians loved him, having done them many benefits. Being come upon the Confines of Venetia, he sent to the Captaines of the Francks, to demand passage as for freinds. They refused it, and protested to hinder it, both for the Francks good, and for their amity with the Goths, preten∣ding also a poor excuse; because Narses had with him Lombards, their greatest E∣nemies. Narses was troubled at it; but was told by some Italians, that if the Francks gave him passage, he could not from thence get to Ravenna, nor further possibly then to Verona. For Totilas had placed in Verona a choice number of Goths under Teias, a most valiant Generall, to lye in the Romans way. This Tejas had stopt up all the passages with workes, and made in some places with much art and labour thickets, in others, ditches, deep holes, and bogs, and overflowed the Grounds; and himself lay with his army ready to fight with the Roman army attempting to force their way. This was done by Totilas direction, knowing how the Romans would not be able to passe along the Sea-coast, by so many great Rivers mouths, which made the shore unpassable; and how they had not ships enough to transport the whole army at once over the Gulfe, and coming but few at once, that he might easi∣ly hinder their landing. Narses being herewith much perplexed, John, who knew those parts exactly, advised him to march with the army by the Sea-shore, the people there being their subjects; and to be attended with some ships, and many boats, with which boats they might make a bridge over the currents of those rivers, and so make their passages: Narses followed this advise, and got to Ravenna with his whole ar∣my.

CHAP. XVII.

DUring the wars, came to Constantinople Ildigisall, a Lombard. The King∣dome of the Lombards of right belonged to him, but Anduin forced it from him, whereupon he fled his country. Justinian entertained him with favour, & made him Captaine of one of the Cohorts, called Scholae, which guard the Pal∣lace. He had three hundred followers his country men, who had been bred sometime with him in Thrace. Auduin demanded him of the Emperour, as a reward due to his freindship, and late confederacy; but the Emperour would not deliver him to him. This Ildigisall afterward grew discontented at the meanness of his entertain∣ments; which Goar perceived, a Goth, taken in Dalmatia, in the warrs of Vitigis, and sent Prisoner to Dalmatia, being a man proud and valiant, and repining at his condition, and upon the late revolt of the Goths in Italy, he was discovered to plot against the Roman State. This Goar perswaded Ildigisall to run from Constantinople, promising to accompany him; and so with some few with them they came to Apri, a City in Thrace, joyned with some Lombards they found there, and taking many Horses from the Emperours Horse-pastures in Thrace, they went forward. The Em∣perour commanded the Companies in Thrace and Illyrium to oppose these Fugi∣tives. First they were fought with by Cuturgurian Hunnes, lately planted in Thrace by the Emperour (as hath been sayd) But they beat these Hunnes and killed many, and then past through Thrace with their Troops, none disturbing them. In Illyrium they found an Army levyed against them, commanded by Aratius, Recithangus, Leonianus, Arimuth, and others: Who having rode all day, resolved in the even∣ing to lodge in a woody ground, and taking with them each three or four Souldiers, went to drinke of the River, being extreamly thirsty. Ildigisall and Goar, understan∣ding of their being there by their Scouts, sell suddenly upon them, and killed them all; and thenceforward marcht on at their ease, the Souldiers perplexed, and without Commanders ryding back againe. They went then to the Gepaedes: from the Gepaedes was also fled one Ʋstrigoth, the onely Son of Elimund late King of the Gepaedes, who being suppressed by Thorisin, and but a Boy, fled to the Lombards: but the Lom∣bards,

Gepaedes, and the Emperour making peace, and swearing a perpetuall amity, both the Emperour and Auduin, Prince of the Lombards, sent to Thorisin to deliver to them their common Enemy Ildigisall, requiring thus, for an expression of their new made amity, the betraying of a poor man come for refuge. Thorisin deman∣ded herein the opinion of the principall Gepaedes; who plainely disadvised it, pro∣testing to chuse rather to perish with their Wives and Children, then to be guilty of so foule an impiety. The Prince being unable to doe it without the consent of his Subjects; and unwilling to revive the Warr with the Romans and Lombards, sent to Auduin, and demanded of him Ʋstrigoth, the Son of Elimund, provoking him to a like fault, and to betray servant for servant, that his owne loathnesse in the like absurdity might check his request to another. But Auduin consented, and they both resolved upon this unjust act, and not daring to acquaint their Subjects with it publiquely, each treacherously killed his Enemy; I forbeare to tell the manner, the reports differing, as happens in all secret actions. And this was the fortune of Ildigisall and Ʋstrigoth.

But in Ravenna, Valerianus and Justinus the Generalls, and the remainder of the Roman Army joyned with Narses. Nine dayes after Ʋsdrilas a Goth, Commander of the Garrison at Ariminum, wrote this Letter to Valerianus:

After you had filled the World with rumours, and possest Italy with phantasmes, thinking to scare away the Goths with your bigg looks; now you have enclosed your selves in Ravenna, that an Enemy may not see your faint hearts, which you cover with the same brave countenance, and lye with your mingled multitude of Barbarians upon a Countrey, wherein you have no right: For shame rise from thence and fight, shew your selves; keep us not thus under a tedious expectation: We attend you like specta∣tors in a Theatre to see a sight.

Narses laughed at the Letter, and the vanity of the Goths, and forthwith began his journey, leaving Justinus in Ravenna with a Garrison. At Ariminum he found the Bridge newly taken up by the Goths, and his passage not easie; by the Bridge it selfe was never any passage but by one man a breast, unarmed and a foot, with much adoe, though none disturbed; but now numbers opposing, it was not possible to ferry over. Narses came to the place where the Bridge had been, and studyed up∣on some expedient in this difficulty. Thither came also Ʋsdrilas with some Horse, to observe the Romans proceeding. A Souldier of Narses let flye an Arrow amongst them, and killed a Horseman; whereat Ʋsdrilas removed in some haste, and put himselfe within the Towne, and immediately at another Gate sallyed with others of his best men; thinking to take Narses suddenly, and to cut him in peices, being now searching in another part of the River for a passage. But some Herulians by accident encountred, and killed him; and a Roman knowing him, brought his head to Narses; which filled them with courage, to see God fight for them, and the Goths having a plot upon their Generall, to lose their owne Commander sudden∣ly, not by any humane designe or providence. But Narses medled not with Ari∣minum, though Ʋsdrilas were slaine, nor with any other Enemy-towne, that he might not retard his maine designe, nor distract it by any by-businesse. And the Enemy in Ariminum, having lost their Commander, gave no impediment to him in the making a Bridge, by which he past the River at his ease. He left Via Flaminia, and took the left hand way; for the Enemy had taken the strong Rock of Petra pertusa, described by me before, and all other pieces upon Via Flaminia, which made it un∣passable for the Romans; and therefore he left the shorter, and went the quieter way.

CHAP. XVIII.

TOTILAS, hearing what had happened in Venetia, stayd for the Army with Teias about Rome. Who being all come up save two thousand Horse, without staying longer for them, he martcht away with the rest, purposing to fight with the Romans at his best conveniency. In his way, hearing the

news of Ʋsdrilas, and how the Enemy was past the River at Ariminum, he marcht through Tuscany to the Appennine, and in a Village there called Tagi•••• encamped. Afterward came Narses, and sate downe upon the Apennine also, in an even peice of ground, twelve miles and a halfe from the Enemy. About the place were many little round Hills, being the Tombs of the Gaules slaine by Camillus and the Romans, and they are to this day called Busta Gallorum; Busta in Latine being the remain∣ders and reliques of a funerall Pile. Narses sent some unto Totilas to desire him to to lay aside Hostility, and to entertaine at last peaceable counsells, representing how impossible it was for him, having under him but few men, and them not held together by any Law, to contend long with the whole Roman Empire. And he direct∣ed his Ambassadors, if they saw Totilas resolved upon War, to bid him instantly ap∣point a day for a pitcht Battell. They did acccordingly, and Totilas with a brave countenance told them, that by any means they must have Warr. Noble Sir, then quoth they, what time appoint you for the Battell? Eight dayes hence, quoth he, we will meet you. Narses hearing this report from the Embassadors, suspecting some cunning in Totilas, prepared, as to fight the next day: And he was in the right; for the next day Totilas came with his whole Army. And they lay one a∣gainst the other about a flight shot off: Both parts had a minde to possesse a little Hill, to gaine advantage of upper ground to shoot downe on the Enemy, and there being also no beaten way to the Roman Campe but by that Hill (the Campe being compassed by those round Hills I mentioned) they esteemed it an important place, for the Goths to gaule the Romans every way, and for the Romans to prevent that inconvenience. Narses in the night time sent fifty choice men, who surprized the place, none opposing. Before the Hill, and neer the beaten way opposite to the Goths Quarters runs a Brook; by this the fifty Romans stood close, body to body, putting themselves into a square forme. In the morning Totilas perceiving them, sent a Troop of Horse to beat them away; who rode against them furiously and with clamour, as if they would drive them away at the first onset: But they stood thick and firme, and fenced close with their Sheilds, which clashing together, and charging their Lances in sit time, all at once in order, they bravely resisted the Goths hot assault; frighting their Horses with the noise of their Sheilds, and the men with the points of their Lances. The Horses flew back, having space enough to retire, and the men crying aloud to them, could not be heard; but were thus beaten off. They came on againe, and found the same entertainment, and went off; and failing often, in the end they gave it over. Totilas commanded out another Troop of Horse, who sped as the former, and so did others after that; and Totilas having tryed many Troops, and doing no good, in the end quitted the businesse; whereby these fifty men got much reputation, but especially Paul and Ausilas; who drawing their Cimiters, layd them before them; then made many shots upon the Enemy, which killed many both men and Horses; and their Quivers being empty, they took up their Swords and Sheilds, and alone opposed the assailants, cutting off with their Swords their Lances heads. And Paul having bowed his Sword with cut∣ting the Lances, he threw it away, and snatcht from the Enemy four Lances, and by his valour was the greatest cause of their despairing. Narses for this service made him one of his Targeteirs. In the meane time both parts prepared for the Battell. Narses spake thus to his Souldiers.

When a Battell is to be with equall powers, happily it is necessary with encou∣ragements to get some advantage of the Enemy for the Victory: But you, fellow Souldiers! being to fight with men inferiour in valour, numbers, all kinde of preparations, need no more but with Gods propitious to begin this Battell. Ever then with your prayers making him your assistant, march on with a noble scorn a∣gainst these theeves, the ancient Slaves of our Emperour, and now Fugitives; though for a time they have troubled us, having gotten to themselves a Tyrant pickt out of their multitude. Indeed reasoning probably, it is most strange that these men should so much as stand in ranck against us. They are weary of living, and like brutes and mad men run upon a manifest death; and from that reasonlesse resolution, as they can have no hopes, so they care not what befalls them, being men brought hither by God to be punished for their ill government. When men have a sentence against them above, they run themselves into their just chastise∣ment

You do likewise hazard in this Battell for a lawfull State, but they are Rebels, and struggle against the Lawes. They thinke not to leave their estates to their Posterity, and therefore live in momentany comforts, which they know will be lost with their owne breath: So that they are to be despised. Men without Law and Government all good hopes faile, and Victory abandons, which uses not to forsake the good cause.

Totilas also, seeing his Troops apprehensive of the Roman Army, used this ex∣hortation.

I am now, fellow Souldiers! to make to you my last Speech; we shall need no more after this day, which certainly will conclude the fortune of the Warr. Both our selves and the Emperour are even so spent with toyles, fights, and other necessities, that he that beats his Enemy, shall have need to fight no more, and he that is beaten will have a faire excuse to be quiet. When men reap from their affaires miserable fruits, they dare no more returne to them, but even in occa∣sions vehemently pressing, their judgements start back upon the memory of their former misfortunes. So that now it is you must fight, reserve nor your valour for any other time, and endure now the labour, not preserving your bodies for another hazard; and spare not Armes nor Horses, as things that will no more be usefull to you. Fortune having ruined all the rest, hath left us this day as the utmost of our hopes. Use now your courage, venture boldly; our hopes hanging upon such a haire, we must not be remisse for the least moment of time. The point of opportunity being past, the greatest endeavours afterward faile; the nature of these affaires not admitting stale valour; all must be unseasonable that comes after the occasion. So that let us doe effectually now, that we may finde the benefit of what we doe, and assure our selves that running away is most ruinous. Men leave their rancks and flye, that they may live; but when flying brings certaine destruction, he that stands the danger is safer then he that flyes. And let us despise our Enemies, a mingled multitude of many Nations. Such Au∣xiliaries are neither faithfull, nor powerfull. As they are of severall Nations, they have severall intentions also; and thinke not that the Hunnes, Herulians, and Lombards will hazard to the death, or esteeme their lives at a lesse rate then the Romans Money. They make a countenance of fighting, but will turne cowards when they please; either after receite of their payes, or upon their Commanders direction. The most agreeable things not done freely, but upon the necessity ei∣ther of compulsion or hire, please not, but become greivous at last. Consider all this, and fight with alacrity.

The Battells were thus put in order: they stood both in front, as deepe and as long as they could make it. The left wing of the Romans Narses and John had, neer the Hill, with the choicest men of the Army, being both followed with many Lanciers and Targettiers, and excellent Hunnes, besides their Souldiers on the List. In the right wing were Valerianus, John Phagas, and Dagisthaeus, with the rest of the Roman Souldiers. The Battalion was of eight thousand foot, and the Archers of the List; and between the same and both the wings were placed the Lombards, Herulians, and other Barbarians; all whom Narses caused to alight from their Horses, and to serve as footmen, that if they should turne willing Cowards, they might flye but slowly. The left wing he put into the forme of a Wedge, and he set there fifteen hundred Horse-men, whereof five hundred were to relieve the Romans, in case they should be put to the worst; and the other thousand in the fight to get the backs of the Enemies foot, and to gaul them. Totilas placed his Army in like manner, and rode about, with his countenance and words animating his Souldiers. Narses did the like, holding out to them gilt Chaines and Bridles, as the Prizes of their valour that day.

CHAP. XIX.

BOth the Armies a while stood still, expecting each their Enemies assault: Then a Goth named Cocas, much esteemed for valour, rode up to the Roman Army,

challenging any to fight with him. He had been a Roman Souldier, and revolted to Totilas; to whom Anzalas an Armenian, and Lancier to Narses rode out. Cocas spurd on to give the first blow with his Lance, ayming at his belly; Anzalas turn'd his Horse aside, and avoyded the blow, then thrust his Lance into his left side, at which the Goth fell downe dead, and the Romans shouted. Then Totilas put him∣selfe between the Armies, not to fight a Duell, but to dally out the time, under∣standing the two thousand Horse to be at hand, untill whose coming he would put off the Battell. He concealed who he was, wearing a Gilt Armour, and from his Headpeice and Lance hung downe streamers of purple; and he was a gal∣lant sigh, being bravely horst. He acted his feats of Armes skilfully, winding his Horse round in a circle; then turning short, and making many such circular passages: He tost his Lance into the ayre in his full carriere, then caught it as it came downe againe, and removing it skilfully from one hand to another, he took much pride in his dexterity therein; lying upon his back, and putting himselfe upon his Buttocks and bowing this way and that way, like a Youth exactly taught all the tricks of a Dancing schoole. He spent a great part of the afternoone in these exercises; then to gaine more time, sent to the Roman Army, offering a Parley. Narses sayd, he juggled, being before all for Warr, and now making Propositions when the Bat∣tells were to joyne. In the meane time came the two thousand Horse, which when Totilas understood, and it being Dinner time, he caused the Army to draw off, and he went to his Tent; where in his owne quarter he found the two thousand Horse. He commanded his Troops to dine, and himselfe put on another Armour, then led out suddenly against the Enemy, thinking to surprize them unprepared: But Narses fearing what happened, forbade his men to retyre to their Dinner, or afternoons repose, or to put off their Corslets, or to unbridle their Horses; commanding them in their rancks, with their Armour on, to take a bit, and to have a perpetuall eye upon the Enemies returne. They stood in the same order still, saving that Nar∣ses put both the wings, with an addition of four thousand Foot, into the forme of a halfe moone.

The Goths Infantry stood behinde their Horse, to receive them being routed within their rancks, and joyntly to renue the charge. Totilas commanded his men, not to use their Arrows but their Lances; which senslesse stratagem ruined him, making hereby his Army inferiour in their offensive weapons, as in all things else. For the Romans used, according to the occasion, their Arrows and Lances, and came up to the Sword, and did all which the present occasion required, either charging on Horseback, or on foot, to their best advantage; and sometimes com∣passing the Enemy, sometimes standing his charges. But the Goths Horse, without their Foot, came on with unadvised fury, trusting onely to their Lances; and be∣ing in the midst of the Romans, they found their errour, being ingaged among eight thousand Foot: By whom being gaulled on all sides, they despaired: Our Archers drawing home the two ends of their Bowes even to their foreheads, and round like a halfe moon; so that the Goths, before they could touch the Romans Horse, had lost many men and Horses. And after much mischeife sustained, they came late up to the Romans Battalion of Horse; where the Romans and Auxiliaries strove with equall valour, each one receiving the Enemy bravely, and repelling them. Then the Evening coming on, the Goths began to retyre, and the Romans to pursue; the Goths being not able to stand after their first furious charge, but turning about in confusion, daunted with the Romans numbers and good order: And they gave o∣ver fighting; thinking that some Spirits fell upon them, and that Heaven it selfe fought against them. When they came to their Foot, there their mischeife encreased; for they came not in any orderly retreat, as to take breath for a new charge, or for any other point of Warr, but ran in among them so confusedly, spoyling many, that they opened not their rancks to receive them, but ran away with them for company, and it growing darke they destroyed one another. The Romans killed them in this feare, sparing none, and none daring to look them in the faces, who exposing themselves to their Enemies, were pursued with terrours, and mastered with cowardise. Six thousand were slaine, and many taken Prisoners, and not long after put to the Sword. Among them perished many Roman Souldiers, who had re∣volted to Totilas. And now the darknesse concluded the fight. Totilas fled in the

darke with five men, of whom Skipuar was one; he was pursued by some Romans, who knew him not; among whom was Asbades a Gepaede, who had overtaken him, and was making a blow at him: but a Gothish Boy following his flying Ma∣ster, cryed out, Thou Dog! Doest thou run after thine owne Master to kill him? But Asbades thrust his Lance forcibly into Totilas, and was himselfe hurt in the foot by Skipuar, that he could follow no further; Skipuar also being wounded, stood still: And the foure men with Asbades followed no further, but carryed off Asbades. Those who accompanyed Totilas rode on amaine (thinking the Enemy pursued still) and drew him after them, mortally wounded, and ready to expire. Having run about ten miles, they came to a Towne called Caprae; there they rested, and dressed the wound of Totilas, who soon after gave up the ghost: There they buryed him and went away. Such a conclusion of his life and raigne had Totilas, having been King of the Goths eleven yeares; an end not suitable to his former a∣ctions and successes. Fortune in him insulted upon the fraile condition of man, shewing her strange proceeding, and absolute will. Shee had without any apparent merit bestowed on Totilas a long time of happinesse; and now upon the sudden she hurryed him at her owne pleasure into cowardise, and an ignoble death. These are things to men incomprehensible, but in all ages have been discoursed of accor∣ding to mens conceits and fancies, to comfort their ignorance with some seeming probabilities. But the Romans knew not of the death of Totilas, till a Gothish wo∣man told it, and shewed his Grave; who distrusting the report, opened the Grave, digged up the Coffin, and took out the body, and finding it to be Totilas, they put him into the ground againe, and reported all to Narses. Some report this over∣throw otherwise, that the Goths did not make that unadvised retreat; but that in the first skirmishing with the Romans, suddenly an Arrow, and by chance lighted upon Totilas. For being armed like a common Souldier, and rancked among them in the Battalion to conceale himselfe, he could not be knowne, nor purposely shot at. But that being mortally wounded, in great paine he gallopt away with some few with him to Caprae, and, after much misery and languishing, dyed under the cure. And that the Goths amazed to see their King thus mortally wounded, and gone off, being otherwise too weak, then became wholly out of heart, and fell into that a∣stonishment and shamefull running away.

CHAP. XX.

BUT howsoever this fell out; Narses rejoycing at the successe, took the True course, to attribute all unto God: And he took order in the pre∣sent occasions; and first, to be rid of his unrulely Lombards, who were infinitely disorderly, and burned houses, and ravished Women that fled in∣to Churches. He bestowed store of money on them for their Service, and sent them home; commanding Valerianus, and Damianus, his Sisters Son, with their Troops to conduct them out of the Roman Confines, that they might do no mischiefe in their way home-ward. And so soon as these were out of the Roman Territories, Valerianus besieged Verona; and the Garrison in it came to some Capitulation with him for rendring the Town: But the Francks Garrison'd in the Townes of Vene∣tia hindred it, seeking with all their endeavour to get the whole Country to them∣selves; whereupon Valerianus retired without effecting any thing.

The Goths who fled from the overthrow, went over the River Poe, and put themselves into the City of Picenum, and other Townes about it, and made Teias their King. He with the Treasures left by Totilas in Picenum, sought to draw the Francks to his aide, and governed the Goths as he could in that Estate, assembling them together. Narses advertised thereof, commanded Valerianus to keep his Troops about the River Poe, to make the Goths rallying difficult: Himselfe with the rest of the Army marcht towards Rome. In Tuscany he took in Narnia, and put a Garrison into Spoletum, with direction to reedifie the Walls demolished by the Goths. He sent Troops also to attempt Perusia, commanded by two Fugitive Romans, Meligedius, and Ʋlithus; who being one of the Life-guard to Cyprianus,

was wonne by the allurements of Totilas to murther him, Commander of the Ro∣man Garrison there. Melegedius accepted the offers of Narses, and consulted with his own Followers to yeild the Town; which Ʋlithus with his Friends openly op∣posing, was slain in the Fight, and the Town was rendred to the Romans. Thus by Gods just Vengeance was Ʋlithus slain in the very place, where he had murthered his Commander Cyprianus.

The Goths Garrison'd in Rome, hearing of the approach of Narses, put in rea∣dinesse to encounter him, as they could. At his first taking Rome, Totilas had burnt most of the Buildings of the City; and then considering how the Goths had not men enough left to Guard the whole Circuit of it, he took in with a lesser Wall a small part thereof, about Adrians Tomb, joyn'd it to the City Walls, and so made it as a Castle; wherein the Goths laid their things of Value, and guarded it careful∣ly, neglecting the rest of the Walls. Yet then desirous to try the Enemy, they left a few to guard that Castle, and put themselves upon the Battlements. The Circuite of Rome so vast neither could the Romans encompasse, nor the Goths guard; so that the assaults, and defences were accidentally in severall places, as the occasions were. Narses charged one part with multitudes of Archers; in another John, Sisters Son to Vitalianus, fell on with his Troops. Another part Philimuth and his Herulians infested, and they were far distant from one another: the Goths bravely resisting their Charges; and being assembled all where the Romans fell on, the rest of the Walls were empty. Dagisthaeus, with Narses consent, took some Troopes with the Ensignes of Narses, and John, and scaling Ladders, and set upon a part quite destitute of Guards, and at his ease he mounted by his Ladders, none resisting; and then set upon the Gates: the Goths seeing this, left their Guards and ran all a∣way; some to their new Castle, others to Portus. Writing this, it comes into my thoughts, how Fortune plaies with poor men; changing her looks with the times and places, and varying suddenly not only her own humour, but even the value and worth of the men. Bessas formerly lost Rome unworthily, and afterward recove∣red Petra in Lazica very bravely. And on the contrary, Dagisthaeus poorly ran a∣way from Petra, and now soon after recovers Rome it selfe to the Emperour. These things have been done from the beginning, and will be, while there is Fortune a∣mong men. Narses then marcht against the new Castle; But the Goths yeilded it and themselves,* 1.7 upon assurances for their Persons; Justinian being now in the 26th. yeare of his Reigne. Thus was Rome taken five times in his Reigne, and Narses sent the Keyes of it to the Emperour. To the Roman Senate and People, this Victory proved an extream ruine; So to men that must have a mischiefe, even their seem∣ing good Fortunes turn to their destruction; that having had a faire course, they both lose it, and undo themselves. For the Goths, now despairing of the Domi∣nion of Italy, in their flight killed all the Romans they found; And the Barbarians of the Roman Army also, at their entring the City, used them all as Enemies. Many Senators also confined by Totilas in Campania, and now repairing to Rome (when they heard it to be in the Emperours possession) the Goths quartered in the Townes of those parts, killed, and left not one Patritian alive. Maximus was then slain, whom I have mentioned formerly. Totilas also, going against Narses, called for all the Sons of the principall Romans, and choosing out 300. of the goodliest of them, pretending to breed them, but indeed holding them for Hostages: And he sent them beyond the River Poe; whom Teias now finding there, killed them all.

Moreover, Ragnaris a Goth, who commanded in Tarentum, and had compounded with Bacurius, (as I have said) to yield the City to the Emperour, and given six Goths for Hostages: Now hearing of the Election of Teias, and that the Francks were desired to aide him, and he immediately to march against the Romans, he re∣fused to perform the composition; and to get his Hostages again, he sent one to Bacurius for a convoy of Souldiers to Otranto, from whence (he said) he would go to Constantinople. Bacurius, not suspecting his plot, sent him 50. men, whom Ragnaris imprisoned, and sent word to Bacurius, that if he meant to have his Soul∣ders, he must restore to him his Gothish Hostages. Bacurius led out his Forces a∣gainst him, leaving some few to guard Otranto. Upon this Ragnaris killed the 50. Souldiers, and sallied out against the Romans, and in fight was defeated, lost many men, and ran away into Acherontia, Tarentum being blockt up by the Romans. The

Romans soon after took Portus by composition, and Nepa in Tuscany, and Petra Pertusa. Teias finding his Goths too weak for the Romans, sent to Theudebald King of the Francks, importuning him with the offer of great sums of Money to joyne with him. But the Francks took the resolution best for themselves, not to bestow their lives upon Goths nor Romans, but to adventure them onely in the Conquest of Italy for themselves.

CHAP. XXI.

BUT Narses (hearing how Totilas had layed the most part of his Treasures in the Castle of Cuma in Campania, with a strong Garrison under his owne Brother & Herodian) sent to besiege the sayd Castle, staying himselfe at Rome to repaire the ruines, and sent others to besiege Centumcellae. Teias fearing the losse of this Castle, and the Treasures; and having no hope from the Francks, commanded his Troops to be ready for a Battell with the Romans. Narses finding his intention, commanded John and Philemuth, to martch with their Forces into Tuscany, to stop the Enemies passage into Campania, and to assist in the taking of Cuma. But Teias left his neerer way, which was to the right hand, and made a huge compasse; passing along the Sea coast of the Jonian Gulfe into Campania. Narses thereof advertised, remanded John and Philemuth, and sent for Valerianus, who besieged Petra-Pertusa, and with his whole Army, in order to fight, martcht into Campania. Mount Vesuvius in Campania (as I have sayd before) often sends out a noise like the lowing of Oxen, which is ever accompanied with a vomit∣ing out of huge quantity of Cynders. Besides (as Mount Aetna in Sicily) in the middle it hath made it selfe hollow from the top to the bottome, and below the fire burnes perpetually: The fire is so deep, that peeping in from the top, you cannot easily discerne it. When the Mountaine vomits, the flame forces off peices of rocks from the highest ridges of it, shooting up the smaller pieces farr above the Moun∣taine, and scattering the greater round about. From the top also of this Mountain runs a Torrent of fire to the foot of it, and something further, as in Mount Aetna. This fiery stream on either side makes high bancks, undermining the ground below; and when the flame comes upon it, it lookes like a flood of water set on fire. So soon as the flame is quencht the stream stops its course; and the Sediment or Lees of that fiery substance looks like dry Mud, and heaps of Cynders. At the foot of the Mountaine are wholesome Springs, from which comes the River Draco close to the City of Nuceria: On either side of this River both Armies encamped; it hath a small stream but not to be past, being deep, as having worne out the ground under the bancks very low. The Bridge which is upon it the Goths had gotten, and being en∣camped neer it, they had made upon it wooden Towers, and many Engines, and set up Balistas to shoot downe upon the Enemy. This River being such, there was no possibility for a close standing Battell. So that each part got as neer as they durst to the banks, and plyed one another with Arrows. Some Duels there were also, sometimes Romans and sometimes Goths pasting over the Bridge, and challenging all comers. Two moneths were thus consumed; and while the Goths were Masters of the Sea, their Campe being neer the Sea, was supplyed with provisions: But after the Romans had gotten their Shipps by the Treason of the Commander of them a Goth, and were re-enforced also with many other Ships out of Sicily and other Ro∣man Dominions; and that Narses had set up wooden Towers upon the Rivers bank, the Goths hearts were absolutely dejected; and for feare and famine were faine to flye up to a Mountaine neer there, called Mons Lactis. The Romans for the fastnes∣ses could not come at them: But the Goths being there in more want, and having no way to get any provision for themselves or their Horses, repenting their coming up, and choosing rather to dye by fight then to starve, came suddenly upon the Romans, who stood against them as they could, being taken unexpectedly, not be∣ing embattailed, nor under their severall Captaines; not any way in order, nor at all observing what was commanded them. The Goths quitted their Horses, and stood in a deep Battalion; the Romans left their Horses and stood in front likewise. This

fight, and the valour of Teias in it, deserves a long discourse; being equall to that of the ancient Heroes. Despaire made the Goths venture all, and the Romans stood them, though seeing them mad, yet ashamed to yeild to beaten men; and so the one weary of their lives, the other for demonstration of valour, fought with much fury, beginning in the morning betimes. Teias accompanied with some few stood in the first ranck in open view, holding out his Sheild and shaking his Lance. A great number of Romans knowing that by his fall the Battell would be ended, combined themselves against him, some charging, some throwing their darts at him. Which he received all upon his Shield, and then slew out, and killed many. His Sheild being stuck thick with Darts, he gave it to one of his Targetiers and took another. He continued thus a third part of the day, when he had twelve Darts sticking on his Sheild, that he could not move it as he would, nor beat off the Assailants. Yet he quitted not his ranck, nor gave the Enemy an inch of ground; he did not so much as turne his body, or rest his back upon his Sheild; but stood upright, as if he were pitcht into the ground, killing with his right hand, and warding with his Sheild; and calling by name his Targetier to give him a new Sheild, for his old was loaded with Darts. And in that instant, his breast lying open, was hit with a Javelin, upon which he immediately dyed. The Souldiers put his head upon a long Pole, and shew∣ed it to encourage the Romans, and to cause the Goths to despaire, and to quit the fight. But the Goths, though they saw their King slaine, yet gave it not over, and at night both retyred, and lay in their Armour. Early the next day they began again, and fought till night, not turning to any side, nor giving back; and though many were lost, yet their savage hatred held them still buckled to one another: The Goths knowing it to be their last fight, and the Romans disdaining to be overmatcht. At last the Goths sent Agents to Narses, to tell him; That they perceived their fight to be with God himselfe, and saw the power which stood against them; and their true estate now, by their former successe; that they would lay aside desperate resolu∣tions, upon condition not to be put under the subjection of the Emperour, but to live free with some other Barbarian Nation. They intreated the Romans also to af∣ford them a peaceable retreat, and in a moderate consideration of their fortune, to bestow their owne Goods upon them for their journey, such as they had left in any Castles of Italy. Narses held a consultation hereupon, where John advised him to grant the Petition, and to contend no more with men weary of their lives, nor to stirr a courage growing from desperation, which commonly proves fatall, both to the men possessed with it, and to such as encounter them. To moderate men (quoth he) it is enough to be Victorious, whereas the desire of too much may end in some inconvenience. Narses allowing the advice, they agreed upon conditions. That the Goths should have their Goods, and immediately go out of Italy; and that they should never bear Armes against the Romans. About a thousand Goths of this Company went away to Picenum, and the parts beyond the River Poe, commanded by Ildulph and some others; the residue stayd and ratified this agreement by their oaths: And the Romans took in Cuma and all the rest. And so ended the eighteenth year of the Gothick Warr, written by Precopius.

Finis Lib. 4. ••ell. Goth.

Δόξα σοὶ ὁ Θεὸςν ἡμῶ, δὸξα σοί

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Or Bishops 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.2

  Or Bishops.
• * 1.3

  Thule with this Author is Norway and part of Den∣marke.
• * 1.4

  In••ipit Annus 17 bel Goth man 25 Justi∣ce Anno dom. 551.
• * 1.5

  Neptune turned the ship worch carried home Ulisses into a rock, so that it must be of on pu••••.
• * 1.6

  Incipit Annus 18. Bell. Goth. in an. 26. Ju∣stiniani. Et An. Dom. 552.
• * 1.7

  Anno 26. Just. Rome now had been taken five times in his Raigne.