The history of the warres of the Emperour Justinian in eight books : of the Persian, II, Vandall, II, Gothicke, IV / written in Greek by Procopivs of Caesarea ; and Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARRS of the Emperour JUSTINIAN. (Book 1)

Of the GOTHICK VVarre, the first BOOK: (Book 1)

CHAP. I.

THUS were the Romane Affayres in Affrick. But I proceed to the Gothick Warre; First, touching in a word what happened to the Goths and Italians before this Warre. When Zeno was Emperour of Constantinople, Augustus held the Westerne Dominion, whom by a diminitive, the Romans called Augustulus, because he received the Em∣pire being yet a Boy, which his Father Orestes, a very wise man, did administer. The Romans sometime before had drawne to their ayde Skirrians and Alans, and other Gothick Nations; from whence they came to suffer those things from Alaricus, and Attalus formerly related. As the Barbarians grew strong, the Roman Souldi∣ers were under-valued; and by these New-comers under colour of ayds, they were tir••nnyzed, and forced impudently to many things: And in Conclusion they demanded of Ores••es all the Lands in Italy to be divided, and to have a third part allotted them, and refusing to do it, they killed him. There was among them one Odoacer, one of the Life-guard to the Emperour, who promised to satisfie their de∣mands, if they would place him in the Governement: † so hee usurped,* 1.1 permitting the Emperour to live still a private man, without other harme: Hee gave the third part of the Lands to the Barbarians, and so made them sure his own, and established his Tyranny for ten yeares together. About the same time the Goths, planted in Thrace by the Emperour, rebelled against the Romans under Theodoricus, a Patritian, and advanced in Constantinople to the Consul••ship: Zeno, skilfull at a present accommodation, advised Theodoricus to go into Italy, to fight with Odoacer, and to get for himself and the Gothes the Dominion of the West; it being better for him (being a Senator) to beat out the Tyrant, and raign in Rome and Italy,

then to runne a hazard by contending with the Emperour. Theodoricus liked his Counsell and went into Italy with all the Goths, putting their Wives and Children in Waggons, and all the Goods they could carry. They could not crosse the Jonian Gulfe,* 1.2 wanting ships, but compassed the Gulfe, and passed by the Taulantians, and other Nations. Odoacer and his people opposed them, and were beaten in many Bat∣tells: then they shut themselves up in Ravenna with their Prince, and in other strong Towns. All the Townes the Goths took in by Siege, save the Castle of Caesina, about thirty seven miles distant from Ravenna, and Ravenna it selfe, where Odoacer was; which they could not get by Force nor Composition. It is scituate in an open Champian, at the bottome of the Jonian gulfe, distant only a quarter of a mile from the Sea. Ravenna is hard of accesse for an Army by Sea or Land; no ships can land upon the shore, by reason of a shelve of almost foure miles lying before it, which keepes the Sayler far from the Coast, though it seem neer at first. Neither is it ap∣proachable by an Army of Foot, by reason of the River Poe, (by some called Eri∣danus) which descends from the mountaines of Gaule; and of other navigable Ri∣vers and Lakes, compassing the City with waters, where happens a dayly wonder. The sea each morning rises a dayes journey into the Land, and makes it navigable; and at evening draws home her waters, and spoyles the passage. Such as are to im∣port to the City Merchandize, or to export the same, towe their ships to the place where the water uses to make a Passage, and there stay for a Floud; which coming, by little and little they float their Vessells, and steere away.

This happens all along that coast to Aquileia, but not alwayes alike: when the Light of the moon is little, the tyde is weak, and after the first halfe moon to the o∣ther, the course of the floud is stronger.

But Theodorick and the Goths spent three yeares in the Siege of Ravenna, and were wearied with it, aswell as Odoacer and his men, who were also prest with wants: So that by the mediation of the Bishop of Ravenna, they came to an accord, that Theodorick and Odoacer should remaine in Ravenna upon equall tearmes. This for a while was observed; but Theodorick (as he sayd) finding him plotting against him, invited him to a Feast, and killed him; and gaining so the Barbarian Enemyes surviving, he had the sole Dominion of the Goths and Italians. He did not assume the Habit, or Style of Emperour of the Romans, but continued the name of Rex, as the Barbarians call their Rulers. In the government of his Subjects he had all the Ornaments of a true King; being zealous of Justice, and maintaining the Lawes; guarding also the Province from the Neighbouring Barbarians, and attaining to a great heighth of wisdome and valour. He never did Injury to his Subjects, nor suffered others, that practised such things: Onely he distributed to the Goths the Lands by Odoacer allotted for his Partizans. So that he was in repute an Usurper; but in Effect a true Prince, no lesse then those, who have successively beene graced with that Dignity. The Goths and Italians loved him exceedingly, and not accor∣ding to the ordinary Humour; for in States, men have severall Inclinations, and while things are as they would have them, they are pleased with the present Go∣vernment; but if otherwise, they are male-content.

CHAP. II.

THeodorick having raigned thirty seven yeares, died, being growen terrible to his Enemyes, and much beloved by his Subjects. The manner of his Death was thus. Symmachus, and his Son in Law, Boetius, ancient noble men, and chelfe of the Senate, having been Consulls, and both being Philosophers, just men, and great Relievers of the poore, had many bitter envyers; by whose false accusations Theodorick being perswaded, that they plotted against him, put them to Death, and confiscated their Estates. Not long after, his Wayters set before him at Supper a great head of a Fish, which seemed to him to be the Head of Symmachus lately mur∣dered, and with the teeth sticking out, and fierce glaring eyes to threaten him. Be∣ing frighted at it, he became chill, and presently went to bed, commanding store of

clothes to be layd on him: And afterward he revealed all to Elpidius his Physitian, lamenting the sinne he had done against Symmachus and Boetius; and soone after dyed. This was the first, and last wrong he ever did his Subjects, in pronouncing sentence thus against men without Examination. † Atalarick,* 1.3 his Daughters Sonne, succeeded, being eight yeares of age, and bred with his Mother Amalasuntha, his Father being dead also. Not long after Justinian received the Empire in Constanti∣nople, and Amalasuntha governed as her Sonnes Guardian, being Wise, Just, and of a very manly nature. She never, during her Government, layd corporall pu∣nishment, or fine upon any Romane, nor gave way to the Goths longing to do them Injuryes. She restored to the Children of Symmachus and Boetius their Estates; and shee desired to forme her Son in his manner of living like to the Roman Princes. Shee caused him to frequent the Grammar Schoole, and chose three discreet, moderate men of the Gothick Nation to accompany him. This the Goths misliked, and desi∣ring to wrong the Subjects, would have him bred more according to the Barbarian way. The Mother once taking her Sonne in some dis-order in the Bed-chamber, strake him; and he weeping, went out into the great Chamber, where some Goths seeing him, made a great matter of it, and rayled upon Amalasuntha, that shee made haste to be rid of the youth, and marrying some man, with him to raigne over

the Goths and Italians. And their principall men assembling, complained; that their King was ill bred, and not as was fit for him; that Learning is opposite to Va∣lour; that this schooling by old men produces commonly cowardly and low spirits, and that whosoever will prove daring, and a man of Reputation, must be remo∣ved from feare of Schoole Masters, and imploy his Study in Armes. Theodorick (they sayd) suffered not the Goths to send their Sonnes to the Grammer schoole; alleadging that if they were seasoned once with the feare of a Feruler, they would never despise a Sword, nor a Lance. They besought the Queene to consider, how Theodorcik gained large Provinces, and a Kingdome to which he had no right, and was dead without knowing his Letters; and therefore to dismisse those Paedagogues, and to give Atalarick Companions of his own Age, who growing up with him, might incite him to governe according to the Barbarian Lawes.

Amalasuntha ap∣proved not these reasons, but fearing Treason, shee seemed pleased with the dis∣course, and yeilded to their demands. The old men left Atalarick, and Youths were bred up, with him, having some small advantage of yeares above him: who when he was come to yeares, provoking him to Drinke, and Women, made him extreamly ill-conditioned, and so foolish, as to be disobedient to his Mother; nay to desert her, in a Faction of Barbarians, who impudently com∣manded her to retyre from Court. But Amalasuntha feared not their Faction, nor womanlike softned her Resolution, but with the Majesty of a Prince shee pickt out three of most Account, and most faulty, and confined them single, and far asun∣der, to the remotest parts of Italy. They were reported to be imployed in guarding the Marches against the Enemy; but they continued still correspondence with their Freinds and Kinsmen, and all men flockt to them, and the conspiracy grow ripe: Which shee not able to stand against, shee sen•• ••o Justinian, desiring him to be plea∣sed, that Amalasuntha the Daughter of Theodorick might repayre to him, shee minding instantly to quit Italy. The Emperour was glad of the news, bade her come, and directed the fayrest House in Epidamnus to be made ready for her to lodge in, and having stayed there what time shee pleased, to be convoyed to Constantinople. When Amalasuntha understood this, shee chose some Goths, valiant, and men most inward with her, and sent them to kill those three cheifes of the Mutiny. And shee put a board a ship † four hundred Centenaries of Gold, and much other wealth,* 1.4 under the charge of some of her most confidents, whom shee commanded to sayle to Epidamnus, and to lye at Anchor in the harbour, without unshipping any thing till shee sent direction. This shee did, purposing if those three were Executed, to stay and remand the ship, fearing then no Enemyes; but if any of them escaped, to fly into the Emperours Dominions, there being no sound hope at home. Such was her Resolution: And her Ministers with the Treasure came into Epidamnus, observing her directions. But she quickly (those Executions being dispatcht) cal∣led back the ship, and remaining at Ravenna, fortified her Government. Among the Goths was one Theodatus, Sonne unto Amalafrida, the Sister of Theodorick,

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a man in yeares, and who had been conversant in Latine discourses, and the Do∣ctrines of Plato, but unpractised in Warr, and never aspiring to seats of Justice, yet extreamly avaricious. He was Lord of many Townes in Tuscany, and by Op∣pression sought to spoyle the owners of those remaining: it was an Affliction to Theodatus to have Neighbours. Amalasuntha endeavoured to curbe this humour in him, which made him very spitefull against her; And he plotted to deliver Tuscany to the Emperour for a great summe of Money, and to be made a Senatour, and to remain at Constantinople. In the mean time came Ambassadors from Constantinople to the Bishop of Rome, Hypatius Bishop of Ephesus, and Demetrius, Bishop of Philippi in Macedonia, about points which Christians of different opinions dispute among themselves. The questions I know, but will not recite; To search what the nature of God is, I hold to be a frantick arrogance; humane things are not to man exactly comprehensible, much lesse things pertayning to the nature of God: Let me there∣fore be silent without danger, onely by my not mis-beleiving that which in God is honoured. For let Preists or private men speake as they are perswaded, I can say no other thing concerning God, but that he is absolutely good, and hath all things in his power. But Theodatus, meeting privately with these Ambassadors, gave them order to acquaint the Emperour with the plot I mentioned before.

CHAP. III.

IN the mean time Atalarick fell into a Consumption with his excessive gluttony; which much distracted Amalasuntha, who had no confidence in her Sonne, being runne into so much folly; nor if he dyed could shee thinke her life safe, having of∣fended the principall Goths. So shee resolved to deliver the Dominion of the Goths and Italians to Justinian, and to save her selfe. With Hypatius, and Demetrius, came one Alexander, a Senator; whom the Emperour (hearing of Amalasuntha's ship in the harbour of Epidamnus, and that shee came not, much time being spent) sent to view, and report concerning her, in pretence as an Ambassador, to treate about Lilyboeum, and about ten Hunnes, who were run from the Campe in Affrick in∣to Campania, and entertained by Ʋliaris, Captaine of Naples, without Amalasun∣tha••s consent. And the Goths warring with the Gepaedes about Sirmium, had used hostitility upon Gratiana, a City in the marches of Illyrium: All which the Empe∣perour charged Amalasuntha with, and wrote his Letter to her by Alexander; who left the Bishops at Rome to negotiate their affaires, and repayring to Ravenna, had accesse to Amalasuntha, whom privately he acquainted with the Emperours

propositions; and openly presented the Letter, which was thus. You detaine from us our Castle of Lilyboeum; you have entertayned our fugitive Souldiers, and do not yet send them back; you have also used our City of Gratiana with extrea∣mity without cause; from all which you are to judge what the conclusion is likely to be. Amalasuntha to this Letter returned this answer. It were more fit for a great Emperour, and one who pretends to virtue, to assist an Orphan, ig∣norant of these passages, then upon no ground to quarrell with him; no victory bringing credit, when the opposition is not equall. You expostulate for Lilyboeum, and ten fugitives, and an Errour of Souldiers marching against their Enemyes, unwittingly committed upon a City in Amity with us. Do not thus, O Empe∣rour! But thinke how in your invasion of the Vandales wee gave you no impedi∣ment, nay gave you quiet passage, and free market freindly of what you needed, cheifely of Horses in such abundance, as with them principally you vanquisht your Enemyes. Not onely he who sends his neighbour aydes, is a freind and an Associate, but he also who readily furnishes him for the warr with necessaryes. Consider how then your Navy had no place to put into, but Sicily, nor could go into Affrick without what was there bought. So that the principall cause of your Victory is from us; who releiving you in time of need, may lay a clayme to the good successe: and what greater contentment, O! Emperour, could you have, then to subdue your Enemyes? nay it is a great wrong to us, not to receive ac∣cording

to the Law of War, our share in the spoyles: Whereas you seek to take Lilyboeum from us, long appertaining to the Goths, and a poor Rock not worth the money (in case it did belong to your Empire) which in reason you ought to recompence Atalarick with, for assisting you in your greatest needs.

Thus Amalasuntha wrote publickly, but in private promised to deliver Italy to the Em∣perour; to whom the Ambassadors at their Return to Constantinople related all; Alexander concerning Amalasuntha's Resolution; and Demetrius and Hypatius, what they had in trust from Theodutus, and how having great power in Tuscany, and being Lord of a large Countrey, he could easily performe his promises. The Empe∣rour being over joyed with it, sent forthwith into Italy, Peter, an Illyrian by Race, but borne in Thessalonica, and an Oratour in Constantinople, a wife, milde man, and of great ability to perswade. In the mean time the Tuscans accused Theodatus to Amalasuntha for his oppressions; and for intruding not onely into the Lands of common persons, but into the Royall domeans, called Patrimonium. Amalasun∣tha called him to his answer, and upon expresse conviction; compelled him to re∣store his unlawfull Intrusions, which infinitely offended Theodatus, and made him her Enemy, being vexed that hee could not use his sinne of oppression. About the same time Atalarick dyed of his consumption, having raigned eight years. And Amalasuntha (ordayned for a mischeife) without considering Theodatus nature, nor her late proceeding against him, imagined by some extraordinary good Turne to oblige him from hurting her. She sent for him, and to appease him, told him;

That she had long foreseene her Sonnes end, by the dayly wasting of his Body, and the opinion of the Physitians; that she found the Goths and Italians inclined to him, being of Theodoricks blood; That shee endeavored therefore to purge him of aspersions, which might hinder his calling to the Kingdome; that shee was also troubled in the point of Justice, if men wrong'd should complayne, to have none to make their cases knowne to, but to have their Adversary their Lord. But now being clear, shee invited him to the Kingdom: But they must binde them∣selves by solemne oathes, for him to continue the name of King, and her selfe to continue her former power.

Theodatus swore what shee pleased, with a false Intent, remembring how shee had used him formerly. Thus Amalasuntha, deceaved by her owne Counsells, † placed Theodatus in the government,* 1.5 and sent some Goths to Constantinople to acquaint Justinian with her proceedings.

CHAP. IV.

THeodatus being in possession of the Kingdome, did quite contrary to her hopes, and his own Ingagements. He drew to him many principall Goths, kinsmen to such as shee had put to death; some of Amalasuntha's party he suddenly killed, and put her selfe in safe custody in a strong castle in an Island upon the Lake of Vulsinus in Tuscany. But fearing that the Emperour might be offended at it, (as indeed he was) he sent Liberius and Opilio, two Senators of Rome, and others to make his Excuses, and to assure the Emperour, that Amalasuntha had no harme, though shee had done him extreame Injury formerly. This he wrote to the Emperour, and made Amalasuntha write as much. The Emperour in the meane time had instructed Peter to get private speech with Theodatus, and to give his Oath to conceal the negotia∣tion, and so to make Tuscany sure; to deale likewise with Amalasuntha, and to conclude for all Italy, but publickly to pretend his Ambassage for Lilyboeum, and the rest before mentioned. For of the death of Atalarick, or succession of Theoda∣tus, or of the Fortune of Amalasuntha, the Emperour had not yet heard. Peter upon the way met Amalasuntha's Ambassadors, and heard of the Succession of The∣odatus. Shortly after at Appollonia upon the Jonian gulfe he met with Liberius and Opilìo; and was informed of all the passages. He advertised the Emperour, and stay∣ed there: Who thereupon intending to imbroyle Theodatus and the Goths, wrote Let∣ters to Amalasuntha, of his Resolution to take her part, and sent instructions to Peter to professe the same openly to Theodatus, and all the Goths; Whose Ambas∣sadors

being arrived at Constantinople, Liberius, who was a very honest man, and carefull to speake no untruth, and the rest acquainted the Emperour with the whole matter; onely Opilio protested that Theodatus had not wronged the person of Ama∣suntha. But before Peter came into Italy, Amalasuntha was murdered; The kins∣men of those put to death by her alledging to Theodatus, that neither he, nor they could be safe, if shee were not made out of the way. So with his permission, they went to the Island, and killed her. Which much greived the rest of the Goths, and all the Italians. For (as I sayd before) shee was a woman strongly bent to all kinde of virtue. Peter protested openly to Theodatus and the Goths, that for this foule fact there should be implacable war between the Emperour and them. Theo∣datus was so absurd, as albeit he graced Amalasuntha's Murderers, yet he would perswade Peter, and the Emperour, that the villany was committed by no allow∣ance of his, but much against his will.

At the same time Belisarius had newly conquered Gelimer, and the Vandales; and the Emperour advertized of Amalasuntha's mis-fortune, presently entred in∣to this war, in the † 1.6 ninth yeare of his Raigne: He commanded Mundus, Gene∣rall of Illyrium, to march into Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and to attempt Salonae. Mundus was a Barbarian borne, but much affected to the Em∣perour, and a good Souldier. Belisarius he sent with a fleete, having 4000 Legi••∣naries and Confederates, and 3000 Isaurians. Commanders of marke there were Constantinus and Bessas. Thracians, and Peranius of the Iberia next to Media, but he revolted from the Persian, and was now of the Emperours side. Captaines of Horse were Valentinus, Magnus and Innocentius. Of foote, Herodian, Paulus, D••me∣trius & Ʋrsicinus; of the Isaurians Ennes was Leader. There were also 200 auxiliary Hunnes, and 300 Moores. Generall with absolute power was Belisarius, who had with him many Lanciers and Targettiers of his guard, tryed men. With him went also Photius, the Sonne of his wife Antonina by a former Husband, a discreet young man, and shewing an Ability above his years. The Emperours instructions to Belisa∣rius were, to pretend the voyage for Carthage, but upon some pretext to attempt Sicily, and if he found it feasible and easie, to subdue it, and not to quit it upon any tearms; but if he found Impediment, to sayle away to Affrick, without dis∣covering his intent: He wrote likewise this Letter to the Princes of the Francks.

The Goths have by force taken from us Italy, which they not onely refuse to re∣store, but adde uns••fferable injuryes: which constrayne us to send an Army a∣gainst them, and you have reason to joyne with us in the war, which our Ortho∣doxe Religion rejecting Arrianisme, and our equall Enmity with the Goths makes common to us both.

The Emperour accompanied this Letter with liberall gifts, and promise of more, when they came to the businesse; they readily promised to joyn with him. But Mundus in Dalmatia had a battell with the Goths, was victorious and got Salonae. And Belisarius landing in Sicily, tooke Catana; and from thence got Syracuse by composition, and the other townes without any difficulty. The Goths onely in Panormus presuming upon their walls, and strong Towne, refused to yeild. Belisarius finding it by Land impregnable, sayled with the fleete into the Haven, which reaches to the walls, none being there, neither without nor within, to oppose him therein: The ships being at Anchor, had their Masts higher then the Battlements. Belisarius filled his Cock boates with Archers, which he hung fast to the Mast tops, and the Enemy being thereby shot upon their heads, their hearts fain∣ted, and they surrendred Panormus to him by composition; then all Sicily became tributary to the Emperour, where Belisarius had a fortune beyond expression. He had received the consulship upon his conquest of the Vandales, and in the last day of it he conquered Sicily, and rode into Syracuse, applauded by the Army and Sicilians, and throwing peices of gold among them. This was not so appoin∣ted, but it was his fortune that very day to recover the Island to the Romans, and to ride into Syracuse, and there to lay down his Consulship at the end of his yeare, and not as the use is, in the Senate house of Constantinople. Peter, upon the newes of these successes of Belisarius urged Theodatus, and frighted him: And he, his heart fayling, came to a secret conference with Peter, and to this accord; That Theo∣datus should surrender the whole Island of Sicily to the Emperour, and should yearly send him a crowne of Gold of three hundred pound weight, and three thou∣sand

fighting Goths, when ever he should require them. And that he should not kill, or confiscate the goods of any Priest, or Senatour, without the Emperours as∣sent;

Nor make any Patrician or Senatour by his owne authority; but be a Su∣tor for it to the Emperour: That the common people in their acclamations shall alwayes name the Emperour first; In the Theaters, Circus, or elsewhere, he must not erect any Statue to himselfe alone, but ever another to the Emperour, which is to stand to the right hand of his owne.

CHAP. V.

THeodatus subscribed the accord, and dismist the Ambassadour; but presently his cowardize drave him to endlesse feares, and the thought of a Warre vexed him, which he instantly expected, if the Emperour should not allow the sayd con∣ditions. He sent for Peter, being gone as far as into Albania, secretly to commu∣nicate something to him; and ask't

him, if he thought the Emperour would like the accord; who answered, that he thought so. But if he do not, said the other, what will follow? A warre Noble Sir, quoth Peter. And is that just? replyed he; Why not just (quoth Peter) for every man to be constant in his own addictions? Theodatus askt, what he meant by that? Because, quoth he, your addiction is to Philosophy; and the Emperour Justinians to be Noble; The difference is, that for you, professing Philosophy, and that from the Schoole of Plato, to cause the death of so many men, is not decent, but wicked, not to be absolutely cleere of murder;

But for him to challenge the ancient appurtenances of his Empire, is not unreasonable. Theodatus perswaded by the advice, agreed to quit the King∣dom to Justinian; and to that effect himselfe and his Wife took their Oaths; and he bound Peter by oath not to discover this to the Emperour, before he perceived him not to accept the former accord; and with him he sent Rusticus, a Priest, a Roman borne, and his Favourite. These at Constantinople acquainted the Emperour with the first accord; who not accepting the conditions, they shewed the second agree∣ment, contained in a letter written by him, thus. I am no stranger to a Court, O

Emperour I being born in the Palace of the King mine Unkle, and bred as became my birth. Indeed in the tumults of War I have no skill, my love of learning and exercises therein, have removed me from the noise of Battailes. So that I have no reason to be ambitious of Kingdomes, nor to live in dangers, having meanes to avoid both, neither pleasing me. The first, as all other sweets, being ever pu∣nisht with satiety: And the other, vexing a man that is not used to it. If there∣fore I may have lands in possession of the yearly value of 12. Centenaries of gold, I shall prefer them before a Kingdome; and will surrender to you the Dominion of the Goths. and Italians. I shall be more contented to live a Husband-man, then in the cares and multiplying dangers of a Kingdome. Send to me therefore spee∣dily some man, to whom I may resign Italy, and the State.

The Emperour in∣finitely over-joyed, returned this answer. I ever took you for a wise man, and

now my experience assures it, in that you depend not on the uncertaine event of a War, by which some have undone themselves already; and you shall never repent for having made us a friend of an Enemy; your demands you shall have, with this addition, to be advanced to the prime honours of the Roman State. I have sent Athanasius, and Peter to make our selves sure by some Articles; and Be∣lisarius shall be speedily sent to put a conclusion thereunto.

The Emperour ac∣cordingly sent Athanasius brother to that Alexander lately sent Ambassador to A∣talaricus, and the afore-named Peter, with Instructions, to allot lands to Theodatus of the Emperours Demeans; and having by writings and oath perfected the accord; to call in Belisarius from Sicily to take possession of the Imperiall Palaces, and Ita∣ly, and the custody thereof: And he directed Belisarius, being sent for, instantly to go over.

During this negotiation, an Army of Goths led by Asinarius, and Gripas, entred Dalmatia; and neer Salonae were encountred by Mauritius the sonne of Mundus, who with a few went out to discover only. They made a furious charge,

and the best of the Goths fell, but the Romans almost all, and Mauritius their Lea∣der. Munaus was much grieved at the newes, and in his passion marched against the Enemie with no good order. The Battail was stifly fought, and the Romans got a Cadm••an victory, cleerly defeating the Enemy, and cutting off the most part. But Mundus killing and chasing at adventure, as enraged for the losse of his sonne, was wounded and slain by a Run-away; Whereupon the Execution ceased, and the Ar∣mies parted. Then did the Romans remember a verse of Sibyll, famous, and seeming formerly to foretel some strange prodigie; That when Affricke should again come under the Romans, Mundus cum suo semine interibit. But in the Oracle it was not so exprest; but having intimated the said return of Affricke, it sayes Quod tunc Mun∣dus cum filio interibit. Mundus signifying the world in Latine, they conceived it to be meant of the world. But into Salonae no man entred; The Romans destitute of a Generall retired home; and the Goths, having lost their cheife men, kept close in their Garrisons, having no confidence in the Fortifications of Salonae, and the Ro∣mans inhabiting it being not their friends. Theodatus upon the newes hereof sligh∣ted the Ambassadors, being naturally slippery and faithlesse; The present fortune ever drew him either into senseless fears not sutable to the occasion, or into excessive presumption. As now upon the newes of Mundus, and Mauritius, he was exalt∣ed, not proportionably to the accident, and he flowted the Ambassadors, being now with him. Peter once expostulating his breach of agreements, he called him into publique, and said,

That Ambassadors indeed are persons of respect, and by all men honoured; but that they preserve this priviledge, and the honour of their places by moderation onely. For men use to put an Ambassador to death if he demeane himself insolently to a Kings person, or lye with another mans Wife.

Theodatus said not thus, as thinking Peter to kave layen with any mans Wife; but to shew that there were crimes in an Ambassador punishable with death. But the Ambassadors made him this answer.

O Prince of the Goths! upon such mistaken, unsound pretences do not you violate the persons of Ambassadors. An Ambas∣sador, if he would, cannot be an Adulterer; who can hardly have so much as the use of water, without the privity of those that guard him. For words (though harsh) if he utter such as he received from his Master, not he, but his Master is to beare the blame; An Ambassadors onely part is, to execute the service. And we, what we have received from the Emperour, will utter it all, and you are pa∣tiently to heare us. If you be angry, you have no help, but to abuse men that are Ambassadors. It is high time for you to perform your Covenants with the Em∣perour; For which purpose we are sent hither. His letters to your selfe you have; another, directed to the principall Goths, we will deliver only to themselves. The great Officers being present, bad them give the Letter to Theodatus; which was thus. Our care is, to receive you into our State; for which you ought to re∣joyce; For you shall mingle with us, not for your diminution, but to adde more value to you. We invite not the Goths to Countries strange, and unknown to them; but to our selves, sometimes their familiars, though for a time divided from them. Athanasius and Peter are sent about this businesse, whom you are to assist in all things.

CHAP. VI.

THeodatus perused all the letters, but refused to perform the agreements, and put a strait guard upon the Ambassadors. The Emperour advertized hereof, and of the successes in Dalmatia, sent into Illyrium Constantianus, Master of his Horse, to gather an Army, and attempt Salonae; and he directed Belisarius with∣out delay to passe into Italy, and make War upon the Goths. Constantianus at E∣pidamnus stayed some time, and raised Forces. Gripas in the meane time had ente∣red Salonae with the Goths. And Constantianus having made his preparations, left Epidamnus with his Fleet, and * 1.7 cast Anchor at Epidaurus, standing to the right hand, as you saile into the Jonian gulph. Some here sent by Gripas to discover, seeing the land Army, and the Ships covering (as they imagined) Land and Sea, reported to Gripas, that Constantianus had many thousands. He afraid, thought it not best to encounter them; Neither would he willingly be besieged by the Em∣perours Army, Master of the Sea. The walls of Salonae much decayed troubled him too; and he could not trust the Inhabitants.

For these reasons he removed from thence, and encamped in a champian be∣tween Salonae, and the Citie of Croton. Constantianus wayed Anchor from Epi∣daurus, and came before Lys••ne upon the gulph. Hence he sent some to discover, and report concerning Gripas; from whom understanding how it was, * 1.8 he made for Salonae. Where arrived, he landed, and rested his Army upon the place; and he di∣rected Siphyllas, one of his Life-guard, with 500. chosen men, to possesse a narrow passage in the Suburbs of Salonae; which he performed. And the next day Constan∣tianus entered the Citie with the Land army, and the Fleet lay before it at Anchor. He tooke care of the walls, and repaired the decayes; And Gripas seeing the Romans masters of Salonae, seven dayes after rose, and transported the Goths over to Ra∣venna. So Constantianus tooke in Dalmatia, and Liburnia, and the Goths there in∣habiting. And then ended the Winter, and the first year of this Warre, written by Procopius.

Belisarius leaving Garrisons in Syracusa, and * 1.9 Panormus, passed over his Army from Messinae to Rhegium, where the Poets fain Scylla, and Charybdis to have been. The Inhabitants came in to him daily, their Towns having been long without walls, and without Garrisons; and they hated the Goths, weary (it seems) of the present Government. Ebrimus also a Goth revolted to him, with his Followers, having marryed Theodatus Daughter, Theodenanthe. He was sent to the Emperour, and besides other bounties, made a Patrician. The Army marcht from Rhegium through Brutia, and Lucania, and the Navy kept close to the Coast. In Campania they sate downe before Naples, a strong maritime Citie, with a great Garrison in it of Goths. The Fleet Belisarius commanded to lye at Anchor, without Bow-shot in the Har∣bour. Then he took the Castle in the Suburbs by composition. He gave the Citi∣zens leave to send him some chiefe men, to acquaint him with what they had to say, and hearing his Propositions, to report them to their Communalty. The Napoli∣tans sent him Stephanus, who spake thus to Belisarius.

It is not just, O Gene∣rall! to bring your Army upon Romans, and who never wrong'd you, having a small Citie, and the Barbarians within our Masters; that we cannot do as we would: Nay the Souldiers of our Garrison have lest under Theodatus their Wives and Children, and most precious things, that by practising upon us, they should not more betray our Town, then themselves. But if we may say the truth without mincing, you have advised ill to invade us. For take Rome first, and Naples is yours without difficulty; but repulsed from thence, you can never be sure of this Towne. So that you will spend time impertinently in this siege. Be∣lisarius made Stephanus this answer. We meane not to referre it to the Napoli∣tans, whether We be here upon good, or bad advice. We desire you to consult of what concerns your selves, and to choose your owne best advantage. Enter∣taine therefore the Emperours Armie, come to free you and all Italy; and doe not prefer the most sorrowfull things. Such as make War to shake off slavery, or other base condition, gaine in vanquishing, with the victory, freedome from

misery; and being vanquished are yet comforted for not having willingly sub∣mitted to a wretched fortune. But such as may be free without fighting, and yet will fight to establish their own servitude; if they conquer, they do but more ruine themselves; and if they have the worse, they adde to their other wretched∣nesse, the calamity of a defeate. This he sayd to the Napolitans. To the Goths we give Liberty either to serve the Emperour with us, or to retire home with∣out harme. If you slight all this, and imploy your armes against us, we shall use you as Enemies: But if the Napolitans will joyne with the Emperour, and be rid of a sharpe servitude; I will pawn my faith for such conditions, as the Sicilians had, who cannot say we are forsworne.

This Belisarius commanded Stephanus to impart to the people; promising him great rewards, if he drew them to the Em∣perour. Stephanus acquainted the City with these propositions, and with his owne opinion of the inconvenience of resisting the Emperour. With him joyned Antiochus a Syrian merchant, who had long dwelt there, and was esteemed a very wise and an honest man.

CHAP. VII.

BUt Pastor and Asclepiodotus, two Orators much esteemed in Naples, and freinds to the Goths, to crosse the treaty, drew the people to propound great things, and many, and that Belisarius would swear to their present obtaining the same: And they gave to Stephanus demands in writing, which they thought Belisarius would never yeild to. He went to the Camp, shewed the writing to the Generall, demanding if he would grant those propositions, and take his Oath accordingly. He promised to grant all, and sent him away. The Napolitans imbraced the Capi∣tulation, and commanded the army to be received into the City: which (said they) may safely be done, the Sicilians giving us ample proofe, who for Barbarian Ty∣rants have chosen the Empire of Justinian, and are become free men, and eased of all greivance. And then in much tumult they went to open the gates; which troubled the Goths: but being not able to hinder it, they kept out of the way. But Pastor and

Asclepiodotus assembled the people, and spake thus. It is not strange for a City-multitude to ruine it selfe, when they will resolve in the generall absolutely, with∣out communicating with the better sort. But being with you upon the point of de∣struction, we cannot but contribute this last advise to our country. You are run∣ning to deliver your selves, and City to Belisarius, who promises much, and will solemnly swear to it. If he could assure you, that he shall conquer in this war, no man can gainsay, but that these things will be good for us. It were foolish not to gratifie him that is to be our Lord; but since this is uncertaine, and since none can secure the Resolutions of Fortune; consider for what miseries you may take this pains. For the Goths overcoming, wil punish you for having done them the grea∣test despight, revolting thus not forced by necessity, but as willing cowards. Nay even Belisarius himself being Victor will esteeme us false and Traitors to our Prin∣ces; and as such, we must expect a perpetuall garrison upon us. A Traitors service pleases for the present with the victory obtained, but afterward the Victor suspects, fears, and hates his Benefactor, having with him the marks of his falshood. But con∣tinuing true to the Goths, and valiant in this danger, if they conquer, they will do us many good turnes; and Belisarius getting the victory will pardon us. No un∣derstanding man will punish a good affection failing of successe. And why fear you this seige? being in no wants, nor blockt up; but at home, secured by these walls and souldiers? If Belisarius could hope to force us, he would not come to this ca∣pitulation: and if he would do justly, and us good, he would not fright us thus, and establish a power upon our wronging the Goths, but come roundly to a battell with them, that we without danger or Treason might follow the Conquerour. Ha∣ving thus said, they produced Jewes, who assured the town should want nothing: and the Goths promised to guard them safely. Wherewith perswaded, they defied Belisarius; who fell to assault, and was often repulsed with losie of many, and even

of his valiantest men.

For the walls what by reason of the sea, and for the steepe ground, were unaccessible, and not to be approacht by an enemy. And the cutting of the Aquaeduct by Belisarius troubled not the Napolitans much, their wells within supplying their uses: And they sent to Theodatus to Rome, to send them succours. Theodatus being a coward (as I have said) made little preparation for a warre: and he had an accident (they say, but not credibly to my conceit) which put him in∣to great fear. Theodatus was acquainted ever with men thar pretend to foretell things to come; and being now perplexed with the present affaires (when men use most to runne after prophesies) he askt an Hebrew, famous for such things, what would be the event of the War. He directed him to shut up three halfe scores of Hoggs severally, and to each ten to give severall names, of Goths, Romans, and the Emperours Souldiers, and so for a certain number of dayes to let them alone. The∣odatus at the appointed day went to the sties, to see the Hoggs. Those which were cal∣led Goths, he found all dead, save two: Those called the Emperours Souldiers, were allmost all alive: And those who bare the name of Romans were halfe living, and all with their haires fallen off. Theodatus by this divined the successe of the war, and was affraid: perceiving that one halfe of the Romans should perish, and all loose their Estates; that the Goths should be vanquisht; and reduced to a small rem∣nant, and that the Emperour should get the victory with the losse of few. Upon this he was affraid to fight with Belisarius; who besieging Naples was troubled, not thinking it would yeild, and being not able to force the difficulty of the place: and his losse to time vexed him, fearing to be put to set upon Theodatus and Rome in the winter. But having directed the army to rise, and being thus perplexed, he had this fortune,

CHAP. VIII.

AN Isaurian, curious to see the structure of the Aquaeduct, and how it brought water to the City, entred it far from the city where Belisarius had cut it; (which had made it dry) and being come in neer to the town-wall, he met with a Rock to which the Aquaeduct was joyned, and through it was cut a vault, not suf∣ficient for a man to enter, but only to let through the water; so that there the A∣quaeduct was not passable, especially by a man armed with sheild and corslet. The Isaurian observing it, conceived that by widening the vault, forces might enter; and being himself an obscure man, unknown to the Commanders, he revealed it to Pau∣caris, a Targettier of the guard to Belisarius, who told it to Belisarius; and he revi∣ved with the newes promised the man mony, and perswaded him to take some Isau∣rians, and with speed and secrecy to cut the rock wider. Paucaris, with some choice Isaurians fit to worke, entred silently the Aquaeduct, and being come to the Rock and narrow Vault, they wrought, not cutting it with hatchets and axes, lest the noise should discover them, but paring and filing it with instruments of iron; and in short time there was roome for a man with his sheild and corslet on to go through. All being ready, Belisarius considered, how the army entring by force, there would be slaughter and such things as befall places forced by Enemies. He sent therefore

for Stephanus, and sayd to him thus. I have been at the taking of many Cities, and and am acquainted with the usuall accidents therein. They kill the men of all ages; the women they vouchsafe not to kill, though they beg it, but lead them away for base and pitifull uses. The children without other Education must learne to serve their greatest enemies, whose hands are stained with their Fathers bloud. I speake not of the fire which wil consume your goods, and the beauty of your city. Behol∣ding as in a glasse in other ruined cities, the miseries of Naples, I pity it. For my engins are ready, wherewith I shall not faile to take it. And while I am Generall; I would not have an ancient city, long inhabited with Christians and Romans, come to this fortune: the rather having in the army Barbarians, enraged for the losse of brothers and kindred, whom I shall not be able to restraine; if they enter by hostili∣ty.

So that chuse the best for your selves while you may, and avoyd this calamity; which happening (as it will) blame not fortune, but your owne Counsells. Stepha∣nus

weeping, reported to the People this Speech of Belisarius: But they (whose Subjection to the Emperour was to be accompanied with their mischiefe) feared not, nor thought of yeilding.

Then did Belisarius about Evening chuse out 400. men, and gave the Command of them to Magnus, a Captaine of Horse, and Ennes, Commander of the Isaurians, whom he directed to stand ready with their Corselets on, and with Swords and Shields, till he should give the Signall. And he sent for Bessas, to advise with him of some things of Importance. Far within night, he told Magnus and Ennes the busi∣nesse, shewed them the place, where he had cut the Aquaeduct, and commanded affright the Towne, and to signifie to him what they did. Himselfe had many sca∣ling Ladders in readinesse. They entred the Aquaeduct, and went towards the Town, and himselfe, with Bessas and Photius, staid in the place, directing the Army to stand with their Armes ready; and keeping many of the Valiantest men about himselfe. More then the one halfe who were to enter, apprehending the danger, came back to the Generall, and Magnus with them: after much exhorting them to go on, but not prevailing, Belisarius rated them, and gave Magnus 200. other of his owne Retinew, whom Photius would have led, and first entred the vault; but Belisarius forbad him. The Run-awaies ashamed at the reprehensions of Belisarius, took hart, and followed the rest. Belisarius, least the Enemies sentinels upon the Turret next the Aquaeduct should discover them, went thither, and bad Bessas talke with the Goths in their owne Language, that they might not heare the clashing of the Armes. Bessas aloud called to them to yeild, promising many Advantages; And they flouted him with scornefull Speeches against Belisarius, and the Emperour. The Aquaeduct is not onely covered without the Walls, but so continues with a high Arch of Brick a great way within; that Magnus and Ennes being within the City, could not imagine where-about they were, nor finde where to get up, till their fore-most men came, where they found the Roofe uncovered, and where stood a Cottage, and in it dwelt a Woman alone, and very poore; and at the top of the Aquaeduct grew an Olive Tree. The men perceiving the Skie, and them∣selves in the midst of the City, would willingly get up, but could not with their Armes, the Building being high, and without Steps. Being long in doubt, and be∣ginning to be crowded with the Company pressing behinde them; one of them, having a minde to make triall, laid downe his Armes, and clambered up; and finding the poore Woman in the Cottage, threatned to kill her, if she made any noise. She astonisht, sate mute; and he tying a Rope to the Olive Tree, threw the other end into the Aquaeduct, by which the Souldiers mounted one by one. All being up, and but a fourth part of the Night remaining, they ascended the Wall, and killed the Sentinels upon two Turrets on the North side, where Belisarius, Bessas, and Photius stood expecting the Event. They called them to the Walls with their Trumpets, and Belisarius set to the scaling Ladders, commanding the Soul∣diers to mount. The Ladders were too short, the Work-men having not made them upon view, and so not judging of a just scantling. But they tied two together, and so mounted the Battlements. That part of the Walls next the Sea, where the Jewes guarded, the Souldiers could not ascend. For the Jewes had offended the Enemy, in hindering a peaceable surrender of the Towne, and so being hopelesse, (if subdued) they fought valiantly, though the Towne were entered; and they indured beyond Expectation. But day appearing, and being charged behinde by some who were entred already, they fled; and Naples was absolutely taken, and the Gates set open; where the rest of the Army entred. Those who were quartered Eastward, having no Ladders, burnt open the Gates there, the Guards being all run away. A great Slaughter was made; all being angry, and especially such as had Brothers, or Kins-men slaine in the former Assaults, and they killed all, sparing no Age; broke into the Houses, and made the Women and Children Slaves, and pillaged the Goods; principally the Massagetes, who spared not the Churches, but killed many who fled into them; till Belisarius rode about and restrained them, and as∣sembling

the Army, spake thus. Since God hath given us Victory, and the glory of subduing a City, heretofore impregnable; let us not prove unworthy of the Favour, but by our Clemency to the Vanquished, make it appeare, that we have

justly overcome them. Do not without limit extend your hatred to the Napoli∣tans, beyond the Rules of War. No Conquerours continue hating the Vanquish∣ed; if you kill them now, you are not rid of Enemies, but indamaged by the death fo your Subjects. So that do them no further harm, nor gratifie you owne Anger. It is base, having conquered your Enemies, to be overcome by your owne Passion. Take the Wealth, as the Reward of your Valour; but restore the Wo∣men and Children, and let the Conquered finde by the Events, what kinde of Friends they lost by their owne ill Counsels.

Belisarius having thus said, released all their Women and Children, and other Prisoners, without enduring any Dishonour, and reconciled the Souldiers to them. So in the same day the Na∣politans had the Fortune to be made Slaves, and to recover their Liberty, with the most precious of their Goods; having hid their Gold, and things of Value from the Enemy, under ground, and so found them upon the Restitution of their Houses. Thus ended this Seige, having lasted twenty daies.

CHAP. IX.

THE Gothish Garrison, being 800. men, Belisarius took, and hurt not, but respected them as his owne Souldiers. Pastor, when he saw the Towne taken, fell dead of an Apoplexy, having never had any touch of it before; Asclepiodotus his associate, with some other chiefe men, came to Belisarius, whom Stephanus

seeing, Thou vildest of all men (quoth he) what mischiefe hast thou done thy Country-men, and sold their safety for Barbarians Favour? If they had pros∣pered, thou wouldst have claimed Rewards, and accused us of Conspiracy with the Romans, who gave the best Counsels. And now the City being the Emperours, and we preserved by this mans Virtue, dar'st thou thus foolishly come to him? as if cleare of all disservice to the Neapolitans, and the Imperiall Army? Stepha∣nus in passion for the Disaster uttered this. But he answered him; Worthy Sir, you unwittingly extoll me, in that you raile at me for my affection to the Goths. None loves his Superiours in danger, but from a constant mind. Me the Victors shall finde a Defender of their State, as lately their Enemy. A faithfull man changeth not his Minde with Fortune, nor entertaines Propositions from Ene∣mies in an alteration. But he that is sick of Inconstancy, renounces his Friends upon his first feares.

Having thus said, and retiring, the common people fol∣lowed and charged him with their Sufferings, and left him not, till they had kil∣led him, and torne him in peeces. And they entred Pastors house, searching, and not beleiving the Servants Affirmation of his Death, till they saw his Body, which they crucified in the Suburbes; then excused their doings to Belisarius upon such just provocation; and obtaining Pardon, went home.

But the Goths in Rome, and other Townes that way, wondred to see Theodatus so tame, not offering to fight with the Romans, being his so neere Neighbours: And they suspected him to betray their State to Justinian, caring onely to live at ease himselfe, and to be rich. When they heard that Naples was taken, they assembled at Regêta 35. miles from Rome, and accused him openly. The place they found fit to encamp in, being neere to a faire Champian, and to the River of Decanovius, so called, because having made a compasse of 19. miles, it enters the Sea about the City of Taracina. Neere unto which is the Mountaine Circaeum, where they say Ʋlisses had the Company of Circe, improbably in my conceit; Homer affirm∣ing Circes house to be in an Island. Indeed Circaeum runs far into the Sea, and seemes an Island along the Shore to the Sailer: but being in it, he findes his mista∣king. Upon this reason Homer might call it an Island. But the Goths assembled at Regeta, chose Vitigis their King, a man of no conspicuous Family: but in Fights about Sirmium, against the Gepaedes (with whom Theodorick had War) he got great Reputation. Theodatus hearing his, ran away to Ravenna: after him Vitigis sent Optaris a Goth, to bring him alive, or dead. This Optaris had a pique a∣gainst Theodatus: for having betroathed a handsome Maid, an Inheritrix, Theodatus perswaded her for Wealth to marry another man. So that to gratifie his owne An∣ger

and Vitigis too, he pursued Theodatus eagerly day and night: And overtaking him upon the way, laid him upon his back like a Beast, and cut his Throat. This end made Theodatus in the third yeare of his Reigne.

CHAP. X.

VItigis then marcht to Rome, glad of the newes of Theodatus Death, and he put his Son Theudegisclus in safe Custody. From thence, finding things yet in no good preparation, he thought it best to go to Ravema, and having there com∣pleatly furnished himselfe, to enter into the War. He assembled therefore the

Goths; and spake thus unto them. Great Actions, fellow Souldiers, prosper not commonly by suddaine Opportunities, but by solid Counsels; seasonable delay∣ing often doing good, and many undoing their hopes by undue hast. For men un∣provided, though equall in numbers, are more easily beaten in Fight, then though inferiour in Powers, yet well prepared. Let us not therefore, provo∣ked with the present honour, hurt our selves incurably. It is better with a short disgrace to preserve a perperuall Reputation, then avoding it for a moment, to be ever confounded with Ignominy.* 1.10 Our maine numbers, and our magazines are in Gaule, and Venetia, and other remote Parts. We have also a War with the Francks; which before we have setled, to enter into another, is folly. Who stands between two Enemies, and hath not his eye upon one at once, is com∣monly ruined by both. I say then, that we ought to go to Ravenna, and ha∣ving agreed the War with the Francks, and disposed our businesse, then to fight with Belisarius. Let none be ashamed, or feare that this Retraite will be called a running away. A seasonable Imputation of Cowardize hath crowned many a man with Successe: And the name of Valour, gotten by some before the time, hath ended in a Defeat. Let us not affect Names, but reall Advantages. Actions in their conclusions, not beginnings, shew the worth of men. They run not away, who returne upon the Enemy with greater preparations; but who hide them∣selves, as if they would keep their Bodies ever alive. And of this City be not af∣fraid. If the Romans be well affected to us, they will secure it for us; being to indure no extremity in the short time before we returne. If they be unsure, they will hurt us lesse by receiving the Enemy into their City; it being ever best to Encounter men that hate us in an open way. But this also I shall prevent; leaving in it a strong Garrison, and an able Commander;

and that being so set∣led, we can have no hurt by this Retrait. The Goths approved this advise of Vitigis, and prepared for the Journey. Then Vitigis using many Exhortations to Liberius the Bishop of Rome, the Senate and People, to think of Theodoricks Reigne, and to continue their affections to the Gothish Nation, he bound them in strong Oathes; And leaving to guard Rome 4000. men under Leuderis, a man ancient, and much esteemed for his Wisedome, he marcht to Ravenna with the rest of his Army, ta∣king the most part of the Roman Senators with him in the quality of Hostages. There he married perforce Mattasuntha, a Beautifull Virgin, the Daughter of Amalasuntha, that by alliance with the Blood of Theodorick he might make his Reigne firme. Then he assembled the Goths from all parts, and ranckt them in or∣der, distributing Horses and Armes to them. Those onely lying in Gaule, for feare of the Francks, he sent not for.

The Francks were formerly called Germans, where they first inhabited: and how they incroached upon Gaule, and then fell out with the Goths, I will tell you. I said before, how from Calis and the Ocean, into the Mediterranean, the left hand continent is called Europe; and that against it, Africk, and further on, Asia. The Countries beyond Africk I can say nothing of, being not inhabited; where∣by the Spring of Nile is unknowne, which, they say, comes from those Parts. But Europe at the first is like Peloponesus, having the Sea on both sides. The first Pro∣vince from the Ocean is named Spaine, unto the Alpes, which are in the Pyrenaean Mountaines (the Natives calling narrow passages, Alpes) From thence Gaule reaches to Liguria, where other Alpes divide the Gaules and Ligurians. Gaule is

broader then Spaine (for Europe begins narrow, and proceeds to a great breadth by degrees) and it hath the Ocean on the North side, and on the South the Tyr∣hene Sea. Among other Rivers it hath the Rhone, and the Rhine, having contrary courses; the Rhone into the Tyrrhene Sea, but into the Ocean the Rhine. Here Lakes also are, where-about anciently these Germans did inhabit, now called Francks, a Barbarian Nation, and at first not considerable. Beyond them dwelt the† 1.11 Arborychi, subject formerly to the Romans, as all the rest of Gaule and Spaine. Augustus planted the Thuringians to the East of the Arborychi, not far from whom to the South inhabited the Burgundians, and beyond the Thuringians the Suevians, and Almans, Potent Nations. All these were free States, and from all Antiquity seated there. In processe of time the Visigoths oppressing the Roman Em∣pire, subdued Spaine, and Gaule, to the River of Poe, and made them tributary. The Arborychi were then become Roman Souldiers, whom the Germans, or Francks, to bring them in Subjection, being their Borderers, and for having abandoned their former Common-wealth, pillaged, and made a generall War upon them. In this War the Arborychi shewed much Valour and Affection to the Romans: And the Germans not able to force them, offer'd to make them their Confederates, which they willingly embraced (both being Christians) and being joyned into one peo∣ple, they grew into a great power. Other Roman Souldiers also Garrison'd in the Confines of Gaule, being not able to returne to Rome, nor willing to mingle with the Goths their Enemies, and Arrians, yeilded themselves, their Ensignes, and the Country under their Guard to the Arborychi and Germans, which they have left to their Posterity, and preserved the Roman Customes, which to my time they re∣ligiously observe. They still are inrolled in the same Bands they anciently served in, have their proper Ensignes in Fights, and use the Roman Lawes, and Habit; and especially the Fashion of their Diadems. The Roman State flourishing, Gaule on this side the Poe was the Emperours; But Odoacer usurping the same, by the Tyrants cession, the Visigoths had all Gallia Cisalpina to† 1.12 those Alpes, which sever Gaule and Liguria. Odoacer being slaine, the Thuringians and Visigoths; fearing the Ger∣mans power (who were grown a strong multitude, subduing all in their way) sought allyance with the Goths: And Theodorick afterward gladly contracted affi∣nities with them. Theudichusa his Daughter, a young Virgin, he betroathed to Alarick the younger, Prince of the Visigoths; and Amaloberga, the Daughter of his sister Amalafrida, he affianced to Hermenefridus, Prince of the Thuringians. And the Francks, fearing Theodorick, forbare to force the Visigoths and Thuringians, but made Warr upon the Burgundians.

CHAP. XI.

AFterwards the Francks and Goths made a league against the Burgundians, up∣on conditions to ruine the race of them, and to subdue their Countrey, and that the Conquerours shall have a Fine from the part not joyning in the War, but the Country to be a common conquest of both. The Francks accordingly went with a great Army against the Burgundians. Theodorick made preparations in shew, but delayed the expedition, expecting the event. At last he sent his Army, which he bade march faire and softly; and hearing the Francks to be vanquished, to go no further; but understanding them to be victorious, to march on speedily. They did so; And the Francks in a Battail with the Burgundians stifly fought, with much slaughter, routed the Enemie, and drave them into the uttermost borders of their country (where they had many strong places) and subdued the rest. The Goths hear∣ing it, were speedily with them; and being blamed by their Confederates, they al∣ledged the ill wayes, and paying their Fine, divided the Countrey with the Con∣querours. And thus Theodorick shewed his great providence, by gaining thus halfe the Countrey with a little money, and without losse of his Subjects: Thus the Goths and Francks held part of Gaule. Afterward the Francks power encreasing, without any feare of Theodorick, they led an Army against Alarick and the Visi∣goths.

Alarick sent for Theodorick, who marcht with a great Army to his ayde. In the meane time the Visigoths hearing how the Francks besieged Carcasona, en∣camped themselves neer to oppose them. The siege continuing, and their coun∣trey being spoyled by the Enemy, they murmured, and put scorns upon Alarick, rayling at the delay of his Kinsman, and affirming themselves strong enough with∣out company to beate the Francks. Alarick thus constrained to hazard a Battaile, before the Goths could come, was therein slaine, and many of his people by the Francks, who thus got the greatest part of Gaule. They straightly besieged Carca∣sona, hearing there was much treasure in it, which Alarick the Elder had pillaged, when he tooke Rome. There were the jewels of King Solomon, goodly pieces, by reason of a green stone in many of them, and long agoe taken by the Romans out of Jerusalem. The Visigoths remaining, made Giselick their Prince, a base sonne of Alarick; Amalarick, his Daughters sonne, being a child. But Theodorick co∣ming with the Goths Army, the Francks raised their siege; and returning from thence,* 1.13 held the parts of Gaule beyond the Rhone to the Ocean; from which Theodorick could not drive them, and so let them keep it, and recovered the rest of Gaule. Giselick also being dead, he made Amalarick his Daughters son Prince of the Visigoths, and himselfe protector of the Child, and out of Carcasona he took the Treasures, and returned to Ravenna. His ayme was to make the Domini∣on of Spaine and Gaule his owne for ever, sending Forces thither, and Governors, whom he appointed to send the tributes to him, which (not to appear avaricious) he gave as a yearly donative to his Armies of Goths and Visigoths: who upon this occasion, of having one Prince and the same Country, marryed with one another, and mingled their races: And afterwards Theudis a Goth (whom Theodorick sent to command the Army) marryed a Wife of a rich Family of the Spaniards, no Visi∣goth, but very wealthy, and Lady of a great countrey. He had 2000. Souldiers, and a strong guard of Lanciers, and was in shew as Theodoricks Governour of the Visigoths, but in effect an usurper.

Theodorick grown now an absolute wise man, fearing least while he had a Warr with his owne servant, the Francks might assaile him, and the Visigoths rebell, he discharged not Theudis of his command, but still upon any Warr directed him to lead the Army. Only he got some principall Goths to write to him, that he should do both justly, and as a wise man, to goe to Ravenna, and salute Theodorick. He continued obedient to Theodoricks command, and failed not in the annuall tribute, but to Ravenna he would neither goe, nor promise it.

Theodorick being dead, the Francks invaded the Thuringians, killed their Prince Hermenfridus, and held them in subjection. Hermenfridus his Widow fled to Theo∣datus her Brother, then King of the Goths. Afterward the Francks vanquished the remaining Burgundians in a Battaile, and kept their Prince close prisoner in a Ca∣stle; they used them as men conquered in Warre, made them serve in their Armies, and their Countrey tributary which they dwelt in before. Amalarick Prince of the Visigoths,* 1.14 being at mans estate, and fearing the Francks greatnesse, married the Si∣ster of their King Theudibert: And Gaule he gave to Atalarick his cozen german, King of the Goths. So that Gaule on this side the Rhone the Goths had, and that be∣yond it was subject to the Visigoths:* 1.15 And they agreed to suppresse the tribute im∣posed by Theodorick; And the said Atalarick fairly restored to Amalarick the treasures taken out of Carcassona by Theodorick.

The two Nations being joyned thus in allyance, who had married any Wife of the other, might either goe with his Wife, or bring her home to his owne kindred; And some (as they pleased) brought home their Wives, others followed them. Amalarick afterward offended his Wives brother, and was ruined. He was an Ar∣rian, and permitted not his Wife, being orthodoxall, to use her country fashions, nor religion; but for her not applying her selfe to his customes, hee used her with much dis-respect.

The Lady acquainted her Brother with her grievance, which put the Francks, and Visigoths into a War; and in a Battaile long and stoutly fought, Amalarick was vanquisht, with losse of many, and of his own life. Theudibert received his Si∣ster with all her goods, and so much of Gaule as the Visigoths held. The survivors with their Wives and Children went into Spaine to Theudis, who now openly usur∣ped.

So then all Gaule was held by the Francks and Goths: But Theodatus King of the Goths, hearing of Belisarius landing in Sicily, made an accord with the Francks; That they should command in the Warr; and have the Goths part of Gaule, and twenty Centenaries of gold to assist them in this War. But before this treaty was fi∣nished, he dyed as hath been told.

CHAP. XII.

AND many of the Goths best men under Marcias were Garrison'd in that part of Gaule; These Vitigis could not safely raise from thence, but thought them rather too weake for the Francks, who would certainly over-run that part of Gaule and Italy, if he with his Army went to Rome. So he called to him those Goths he trusted most, and said;

I call you here to impart an advice not pleasing perhaps, but necessary; and you must heare patiently, and in the present case counsell what becomes you. Whose affaires are not according to their mind, such must obey necessity and fortune, and so manage the occasions presented. We are excellent well prepared for this War, save only that the Francks stand in our way; our ancient Enemies, with whom hitherto, though with the hazard of our lives and fortunes, we make our party good. But now (another Enemie appearing, against whom we must march) it behoves us to make peace with them. If they continue Enemies, certainely they will come with Belisarius; A common Enemy ever combines men in amity and mutuall ayde. And if we en∣counter them severally, we shall be beaten by both: So that it is better by loo∣sing a little, to save the maine of our Dominions, then by coveting all, to perish and loose all. My opinion is, if we give the Francks the parts of Gaule, borde∣ring on them, they will lay down their quarrels, and joyne with us in the Warre. How to recover those parts upon our good successe, let none examine now: I re∣member an old saying;

To settle well the present.

The principall Goths conceiving this course advantageous, resolved upon it, and Ambassadors were sent to the Francks, to surrender Gaule, and pay the money, and to conclude a Confederacy. The Princes of the Franks were then Childebert,* 1.16 Theudebert, and Clotarius, who received that Gaule with the money, and divided it proportionably to every mans dominion; They agreed to be firm friends to the Goths, and to send them succours, not Francks, but of the Nations subject to them. They could not enter into an open War with the Romans, having lately promised to joyne with the Emperour in this. The Ambassadors having dispatch'd, returned to Ravenna, and Vitigis sent for Marcias and his Troops.

Belisarius in this mean time prepared his journey for Rome. He appointed 300. Foot under Herodian for the guard of Naples. He put a Garrison into Cuma to guard the Castle there; there being no strong place in all Campania, but Naples and Cuma. In Cuma they yet shew Sibyllas Cave, where her Oracle was. It is a mari∣time Towne, distant sixteen miles from Naples. Belisarius put his Army in or∣der; but the Romans fearing the fortune of the Napolitans, resolved to receive the Emperours Army, being moved thereunto chiefly by the Bishop of Rome, Liberi∣us* 1.17. They sent one Fidelius, born in Milan, a City of Liguria, and formerly Quae∣stor to King Atalaricus, inviting Belisarius, and promising to surrender the Ci∣tie. He led his Army by Via Latina, leaving Via Appia on his left hand; which Ap∣pius a Roman Consull made 900. years agoe; and it reaches five dayes journey from Rome to Capua: It is broad enough for two Carts a breast, and worth the sight; all the stones being of Mill-stone quarry, and very hard, and brought by Appius from a far countrey. They are smooth wrought, square, and close fastned, without brasse between, or any thing else. They are so well fastned and close, that one would thinke them to grow together. After so long a time trampling on by Carts, and Beasts every day, there is not the least chink in the pavement, nor any stone broken, nor worn out, nor that hath lost the brightnesse.

But the Gothish Garrison in Rome understanding the Enemies approach, and the

Romans intent, were troubled; being not able both to guard the Citie, and encounter the Enemie. So that by the Romans permission they left Rome, and went to Raven∣na: Only Leuderis (ashamed it seems) staid behind. The same day and houre Be∣lisarius entred Rome with the Emperours Army at Porta Asinaria, and the Goths went out at Porta Flaminia.* 1.18 Thus Rome was recovered in the. 11. yeare of Justini∣ans Reign, sixty yeares after the last taking of it. The keyes of it, and Leuderis Belisarius sent to the Emperour: He took care of the walls decayed in many places, and made the turrets tenable against an assault. He made Works upon the left side of every turret, to secure the Defendants left side from shot: And about the walls he drew a good deep ditch. The Romans commended the Generalls providence, and chiefly his skill in contriving the turrets: But they murmured, wondring he would enter Rome with an opinion of being besieged, a place unfit for a siege for want of provisions, being not upon the Sea, and having a huge compasse of walls, and in an open champian easily invested. But he, though he heard all this, yet still pre∣pared for a siege. The corn he brought from Sicily he kept in publique Granaries, and he compelled the Romans (though they grumbled) to bring in all their provi∣sions from their Farms.

CHAP. XIII.

A GOTH then, one Pitzas, yeilded to Belisarius halfe Samnium, lying upon the Sea, and the Goths there inhabiting to the River, which divides the coun∣trey. The Goths on the other side the River, neither would follow Pitzas, nor submit to the Emperour. Belisarius gave him some Souldiers to help to guard the Townes there. The Calabrians and Apulians having no Goths, had vo∣luntarily before submitted to Belisarius, both in the Mid land, and upon the Sea∣coast; Of which was Beneventum, anciently by the Romans called Maleventum; now Beneventum, to avoid the reproach of the name: for Ventus in Latine signi∣fies the Wind: because in Dalmatia over against it uses to blow a rough wind, du∣ring which no Traveller is seen upon the wayes; they all shut themselves in their houses. The force of the wind is such, that it snatches up a Horse-man and his Horse together, carries them in the ayre, and throws them down and kills them. And Be∣neventum standing high, and over against Dalmatia, shares in the inconvenience of this wind. Diomedes built the Citie, being banisht from Argos after the destru∣ction of Troy. It hath a monument of him, the teeth of the Calydonian Bore, the prize of Meleager his Uncle in that famous hunting, which are still there, and worth the seeing, the circumference like a half-moon, being of three spanns. Here they say Diomedes met with Aeneas, and according to Minerva's Oracle, gave him the Image stollen by him and Ʋlisses out of her Temple, when they came as spies into Troy, before the Citie could be taken. Afterward being sick, they say, he consulted the Oracle, which answered, that he should never have ease, unlesse he gave that Image to some Trojan. Where it is the Romans now know not, but shew the figure of it graven in stone, standing to my time in the Temple of Fortune, be∣fore the brazen Statue of Minerva in the open ayre, on the East-side of that Tem∣ple. It resembles Minerva fighting, and charging her Lance; yet in a long robe, and with a face not like her Grecian Statues, but as the ancient Aegyptians made them. They of Constantinople say, that Constantine buried the Statue in the Market-place bearing his name. But Belisarius thus conquered Italy on this side the Joni∣an Gulph, to Rome and Samnium. On the other side Constantianus (as hath been said) got all, to Liburnia.

To speake something how Italy is inhabited; the Adriatique Sea dischar∣ges a stream farr into the firm Land, and makes the Jonian Gulph; Not as in other places, where the Sea running to the Land-ward, in the end makes an Isthmus, or neck of Land. As the Chrisaean Gulph ending in the Haven of Lechaeum by Corinth, makes there the Isthmus, being some five miles broad: And the Gulph Melas from the Hellespont makes another of the same breadth in Chersonesus. Whereas from

Ravenna, where ends the Jonian Gulph, to the Tyrrhene Sea, is eight days journey over land, by reason the current of that Sea is carried out farre to the South-ward. The first Towne on this side the Jonian Gulph is Otranto in Apulia. To the North of that Town is part of Calabria, and Samaium: Next to which is Picenia, reaching to Ravenna. On the other side of that Town is the rest of Calabria, then Bruttia, and Lucania. Next to which is Campania, to the City of Taracina. To them ad∣joynes the Territory of Rome. These Nations hold both the shores of the Mediter∣ranean, and all the Mid-lands that way. Here is that which was formerly call∣ed Magna Graecia. In Bruttia are seated the Epizephyrian Locrians, Crotonians, and Thurians. On the other side of the Jonian Gulph, first are the Graecians of E∣pirus, to Epidamnus, which stands upon the Sea. Bordering thereunto is the Pro∣vince of Precalis: Beyond which it is called Dalmatia, accompted of the western Empire, and all beyond it, as Liburnia, Istria, and Venetia, reaching to Ravenna. Above these up into the Land are the Siscians, and the Suevians (not those subject to the Francks) and the Carnians, and Norioi beyond them. To the right hand of whom are the Dacians and Pannonians, holding Singidon, Sirmium, and other places, & extending to the river Ister. The Nations on that side the Jonian gulph, the Goths at the beginning of this war ruled. Beyond Ravenna, to the left hand, and by North of the Poe, are the Ligurians, and beyond them North-ward the Albanians, in an ex∣cellent Countrey, called Languvilla. To the West of these Nations are the Gauls, and then the Spaniards. To the South of the Poe is Aemilia, and Tuscany, which reaches to the Territory of Rome.

But Belisarius took all the said territory of Rome to the Tiber, and fortified it round about; which being in good estate, he directed Constantianus with a band of his owne Targetiers, and with Zanter, Chorsomanus, and Aeschmanus, Hunnes, and some of his Life-guard, and other Forces to march into Tuscany, and take in the Towns there. And he gave order to Bessas to take Narnia, a strong place in Tus∣cany. Bessas was of the race of the Goths formerly inhabiting Thrace, but followed not Theodorick into Italy. He was valiant, a skilfull Souldier, and an excellent Cap∣tain, and very dextrous in his own person. He got Narnia by the Inhabitants good will; and Constantianus as easily took Spoletum and Perusia, and some other Towns in Tuscany; the Tuscans willingly receiving him. He placed a Garrison in Spoletum, and himselfe with his Forces lodged in Perusia, the cheife Citie in Tusca∣ny. Vitigis sent an Army against him under Ʋnilas, and Pitzas, whom Constanti∣nus encountred in the Suburbs of Perusia. At first, the Barbarians having advan∣tage in numbers, the battaile was equall; but at last the Romans by their valour routed them, and killed them almost all; Their Commanders they sent prisoners to Belisarius. Vitigis upon this would stay no more at Ravenna, where he attended Marcias and his Troops. First he sent an Army under Asinarius and Ʋligisalus, to recover Dalmatia to the Goths; directing them to get Barbarians out of Suavia to joyne with them, and so to march directly to Salonae: Which to besiege by Sea also he sent along many Pinnaces. Then himself prepared to go against Belisarius, and Rome, with no lesse then 150000. Horse and Foot, the most of them armed, horses and Men. Asinarius raised an Army of Suevians; and Ʋligisalus led the Goths a∣lone into Liburnia, where he fought with the Romans at a place called Scardon, was beaten, and retired to the City of Burnus, where he staid for Asinarius. Constan∣tianus hearing of Asinarius his preparations, and fearing Salonae, drew together the Souldiers garrison'd thereabout, made a Ditch about the City walls, and provided against a siege. Asinarius with a great levy of Barbarians came to Burnus, and joyning with Ʋligisalus march'd to Salonae. They compast the Walls with their Trenches, and manning their Pinnaces with souldiers, blockt Salonae to the Sea-ward, and so besieged it by Sea and Land: But the Romans set sodainly upon their Pinnaces, scattered them, and sunck many with the men aboard, and took many, the men being gone. Yet the Goths raised not their siege, but were rather more eager upon the Romans within.

CHAP. XIV.

IN the meane time Vitigis hearing of the smalnesse of Belisarius his Army, it re∣pented him for retiring from Rome; so not enduring longer where he was, in much anger he marcht thitherward. Upon the way he met a Roman Preist, of whom, they say, he ask'd earnestly, if Belisarius were yet at Rome; as fearing not to catch him before his running away. He bad him apprehend no such thing, undertaking that Belisarius would not fly, but stay upon the place: Which made him hast the more; openly praying, to see Rome before Belisarius were run out of it. Who hearing the whole Nation of Goths thus coming upon him, was troubled; For though his Army were very small, he would not leave destitute Constantinus and Bessas, nor abandon the places in Tuscany, least with them the Goths should block up Rome. So upon advice he sent to Constantinus, and Bessas, to leave competent Garrisons in the most important places, and with the rest to come to Rome. Con∣stantinus accordingly placing Garrisons in Spoletum and Perusia, came with the rest to Rome. But Bessas staying to settle Narnia, the Enemy passed that way, and the Feilds and Suburbs were full of them, being Avant-coureurs, whom Bessas char∣ged, and defeated them, and killed many; but prest with their numbers, he reti∣red into Narnia, where he left a Garrison; and coming to Rome, brought newes, that the Enemie would speedily be with them. Narnia stands almost 44. miles from Rome. Vitigis would not spend time upon Perusia, and Spoletum, being strong places. His desire was to find Belisarius in Rome, before he was run away. And Narnia possest by the Enemy, and a place steep and hard of accesse, he would not stir neither: it stands on a high hill, at the foot whereof is the River of Narnus, giving the name to the City; and it hath two ascents on the East and West sides; the one narrow with ragged rocks; to the other is no coming, but over the bridge upon the River, which is an ancient building of Augustus Caesar, admirable to see, and with the highest arches we know. Vitigis, not to spend time, speedily went thence with his whole Army toward Rome, marching through the Sabins Coun∣trey. Being within a mile and three quarters thereof, he came to a bridg upon the Tiber, where Belisarius had built a Tower, and Gates, and placed a Garrison. The Tiber was every where passable by Boats and other Bridges; but this he did, to put the Enemy to more delay (expecting from the Emperour more Forces) and that the Romans might have the more time to bring in provisions; conceiving that the Goths repulsed here, could not passe by any other Bridge in lesse then twenty days; and to get Boats would be a longer worke.

Upon these considerations he placed that Garrison. The Goths lodged neer it, and the next day intended to assault the Tower. Here came to them 22. Fugitives, Barbarians born, but Roman Souldiers of Innocentius Horse-troop. Belisarius thought fit to make a Camp neer the Tiber, the more to hinder the Enemies pas∣sage, and to give some demonstration of their own courage.

The Roman Garrison upon the Bridg frighted with the multitude, and the dan∣ger, quitted the Tower at night, and ran away into Campania. They would not goe to Rome, fearing chastisement from the Generall, or ashamed to see their fellowes. The next day the Goths brake down the Gates, and passed over, none opposing. Whereof Belisarius hearing nothing, with 1000. Horse marcht toward the bridg, to view their ground, where they might best incamp; who lighting upon the Enemy newly passed over, were engaged in a fight unwillingly. They were both sides Horse: And Belisarius, though formerly cautions, observed not then the ranck of a Generall, but fought in the head of his Souldiers, which hazarded extreamly the Roman affairs, the whole inclination of the War depending on him. But he was up∣on a Horse used to the War, and skilfull to save his Rider. He was of a brown bay, and from the fore-head to the nostrils white (Such a Horse the Grecians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Barbarians, Balan.) Most of the Goths shot at Belisarius and his Horse up∣on this occasion. Those new-come Fugitives seeing Belisarius fighting in the first ranck, & knowing that by his fall the Romans would be ruined, cryed aloud to shoot at the bald fac'd Horse. This word ran through the Goths Army, who in the tumult

being not inquisitive, nor certain it was Belisarius, but guessing the word so general∣ly spred was not for nothing, most left all others, and shot at Belisarius. Such as were ventrous, and ambitious of honour, got neer, reacht at him, and in fury layd on with Lances and swords. And Belisarius layd about him too, killing those within his reach. The affection of his Lanciers and Targetiers stood him in good stead in this danger; who sticking close to him, shewed valour, the like whereof (I think) was never seen, holding their sheilds before the Generall, and receiving all the arrowes, and thrusting off the multitudes with main strength.

CHAP. XV.

THus was the whole fight about one man, wherein fell at least 1000 Goths, and such as fought in the first rancks. Many of the best of Belisarius his Retinue were slaine, and Maxentius, one of his Lanciers, after he had performed bravely: Himselfe was neither wounded that day nor shot, though the fight was about him alone. In conclusion, the Romans routed the Enemy; multitudes flying, till they re∣covered their campe: where their foot being fresh, received the Romans, and easi∣ly repulsed them. Who seeing another supply of Horse coming, fled up to a Hill, where they made a stand; and encounter'd the Barbarian horse overtaking them. Where Valentinus, Gentleman of the horse to Photius, Antonina's sonne, shewed ex∣traordinary valour, gallopping into the thickest of the enemy, and stopping their course, and bringing off his company; and thus they escaped to the Walls of Rome, with the Barbarians at their heels up to the gate, now called Belisaria. The Ro∣mans within, fearing the Enemy might enter pell mell, would not open the gate, not∣withstanding Belisarius's earnest commands, loud cries, and threats, who could not be discerned from the Turret (it being after Sun set) having his face covered with bloud and dust, and they did not think the Generall to be alive; those that ran away at the first defeat having reported him to be slain, fighting bravely in the head of his troopes. The Enemy therefore coming with multitudes, and much Fury, thought to get over the ditch, and charged the retirers, who near the Walls stood thick and close body to body in a small roome. And they within being no Souldi∣ers, nor prepared at all, and afraide of their city, could not succour them; when a sudden bold resolution of Belisarius saved all, who encouraging his company, char∣ged the Enemy: and they being disordered, as in the dark, and upon a chase, and see∣ing those that fled unexpectedly coming on, suspected succours to be come from the city, and in a fear run all away. Belisarius pursued them not, but turned about to the walls; whom the Romans, taking heart, received in, and his company. In so great pe∣rill was Belisarius, and the Emperours affaires. The fight beginning in the mor∣ning ended at night; wherein Belisarius did best of the Romans, and of the Goths Visandus the standard bearer, who with the rest charged Belisarius; and went not off, before hee fel to the ground after 13 wounds received, and neglected by his com∣panions (though they had the victory) he was left among the dead. Three dayes after, the Goths being encamped neer Rome, sent out to bury the dead men, and to performe their funerall rites: these searching the bodies, found Visandus with breath in him, but he could not speak; his inward parts with famin and drouth being ex∣treamly inflamed, they put water in his mouth, and so having drunk and got life, they carried him to the campe; and for this he was in great reputation with the Goths, and he lived long after. Belisarius being in safety, assembled his souldiers to the walls, and most of the common people; commanding them to light fires, and to watch all night. He went the round himself, set all in order, and appointed com∣manders to every gate. Bessas, who guarded Porta Praenestina, sent him word, that the town was entred by the Enemy at a gate bearing the name from Saint Pancra∣tius. The company advised Belisarius to escape out at some other gate; but hee misliked the motion, sent horsemen down to the Tiber, who upon the view brought word, that there was no Enemy thereabout appearing. Wherefore he sent directi∣on to the Commanders of every gate, if they heard that the Enemie was entred at any other part, not to succour, but to continue upon their guards; least they should be

disordered with false alarms; Himself would take care of those things. Vitigis (the Romans being in this tumult) sent a Commander named Vacis, to Porta Salaria, who reviled there the Romans for their disloyalty to the Goths, and thus betraying their countrey, and indeed themselves, having exchanged the Goths power, for Greeks, unable to defend them; none of which nation were formerly seen in Italy, but stage-players, and some pilfring mariners. But seeing none would answer him, he went back to Vitigis. The Romans also flouted Belisarius, who had so hardly escaped, yet bade them despise these Barbarians; for he knew he should absolutely beat them. By what he knew this, shal be sayd anon; but now it being grown late, and he being yet fasting, his wife and freinds had much ado to perswade him to eat something.

CHAP. XVI.

THe next day the Goths thinking with ease to enter Rome, by reason of the great∣nesse of it; and the Romans defending it, were thus quartered. The city hath fourteen gates, and some posterns; but the Goths, unable to encompasse the whole circuit thereof, made ••ixe intrenchments, and infested the space of five Gates, from Porta Flaminia to Porta Praenestina. These were on this side the Tiber; But fearing least the enemy should take down Pons Milvius, and so exclude them from all from the river to the sea, and thereby might not feel the inconveniences of the Seige; they made a seventh Intrenchment on the other side of Tiber, in Nero's feilds; that they might have the sayd bridge in the midst between their Camps. And so they infested two gates more;* 1.19 Porta Aurelia (now named of Peter, the cheife of Christs Apostles, lying buried neer unto it) and the Gate beyond the Tiber. Thus they incompassed half the city; and being not cut off by the River, made the warre in what part of it they pleased. The Romans have built their walls on both sides the River, thus. The Tiber grown great, runnes a good space by the walls on this side of it, which stand by the Rivers side, upon Ground flat, and very assaultable. Opposite to them beyond the Tiber, is a * great hill, where stand the City mills; the water being brought by an Aquaeduct to the hill top, and from thence descending with much swiftnesse: which caused the ancient Romans to compasse this hill, and the Rivers banck neer it with a wall; that an Enemy might not demolish the mills, nor passe the River to assail the town walls; which with a bridge they joyned to this part; and building houses upon this ground beyond the Tiber, took the River into the midst of the City. The Goths also made deep ditches about their intrench∣ments; and casting the Earth inward, and therewith making the intrenchment very high, and pitching the top with multitude of stakes, they made their camps not in∣feriour to so many Castles. The Entrenchment in Nero's feilds Marcias comman∣ded, being come out of Gaule with his troops, and there quartered. The other were commanded by Vitigis, and five other; a Commander to every intrenchment. They cut also all the Aquaeducts, to cut off the cities water that way: they are fourteen in all, ancient works of brick; and so deep and broad, that a man on Horse back may ride in them. But Belisarius to guard the City used this order; himself had Porta Pincia∣na, and Porta Salaria standing to the right hand of it, because the wall there is very assaultable; and being opposite to the Enemy, the Romans were to sally there. He gave Porta Praenestina to Bessas, and to Constantianus Porta Flaminia (which stands to the left hand of Pinciana) and rammed up the gate with stones within, that it might not be opened; fearing the Enemies designs there, being close to one of their Entrenchments. The other gates he directed the commanders of the foot to guard. The Aquaeducts he fortified a good space, to avoyd mischeife that way from without. But the Aquaeducts being cut, they wanted water for their mills, and with beasts they could not worke, their scarce provisions of fodder (as in a siege) not sufficing for their horses of service. Belisarius to help this, tied cables before the bridge, that joyned to the City wall, from one banck of the river to the other, stretching them stiff, and fastning boats to them two foot asunder, where the stream from the arches

of the bridge ranne strongest; and putting into each boat a mill-stone, he hung the Engine between the boats which turns the Mill. Beneath these he tied other boats together in the same manner in a distance proportionable, fitting them with like En∣gines; and the stream being strong, and turning the Engins, set the Mill stones on worke, and grinded sufficient for the City. The Enemies informed hereof by fugitives, endeavored to spoil the Engins by throwing into the River great trees and bodies of Romans slain, and these being driven down with the stream, brake the Engins at first; but Belisarius had this remedy. He hung before the bridge iron chains a-cross the River, which stopt all that came down the stream; which men appointed drew up to the land; and this he did not only for the mills, but to prevent the Enemies entrance with boats through the bridge into the midst of the City. The Barbarians failing in their attempt gave it over, and the Romans made use of those mills, but for want of water were shut from their Baths; they had sufficient to drinke, those who dwelt far from the River having the commodity of wells. Their common sew∣ers they needed not secure, having all their mouthes into the River; and so impossible to be entred by the Enemy.

In the mean time among the Samnites, their boyes who kept their sheep, chusing two of the lustiest, and calling one Belisarius and the other Vitigis, caused them to wrestle. It was Ʋitigis chance to be thrown; whom the boyes in sport hung on a tree, and suddenly a wolfe appearing, they all ran away, and poor Ʋitigis after a long time hanging in great pain dyed. The Samnite upon this accident punisht not the boyes, but divining at the event, beleived that Belisarius would get the Victo∣ry.

CHAP. XVII.

BUT the people of Rome not used to the miseries of warr, and a siege; and now wanting their baths, and pincht with scarcity, being put also to guard the walls, and want their sleepes; supposing too, that ere long their City would be taken, and seeing already their country farmes spoiled by the E∣nemy; they murmured greivously to be besieged and run this hazard, having done no offence. So assembling themselves, they railed at Belisarius for presuming to make war with the Goths, having no competent forces from the Emperour, and the Senators privatly objected the same unto him. Ʋitigis understanding this from fu∣gitives, to exasperate them yet more, and so to put the Romans affaires into confu∣sion, he sent Ambassadors to Belisarius; among whom was one Albes, who having accesse to him in the presence of the Senate, and Commanders of the army, spake

thus. Anciently, O Generall! men fitly defining names for things, have distin∣guisht presumption from valour; the one drives men into danger with dishonour, the other with virtue brings abundantly glory. One of these hath brought you hither, and which of them you may quickly manifest. If in the confidence of your valour you have entred into this warr; you see from your walls your Enemies; and brave S^•. you have meanes to be valiant enough. If through presumption you have invaded us, you will certainly repent what you have rashly done, as over-weening men ever use when they come to the tryall: Adde not therefore more misery to these Romans, whom Theodorick hath bred in freedom and delights; and oppose not your self against the Lord of the Goths and Italians. How absurd is it for you, shut up thus, and affraid of your Enemies, to lodge in Rome, while her King lives in a trench, acting the mischeifes of a war upon his own Subjects? Yet will wee grant to you and your troopes a free retreat, and leave to carry away your goods; holding it not religious nor manly to insult upon men, who have learnt to be sober again. But we would willingly aske these Romans wherewith they can charge the Goths, that they thus have betrayed both us and themselves; having hitherto enjoyed our moderation, and now finding what your aides are.

Belisarius to this speech made this answer. Our season for fighting shall not be at

your disposing; men use not to make war by the advise of their Enemies, whose Law is for every man to order his owne businesse to his owne liking: The time

will come when you would hide your heads in bushes, and shall not be able. We having taken Rome, possesse nothing that is anothers. You usurped it formerly being not yours, and now have restored it to the ancient owners. And who ever of you hopes to enter Rome without fighting, he is mistaken. It is impossible Be∣lisarius should live, and so much degenerate.

Thus spake Belisarius. But the Romans for fear sate mute, not daring to contradict the Ambassadors, though re∣proached thus with treason. Onely Fidelius was bold to reprove them, being Pre∣fect of the pallace made by Belisarius, and most affected to the Emperours Service. The Ambassadors were reconducted to the campe; whom Vitigis askt what manner of man Belisarius was, and how resolving, touching his retreat. They answered, that the Goths hoped an impossibility, if they thought to fright Belisarius: whereup∣on Vitigis resolved to assault the City; for which he was thus prepared. He made Towers of wood equall with the walls; having the just measure of them by often numbring the stones: at the Bases and corners of the towers were wheeles, which with ease were moved and turned about as the assailants pleased, and drawn by ox∣en. He fitted also many Ladders, and made four Rammes; which Engin is made first setting up four woodden pillars equall and opposite to each other; into which are mortessed eight crosse beams, four above and four into the Bases, making the form of a little house four square. This instead of roofe and walls was covered with Skins, that it might be light to draw, and they within secure from shot. Within a∣bout the Engin aloft, hangs another crosse beam with loose chains, the top where∣of is made sharpe, and over it a great quantity of iron layd as on the head end of an arrow, where the said iron is made four square like an anvill. The Engin is rai∣sed upon four wheeles, fastned to the four pillars; and within fifty men at least move it, who having set it to the walls, draw the said loose beam backward with a pully, then let it go with violence at the walls; and by often shooting it thus, it shakes and makes a breach where it hits: hence the Engin hath the name; the point of the said beam putting forth, and pushing like a ram. The Goths also had quantity of fagots of wood and reed ready, to make the ground and the City ditch even for their Engins to passe without rubb. Belisarius upon the other side placed upon the Towers engins called Balistae. These have the form of a bow, with a hollow horne sticking out beneath and hanging loose, but lying upon a strait peice of Iron: when they are to shoote, they bend the two peices of wood, making the two ends of the bow, with cord; and put the arrow upon the hollow horne, being halfe so long as common arrowes, and four times as thick. It mounts not with feathers, but in∣stead thereof hath thinn peices of wood mortess'd in, and it is in shape wholly like common arrowes, having a head of iron proportionable to its thicknesse; men at both ends bend the bow with pullyes; and the hollow horne going forward, at last falls off, and out flies the arrow with such force, that it reaches twice as far as an arrow from a bow, and lighting upon tree or stone, cleaves it asunder. It is called Balistae, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉it shootes very far. Other Engins were set upon the battlements proper for slinging stones, and are like slings, and are called wild Asses. At the Gates they set up wolves,* 1.20 made thus. They set two beams from the ground reaching to the battlements; and laying Chequer wise peices of Timber wrought, some upright and some a crosse, they joynt them so, that the mortessing holes meete one another. And before each joynt sticks out a pointed peice of wood like a thick spurr and fastning the crosse timbers to another beam, which from the top reaches half way down, they lay the beams flat-long upon the Gates, & an Enemy approach∣ing, men above lay hold of the higher ends of the beams and thrust them down, which falling suddenly among the Assailants with those wooden points sticking out, kill all they light on. Belisarius having these preparations, the Goths conducted by Vitigis himself the eighteenth day of the siege about sun rising, marcht to the assault. The Towers and Rams in the head of them astonisht the Romans, not used to such sights. But Belisarius seeing the Enemies order with their Engins, fell into a laughing, and bade the Souldiers stand and begin no fight, till he gave the Signall. He imparted not the reason of his laughing, but afterward it was known. The Romans thinking he jeer'd them, railed at him, and called him an impudent man, and extreamly mur∣mured, that he did not stop the Enemy coming neer or still. Who being approacht the town ditch, the Generall bent his bow and shot an armed man, leading the rest

into the neck; and the wound being mortall, the man fell downe with his face up∣ward. All the people of Rome upon the Battlements taking it for an excellent pre∣sage, made a huge shout. Belisarius shot again, with the like fortune, and againe there was a greater shout from the walls, that the Romans within thought the E∣nemy had been vanquisht. Then Belisarius gave the signall to the whole Army to shoot, and commanded those about himselfe, to employ all their Arrows against the Oxen; which soone fell all, and so the Enemy could neither bring on their Towers, nor invent any remedy, being puzzel'd in the midst of their business. Then was known Belisarius providence, not to stop them afar off; and that he laughed at their sottishnesse, in hoping to bring their Oxen to their Enemies walls so unadvi∣sedly. These things were about Porta Belisaria.

CHAP. XVIII.

BUT Vitigis being there repulsed, left a good part of the Army, ordered in a deep Batallion; and directing the Commanders, not to assaile the walls, but to stand in their orders, and ply the Battlements with shot, to divert Belisa∣rius from succouring another part (which with greater Forces hee meant to assault) he marched toward Porta Praenestina, to that part which is called Vivari∣um (or the Park) where the Walls are most assaultable, having other Engines of Rammes, Towers, and scaling Ladders. The Goths also made another assault a∣gainst Porta Aurelia; without which stands Adrians Tomb, a stones cast from the wals, worth the sight. It is made of Parian stone close joyned, without any other matter within. It hath four equall squares, each being neer a stones cast broad, and is higher then the City walls. On the top are Statues of the same stone of men and horses, of admirable worke. This tombe the Citizens have anciently joyned to the walls by two Flanckers from the same; that it shews as a turret defending the gate there. The Fortification being very sufficient, Belisarius gave the command of it to Constantianus, directing him to take care of the wall adjoyning, which had but a small guard. For the wall being there strong (the river running under it, he look't not for an assault that way, and so put no important guard at it; distributing his maine Forces (which were but few) to the most necessary places. For the Empe∣rours Army at the beginning of this siege amounted but to five thousand men in Rome.

Constantianus perceiving the Enemy to attempt a passage over the Tiber, and fearing the Flancker there, himselfe went to the succour with a few, directing the rest to guard the Gate and Adrians tomb. Where the Goths gave on, holding be∣fore them their leather Bucklers like Persian Targets, and having no engines of Batteries, but store of scaling Ladders and Archery, thinking quickly to perplex the Enemy, and master the Garrison being few. Their opposites saw them not, till they came very neer, being covered by the Porticus, which reaches to Saint Peters Church. Then suddenly the Goths shewing themselves, began; and the Romans were not able to use their Balistas (which can shoot but right forward) nor with their Archery to annoy them, the shot doing no good by reason of those Bucklers. The Goths prest hard, and shot thick at the Battlements, and were ready to se their Ladders to the Flanckers, having almost encompassed the tomb, and when the Ro∣mans came on, still wheeling about at their backs. The Romans were troubled, see∣ing no hope of holding out, till they agreed to take down the Statues being great, and the stones huge, which they threw down upon the Enemies heads. Who being hurt, gave ground by little and little, and the Romans grew bold, and repelled them with their Bowes and stones; and falling to their Engines, put them into feare, so that their assault was not long. And Constantianus appearing, frighted those who attempted to passe the River, not finding the Flancker there without guard, as they imagined.

Thus the Aurelian gate was in safety, and all about it. The Enemy also attemp∣ted Porta Pancratiana upon the River, but did no good upon the place, being strong,

and the walls not easily assaultable there, standing on steep ground. Paulus with his Foot company guarded there. Neither attempted they Porta Flaminia, scituate upon craggy ground, not easie of accesse, and guarded by a Foot-company of Rhe∣gians, commanded by Ʋrsicinus. Between this gate and Porta Pinciana, next it on the right hand, part of the wall had been long broken halfe way down from the top. It fell not, but panch't on both sides, part appearing inward, and part outward: whence the Romans call it the broken wall. Belisarius at his first coming, going a∣bout to repair it, the Romans hindered him, alleadging that the Apostle Peter had promised to guard the place, whom above all they reverence. And it succeeded ac∣cording to their expectation: For neither that day, nor during all the siege of Rome the Enemy ever approacht it, not was the least trouble about it. And we wondered in all the time, that the place never came into the Enemies thoughts, having made so many assaults, and attempts by night. No man since hath been so bold as to re∣paire it, but still the wall remains broken. At Porta Salaria in the meane time, a tall goodly man, valiant, and of good quality among the Goths, being armed with Corslet and Morion, left his ranke; and standing on a tree, threw a rope up to the Battlements, whom an arrow from a Balista piercing through his body halfe way into the tree, nailed him dead to the same. This frighted the Goths from coming within arrow-shot, and kept them in their ranks, from infesting any more those up∣on the walls.

CHAP. XIX.

IN the meane time Bessas and Peranius (whom Vitigis hotly charged in the Vi∣varium) sent for Belisarius. And he speedily came to their reliefe, fearing the weaknesse of the wall in that part; and leaving at Porta Salaria one of his retinew, He encouraged the Souldiers in the Park, frighted with the assault, and the Enemies multitude. Anciently the Romans finding the ground flat, and fit for invasion, and the bricks of the wall there grown loose, scarce sticking toge∣ther, compassed the same with a Flancker, not so much for safety (for it had no Battlements, nor other Fortification upon it, to resist an Enemy) but for plea∣sure, to keep in it Lions, and other wild Beasts, whereupon it was named Vivari∣um, the Park. Vitigis made ready his Engines against the wall there, and command∣ed the Goths to get through the Flancker into the Park, and then he knew he should be easily master of the Town-walls, being weake. Belisarius seeing the Enemy dig∣ging through into the Park, and in many parts assaulting the walls, suffered not his men to defend, nor stay upon the Battlements, but held them, with their swords and Armour ready neer unto the Gate there. The Goths having now cut through the wall, and entred the Park, he sent out Cyprianus with his company to begin the fight; who killed them all, falling downe for feare, and spoiled by one another, running out at their narrow breach: the whole Enemy being amazed with the sud∣dennesse, and out of their orders, and some carried one way, some another. Belisa∣rius instantly opened the Gate, and sallied with the whole Army; And the Goths having no mind to fight, ranne away every man; whom the Romans followed, and killed them with ease, and had a long execution; the Goths having assaulted there far from their Entrenchments. Belisarius commanded to burn the Enemies Engines, which with the flame (being high) more astonished them. At Porta Sa∣laria also they sallied at the same time unexpectedly, killed the Enemy running a∣way without resistance, and burnt their Engines. The flame rose above the walls, which put them all to a generall retreat: the Romans from the walls shouting to encourage the pursuers, and the others from the Entrenchments wailing the dis∣aster. Thirty thousand Goths were slain that day (as their Commanders affirmed) and more wounded. For from the Battlements shooting at multitudes, they sel∣dome mist; and they who sallied, slew heaps of amazed flying men, and the busi∣nesse lasted from morning to evening. At night they retreated; the Romans singing their Paeans upon the walls, extolling Belisarius with acclamations, and some strip∣ping

the dead bodies; and the Goths curing their wounded, and mourning for their dead. Belisarius also wrote to the Emperour this letter.

We are come into Italy, according to your commands, and have gained a great part of the Country, and taken Rome, expelling the Goths, whose Commander Leuderis we send.* 1.21 But in the strong places of Sicily and Italy (which we took by siege) we have left the greatest part of our Armie; that it is now reduced to 5000 men, the Enemie assailing us with 150000. First, going out to discover the Ene∣my neer the Tiber, we were put to fight beyond our determination, and were al∣most overwhelmed with the multitude of their Lances. Afterward they made a generall assault with men and Engines on all sides, and failed little of taking Rome at the first assault, if fortune had not rescued us. Hitherto what hath been done by fortune, or valour, hath succeeded well: But now I must entreat, what may conduce to your future service. I will never conceale what it behoves me to say, and you to do. I know affaires goe as God guides them, but the Governours of them get blame or commendation by the actions they perform. So that Armes must be sent us, and such numbers of Men, as that we may encounter the Ene∣my with aequivalent powers. We must not ever trust to fortune, which runs not always one way. And consider, O Emperour! That if the Goths now beat us, we shall loose Italy (now yours) and our Army too; besides the disgrace for our ill carriage of the businesse. And we shall also undoe the Romans, who have pre∣ferred their faith to your Empire before their safety; and so will our prosperity prove the occasion of our calamity. For if we had been repulsed from Italy, or before from Sicily, the lightest of misfortunes would have troubled us only; not to be rich with other mens goods. You are to consider also, that Rome was never before kept so long, with many thousands; it compasses so much ground: and being not upon the Sea, it is excluded from necessaries. The Romans yet are well affected to us, but the prolongation of their miseries will make them choose the best for themselves▪ New freinds to any men, keep faith, not when they suf∣fer, but when they prosper by them. Besides, the Romans will by famine be for∣ced to do things they would not. I know I owe my death to your Majesty, so that none shall ever pull me out of this place alive; But think, what glory such a death of Belisarius will bring you.

The Emperour upon this letter gathered an Army and Ships, and sent direction to Valerianus, and Martinus, who were dispatch'd with an Army about the Winter Solstice, to saile for Italy with all speed; but not able to keep the Sea further, went on Land, and wintred in Aetolia, and A••arnania. The Emperour advertised Beli∣sarius thereof, which much comforted him and the Romans.

In the mean time in Naples this happened. The Image of Theodorick, King of the Goths stood in the Market-place, made of small peeble stones, dyed into all colours. In his life time the stones of the head of this Image peeled and shed off, and present∣ly after he dyed: Eight years after, the peebles forming the Images belly dropt off, and instantly Atalarick dyed, Theodoricks daughters son: soon after fell off the pe∣bles upon the privities, and then his daughter Amalasuntha was murthered. And now the Goths besieging Rome, the limbs down to the Images feet were in the same manner spoiled, and the whole out-side defaced; and the Romans divining upon it, were confident of the Emperours prevailing in this Warr; taking Theodoricks feete for his Subjects, the people of the Goths. In Rome also some Patricians produced O∣racles of Sibylla, that the Cities danger would last but till July; when the Romans should have a King, through whom they should no more feare Geticke Nations: And the Goths, they say, are a Nation of Getes. In the Oracle it is the fifth moneth, which they interpreted July; some, because the siege began in the beginning of March, from which July is the fifth; others, because before Numa March was the first moneth, there being but ten in all, whence July was called Quintilis. But this was mistaken all. For the Romans had no such King, and the siege was raised after that time, and another siege was under Totilas King of the Goths, as shall be said hereafter. I conceive the Prophesie to intend not this, but some other invasion of Barbarians, happened already, or to come: And to find the meaning of Sibylla's Oracles before the event, is not possible, for a cause I shall tell you, having read them all over. Sibylla utters not things in order, nor with any congruity. Having

said a few words of the calamities of Africa, instantly she leaps into Persia; Then talks of the Romans, then comes to the Assyrians. Then having prophesied again of the Romans, she fore-tels the miseries of the Brittons; that it is not possible to un∣derstand her, before the event of her Oracles; when time, having made the tryall, proves the only exact Interpreter thereof. But to return to my matter.

CHAP. XX.

THE Goths were thus repulsed, and both parts past that night as I have sayd. The next day Belisarius commanded the Romans to send away their Wives and Children to Naples, and such servants as were not usefull for defence of the City, to save victuals; and he willed the Souldiers to send away their women servants, telling them he should not be able to feed such, but must be con∣strained to put themselves to half victuals every day, & to take the remainder of their entertainments in money. They did so, and multitudes went into Campania, some getting shipping at the Port of Rome, and the rest going by Via Appia by Land. And neither that way, nor to the Port feared they danger; the Enemie being not a∣ble to encompasse Rome with their Entrenchments, nor daring in small parties to be far from their Camp, for feare of the Romans excursions: That the besieged had meanes enough for a time to remove out of the Citie, and to bring in provisions, especially by night. For the Goths were affraid, and attending their Guards, kept in; and the Moores often sallyed, and finding them either asleep, or in small com∣panies upon the wayes to pasture their Cattell, or to get necessaries for themselves (as is usuall in great Armes) they killed and stript them; and if they saw numbers of Enemies charging them, they ran home, being naturally swift of foot, lightly apparelled, and beginning to fly in time. Thus the uselesse multititude got away out of Rome, some into Campania, some into Sicily, or whether they could with most ease.

But the Souldiers being few, and not sufficient for so great a circuit of wall, and some being to take their rest, while others guarded; and the common people being poor handi-crafts men, having nothing but from one day to another, and there be∣ing no means to releive them; Belisarius mingled them with the Souldiers upon the Guards, and appointed them them a daily pay, raising Companies of them, com∣petent to guard the Citie; and to every company allotting their nights, so that all in their turnes stood Sentinells. And by this meanes the Souldiers were releived, and they fed.

Having some suspition that Liberius Bishop of Rome practised to betray the Citie to the Goths, he sent him into Greece, and made Vigilius Bishop soone after. Upon the same ground he banished some Senators, whom he recalled after the siege was raised, and the Goths retired. One of these was Maximus, whose Grand-father. Maximus ruined the Emperour Valentinian. Fearing designs upon the Gates, and lest some might be corrupted with money, he brake the old keyes twice a moneth, and made new of the same form. And he stil changed the Sentinels to other Guards far off; and every night appointed new Commanders of those Guards, who were directed every night by turns to goe rounds, with notes in writing of the Sentinels names, and where any was missing, to place new in his roome, and the next day to produce the defaulters for due punishment to be inflicted. And he commanded Musitians to play all night on their Instruments upon the walls. He sent out Moores also with dogs to lye all night about the ditch, to discover such as came towards the walls though afar off.

Some Romans then attempted secretly to force open the gates of Janus. This was the chiefe of those ancient gods, whom the Romans called Penates. His Temple is in the Forum, before the Senate house, a little beyond the Temple of the three Fates. It is all of Brasse, four-square, high enough only to cover the Image, which is of brasse also, five cubits high, resembling a man, only it hath two faces, one stan∣ding to the East, and the other to the West, and against each face are brazen gates,

which the Romans anciently kept shut in Peace and Prosperity, and in time of War set them open. But since the Romans have imbraced Christian Religion, as much as any men whatsoever, they opened these Gates no more, though they were in Wars. But in this Seige, some having the old Religion (I think) in their mindes, endea∣voured secretly to open them, but could not wholly, but onely so much, as they stood not close together as before. The Actors were not knowne, nor inquired after in that troublesome time; none of the Magistrates, and few of the People having no∣tice of it Vitigis in the meane time being in Rage, and troubled, sent some of his Lanciers to Ravenna to kill the Roman Senators, whom in the beginning of the War he had brought thither. Some having notice of it, fled; of whom were Ger∣benti••u••, and Reparatus, Brother to Vigilius Bishop of Rome; who both got into Liguria, and there staid; the rest all perished.

CHAP. XXI.

VItigis also seeing the Enemies free scope of exporting from the City what they pleased, and of importing Provisions by Sea and Land; resolved to take in Portus, the Romans Haven, standing almost 13. miles from the City, (so far is Rome distant from the Sea:) and being at the mouth of the Tiber, which coming from Rome, and being almost within two miles of the Sea, parts in two, and makes the Holy Island. This Island growes still broader downe the River, and for about two miles together is as broad as long, and on both sides of it the Tiber is navigable in two severall Streames. The right-hand Stream runs into the Haven; where without the Rivers mouth upon the Strand is an ancient City called Portus, incompassed with a strong Wall on the left hand. At the other Streames mouth beyond the shore of the Tiber stands Ostia, anciently a famous City, but now without Walls. The way from Portus to the City the Romans have made pas∣sable; and still Lighters are in readinesse in the Haven, and many Oxen for Mer∣chants to draw up their Goods to Rome aboard those Lighters not using Sailes, no wind being able to stemme them up the Stream, by reason of the many eddies in the River: And Oares can do no good, the Stream against them is so strong; so that they tye the Lighters with long Ropes to the Oxen, and draw them up to Rome like Waggons. The way to Rome on the other side the Tiber is woody and neglect∣ed, and not neere the shore; the Lighters being never drawn that way. The Goths finding the said Towne of Portus ungaurded, took it at the first on-set, and killed many Romans dwelling in it, and so held the Haven too; leaving a Garrison of a 1000. men, and the rest retiring to their Campe. So that nothing could come to Rome from the Sea, but by Ostia with much toile and danger; the Romans Ships coming no more in at Portus, but lying at Antium, a daies journey from Ostia, and from thence bringing their Commodities. Scarcety of men caused this: For Be∣lisarius searing Rome it selfe, could put none into Portus; if there had been but 300. men in it, the Goths had never attempted it, being a strong Place; and this they did the third day after their being beaten from the Assault. Twenty daies after the taking of Portus, and the Haven, came Martinus and Valerianus with 1600. Horse-men, most Hunnes, Slavonians, and Antians, seated beyond the River Jole not far from it. Belisarius glad of their company, resolved now to make the War upon the Enemy; and the next day commanded Traianus, one of his Life-guard, a valiant man, to march with 200. of his Targetiers on Horseback against the Bar∣barians, and neere their Entrenchments to get up to a Hill which he shewed them, and there to stand; if the Enemy came against them, not to come to the Sword, or ••ance with them, but onely to use their Bowes; and having empted their Quivers, to make no scruple to retire, running away to the Towne Walls. Having thus di∣rected, he prepared the shooting Engines, and their Engineers. Traianus at Porta Salaria sallied out upon the Enemies Campe; who amazed with the suddainesse, encountred, as every man chanced to ••e in readinesse. Traianus, got up to the Hill, kept off the Goths with his shot, which falling among a multitude, still hit Man, or Horse; and their Arrowes being spent, they gallopt home with the Goths at

their heeles: who being neere the Walls, the Engineers fell to work with their En∣gines, and then the Goths gave over the Chase. In this Action were kill'd a 1000. Goths. Some few daies after Belisarius sent out Mundilas, one of his Guard, his Favourite, and Diogenes, extraordinary good Souldiers, with. 300. of his Target∣tiers, to do the like, and they did so; and killed rather more of the Enemy, then fell before, and in the same manner. The third time he sent out Oilas, one of his Life-guard, who performed upon the Enemy the same things; So that with these three Sallies he killed about 4000. Enemies. Vitigis (who conceaved not the dif∣ference between training men to their Armes in Camps, and an experimentall per∣fectnesse in the Actions of War) though by charging also with small Forces to indamage the Enemy. And so he sent 500. Horse to approach the Walls, and what they had suffered from a few, to act upon the Enemies whole Army. These got to a rising ground neere the City, onely out of Arrow shot, and there stood. Belisarius commanded Bessas with a 1000. selected men to charge them: These made a compasse, and shooting the Enemies backs, killed many, and forced the rest to come downe to the plaine ground, where the Fight being with Sword and Lance, and with unequall powers, the Goths were most cut in peices, and the rest retired with difficulty to their Campe; whom Vitigis reviled, as beaten through want of Valour. Three daies after he sent out 500. selected out of all the Quarters, and bad them do as became their Valour and Reputation. Belisarius seeing them ap∣proach, sent against them Martinus and Valerianns with their 1500. Horse, who exceeding the Enemy so much in numbers, with ease routed them, and killed al∣most every man. The Enemy thought it strang ill Fortune, to be beaten before, be∣ing many, by a few, and now being few, to be cut in peices.

CHAP. XXII.

BUT the Romans extolled Belisarius for his Wisdome; admiring him, as they had reason. One of his Favourites askt him, what Argument he saw that day wherein he escaped the Enemy, to be so full of the hope of Victory. He an∣swered, that beginning to fight with them with a few in his Company, he found the difference of either Army, such as if he make his Fights proportionable to his Powers, the Enemies multitude shall not ruine his small numbers. The difference was, that the Romans almost all, and the auxiliary Hunnes were Archers on Horse∣back; a matter not practised by the Goths, whose Horse-men have only Lances and Swords, and all their Archers fight on foot, covered with their armed men; so that the Horse-men, unlesse the Fight be at handy blowes, having nothing to resist with, are easily shot and ruined by the Enemy, using Bowes; and their Foot cannot make excursions against Horse. These he alleadged to be the reasons of their being beaten in the former Encounters. But the Goths finding how strangly things fell out, would no more ride up to the Walls in small Parties, nor pursue the Ene∣my infesting, but so much only as to drive them from their Trenches. The Romans exalted with these Prosperities, longed to come to a generall Battell, and would have the War made in an open brave way: but Belisarius seeing the great odds against him, was fearfull to hazard his whole Army; at last wearied with the rail∣ings of the Army, and Roman Citizens, he resolved to give Battell; but to begin with Excursions. Often he was repulsed attempting, and forced to put it off till the next day: But at last finding the Enemy advertised by Fugitives what would be, and beyond his Expectation in readinesse, he determined to fight in the open way, which the Goths gladly entertained; And both Parties being Imbattelled,

Belisarius made this Speech to his Army. Fellow Souldiers, I have been backward to come to a Battell with the Enemy, not condemning you of faintnesse, nor fearing their Powers; but because in this way of Excursions we have prospered, and I thought it best to ply the cause of our prospering; holding it inconvenient, for men setled in a course to their mind, to be altered by others.

But seeing now your forwardnesse to hazard, I hope well, and will be no further a stop to your Courage; knowing that in War, the Resolutions of those that fight, contribute

the greatest part of the Successe, and that most things are acted by their Alacrity. And your selves know, not by heare-say, but by your daily experience, that few, well ordered with Valour, can conquer multitudes. It is now in your power not to blemish the glory of my former Stratagems, nor my hope in this your Ala∣crity. All we have acted in this War, must be judged by the Successe of this day. The present opportunity is for us, and in likely-hood will subdue the Enemy to us, their Courage being dejected by what is past; and the Resolutions of men often unfortunate, seldome performing valiantly. Let none therefore spare his Horse, or Bow;

what is spoiled in Fight, shall instantly be supplied by me. Be∣lisarius having thus said, led out the Army at Porta Pinciana, and Salaria. Va∣lentinus a Captain of Horse, he sent out at Porta Aurelia to Nero's Feilds, with not many; whom he directed not to begin any Fight, nor to approach the Enemies Campe, but still to make countenance of charging, thereby to keep the Enemy there from passing † the Bridge,* 1.22 to succour the other Quarters. For he held it e∣nough to cut off those in Nero's Feilds (being many) from succouring the rest of the Enemy. The Commons of Rome being Voluntaries, he would not mingle with the Souldiers in the Battell, fearing, least being handicrafts men, unexperienced in War, they might upon apprehension of the danger disorder the Army. So he com∣manded them to stand in a Battallion without Porta Pancratiana beyond the Tiber, till he gave the Signall; imagining that which fell out, that the Enemy in Nero's Feilds (who were in great numbers) seeing them, and Valentinus Troopes, would not venter out of their quarter to joyne with the rest of the Gothish Army; and to keep them divided, he took to be a matter of great Importance. He resolved also that day to fight with Horse onely; for most of the Foot having stolne Horse from the Enemy, and being skilfull Riders, were turned Horse-men. And so his Foot being few, not able to make a Batallion of any Importance, nor daring to fight, but in case to run away at the first charge, he thought it safest to place them not far from the City, and caused them to stand still close to the City Ditch, to receive the Horse if they were beaten back, and being fresh, to help to resist the Enemy. But Principius one of his Guard, a Pisidian, and an approved Souldier, and Tarmu∣tus an Isaurian, Brother to Ennes, Collonell of the Isaurians, came to Belisarius,

and said this. Excellent Generall, suffer not your small Army encountring so many thousands, to want your Battallion of Foot, nor put not a disgrace up∣on the Roman Infantry, by which the Empire of the ancient Romans arrived to so much greatnesse. If in this War they have done little Service, it is no Argu∣ment of their Cowardise, but their Commanders are to beare the blame, for serving on Horse-back, and not esteeming the Fortune of the War common to all, nay often running away before the Fight. Now you see our Foot Com∣manders all Horse-men, not contented to serve with those under their Conduct; And keep them, Sr. with the other Horse in this Battel, but suffer us to lead on the Foot; and we alighting on foot, will with them stand this multitude of Barba∣rians, hoping to do something, as God shall give us Grace.

Belisarius at first would not grant this Motion, loving the men whom he knew valiant, and un∣willing to put the Foot (being few) to the hazard; at last importuned with their forwardnesse, he placed some few Foot at the Gates, and upon the Battle∣ments with the common People, and about the Engines; the rest he commanded to stand in order behind him, under Principius, and Tarmutus, that they might not by apprehending danger, put the rest of the Army in confusion; and if any Horse were routed, they might not run far, but flying to the Foot, with them resist the Pursuers.

CHAP. XXIII.

VITIGIS also put the Goths in armes, not leaving any in the Trenches but unserviceable men. The troopes under Marcias hee commanded to stand still in Neros feilds attending the Guard of the bridge, that the E∣nemy might not come that way; and assembling the Army he spake thus.

Some may thinke me fearfull of the losse of my Kingdome, and from thence grown kind, and to speak now what may move you to courage: and it is no strange conceit, for ill natur••d men use to be curteous to meaner people when they need them; and to be churlish to those whose service they have no use of. For me; I care neither for losse of life, nor Kingdome: I could wish this day to put off this purple robe, if a Goth were to put it on; and I think the death of Theodatus to have been very happy, loosing his life and Government at once, by the hands of his own Nation: A private disaster, not ruining the whole race, is not without comfort to a wise man. When I consider the miseries of the Vandales, and the end of Gelimer, I can think nothing tollerable. Me thinks I see the Goths with their children made slaves, and their wives doing the basest services to their greatest foes; and my self, with this Daughter of Theodoricks daughter, led away whether it plea∣ses our Enemies I would have you with the fear of these things to enter into this fight; for so will you rather chuse death upon the place, then safety after an over∣throw. Generous men judge of mis-fortunes by one rule only; namely to be vanquisht by their Enemies: Besides, a quick Death makes men happy before miserable. And it is evident that these our choice men disputing this battell will easily overcome the Enemy, (a few Greeks, or no better then Greeks) and chastise them for the wrongs and scorns they have done us. Certainly we hold our selves their betters in valour, numbers, and every thing; and their boldnesse is grown out of our mis-fortunes, nothing sustains them but our negligence; it is their prospering beyond their deserts that feeds their confidence.

Vitigis having used this Exhortation, marshalled his army. He placed his bataillion of foot between the wings of horse very neer their intrenchments, that having routed the Enemy they might overtake them the better, and have the Execution in a great way of Ground. For by reason the Enemies army was much inferiour in powers, he hoped that the battell coming to Sword and Lance, they would not be able to stand them. They began on both sides early in the morning, Vitigis and Belisarius incouraging their men in their Reares. At first the Romans had the better, and the Goths fell thick by the shot: but there was no rout; the Goths with their great numbers ea∣sily supplying the slain, that the losse was not seen; and the Romans being few thought it enough to be at this point, to continue the fight up to the entrenchments, and having killed many to return to the city with the first faire pretence. In this Encounter three Romans did best; Athenodorus an Isaurian, one of the life Guard to Belisarius, of good reputation; and Theodoret and George, Cappadocians, and of the Life Guard to Martinus; who still sallied out of their bataillion, and kept off the Barbarians. In Nero's feilds both sides stood still a long time, onely the Moores made excursions darting their Javelins, and infested the Goths, who would not charge them for fear of the common people, whom they tooke to be Souldiers; and to stand there with some design to get their backs and by shooting them both waies to ruine them. About noon suddenly the Romans there gave on, and routed the Goths amazed with the suddennesse who could not fly to their quarter, but got up to some hill and there stood. The Romans (though many) were most an unarmed multitude; many mariners and Servants being mingled with Souldiers, and the main army being else where; yet terrifying the Goths with their numbers they thus rou∣ted them; but by their disorder undid themselves. For the Souldiers being so ming∣led fell into confusion, and were deaf to all the directions of Valentinus their Com∣mander; They not so much as followed the Enemy nor killed any, but ••ave them leave quietly upon the hills to view what they did. Neither came it into their minds

to cut the bridge which had excluded the Enemy from beyond the Tiber, and from besieging Rome on both sides: nor by passing the bridge, did they charge the Ene∣mies backs fighting with Belisarius Troops; which had put the Enemy to flight doubtlesse without resisting any longer; but they turn'd to pillage the Enemies quarter, and carryed away much silver vessell and other Goods. The Barbarians where they were, stood still a while to see what they did. At last all together shouting, and with much fury they charged them; and finding them pillaging and in confu∣sion, they killed many, and drave away the rest; who threw away their pillage and ran away. Whilst this was doing in Nero's feilds, the other Goths neere their quar∣ters fencing with their sheilds resisted the Enemy, and killed many men, and more horses. The Romans some wounded, some having lost their Horses, left their rancks, and then in the army (small before) the fewnesse was more apparant, and their great disproportion to the Goths multitude; which the Barbarian horse perceiving, from the left wing gallopt toward the Enemy next them. They not a∣biding the Goths Lances, fled to their bataillion of foot, who stood not the charge neither, but ran away together with the horse; and presently the whole army reti∣red with the Enemy at their heeles, and it was an absolute route. But Principius and Tarmutus with some few foot did things worthy their valour, and made a stand; fighting, and not induring to be routed, and the Goths admiring their resolution. By their means the foot, and most of the horse escaped with more ease. Principius with his body hewen in peices fell upon the place, and neer him two and forty of the foot. But Tarmutus with an Isaurian Javeling in either hand kept off the assai∣lants, and being spent with perpetuall knocks, his Brother came to his succour with some horse, which revived him, that with full speed he ran to the walls full of sweat and wounds, and having still both his Javelins. Being a strong man and swift, hee got cleer (though in that case) as far as to Porta Pinciana, where he fell downe. His companions thinking him dead, brought him in upon a sheild. He survived onely two dayes and then dyed, leaving a great name behind him in the whole Army. The Romans within were terrified, guarded the walls, and tumultuously shut the gates a∣gainst the flying souldiers, fearing the Enemy might enter with them pell mell. Such Souldiers, as had not gotten within the walls already, leapt over the ditch, and with their backs to the walls stood trembling, unable to keep off the Goths (ready to leap over the Ditch to them) in regard their Lances were broken, and their bowes they could not use standing so close to one another. While few were on the battlements, the Goths prest on to cut them in peices, and all that were left behind; but when they saw numbers of Souldiers and common people upon the battlements ready to resist, they rode back despairing thereof after some railing words. And thus the fight, which began at the Goths Trenches, ended at the ditch and city Wall.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Do∣mini 479.
• * 1.2

  These were sea∣ted in Alba∣nia, now, up∣on the Gulfe of Venice, neer unto Epida∣mus, now Durazzo.
• * 1.3

  Anno Domini, 526.
• * 1.4

  A million and 260000 l. sterl.
• * 1.5

  Anno Demini, 534. Justiniani 8.
• † 1.6

  Anno 9. Just. Th•• Gothick warre now be∣gins, and is Annus 1 bel. Goth. begin. Anno Do∣mini 535.
• * 1.7

  Ragusa stands now where about this was, upon the gulfe of Venice.
• * 1.8

  The Gothick war began in the Spring, which begins exactly 11. Martii, the Sun emring in∣to Aries. Justi∣nian began to reign alone af∣ter Justins death on the first of July, saith Evagri∣us: And with Justin the 3. day before Ea∣ster. vide Se∣cret. Hist. cap. 7.
• * 1.9

  Annus. 2. B••ll. Goth. in∣cipit. being in 10. Iustiniani. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ann. Dom. 536.
• * 1.10

  Leander cals this Venetia Marca Trivi∣giana.
• † 1.11

  They inhabit (some say) Belgia about Brabant.
• † 1.12

  The Author calls the Pyre∣an and the Apennine by the name of Alpes.
• * 1.13

  Note. Beyond the Rhone in re∣spect of Italy.
• * 1.14

  From the Poe and Gallia Cis-Alpina to the Rhone.
• * 1.15

  Namely Galli∣a Narboner∣sis, or rather some part of it.
• * 1.16

  Note. Clouis the first Christian K. of France had 4. sonnes, Childebert, Theodorick, Clotarius, and Clodomir. Clodomir di∣ed without is∣sue, and Chil∣debert had his partage; this Theodebert was sonne of Theodorick. See Agathias, lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.17

  Note. He calls this Bishop of Rome in the secret History Silverius. And so Helvicus in his Chronology.
• * 1.18

  The taking of Rome, Anno 11. Iustiniani, Anno Dom. 337.
• * 1.19

  It was called Porta Trium∣phalis, & Va∣ticana, and was next to Pons Trium∣phalis, Leand. in descrip. Italiae. Mons Jani∣culus it was called.
• * 1.20

  These wolves were something like Potteulis∣ses.
• * 1.21

  Belisarius de∣fended Rome with 5000 a∣gainst 150000. Goths.
• * 1.22

  Pons Milvi∣us, which stood something dist∣ant from the City.