A present for a papist, or, The life and death of Pope Joan plainly proving out of the printed copies and manuscripts of popish writers and others, that a woman called Joan was really Pope of Rome, and was there deliver'd of a bastard son in the open street, as she went in solemn procession / by a lover of truth, denying human infallibility.

A Present for a Papist: OR THE LIFE and DEATH OF POPE JOAN, &c.

JOhn English or Pope Joan, as you may read in Platina's Lives of the Popes, was born at a place called Mentz in Germa∣ny, who concealing her Sex in a Masculine habit, being a young Woman, travel'd with a man of sin∣gular Learning to Athens, whom she infinitely loved for the excel∣lency of his parts, having sufficient ingenuity to qualify her for a judge in that particular. Such was her desire of knowledge, that for some

time she wholly banish'd her thoughts from every thing that had the least appearance of what was sensual, and applying her self solely to her study, in a little time she so improved her self in all Arts and Sciences, by conver∣sing with the Learned of those times, with the assistance of her no less Learned Companion, that in Philosophy she had few E∣quals, and a while after coming to Rome, in Theology she had as few Superiours. By her indefatigable reading and acute disputing, she soon obtain'd so much good will and Credit amongst all sorts of Persons, that she was not only cri∣ed up for a great Wit, but a man of unimitable holyness and piety, and this vogue ran so uncontrou∣lably general among the wiser sort, that Leo the Fourth deceasing, by the consent of all, as Martinus saith, she was chosen Pope. Being hard∣ly

warm in her Papal Seat, her Pi∣ety gave place to her Leachery, in∣somuch, that admitting either her learned Fellow-traveller, or one of her Menialls, as some imagin, into her loose embraces, she conceived with Child, and as she grew bigger and bigger, every day produced new inventions to conceal her in∣pregnation, so suptly contrived, that this growing infamy was known to none but him that was the cause thereof: but mischief on't, not dreaming that her time approacht so near, as she was going from the Vatican to St. John Laterans in Procession, between Nero's Colos∣ses and St. Clements, she fell in Tra∣vel, and was Delivered of a Son, and dyed in that very Place, having sate as Pope two years one month and four days, and was buried with∣out the least honour and solemnity.

Jacobus Bergomensis differs little in opinion from the aforesaid rela∣tion,

a Man whom Trithemius (Lib. de Ecclesiasticis Scriptoribus) applauds for being well read in Scripture, a famous Historiogra∣pher, and one that was witty, elo∣quent, and of a good life and Con∣versation, and therefore we may dare credit such a Person, who says,a 1.1 Johannes Septimus Papa, natione Anglicus post Leonem Pontisicem, Pontifex factus sedit, An. 2. Mens. 5. Hunc tradunt fuisse faeminam, &c. John the VII. by Country English, was created Pope after, next after Leo, and sate two years five Months; they say this was a Woman, and that she went very young out of England to Athens with a learned man that was in Love with her, and that thereby, hearing good Professors, she profitted so much, that coming to Rome, she had few like her in Divinity. Whereupon by her Reading, Disputing, Preach∣ing, and Praying, she got her self

so much favour, that upon Leo his death, she was Chosen Pope in his Room, (as many men say by common consent; but see the luck of it, a while after, she was got with Child by one of her acquain∣tance, and was delivered thereof in the time of her Papacy; for going from the Vatican to St. John Laterans in Procession, be∣tween the Colosses and St. Clements, e're she was aware, Child-birth Pangs seized her e're she was aware, and was delivered in the High-street without the help of any Midwife, but she dyed presently, and was buryed without the least solemnity in the same place, with her Bantling lying by her. Now in detestation of so foul a fact, and for the continuing the memory of so lude an action, the Popes to this day, when they go in Pro∣cession, to shew their dislike to the place of her Travel, which was in

the midst of her way, forsaking it, do turn into by-lanes, and by-streets, till they have left that on their backs, and then returning into the same street again, they go forward with their Procession. And for avoiding the like mischief for the future, it was decreed: that none should be consecrated Pope, before the youngest Cardi∣nal Deacon had tried by touching, (whilst the Person to be conse∣crated sate on a Close-stool) that he was a man.

I am not ignorant how incredu∣lous this story appeares to the Ro∣manists, and how fabulous and re∣diculous some have endeavour'd to render it by their sophistry and for∣gery, which shameful practices we need not wonder at, if we consider how customary it is for them to a∣vow manifest untruths, and deny known truths, especially if they produce any advantage to the vani∣ty

of their Popish perswasion; all which is as easy to prove, as to object against them; which though it may be demonstrated by diverse particulars, viz. By Parsons and Bishops, denying that they call the Pope their Lord God: by Bellar∣mins denying that any Jesuit had a∣ny hand in the Gunpowder Trea∣son: by their general denying that Pope Honorius the first was an He∣ritick, &c. Yet most apparently their impudence appeares, in de∣nying the report of a Joan that was a quondam Pope of Rome; which I shall endeavour to prove by a Cloud of witnesses, not any of our own Brethren, but the sons of the Romish Church, which purposely I have done for the greater confir∣mation of my arguments; for as Novatian says, de Trinitate firmum est genus probationis quod etiam ab Adversario sumiter, ut veritas eti∣am ab inimicis veritatis probetur;

that is a strong proof which is wrung out of the adversary, when the enemies of truth are driven to bare witness unto the truth. And asb 1.2 another, Amici contra amicum et inimici pro inimico invincibile testi∣monium est. Which sounds thus as I conceive; the testimony of a Papist against a Papist, and the testimony of a Papist for a Prote∣stant, is without exception. If I have given an impartial and true account of this Joan, the Woman Pope, manifestly proving there was such a Person who sate in the Papacy, and dyed therein with in∣famy, against the surmises and ob∣jections made to the contrary, by Robert Bellarmin and Caeser Baro∣nius Cardinals, Onuphrius Harding, Saunders, Cope, Genebrard, Ber∣nartius, Florimondus, Papirius, Maso, Parsons, &c. I would then have the Romanist lay aside all prejudice, and bare Witness

with me, if he can bring more so∣lid arguments to the contrary, I am ready to be convinced, being content to learn of him if he can better inform my judgment, asc 1.3 St. Augustin did of Tychonius the He∣retick. To conclude my proaemium with all sincerity, I profess, that though it may be gather'd out of Campian a Tiburn-martyr, and the Papists Champion, that they believe one Heaven cannot hold them and Protestants; thoughd 1.4 Costeras wish strangly that he may be damn'd with the Devil to all Eternity if any of us be saved; yet their uncharitableness and cruelty towards us from time to time ex∣tended causelesly shall work no such effect in me, but on the con∣trary, I wish them well, and shall constantly pray for the welfare of their Souls; that they may have eyes to see the truth, and in∣genuity to acknowledge it.

Give me leave now to come to the Proof of this famous History of Pope Joan, and by the way, me∣thinks I hear some opinionative ob∣stinate Romanist say that the whole story of Pope Joan is a fond, vain, and meer fable, a ridiculous ficti∣on, and so known to the more learned sort of Protestants among you, but that you will not leave deluding the world with it for want of other matter; besides, there are so many improbabilities and moral impossibilities in this Tale; as no man of any mean judgment, discretion, or common sense will give credit thereto; but will ea∣sily see the vanity thereof. In a word, I saye 1.5 he was a Knave that invented it, and he is a Fool that be∣lieveth it, espetially if he compares it with what is written on the same subject by Buchingerus in Germa∣ni, by Charanza in Spain, by Onu∣phrius, Bellarmin, and Baronius in

Italy, by Tarianus, and Bernartius in Belgia, by Pontacus in Aquitania, by Genebrard and Papyrius, Masso∣nus in France, by Saunders, Cope, Harding, Father Parsons, and others which were English men.

To all those particulars, and what else hath been objected, to prove the nullity of this History, I shall endeavour to answer and re∣fute as mildly as the subject will permit, and first, did it not pass for currant, sans contradiction, till with∣in somewhat more than a Century of years, viz. Till the year 1566. That Onuphrius the Fryer began to boggle at it; he was the first that ever by reason indeavour'd to discredit the report of it, and yet confesseth that many worthy men as well as vulgar, believed it for a truth: Multos & magni nominis vi∣ros historiam hanc suscipere eam quoque vulgo verum existimary. Besides, it is to be found in Mari∣anus

Scotus, in Sigibert, in Gote∣fridus Viterbiensis, in Johannes de Parisiis, in Martinus Polonius, in Petrach, in Boccace, in Ramulsius Cestrensis, in Johannes Lucidus, in Alphonsus e Carthagena, in Theodo∣ricus de Niem, in Chalcocondilas, in Platina, in Palmerius, in Naucle∣rus, in Sabellicus, in Trithemius, in Voleteranus, in Bergomensis, in Schedel, in Laziardus, in Fulgosus, in Textor, in Gassarus, in Mantuan, in Crantius, in Caranza, with ma∣ny more of the Papish faction; some Grecians, some Italians, Spa∣niards, French, Germans, Polo∣nians, Scots, English, and yet not one of them a Lutheran. If these Authors added no weight to the verity of this History, yet me∣thinks her Image might, which is set up among the rest of the Images of the Popes in the famous Church of Siena in Italy, and is to be seen there at this day; which the Bi∣shop

of that place would not suffer to be defaced at the last repairing of that Church, though the Jesuits did urge him much to do it. More∣over, was there not made of old for fear of such like cheats and a∣buses a stool of easement, on which Popes were set at their inaugurati∣on, for proof of their humanity? was their not a Marble Image fet up as a Monument thereof, in the place where she Miscarried, viz. In one of the chiefest streets in Rome, which Monument was likewise to be seen within this few yeares, no longer ago than in the time of Pius the fifth. Lastly, is it not written by men of their own perswasion, that all Popes when they go in Procession, refuse to go through that street in detestation of that fact, but go further about. To this the Romanists do answer, it is not so much in detestation of any such supposed fact that they

leave the straight and nearer way to the Lateran Church, but because that street is Augusta & anfractuosa, a narrow winding street, and in that respect unfit for so great a Train as ordinary accompanies the Pope to pass orderly through, as Onuphrius, Bellarmin, and Re∣mondus have observed. But if it be true what Philippus Bergomen∣sis hath registred, this observation is false,f 1.6 eo omisso (saith he) speak∣ing of the Popes turning out of that place of the street wherein Madam Joan was deliver'd with∣out the benefit of a warm Bed, Midwife, Nurse, or Caudles to comfort her, Declinat ad diverticu∣la vicosque, et sic loco detestabili po∣stergato reintrantes, iter perficiunt quod caeperunt: that is, leaving the way, they turn into by-lanes and by-streets, and as soon as they are beyond that detestable place, they turn into their way again, and so

go on to the perfecting their Pro∣cession. Now, if upon their leav∣ing that street, they enter into by-lanes, &c. And having past that ominous place, they turn in again; the reason why they leave that street cannot be because it is nar∣row and winding in and out, for doubtless those by-lanes are as nar∣row. And by their turning out and returning into the same way a∣gain, they wind as often in and out as if they went along through the same street, though it were very crooked. In confirmation where∣ofg 1.7 Platina, who knew Rome ve∣ry well, and was desirous enough to cover the Popes nakedness here∣in, as much as he could with any honesty, confesseth that this is probable enough.

As to the Marble Image erected in perpetuam rei memoriamh 1.8 The∣odoricus de Niem, who was former∣ly a Secretary to a Pope, says ad∣huc

vetus Statua marmorea illic po∣sita figurative monstrat hoc factum, unto this day an old marble Image errected in that place, sheweth the matter under a figure. Now observe what a slender evasion the Romanists make use of, in acknow∣ledging there was such a Statue but resembled not in the least a Woman lying In, nor was the Boy engraved by her like a Child in Swadling-Clouts, but like one of some years.

This exception is to little pur∣pose, for that age was an ignorant, illiterate, witless age, and there∣fore perhaps had no more Skill in Graving, Carving, and Painting, then they had, whom Aelian men∣tions, who were forced to write over or under their Pictures, Hic est Bos; ille Equus; haec Arbor; this is a Bull, this an Horse, and this a Tree; that men might know what creature it was they Paint∣ed

Aeneas Sylvius pointing to a more ingenious time than that of Pope Joan, condemns the Painters and Carvers thereof for notorious bungling Botchers, saying thus, If we could take a vew of grav'd or paint∣ed Images made two or three hundred years ago, you would find them pourtra∣ed not like men, but Monsters and hob∣gobblins; such an artist probably had the handling of Pope Joans statue; however as ill framed as it was, Pius Quintus thought it as it stood, that it discovered more than he willingly would have known, and therefore removed it and cast it into the River Tyber, not because it disgraced the street, but, ut memo∣riam illius aboleret, that he might extinguish the memory of that shameful action, and this is not onely witnessed by Travellers, that were in Rome, but by Eliasi 1.9 Has∣senmuller formerly a member of the fiery order of Jesuits.

Bellarmin in lib. de Rom. Pontif. will not allow of this Stool of Eas∣ment; for says he, of a stool of eas∣ment to try the Popes Sex, there is no where any mention; Onu∣phrius averring that it is but a meer toy, and an idle conceit of idle people; yet Philippus Bergomensis, a man of great learning and esteem in his time, (as Trithemius attests) records it as an undeniable truth, that there was such a thing; for upon mention made of Pope Joans story, Ad evitandos similes errores statutum fuit (saith he) ne quis de caetero in B. Petri collocaretur sede priusquam per perforatam sedem fu∣turi Pontificis genitalia ab ultimo Di∣acono Cardinale attractarentur: for avoiding like errour for the future it was decreed that no man should be held for Pope, till the youngest Cardinal Deacon had found by tri∣al, while he sate upon a stoole of easment, that he was a man;

which is likewise testified byk 1.10 La∣onicus Chalcho condilas; for upon relation of that story he thus pro∣ceeds, Qua propter ne decipiantur i∣terum sed rem cognoscant neque am∣bigent Pontificis creati virilia tan∣gunt & qui tangit acclamat: Mas nobis Dominus est: that is, least they should be deceived again, they make proof of the Popes man∣hood by feeling, and he that feel-makes it known by crying our Lord and Master is a Man. And Sabelli∣nus writing the same matter, says, There is to be seen at this day in the Popes Pallace a Marble Chair where∣in the new Pope presently upon his e∣lection is set down, that as he sits, the lowest Deacon may make trial of his humanity by touching or feeling.

As much may be read in Wil∣liam Brewin, who lived in the year 1470. for in Capella Salvatoris (saith he) In the Chappel of our Sa∣viour, there are two or more Mar∣ble Chairs with holes in them, where∣in

in (as I heard) there they make proof whether the Pope be a man or no.

The Romanists confess there is such a Chair, but never intend∣ed for the use afore recited; for (say they) he sits not therein in a corner, but in the great Church of St. John Lateran, where a vast concourse of People come to see him; where he is attended by the whole Colledge of Cardinalls, with many Embassadours of Kings and Princes; whereas a closer place was fitter for that Purpose, and they might more convenient∣ly have made tryal of his humani∣ty in the conclave, wherein he was chosen, and so they did it seemes; for presently upon their electing of him, before they pro∣clamed him Pope, they sate him in a Chair in their Conclave, as you may read in the book of holy Ceremonies, dedicated to Leo the tenth, whereby you may see how

idlym 1.11 Bellarmin, talks (if I may be so bold to speak so of so great a Cardinal) who taking upon him to clear the Point, never speaks of his sitting in the chair in the Con∣clave, but only of his siting in o∣ther Chairs at St. John Laterans, as though he had been chaired only Publickly, and not in private, and that he himself had said sufficient∣ly to the Point in question, by proving, that in Publick there was no such conclusion tryed with the Pope; whereas the conclusion was tryed in secret. Now, should you ask the question of any of them to what end does he set in such a Chair in Publick, I warrant you the reply will be, that thereby he may be put in mind, that he is not God but Man: in as much as he stands in need of a Close-stool as well as others; so says Florimondus: and indeed I think he hath need to be put in mind thereof. For

though some Papists deny it shame∣fully,n 1.12 yet there have been popish Parasits, who have in plain terms called the Pope (as St. Thomas term∣ed Christ, Joh. 20.28.) their Lord, and God; and there are still such, who give him such titles as are due to God alone, and rob God of some part of his power, to bestow it on him. See Stapleton princip. fid. doctrin praefect. ad Greg. 13. Plane supremum in terris numen.

But methinks they should not need to have set him in such a Chair, to such a purpose, for his own necessity would have compeld him to set himself thereon ordina∣rily every day; and his Chamber∣pot would have served to put him in mind of his humanity sufficient∣ly: thus Autigonus the elder (aso 1.13 Plutarch relates) was convinced that he was a Man and not a God. Besides, methinks they should not have intended such a Mystery by

such a Ceremony, because they set him therein before he was in his Pontificalibus: for till he be Mitred, till he be Crowned, till he have re∣ceived the Keys, whereby is deno∣ted his power to bind and loose; and a Rod whereby is signified his power to punish; I say I should think there should be no fear of forgetting himself. Again, had it not been better think you, if they had aimed at any such marke, to have caused a Boy to come every morning unto the Popes Chamber door (after the example of Philip King of Macedon) who should have whoopt him out of his bed, and bid him remember that he was mortal.

And now see how industrious the Romanists are, by endeavouring to obliterate, or remove what ever may assist the continuance of the memory of this Pope Joan; for as Pius Quintus threw into Tyber her

marble Image which stood in the street where she was deliver'd, so by Clement the eight, by the perswa∣sion of Cardinal Baronius, her Image in the Church of Siena is defaced; now if the present Pope will but burne all the books too, which are writ of Pope Joan, all evidences then would be totally lost, it would be easily for them then to prove that there never was such a Ponti∣ficial Woman. I but (says the Pa∣pist) what if her Image had stood still, is there any sence, that because of such a portraiture we are there∣fore bound to believe there was such a Pope; if we believe Paint∣ers, and Carvers we should make find work indeed; and so we shall indeed if we believe their Painters, and Carvers. For we find the Trinity painted by them in the likeness of a Man with three faces: sometimes like a Man with two heads having a Dove between them;

both which fashions of painting the Trinity is monstrous inp 1.14 Bellarmins opinion. We find our Saviour Christ painted with long hair, as though he had been a Nazarite by vow, which conceit is controuled byq 1.15 Holy writ. We find him set on a Weather-cock on the top of the Temple of Jerusalem, as though the Temple had aspire-steeple like ours, which is false. We find the Virgin Mary treading on the Ser∣pents head, which the Scriptures foretold Christ himself should do. We find her richly apparel'd in a Gown of wrought gold, whereas, questionless her habit was very mean and ordinary; and with a pair of beads in her hand; where∣as a thousand years after Christ, beads were not used throughout the world. Besides, their Painters recommend unto us a Saint on horse∣back, whom they call George, and another on foot, as big as a Giant,

whom they call Christopher, and a She-Saint broken on the wheel, whom they call Catharine, and a fourth drawn in peices by horses, nick-nam'd Hippolitus: whereas in all antiquity there is no mention made of any such Saints. Thus you see we have no reason barely to believe painting and carving, but if Book-proof, or Tradition con∣cur with them, we may give some credit to them.p 1.16 Bellarmin him∣self is of the opinion, that there can be no error in substance, as long as (besides book-proof) there are Monu∣ments of Stone or of Brass for the proof of any antient report: thus if he speak the words of truth the truth is with us; for, besides Monuments of Stone, we have the Testimonies of many authentick Writers: a∣mongst whom, Charanza a Spani∣ard, who, Florimondus says, dis∣proved the story of Pope Joan be∣fore he undertook the task himself;

but he belies him; for these are his words,t 1.17 Johannes 8. Papa 105. sub Petro sedit An. 2 Mens. Dies 4. de hoc ferunt, quod malis artibus Pon∣tificatum adeptus est, quoniam cum esset faemina, sexum mentitus est; et postea à servo compressa, doloribus circumventa, mortua est: in Eng∣lish thus; John the eight Pope. 105. Pope from St. Peter, sate 2 years 1 month 4 days. They report of this Person that he got the Papacy by evil means, because he feined himself to be a man, whereas in truth he was a Woman, who being afterwards begot with child by one of her servants, fell in travel and dyed therein.

z. Krantius, who is recom∣mended by Pontanus for a famous Historiographer, and one that writ before Luthers times, and is there∣fore the less to be suspected for partiallity, says thus, Johannes Anglicus ex Maguntia mulier, men∣tita sexum, &c. John English,* 1.18

a Woman of Mentz, dissembled her Sex, and being of a quick wit, and voluble tongue, and one that could talk Scholastically, she won the hearts of all men, so that she arrived to the dignity of Pope, no Man knowing any other but that she was a Man, save one of her Servants, who afterwards got her with Child: they say she was deliver'd near the Colosses, before she had sate too years compleat.

Mantuan, who is commended by Trithemius for an excellent The∣ologist, a knowing Philospher, and a famous Poet, the only man in all Italy in his time, hath this story in his description of Hell, and describing what manner of Persons were there, saith he.

Hic pendebat adhuc sexum mentita virilem Faemina, cui triplici Phrygiam dia∣demate, mitram Extollebat apex & pontificalis adul∣ter.

Here hangs a Woman, once who past for man, Who truckt for Breeches, Peticoats, and Fan. By her great parts she gain'd, with much renown, The Phrygian Mitre, with the triple Crown. Here hangs that Lecher too, by whom 'tis sed The Woman Pope did lose her Maiden-head, And in the Street 'thout Midwife brought to bed.

Achilles Gassarus in his Epitome of all Histories, and Cronicles, collected out of the best Histori∣graphers, writs thusu 1.19 John the eight, by Country English, by calling a Pope, yet by Sex a Woman, sate shamefully as Pope two years and six Months.

Ravisius Textor, in his Officina writs thus; Scitum ex Chronicis,

& à Majoribus Scriptum Johannem Anglicum ab Ephebis sexum veri∣lem simulasse, et tandem fato nescio quo, aut Fortuna certè volente, ad pontificatum pervenisse, in quo Annos circiter duos sederit post Leonem quartum, neque prius innotuerit facti veritas, quam à quodam ex domesti∣cis impregnata, tandem emiserit par∣tum; It is a thing well known by the Cronicles, and written by our Ancestors, that John English, from her youth upward deported her self in every respect like a man, and at length, by I know not what destiny, certainly by very great for∣tune she became Pope, and sate about two years after Leo the fourth and no body know this fallasie and deceit till she was with Child by one of her menial Servants,a 1.20 and deliver'd thereof: and Fulgosus, who was a noble, and learned man, and sometimes Duke of Genua af∣firms the same story for a truth,

saying, that John the eight was at length detected to be a Woman.

Laziardus is of the same opini∣on; so is Hartmannus Schedel a Doctor of Physick, yet not ignorant of holy Scriptures, nor atheistical∣ly inclined, as it is bewailably common for such so to be, yet by Florimondus he is accused for be∣ing one of the brood of the Hussites, and lived in Nurimberge when that City was infected with Husses he∣resy, and therefore would fain perswade his party that no credit is to be given him, because what∣ever he writ concerning the Pope∣dome of Joan the Woman was par∣tial. In answèr to this, I rather believe Florimondus to be one of the brood of abominable Lyars; for Hartmannus Schedel, born in Nurimberg, wasb 1.21 student in Padua, where he was created Doctor of Physick by the great Matthiolus, and he was so far from Husses opinion,

that in the same book quoted in the Margent he hath inserted one whole Chapter about the heresy of the Hussites, and their original.z 1.22 Volateran, an Historiographer of good note, makes no doubt of the reality of this story; and Trithemius Abbot of St. Martins Monastery in Spanheim, a reverend, well read, and very learned man writes thus, In the same year that Pope Leo died, John English succeeded for two years and five months. Now some say she was a Woman, and that she was known so to be but to one only, who was her servant, by whom at length she was begot with Child, and thereof deliver'd in the open street. For this cause some would not reckon her among the number of Popes, disliking this villainous action: with whom, in matter of fact, corresponds Sabel∣licus, a mana 1.23 of great esteem in Venice, yea the most famous in his

time for all manner of learning; of whose books, Pius the Third pro∣fessed he valued as much, as Alex∣ander did Homers Iliads.

Wernerus Roleunick, who is rec∣koned by Paulus Langius among the most famous of the Order of Carthusians, and commended by Trithemius for a man of profound learning, and singular devotion, in confirmation of what is aforesaid, writes thus:b 1.24 This John, by Sir∣name, English, by his Country, of Mentz, is reported to have sate as Pope about this time; and she was a woman, but went in mans apparel. She pro∣fited so well in Divinity, that she had no fellow, and so was chosen to be Pope; But after a while, being great with Child, as she went in publick Proces∣sion, she was delivered thereof, and dyed. And this seems to be the Sixth Pope to this day, which was called Holy and proved naught: And therefore he was plagued by God, as

the rest before him were plagued, Nei∣ther is she in the Register of Popes. Hence some say, because she was a Germane, a Germane is not per∣mited to be elected Pope, but this is manifestly false; for since, seve∣ral Germains have been advanced unto the Popedom.

Mattheus Palmerius, anc 1.25 Italian, and one of the choicest men which were at the Council kept by Euge∣nius, the 4. against the Council of Brasil; Pontifex 106. Johannes Anglicus (saith he) sedit An. 2. Mens. 3. fama est hunc Johannem foeminam fuisse, et uni soli familiari cognitam, qui eam complexus est, et gravis facta peperit Papa existens; quamobrem inter Pontifices non nu∣merant quidam, ideo nomini nume∣rum non facit; that is John was a wo∣man, yet not known so to be, but to one of her familiars, who lay with her, she was deliver'd in the time of her Papacy, and because

some reckon her not among the Popes, there are no more Johns for her, than if she had never been. The account that B. Platina gives of this Learned Whore, (or as Mr. Fox calls her the Whore of Babylon) is contradicted by some, and sup∣posed to be never written by the Author aforesaid, but foisted in, so Bernartius conjectures; and to con∣firm his groundless supposition (saith he)d 1.26 Antonius Hetweeld, a man of good report, and Alderman of Lovaine told me, that one En∣gelbertus Boonius, a reverend Ger∣main Dean had often times told him, that he had seen many antient Manuscripts of Platina in the Za∣tican at Rome, and persued them di∣ligently, and yet found not any men∣tion made of this Pope Joane.

Surely this reverend Dean had the luck on't, to light on such anti∣ent Manuscripts, as the Alderman of Lovain informed Bernartius of,

but how comes it about, that nei∣ther Onuphrius, Platina's Commen∣tator, Bellarmin, nor Baronius, who have had as free access into the Va∣tican Library, as any, could never light on these Manuscripts as well as he? And how comes it that none since Bernartius thought good to except in that manner against Platina, the acknowledgment of those too Pillars of the Romish Church, Bellarmin and Baronius, with Onuphrius, that this Story is originally in Platina induceth me to believe, that, either Bernartius, belyed the Alderman, or the Alder∣man belyed the reverend Dean, or the Dean made a Fool of the Alder∣man, and made the other so too by consequence: for questionless had there been any such Manuscripts, some of them would have found them out, and made them publick to wipe off that infamy they more than barely stand suspected of. For

they are glad of narrower Fig-tree-leaves to cover their Nakedness withal, than such Manuscripts, could they be produced.

Now since it is evident, that Platina did write the life of this Lady Errant Joan, who coming from Athens became at Rome a teeming Pope, the Romanists have indeavour'd to find another hole to creep out at, denying that he writ by publick authority, and did not take his History out of the publick Registers of the Church. The belief hereof is an errour, and a gross one too; fore 1.27 Platina him∣self professeth, that he writ by the command of Sixtus the fourth; and Onuphrius confesseth, that he fol∣lowed Damasus, Anastatius, and such Historigraphers, as had writ∣ten before of the same matter. I but says Florimondus, Platina re∣ported it rather to shew his read∣ing, than for that he thought it

true, for, (says he) had he ima∣gin'd it true, he would have exag∣gerated it, and made the worst on't, that thereby he might have reveng∣ed himself of the Popes, at whom he was grievously incensed. For Paul the Second (continues he which all men know) racked him, and devested him, of all his digni∣ties, and justly casting him into Prison, kept him there as long as himself lived. To this I answer; that he was racked, and imprisoned by Paul the Second, is true, but that it was justly done, is false; for Trithemius chargeth that Pope for so doing with cruelty.

Yet suppose all were true, doth it follow in Florimondus Logick, that because Paul the II. wronged Plati∣na; ergo, Platina hated all Popes? and why not then; Sixtus the fourth gratified Platina many ways, set∣ting him at Liberty, and restoring him his dignities; ergo Platina

Loved all Popes for his sake? If one mans Kindness could not work Love towards all, it is not likely that one mans unkindness should breed hatred or Heart-burning a∣gainst all; wherefore notwith∣standing this we may well think, that Platina wrote what he thought, and the rather for that in the words following, he professeth,f 1.28 that such a thing may likely hap∣pen.

That I may not seem deficient in the production of testimonies for the farther probation of this story, give me leave to insert some more; amongst none of the mean∣est, observe what Chalcocondelas says, It is well known that a certain woman was made Pope, by reason they knew not her Sex. For all (almost) in the Western parts of Italy, shave their beards. Now when she was great with child, and came abroad to solemnize some day, or to say service;

as she was at service, she was deli∣ver'd of a Child in the sight of all the People. Wherefore lest hereafter they should be deceived in like sort, they make tryal of his man-hood by touching, and he that toucheth proclai∣meth, We have a man to our Pope.

These words are allowed by them to be in the Latin Translation, butg 1.29 Baronius will not admit of them in the Greek; for, (says he) Clause∣rus, his interpreter, added in his tran∣slation this story, which is not to be found in the Greek Copy: and for further perswasion, to make men believe it, he says, that Flo∣rimondus hath excellently well dis∣covered the cousonage of Clauserus, for comparing Clauserus translati∣on in Latin, with a Frenchmans translation of the same in his Mother Tongue, by that he found the Tale was not in Calcocondilas; for there was not one word of it in the French translation. But

why I pray may not the French man leave it out as well as Clause∣rus; it may be objected (but how truly I know not) that this French man was a faithful translator, and durst not have left it out, if he had found it in the Greek, as Florimon∣dus notes. And why may we not hold Clauserus as faithful an interpreter as the Frenchman, yea more faith∣ful, seeing the French man was a Papist: fori 1.30 Papists hold it Law∣ful in translating to omit offensive matter, and so doth no Protestant. If Florimondus, or Baronius could have informed us where a man might have seen a Greek Copy in which it is not, they had said something to purpose, but to go about to dis∣prove it by a translation of one of their own creatures, they argue ridiculously, and if any of them gainsay that in the Western parts of Italy all (almost) shave noth 1.31

their Beards, as some have made that vain opposition, it is easily answered: for by the Popes Canons, the Italian Priests, yea all the Priests of the Western Church are to be shaven; so saithk 1.32 Pontacus, hic Papa (Anicetus) Clericos comam & barbam radere in signum clerica∣tus jussit. Pope Anicetus command∣ed the Clergy to shave both their heads and their beards, in token that they were of the Clergy. And, Occi∣dentalis ecclesiae clerum, ab ipsis ec∣clesiae Christianae primordiis barbam radendi morem tenuisse, asserit Gre∣gorius 7. Pope Gregory the se∣venth avouceth, that from the Apostles days the Western Clergy did shave their beards, to whoml 1.33 Durandus who lived about the year 1280, sub∣scribeth: for he acknowledgeth that before, and in his time, they were shaved, proving the lawfulness of it out of Ezechiel, and shewing the mysteries that are imported by

it. Johannes Pierius Valerianus, attests the same, imputing the Er∣rour of electing Pope Joan to the ordinary shaving of Beards, be∣cause by that means one could hardly know a man from a woman, which custom is shamefully revi∣ved in these fantastical times among our gentry, whose close shav'd wither'd Countenances, are no ways distinguishable from an anti∣quitated Gentlewoman, but by their long Wigs, which seem to hide those imperfections which attend on age.

For further proof of the verity of this story, it well be expedient to give you an account what Theodo∣ricus de Niem (Secretary to a Pope) relates:m 1.34 John, called English, was a woman born at Mentz, and she stu∣died at Athens, apparel'd like a man, where she profited so well in the Arts, that coming to Rome she read there the liberal sciences and was held, so suf∣ficient

a Reader, that many of the bet∣ter sort became her hearers; after∣wards with one consent she was chosen Pope, and lived in that dignity two years, and upwards: But taking her self more than before to idleness, and pleasure, she could not live so conti∣nently as she did, in her mean, yet studious condition: whereupon one day as she went with the Clergy, and People of Rome (according to the cu∣stome of that time) in solemn Processi∣on, being attired in the usual Papal ornaments, she was delivered of her first begotten son (the Father whereof was her servant) near the Temple of Peace, which stands in the City; as it is evident by an old Marble Image which stands there to this day, to de∣note so much in a figure. And here∣upon it is that when the Popes go from the Vatican to St. John Laterans, and back again, they go not the direct way thither but by other streets farther about, and so make their journey lon∣ger.

I shall relate nothing what Pe∣trarch, Boccace, Lucidus, and our Country-man Higden says to this purpose, since there are none so ob∣stinate, but will confess they all have writ thereof, but only a little touch upon whatn 1.35 John of Paris writes as to this matter, who lived about the year 1280. and read publickly in the Ʋniversity of Paris, with great, and deserved commendation, as well in Divinity, as Humanity: he showing how sometimes a man may lawfully dispute, and take excepti∣on against the Pope, in respect of his Persono 1.36 notes, that such a Person may be chosen as is not capable: ut si ess et foemina, vel Haereticus, sicut fuerunt aliqui qui ob hoc non enumer∣rantur in Catalogo Paparum. As for example (saith he) if he prove a Woman, or an Heretick, as some have done, who in that respect are not reckoned in the Catalogue of the Popes.

What an infinite number of wit∣nesses could I produce to verify this story whose Testimonies though ever so clear, yet the Romanists, the opposers of truth, will cavil at. Martinus Polonus, because he hath writ the truth concerning Pope Joane (for no other reason that I can find) they call him simple, ig∣norant man, given to vanity, and only famous for fables, for that isp 1.37 Bernartius his censure of him. See the rashness of our later genera∣tion of Papists; forq 1.38 Polonus was an Arch-Bishop, and Penitentiary to the Pope; he was learned in the Holy Scriptures, and not ignorant of secular learning; he was one, whom Platina relyed on much for matter of history and applauded by him for a man of a good life, and conversation. He was the man, whom the Author of Fasciculus Temporum, and Jacobus Bergomensis, two good Historiographers, profes∣sed

that they followed especially; and yet he is abused with undeserved titles of ignorance, for speaking the truth.

The premises consider'd, one would think there needed no other quo∣tations for farther proof of a matter so notorious, however since we have such plenty of Testimonies, it will not be irrequisit to insert some more, that may for ever stop the mouths of Truths objectors and op∣poners: and first, Marianus Scotus, who was born in the year 1028.r 1.39 a man of estimation whilst he lived, and when dead, was held a Saint, and by Baronius was stiled, Nobilis Chronographus, a worthy Chonologer; in his Chronicle, thus we read, Leo Papa obiit Kalend. Augusti, huic su∣ccessit Joanna mulier An. 2. Mens. 5. dieb. 4. that is Leo the Pope dyed in the Kalends of August. after him succeeded Joane the woman, who sate 2 years 5 Months and 4 days:s 1.40 Bel∣larmin

contradicts this, saying, that he who published Krantius Me∣tropolis at Colen in the year 1574. doth witness; in antiquissimis ex∣emplaribus Mariani Scoti non haberi Johannem Papam foeminam: that in the antient copies of Marianus Sco∣tus, there is no mention made of Pope Joane the woman: What this He should be, that gives this Testimony, I never yet could learn, nor that he was a man of any credit, besides, there is no reason that a nameless Sr. Mr. Anonymus should be credited against all printed Copies, especially if it be true, whicht 1.41 Bellarmin saith in another case: Author sine no∣mine est sine authoritate: a man with∣out a name is without credit; and Cano∣nus a concilio cujus ne nomen quidem extet facile contemni potest: a Canon out of a Councill, whose name is not known may very well be slighted. But would you know the reason why Bellarmin did not name him?

you may suppose, not because he was ignorant of his name, but be∣cause he was but a mean fellow, a Printer, a poor Batchelour of the Law, a man of slender reputation; for he is named in the first page of the Book Gerwinus Calenius Lippi∣ensis: and what was such a fellow to run away with a story of this consequence upon his bare word in this manner; n quae hic Author de Johanne foemina refert, in odium Romanorum Pontificum confict a fuisse ab illis quos ipse deceptus sequitur ut alios omittamus quos Onuphrius in Platinam scribens recenset, testantur Marianus Scotus & Sigibertus, quo∣rum quae supersunt M. S. exemplaria fraudem illorum detegunt, qui eorum impressis voluminibus id inseruerunt. That this which the Author hereof re∣ports touching Pope Joan is but coun∣terfeit stuff, devised to make the Pope odious; to say nothing of such proofs as Onuphrius gives in his Annotations on Platina, Martianus, Scotus, & Sigi∣bert,u 1.42

do testify; whose manuscripts re∣maining on record discover their fals∣hood who have chopt his tale into their printed volumes; which Bellarmin, nor any other durst or dare avouch, the contrary being confess'd direct∣ly by Baronius:x 1.43 Sigiberts words are these, The report is, that this John was a woman, and that one only, who laid with her, knew so much: and that at length, even in the time of her Papacy, she was delivered of a Child. Whereupon it is that some reckon her not among the Popes, and that there is not one Pope John the more in number for her. Notwithstand∣ing this, the Romanists deny that there is any such thing in the anti∣ent, true, and approved Copies of Sigibert, and if there be any such thing found, some paltry fellow, (as Bernartius notes) hath been tampering with his writings, and that Sigibert never writ it is fully witnessed by Genebrard. Pray here observe, the Canonists (when Popes

alledge Popes for proof) do note, that it is familiaris probatio; mean∣ing, it may be as much as that in the Proverb, Ask my fellow if I be a Thief. But say they in the Mona∣stery of Gemble in Flanders there is extant the Original of Sigibert, which wants this Story, and for proof hereof, they have the oath of one Protasius a Franciscan, who saw it, and there (as he saith) Si∣gibert lived, there he wrote this Book with his own hands, there he left it after life as a Monument of his love. There it is shown by the Monks to such as come thither for a piece of excellency and rarity.

Now judge you whether this paltry Fryer is to be believed be∣fore Trithemius, who 0436 0106 V 3 (says he) lived not there when he writ the Book; for he writ that, and many others in the Monastery of St. Vincent within the city of Metensis.

The Monks shewing this Book as Sigiberts own to all comers, isy 1.44

a very slender argument to prove that it is his: for I have read of az 1.45 Monk who gave out that he had brought from the East some of the sound of the Bells which hung in Solomons Temple, and* 1.46 that he could shew among other reliques, some of the hairs which fell from the Seraphical Angel when he came to imprint the Five wounds of Christ in St. Francis's body, and I have* 1.47 read of others who shew the Pilgrims who go to Jerusalem a three corner'd stone, assuring them it is that very stone whereof Da∣vid spoak, saying, The stone which the Builders refused, is the head of the corner. Psal. 118.22.

Now as Monks and Papists cou∣sen others, so they are often cheat∣ed themselves; for many of them do verily believe they have that which they have not. Do not many of them perswade them∣selves that they have that Syndon wherein Christs body was lapped,

when it was interred, wherein (as they say) is to be seen to this day the Picture of Christ. Others think they have the Nails where∣with Christ was nailed to the Cross, and in like manner are they decei∣ved in a thousand several sorts of reliques.

But grant that this story of Pope Joan is not to be found in some Copies of Sigibert, that does not argue that it was ne∣ver writ by him; it is probable it may be left out by some, who have transcribed his Manuscript, which we may as well be induced to believe, and upon as good grounds, as that the words of Aelfricus, which oppose Transub∣stantiation were cut out of a frag∣ment of an Epistle of his in the Library of Worcester, asa 1.48 Mr. Fox doth prove apparently. Thus is this story of Pope Joan cut out of a very fair Manuscript of Ra∣nulfus

Cestrensis which is now to be seen in the Library of New-Colledge in Oxford: we need not wonder at such unjust proceedings of the Papists, since they give dire∣ction, that,b 1.49 qua famae proximorum, & praesertim Ecclesiasticorum, & Principum detrahunt, corrigentur, atque expurgentur. That such things should be alter'd, or put out, which tend to the Discredit of the Clergy; and doth not this touch their Ecclesiastick estate to the very quick? doth not Possevin advise, that thec 1.50 note in John Nevison the Lawyer, which makes mention of Pope Joan should be razed out? Dele (saith he) quia Johannes haec foemina Chimaera est, & impostura calumniatorum; blot it out (saith Possevin) because John this Woman was a meer Chimaera, and a forgery of Calumniators.

For further proof that this John was a meer fiction Cardinal Baro∣nius

would make us believe, that those of the best Credit in History, and who have writ most of her, do not positively aver that there was such a Woman Pope, but make their report of her with a sic aiunt, or an ut asseritur, but he brings no other proof thereof than teste me∣ipso: which however it may go for proof among Princes, yet is no proof among Scholars: and for my part without proof I will believe nothing, let who will be the asser∣tor, especially if he be a Papist. For asd 1.51 Sigismund the Emperour said of Julian the Cardinal Legate at the Council of Basil, when one commended him highly to him; tamen Romanus est; yea but he is a Roman; so I may say of any Romanist reporting things un∣known, yea but he is a Romanist, or Papist.

And now I pray suppose it be so as Baronius saith it is, why may

it not be true though it be deliver∣ed with an ut asseritur? It may be objected that Lyes and false re∣ports are midwiv'd into the world after that manner with, so some say, and thus it is said. I confess that many lies, nay gross ones too, pass in such general terms: as for example. Men say (saith the Popish Golden Legend) that St. Patrick drove with his staff all the venemous Beasts out of Ireland; and, that he obtein'd of the Lord, that no Irish man should abide the coming of Anti-christ: the former of which Harpfield Cope confesseth to be a Lye, and so I think all un∣derstanding Papists acknowledg the latter; else why do none of the learned Clergy of the Church of Rome alledg it, to clear the Pope from being Anti-christ. Men say (saith Nangiacus, as Genebrard reporteth) that Kentish men have tails like bruit Beasts,

because their Ancestors mocked Austin the Monk when he came to preach among them; nay by some this is believed as a truth to this day, for but lately a Kentish-man traveling with a Fleming, and being constrain'd to lye together, the Dutchman would not go to bed till he had satisfied his Eyes with the truth, or falshood of a Kentish-long-tail; that this is a lye, there is nothing more evi∣dent and yet this is reported with a, so 'tis said. When Boniface the Martyr was demanded whether it was Lawful to use a wooden chalice at the administration of the Lords supper; it is said he answered thus (saithe 1.52 Duaren) Olim aurei Sacerdotes ligneis va∣sis, nunc lignei aureis utuntur: In former times Golden Priests used Wooden Chalices, now Wooden Priests use Golden ones: in like manner it was written that Pius

the 2. was wont to say, Marriage upon just reason was forbidden Priests, but now upon better reason to be restored to them again: of which saying of his there is no question to be made, as may appear by this, thatf 1.53 a Jesu∣it only thus replies, That it was re∣canted by him, and denieth not that it was spoken by him. That Alexander the third trampled the Emperour Frederick under his feet, and com∣manded one to say, thou shalt walk up∣on the Lyon, and asp, the young Lyon, and the Dragon shalt thou tread under thy feet Psal. 91.13.g 1.54 this is re∣ported with an, ut fertur, and yet they have little to say for them∣selves who call the truth thereof into question. That merry Car∣dinal, who seeing after the death of Clement the fourth, that his Bre∣thren the Cardinals called still for the assistance of the Holy Ghost, and could not agree upon the election of a new Pope, cryed outh 1.55 Domini

disco operiamus tectum camerae hu∣jus, quia Spiritus Sanctus nequit ad nos per tot tecta ingredi; Sirs, let us untile the roof of this room; for I fear the Holy Ghost cannot get to us through so many slates: this is meer∣lyi 1.56 reported upon election of Gego∣ry to have made these Verses.

Papatus munus tulit Archidiaconus unus, Quem Patrem Patrum fecit di∣scordia fratrum.

k 1.57Nicholas Clemangis Arch Dea∣con of Baion in France writes upon hearsay, that when Balthasar, com∣monly known by the name of John the 23. held a Council at Rome, and caused, according to custom, before the first Session A Mass to be said for the assistance of the Holy Ghost; immediatly upon the Coun∣cils sitting, and Balthasars advancing himself into the Chair of State; an Owl, of a prodigious bigness (an evil presage) came out of a hole

whooping and hollowing after a dreadful manner, and flew to the middle balk of the Church, sta∣ring just in Balthasar's face, to the great astonishment of him, and the whole Council, which immediately hereupon broke up. He further writes, that at the next Session she appear'd again, staring in the Popes face as before, and could not be frighted away with what extraor∣dinary noise was made for that pur∣pose; at length one throwing a stick knockt her down, and killed her. No man will question the truth hereof, since he confesseth, that he had this story of a faithful friend, who assured him it was true upon his credit. That the worst Christians in Italy are the Romans; that of the Romans, the Priests are most wicked; and of the Priests, the lewdest are made Cardinals, and the baddest chosen to be Pope;l 1.58 it is written but with, asseritur:

yet to the skilful in History, and such as are acquainted with the af∣fairs of Rome, this doth not seem improbable. In Bavaria palam ferunt Jesuitas dolium in Collegium subvex••sse, è cujus fundo effracto, Me∣retrix in publicas plateas prolapsa sit (saithm 1.59 Hassen Muller) They say openly in Bavaria, that the Jesuits caused a Tub to be carried to their Colledge, which breaking by the way, a Wench dropt out of the end on't into the open street: And why may not this be true, though it go but by report. The Papists believe far more incredible reports than this, which tend to the defamation of us Protestants.

If any should object, that there were many learned men, and great Writers who lived in her time, sometime after, who though they were the Authors of several books, yet make no mention of any Wo∣man that was ever Pope of Rome.

Besides Rupertus, an English Bi∣shop, who, because he was excom∣municated by the Pope, invented, and raked together all manner of lyes against the Pope, yet notwith∣standing objected not this.

This objection may be easily answered thus in a word: That most of all those Authors who are quo∣ted by the Romanists to have made no mention of Pope Joane were no historiographers, but such who em∣ploy'd their Pen, and time in the study of Philosophy, or Divinity, and therefore it is no more a won∣der that these learned men should be silent, as to this matter, than for a Mathematician to write of Lines and Tangents only, and not to write of Pharmacy, and Physick. A∣gain, this Rupertus (comonly called Grosthead) well skil'd in Greek and Latin, a Reader of Divinity in the Schools, an excellent Preacher, and a man so eminent for a holy life

and conversation, that it was the o∣pinion of the whole Clergy of Eng∣land and France, that there was not such another among the Prelates of that time; yet Innocent the fourth call'd himn 1.60 Old Fool, surd, and ab∣surd fellow, and his reproaches were attended with menaces. The reason is apparent in that he oppo∣sed the Pope, and had divers cavils with him, in so much that in one Letter he did not stick to tell him plainly,

That by his Writs (with (non obstante) he brought a deluge of mischiefs on the world, whereby the purity of the Church was defiled, and the quietness of the Republick im∣peded and destroyed: that by his Reservations, commendoes, and Provisions of Benefices for Par∣sons, who sought to fleece, and not to feed the flock of God, he commited such a sin, so con∣trary to the Doctrine of the A∣postles,

and Evangelists, so hate∣ful, and detestable, so abomina∣ble to Christ Jesus, as never Sin was, but the Sin of Lucifer, nor never shall be but the Sin of An∣ti-christ, whom the Lord shall destroy with the Breath of his Mouth at his coming. He fur∣ther signified that no man could with a good conscience o∣bey any such mandates as he sent abroad, though they came from the highest order of Angels: for they tended not to edification, but the utter ruin of the Church.

Are these Lyes, by reporting whereof he sought to revenge him∣self on that present Pope? Sure it cannot be, since theo 1.61 Colledge of Cardinals confessed before the Pope, that they could not blame him for writing thus, having said nothing but what was justifiable. And here give me leave to recite what another, Matthew Paris, hath

registred to posterity concerning Popes and Papists. In his History of England, in the life of William the Conquerour, in the year 1072, page 10. he reports how Satanas, & omnes contubernium inferorum; that the Devil and all his hellish crue writ Letters gratulatory to all the rabble of the Romish Clergy, acknowledging their kindness, in that following their pleasures, and desisting from instructing the peo∣ple, they suffer'd more Souls to go to Hell than ever went before.

p 1.62That Gregory the seventh set the whole Church in an uprore by deposing married priests from their priesthood, and forbidding the Laity to hear them say service, because he had no president for so doing, and because as some thought it was unadvisedly done, contrary to the opinion of the antient Fa∣thers, who wrote that the Sacra∣ments of the Church, by the invi∣sible

working of the Spirit have like effect, whether they be admi∣nistred by good or bad men.q 1.63 He reports how a Cardinal Legate, at a Council held in London in∣veighing against the Misses or Wenches of the Clergy, was ta∣ken the same night after in bed with a Whore or Bona Roba.

r 1.64He reports, how Germanus, Arch-Bishop of Constantinople, in∣formed the Cardinals of Rome, that the Grecians stumbled much at this, that the Cardinals desired to be accounted his Disciples, who said, Silver and Gold have I none, and yet none so rich, and cove∣tous as they.

s 1.65He reports how the Pope en∣joined by one mandate to the Bi∣shops of Canterbury, Lincoln, and Salisbury, that they should provide for 300. Romans in Benefices next vacant; and that they should dis∣pose of no Benefice, till so many

were compleatly provided for.

t 1.66He reports, how Hugh the Car∣dinal brag'd, when Innocentius de∣parted from Lions, that whereas there were four Stews, or Bawdy-houses at his coming thither, he had left them but one, and that reached but from one end of the Town to the other.

u 1.67He reports, how the Franci∣scans and Minorites by Command∣ment from the Pope appointed all sorts of people, young and old, men and women, sound & sick, and of all conditions, to go for recovery of the Holy Land, and yet the same day, or a little time after, for mo∣ney dismissed them again.

He reports, how Innocentius the fourth instigated the people of Bra∣bant and Flanders to commence a War against Conradus the Empe∣rour, promising them for so doing forgiveness of all their sins; yea, not only a pardon for their own

sins, but the like for their Relati∣ons.

These, and the like stories he records against the Pope being ma∣nuducted thereunto by Truth it self; but he meddles not with any thing which was done by any Pope within 1000. years after Christ; and therefore it is no wonder that he speaks nothing of Pope Joane.

That I may not omit any materi∣al object ion that the Romanists al∣ledge to disprove the verity of the story of Pope Joan, I must here in∣form the Reader, that as they say many learned Latin writers say no∣thing of Her, so Greek Historio∣graphers, Zonoras, Cedrenus Caro∣palatas, and others who wrote be∣fore Martinus Polonus concerning the Latin Church, and were enemies to the same, and would have been glad of such an advantage against it, write nothing thereof at all; from whence some infer there was no such matter.

To shape an answer to this ar∣gument I must beg this question; doth not Platina confess there was a Pope called Mark, who sate two years, eight months, and ten days; and another Pope called Marcellus, who sate above five years; and yetw 1.68 Pontacus, andx 1.69 Genebrard con∣fess, that all the Greek Writers in a manner omit to speak of the for∣mer; and that all Greek Writers without exception omit to speak of the latter. Now if we should be perswaded (notwithstanding their passing by these insilence) that these were Popes, why may we not as well believe that there was a Pope Joane, though they pass her by in like manner, not speaking one word of her: we may believe ma∣ny things of which they write not a syllable. We read in the Golden Legend,y 1.70 Breviary, &c. that He∣raclius the Emperour, when he would have entred in by the gate, by which our Saviour, went to his

Passion, clad in his Royal robes with the Cross on his shoulders, was mi∣raculously hindred, and could not get through, til he had devested his body of it's Princely apparel, and put off his shoos, and stockings. This is verily believ'd by many Ro∣manists, and yet Gretser saith, that the Grecians, Zonoras, Cedrenus, and the like, write nothing of it, yet professeth withal he likes it never the worse for their silence; for they (as he farther observes) omitted many other material truths whereof no man of reason will ever call them in question; and though Hermannus Contractus, Con∣radus, Ʋrspergensis Abbas, and others speak nothing of this Joane, we must not therefore conclude that there was never such a Woman once a Pope. Do arguments taken from authority of few men hold nega∣tively? Is it a good Argument, St. Paul, St. Luke, and Seneca do not say that St. Peter was at Rome?

Ergo St. Peter was not at Rome. I answer withz 1.71 Bellarmin, negative arguments are nothing worth; for it follows not that St. Peter was ne∣ver at Rome, because St. Luke, St. Paul, and Seneca do not report that he was ever there: for these three were not bound to report all that was true. Certainly (saith one) magis credi debet tribus testibus affir∣mantibus quam infinitis nihil dicen∣tibus; a man should rather believe t••••ee witnesses speaking to a cause, than infinite who speak neither pro nor con. Again, Denis Bishop of Athens was afterwards Bishop of Paris, though Ado Bishop of Triers in Germany, and Suidas, a Greek Author, make no mention of his removal to another Bishoprick. Lipomannus resolves upon Metaphrastes and one Michael Syngelus in these words, that Denis was Bishop of Paris, though Ado, and Suidas say nothing of it. Why then though these and many more

say nothing of Pope Joan, might there not be such a Pope, since as many, and as learned as they, do place her in the number of Popes.a 1.72 Salmeron a learned Jesuit saith thus, Ea lex apud Historigraphos observatur, ut quando unus ex duobus historicis aliquid affirmat quod alius supprimit, non deroget affirmanti qui tacet; That when one Historian re∣ports what another passeth by, the lat∣ters silence doth not prejudice the truth of the others relation.

I must confess there is not a word of her in all those six or seven Tables which are in the Vatican; yet suppose these Tables be of greatest estimation, yet shall we conclude that he that is as Pope registred therein was a Pope; I know not how safely we may be∣lieve it, since Baronius condemns such for silly credulous people, who believe reports the rather because they are to be found in

Books belonging to the Popes Li∣brary. Besides Leo the 8 is regi∣stred in the Catalogue of Popes, and in some of those seven Tables, if not in them all, yetb 1.73 Baronius, and his followers conclude him an in∣truder, and Usurper, and did not in the least deserve that glorious Title of a Pope. Now if this be no good argument Leo the 8 is numbred among the Popes in seven Tables, in the Popes Library, or in seven as authentical, Ergo Leo the 8 was a Pope; from hence may be said, that Joan the Woman Pope is not numbred amongst the Popes in those seven Tables in the Popes Library: Ergo there was no such Joan, a Woman Pope. But con∣sider if seven Tables speaking for a Pope do not convince the being of such a Pope, why should their silence argue the contrary? might there not be as well, one left out that was a Pope, as commemorize

one that never was? Besides, there are several reasons why it was requisit she should be left out, either for her Sex sake, being a Woman, and very salacious, or else she would never have rambled over several Countries with a man, who undoubtedly in their travels lay together; or else in regard of the foulness of the fact, which as it brands her Memory with per∣petual infamy, so it cannot but prove a great blot in the Papal Escutcheon.

This omission of her name need not seem strange, if you will but observe, that other Popes, upon o∣ther occasions, have been past o∣ver in silence by several Writers as no Popes; as for example; Faelix the 2. was both Pope and Martyr (asc 1.74 Bellarmin affirmeth) and he sate as Pope one year, four months, and two days, as you may read ind 1.75 Platina: yet bye 1.76 Genebrards con∣fession,

Marcellinus omits to speak of him, in his Chronicle, because he was suspected of heresy; and for the same, or such like cause St. Austin, and Optatus, mention him not among the Popes in their Me∣morials. That one Cyriacus was Pope is acknowledged by divers, yet it is rare to find him in any Clatalogue of Popes of whom Johannes de Parisiis, a great Papist, in his Treatise de potestate regia & pa∣pali, writes thus; Iste Cyriacus in Ca∣talogo Paparum non annumeratur, quia credebant ipsum non propter devotio∣nem sed propter oblectamentum Vir∣ginum dimisisse Episcopatum. Cy∣riacus is not in the Catalogue of Popes, because it was thought he left the Popedom not for Devotion but for the sake of Wenching. Damasus the second hath his name registred in manyf 1.77 Popish Chronicles in the throng of Popes; yet there areg 1.78 many on the otherside who let him

go for a Scabby sheep. Thus Pla∣tina, censent nonnulli hunc inter Pon∣tifices nequaquam numerandum esse; some judge this fellow no ways fit to be registred among the Popes; and in like manner they deal with many others.

Buth 1.79 some may say if Pope Joan was omitted in the registers of some for the filthiness of her fact, why was that Close-stool reserved, and that Monument of hers erected where she was publickly deliver'd; for the Stool, and the Image were as like to continue the memory of her, as any record in writing. To this I answer may not some be of one opinion, some of another? May not some think good to con∣tinue the memory of that which others for shame would willingly have forgoten? Hence not some Papists in France denied that John Chastel was taught by the Jesuits to murther Henry the fourth of France,

because they were loath the Jesu∣its should seem odious? and yet did not others contribute their assistance in the erection of a stony Pillar near the Kings Palace, whereby so much was notified; If any man should affirm that the same man who omited Pope Joan for the filthiness of her fact, e∣rected such a Monument for her in one of the High-streets in Rome, and proscribed such a Stool to be kept for that purpose I know not how he could free himself from contradiction.

For further Proof whereof I think this worth the consideration, that when Paul the Third moved with the Spirit of God (asi 1.80 Hard∣ing saith) and desirous to reform the Church gave charge to the most Learned, Wise, Pious, and Zealous men he knew, viz. four Cardinals, three Bishops, and two others to enquire and search

out what abuses and disorders were in the Church, and especially in the Roman Court; which they did accordingly, and present∣ed him a Libel conteining the sum of all their proceedings. Some thought their Labours merited Registring; others thought them fitter to be committed to the fire, which appears by this, that the Libel is Printed in Crabbs edition of the Council, anno 1551, and yet inserted in the Index librorum prohibitorum by Paul the fourth, (one of those four Cardinals that exhibited it to Paul the third) and left out of Dominicus Nicolinus his Edition of the Councils at Venice auspiciis Sixti Quinti, in the year 1585. and out of Severinus Bin∣nius his Edition at Colen 1606.

k 1.81But say the Papists again, grant that Pope Joan should be omitted for the filthiness of her fact, yet should there have been mention

made of the vacancy of the See for that time she was Pope, else there will bee a manifest errour in Chronology.

A foul errour indeed to miss two years in reckoning; there may be fouler than this, and yet the matter salved well enough. For Onuphrius reckons 230. Popes to Gregory the 13, and Genebrard and Massonus 234. whereas Plati∣na accounts 235; for he reckons to Zistus the fourth, with whom he ends, 221 Popes: afer whom, to Gregory the 13, every one reck∣ons 14,* 1.82 which compleats the num∣ber of 235: yet Versteganus, in his Table printed at Antwerp 1590, numbers no more than 231. Moreover do not several Chrono∣logies written by k Romanists re∣cord, that Evaristus sate 13 years, whereas others say, he sate butm 1.83 nine years? do notn 1.84 some of thē say that Denis sate;o 1.85 others that he

sate but two years. I think these differences, and such as these are argue manifest errours in their Chronologies; If no further incon∣veniencies follow upon Pope Joans omission, than a manifest errour in Chronology, for that space she lived, we may well enough believe that some omitted her, not because there was no such Person, but be∣cause they were ashamed of her; for two years, and odd months break no square in their Chrono∣logies, no more than a mistake of two inches in a foot with a bungle∣ing Carpenter.

I, but says Florimondus, no man ever writ of her till four hundred years after her death; and is it possible that all writers should so conspire together, that the truth thereof could never be certainly known, till so long a time after the expiration of her Pope∣ship?

I have already proved by the books that are yet extant, that this story was sooner discover'd. But suppose we had no Author who lived within 400. years of Pope Joane to produce for proof, must therefore the story be rejected? Do not the Papists recommend, as truths, many stories, for which they can bring no testimony out of any Writer who lived within 400. years after?p 1.86 They tell us of an Image of Christ which was made by Nicodemus, who came to our Saviour by night for fear of the Jews; and of it runs a report of strange Miracles it effects: yet are not able to name the man who wrote of this 600. years after Nicodemus.q 1.87 They tell us that St. Luke drew certain pictures of the Virgin Ma∣ry, butr 1.88 Theodorus Lector is the first man that makes this report, and he lived at least 500. years after. Not to trouble you with many more in∣stances,

s 1.89 they write, that our Sa∣viour wiping his face with a hand∣kerchief, imprinted his own Effigi∣es therein, and sent it to Agbarus for a token; but for proof hereof, there is no Author to be produced, but onet 1.90 Evagrius, who lived 600. years after Christ. That the Vir∣gin Mary made that coat of our Saviours which was without seam theu 1.91 Rhemists peremptorily affirm, andx 1.92 others of the like faction add, that as our Saviour grew in height, and breadth, so the Coat on his back grew in like manner. I cannot read any Author they have produced that writeth hereof for a∣bove 400 years since.

But how comes it about that Pope Joan should be called John, as she was supposed a man after her election, since Popes upon their election do now change their names from a laudible custom (saith Florimondus) that Sergius (a few years before Pope Joan)

introduced, which was that the Pope elect should not step out of the Con∣clave till he had changed his proper name.

It is confest, thaty 1.93 some say that, because Sergius had a filthy beastly name before his election, viz Swines-snout, he changed it after his election; but they are mistaken who say Sergius the 2 changed his proper name, for ex paterno nomine a principio Sergius est appellatus; from his birth he was called Sergius after the name of his father, so writes Baronius in his Annals Tome the tenth, to the year 844. The first who changed his name was Sergius the third, and yet not for the filthiness of his name, but in reverence to St. Peter. Cum enim ille Petrus vocaretur indignum se putavit vocari eodem nomine, quo Christus primum ej••s sedis Pontificem Principem Apostolorum ex Simone Petrum nominaverat: for his name

being Peter, he thought it not fit, to be called by that name whereby Christ called the first Bishop of that See, even the Prince of the Apostles, whose name be changed from Simon to Peter, as may be further read in that Learned Cardinal, Caesar Baronius. Notwithstanding this positive assertion, of Baronius, I see this great Scholar, as well as other Bug-bears of wit, and con∣troversy may not only grosly mi∣stake, but down right contradict themselves; for (saith he) in a∣nother place, Tom. 10. Annal. ad Ann. 955. Nu. 4. speaking of John the twelfth. Hic revera pri∣mus inventus qui mutavit sibi nomen, ut qui ex Octaviano vocari voluerit Johannes pro mutata non exuta tyran∣nide:

This, in truth is the first who changed his name, who of Octavian would needs be called John; not that he meant to leave his tyranny, but to use it in another

kind; for he, who was called by his Father Octavian, in respect of his temporal authority in the Ci∣ty, would now in respect of his spiritual, be called John: either because his Uncle John the 11. was called so, or for that he de∣sired to hear well at least for his namesake, whilst in clawing, and fawning acclamations the peo∣ple basely applyed unto him that good speech, there was a man that was sent from God whose name was John.

Thus Baronius; and now Florimondus not knowing almost what to say, asks the question, who was Pope Joans Father, quinam hujus Pseudopontificis pater; if she had a Father, certainly he would have been mention'd in History, as well as the Father of Linus, Clerus, Clemens, and of all the rest of Popes, in answer hereunto, that the Histories expresly set down the Fathers of all the rest of

the Popes is false. For by History no man knows of what parentagez 1.94 Higinus was; Higini genealogia non invenitur, neither can we find out the Ancestors of Pope Denis; as Anastasius, afore quoted, doth acknowledge; Dionisii generatio∣nem invenire non potuimus; And it is unknown of what Sir-name or Country John the 19. was:a 1.95 Johan∣nis 19, cognomen et patria ignoratur.

In Histories it is expresly written, that Ʋrban the fourth was begotten by a Cobler,b 1.96 ex patre Sutore ve∣teramentario; that John the two and twentieth was the Son of a Botcher,c 1.97 Filius Ʋeteramentarii, resarcitoris scilicet sotelarium: That Benedict the eleventh was the Son of a poor Laundress;d 1.98 Filius Lotricis pauperculae: that Benedict the twelfth was the Son of a Milner Molitoris filius; That Sixtus the fourth was the Son of a Mariner,e 1.99 patre ortus qui semper nauticam exercuit; that

Adrian the sixth was the Son of a Cloath-worker, or as some say a Brewer: Thatf 1.100 Sixtus Quintus was the Son of a Swin-heard, but what the names of these mens Fa∣thers were, that is not expresly written.g 1.101 Alexander the fifth con∣fessed; Se nec parentes, nec fratres, nec aliquem ex agnatis, cognatisque suis unquam vidisse: That he never saw either his Father, or Mother, or Brother, or any of his kindred; who then can tell his Fathers name?

Beating some of the Romanists from this idle interrogatory, they fly to this; either this Pope Joan was young, or old when she was chosen. If she was young, it was contrary to custom to admit of any such election; as may appear by the great number of Popes that lived in the dignity above the number of Emperours that suc∣ceeded often in their youth. But if she were old when she was cho∣sen,

then how did she bear a Child publickly in procession? the ground work of this argument, that Pope Joan was either young, or old, may be easily destroyed thus; if we consider that learned men di∣vide the whole course of mans life not into youth and old age; but into Pueritiam, pubertatem; adole∣scentiam, juventutem constantem me∣diumve & senectutem. Now mid∣dle age is from 35. to 49. wherof she might have been, and so nei∣ther old, nor young; for Leo the 10 was chosen Pope at 38 years of age, being not 46 years old when he died, and yet he sate as Pope 8 years, 8 months, and 20 days; and Gregory the 11. was a∣bout 35 years old when he was chosen, ash 1.102 Theodoricus de Niem, and Massonus testify, besides, she might have been chosen young for any Popish custom there is to the contrary. Fori 1.103 Boniface the 9 at

the age of 34 was chosen Pope; and Innocent the 3 was but 30. I know not but our Joan might have been one of the youths of the Pa∣rish; For not to speak of the Boy Popek 1.104 Benedict the 9. who was chosen Pope about twelf years old, one, who at that age better understood a Gig, and Bowling∣stones, than the disciplin of the Church, I say not to reflect on him particularly,l 1.105 John 13 alias 12 In juvenili & florida aetate creatur Pontifex, He was constituted Pope when he was in his youth and flourishing condition; that is a∣bout the 18 year of his age, asm 1.106 Baronius gathereth by circum∣stances.

But why might she not have been old, since we read, and have known experimentally that old women have born children. Hen∣ry the Emperour begat Frederick the 2 on a Wife who was fifty

years old, so saith Massonus: and Machutus the Bishop (saith Petrus de Natalibus) was born when his Mother was above threescore: and saith Fransciscus Junius in his annotations on Ruth; Hic in Pa∣latinatu ante annos aliquot vidi meis occulis & vocatus interfui par∣tus cujusdem foeminae amplius annos 56 natae, quae binos mores enixa est eodem partu: A few years since I was intreated to see a woman a∣bove 59 years old, who was deli∣verd of two Boys at a Birth; why may not then Pope Joan (though fifty) be deliver'd of a Son.

Again let us consider, that the multitude of Popes above the Emperours was not by reason of their age, but by other accidents. In the first 300 years while the Popes were Generally good, they were cut off by Martyrdom, for though it be not true (as Onuphri∣us very well observes) that all the

Popes from St. Peters time to Syl∣vester were Martyrs (which is confidently avouched by some of the Romish party) yet I grant it for a truth, that most of them were so. Now in succeeding times their number grew the greater by their poisoning and murdering one another. Diligently peruse the History of their Lives, and you shall find that of forty Popes de∣ceased, there was not one sate a full year:n 1.107 you shall find that in a little more than nine years, there were nine several Popes: you shall find that one man, in 13 years, poi∣soned six Popes: Lastly you shall find, that God in his justice did cut them off for their wicked and abominable lewd Lives and con∣versations.

Liberius sate about some six years, saith Cardinalo 1.108 Turrecrema∣ta, and then died an evil Death, mala morte precibus Sanctorum ex∣tinctus

est; he died not for age, but with cursing.

Anastasius the second sate not two years but God struck him sud∣dainly for his wickedness, and he died miserably: for he died as some say, as Arius the Arch-here∣tick, of which opinion isp 1.109 Platina andq 1.110 Stella, who say, Sunt qui scribunt eum in Latrinam effudisse intestina dum necessitati naturae ob∣temperat; In a house of office he evacuated his guts with his excre∣ments.

Clement the second continued in the Papacy but nine months, and died not of old age but poyson: so says Genebrard and Aeneas Syl∣vius.

Damasus the second, who had a hand in poysoning this Clement, kept the Popedom but 23 days, not that he died of old age, but by the just judgment of God, that he might be an example to others

(as Platina observes) who climb to that dignity by unjust and indi∣rect means, to which they should ascend by virtue, and true me∣rit.

Benedict the sixth lived Pope no longer than a year and a half, and then died in a Goal by strang∣ling, or famine, asr 1.111 Baronius is of opinion.

Victor the third was no longer Pope but one year, and four months and died by Poyson, so says Platina, Genebrard, Charanza, and Polonus; by the same means (as is suppo∣sed) died Pius the third.

John the thirteenth (alias twelve) was slain in the very act of adultery, whether thrust through by one that saw him in that beastly posture (as Platina believes) or murdred by the Devil (as Luitprandus ima∣gins) Historians agree not in; buts 1.112 Turrecremata, a Cardinal, takes that as more likely, that is most

dreadful: for because (saith he) the Life of Pope John was detesta∣ble, and intolerable offensive to the Christian People, therefore Christ himself pronounced against him sentence of condemnation: for, whilst he was abusing, and vitia∣ting a certain mans Wife, the De∣vil struck him suddainly into the temple of his head, and he died as suddainly without repentance.

Boniface the seventh sate but se∣ven months, and a few days, and then the Beast dyed, saitht 1.113 Kran∣tius.

Marcellus the Second lived but 22 days in the Papacy, not that he was very aged when he died (for he was but 55 years old) but for that he was poysoned, and which is strange, it is observed, that he was poysoned, because some thought he would prove an honest Pope. Obiit die 22, non sine veneni suspitione, quod nimium rectius qui∣busdam

videretur, saithu 1.114 Gene∣brard.

That Sixtus Quintus, after the sixth year of his Reign was fetcht away by the Devil, by whose help he came to that place,x 1.115 Sr. Francis Breton, a Monk of the order of the Celestines, protested that a Prior of St Benets order assured him at Rome and the Jesuits at Italy seem to be∣lieve no less by their own reports. To conclude, it is the confession of many Pontificial Writers, that ma∣ny Popes were short liv'd, because God saw they proved Monsters in∣stead of pious men, and became a shame, and scandal to the true Re∣ligion; wherefore God in his ju∣stice snatcht them off from the face of the Earth. Thus this argument of years hath its answer.

Another objection they alledg; that it is a most unlikely thing that the whole Roman Clergy would chuse a Pope without a beard, e∣specially,

if all the Clergy in those days, (as some write) were sha∣ven. For men by shaving may make themselves look like wo∣men, and women by often shaving may make them selves look like men,y 1.116 Johannes Pierius Valerianus a learned man, imputes the er∣rour of the choice of Pope Joan to this, that the Clergy in those days were generally shaven: for by the means of shaving (saith he) the people were so disguised, that men and women were in a manner un∣distinguishable, and by this it hap∣ned, that a woman was chosen Pope of Rome to the perpetual shame, and infamy of that sacred dignity; of the same opinion isz 1.117 Chalcocondilas. Thus then since it was an ordinary thing for the Clergy to be shaven, why should they dislike her the more for want of a beard.

But some may say, that it is ve∣ry strange, that in all that time, neither voice, countenance, not actions should not discover her. To this I answer, that if there be truth in Popish Writers; diverse Women have lived longer among Men in Mens apparel unknown, than Dame Joan lived in the Pope∣dom. For Marina (as i Textor reports) lived all her Life among Monks in a Masculine habit, and none knew any thing to the con∣trary, but that she was a Monkb 1.118 Euphrosina lived thirty six years among Monks, and was reputed for a Monk; so did Eugenia, Pela∣gia, and Margareta, and their Sex the while was unsuspected. In our late Civil Wars, I knew a wo∣man that was sixteen years a Sol∣dier, at length, being tired with that starving kind of Life, return∣ed to her relations, and reassum∣ing her pristin proper habiliments,a 1.119

was in a little time Married, and had several Children afterwards.

The Romanists, to make this story the more fabulous, and im∣probable, do say, that certainly this Woman Pope (had there been any such Person) would not have been guilty of so much indiscreti∣on (especially having the repute of so much Wit, and Scholarship) as to go abroad in publick, being so near her time, and venture to go in Procession, where she must consequently have the eyes of many thousands fixt upon her, whereby, if no other accident should happen, she runs the hazard of a discovery. To this I answer, that the time of Child-birth is un∣certain, for commonly women go ten months, yet sometimes they come sooner, at nine, eight, yea, and at seven months, asc 1.120 Physici∣ans have observed. Honester wo∣men than Pope Joan have fallen in

Travail upon the high-way; nay in the street, their unexpected pangs have come so fast upon them that they have been forced to take sanctuary at the next house they could come at, and make bold with a stranger in a mean habitation, rather than be delivered in the street; suitable to this is an obser∣vation of Theophilact; novit mulier quod pariet, quando vero non novit: nam non paucae 8 mense pepererunt, etiam in itinere, nihil praescientes; (says he) a woman knows she shall be deliver'd, but the time when, she knows not: for diverse have been deliver'd in their eight month, as they have been on a journey, not imagining they were so near their reckoning. Thus may this poor Gentlewoman, Pope Joan be mistaken, and the ra∣ther, because this was her first that she was deliver'd of, as she went to St. John Laterans, for we

do not read, that she had a Bastard before she was Pope, not, but that we may believe it upon good grounds, that her fellow Traveller, or Gallant was not wanting in his indeavours to give her that car∣nal satisfaction she desired; and it may be she proved upon it too, but had an Art, which the Devil taught her, to carry it off again by medecine, a practice of late too much used by some insatiate Mes∣salinas of this Kingdom: whether she used it or not, we know no o∣ther proof but bare conjecture, but certain it is, she was deliver'd of a Son in the open street, and both expired immediately there∣upon, who were buried together without any solemnity, and though she had born the greatest offices belonging to the Romish Church, yet she was interr'd without the common ceremonies of Burial.

The Sacred Scriptures do in∣form us, that God in his justice doth use to serve the greatest Princes so, who dishonour him. Do we not read that Jehoiachim King of Judah was to be buried as an Ass was buried, &c. Jerem. 22.18, 19. and we read in Hi∣story, that many Popes have had as small solemnities. Boniface the 7. (saithd 1.121 Baronius) who sate af∣ter John the 15, in four months dyed a suddain death, and was so hateful to his own followers, that after his death they showed their detestation of him, by revenging themselves with Blows on his sens∣less Carkass, whilst others with swords ran him through, and through; after this they draged him by the feet stark naked, till they came to the field which is near the place where Constantines Horse stands, there they threw him from them, and so left him.

Debora Rebecca's Nurse, was buried under an Oak and Rachel Jacobs Wife, (a far honester woman than Pope Joan) was buried in the way to Ephrath. This woman Pope could not have a burial too bad for her; a fact so extraordinary, de∣served an extraordinary usage, wherefore Papyrius Massonus que∣stions the truth of this story, be∣cause she was not shameful enough handled; for (saith he) had there been any such Pope, the Romans could have done no less in equity, than after Death, to have hanged her up in chains. But how comes it about, if she was deliver'd of a Boy, that she dyed instantly? Flo∣rimondus accounts this, as one of the adsurdities which attend this ••able, Masculum pepererat (saith he) quid igitur mortem repentinam attu∣lit? If a Woman be once deliver'd of the fruit of her Womb, there is no danger of Death in his opini∣on.

In the first place, she did not die instantly, though suddainly, for she was deliver'd of a Boy before her death, in the next place, I would fain know, whether it is not common for women to dye in Child-bed, as well as in Child-birth. Rachel was delivered of her Son Benjamin, and yet died short∣ly after, Gen. 35, 17.18. Phineas wife was deliver'd of her Son Icho∣bod, and yet dyed presently after. And if they dyed so, why not Pope Joan.

I but can she be said to have gon from the Palace of St. Peter to St. John Lateran, whereas the Popes laid not then in the Vatican, but at St John Lateran it self, thise 1.122 Bellarmin, and others do object; and Platina (says some) doth ju∣stify, that the Popes lay not in the Vatican till the year 1350, which was in the time of Boniface the Ninth.

This is a great mistake, for Boniface the Ninth lived in the year 1390, not 1350, the like mistake there is in fathering such a fancy uponf 1.123 Platina. For Platina re∣ports only, that the Vatican was repair'd by Boniface the Ninth; he saith not it was first inhabited by him, though if he had, the Pope might have gone to see the La∣teran; for he had more than one house to solace himself, and ac∣commodate his retinue in besides the Lateran. He dwelt not always in that,g 1.124 for Gregory the Fourth, built two stately Fabricks for the Popes use, as Anastasius testifies: and Leo the Third, (as you may read in the same Author) built another no less glorious, near to St. Peters Church, which stands in the Vatican, wherein Leo the Fourth gave entertainment to Lu∣dovike the Emperour. Besides, History doth not mention that she

went from St. Peters Palace to the Palace of the Lateran, but from St. Peters Church to the Lateran Church, and yet dwell in the Pa∣lace by the Lateran; for Popes be∣gin not their Procession from the next Church adjoyning to them. Leo the Third appointed to go in Procession three several days be∣fore Ascension day; and he began the first day at one of St. Maries Churches, and ended at St. Savi∣ours Church: the second day he began at St. Sabina the Martyrs Church, and ended at St. Pauls: and the third day he began at St. Crosses Church in Jerusalem, and ended at St. Laurences without the Walls; so that this objection I conceive is fully answered, and I shall endeavour to do the like to several others; and first, the Ro∣manists do cavil much about her different names before her Papacy; some say she was called Agnes,* 1.125

some Gilbert, some Isabel, some Margaret, some Tutta, or Jutta, and others Dorothie.

This is a meer Forgery, for I cannot Read in any Antient Wri∣ters, that she was called by any of these Names; in some of later time I find some difference, one calling her Gilbert, and another Agnes, but of all those whom I have here inserted, to assert the truth, and give in evidence against her, there is not above one or two, who either before or after her Pa∣pacy, gives her any other Name than Joan.

Secondly, they say, that some of these Authors I have alledged to vindicate this truth, do clash and differ in opinion, some cal∣ling her John the 7, some John the 8, and others John the 9. and so saith Baronius.

Baronius by his good leave quotes no Author for his Assertion,

and therefore I must beg his par∣don if I believe him not; for my belief shall extend in this no far∣ther than reason shall direct it. Besides, whether she be John the 7, or 8, the difference is not so great, for the like may be demon∣strated in other Popes, whom the Romish party cannot deny to be Popes. But who stiles her John the 7, or John the 8. assuredly, neither Marianus Scotus, Sigibert, Gotefridus, Viterbiensis, Polonus, Platina, Palmerius, Trithemius, Fasciculus Temporum, Krantius, Alfonsus è Carthagena, nor Textor call her neither John the 7, nor John the 8, but plainly John, or Joan. Onuphrius indeed would perswade the credulous, that Pla∣tina stiles her John the 8, in these terms; Johannes hic omnino 8, non 9, est ut à Platina describitur: Nam etsi Johannes foemina Papa quam pro∣fitetur, fuisset, non tamen numeri na∣tam

habere debuisset sacri or dinis non capax; that is, this John question∣less is the Eighth, not the Ninth, as Platina accounts him; for tho John the Woman, whom he talks of, had been Pope, yet seeing she was not capable of Priest-hood, she should not go for one in the number of Iohns.

This is another falsity; for Platina calls her not Iohn the eight, and therefore Onuphrius, or some person else, hath abused him: For proof whereof, I appeal to Platina, Printed in the year 1481, which was the year wherein Platina died, and to the next Edition 1481 who speaking of Iohn the Woman in those antient Editions, he pla∣ces no numeral note on her head, but begins his Story thus, Johannes Anglicus ex Maguntiaco oriundus, &c. John English born at Mentz, neither stiles he the next 9, but 8; for coming to that Popes life,* 1.126

Johannes 8, Patria Romanus, &c. saith he, Iohn the 8, by his Coun∣try a Roman, &c. for further proof of which later point, I appeal to the later Editions, whereunto Onu∣phrius his annotations are annexed; for though we read thus in them, Iohannes nonus Patria Romanus, &c. yet that that reading is false, and the Antient reading true, appears by that which is written of the next Popes life, to wit Martin the second, even in those later Editi∣ons. Forl 1.127 Platina showing how Martin lived in the time of Charles the Third, adds presently, Quam ab Iohanne 8, Coronam accepisse scripsimus. Now Charles the third was crowned by Iohn next before Martin, according to Platina, wherefore the next before Martin was Iohn the 8, according to the opinion of the same man, and not Iohn the ninth, as Onuphrius would have us believe. Which oversight* 1.128

or fraud of Onuphrius was not so great, but that by this means he is forced to alter Platina his nume∣ral note, set to all the Iohns that follow to call him Iohn the tenth, whom Platina calls Iohn the ninth; to call him the eleventh, whom Platina calls the tenth, and so unto the last Baldesar Cossa, who was in number of Iohns according to Antient Editions the 23, and not the 24, as he is numbered in the Editions which Onuphrius com∣ments upon.

Now, whereas the Romanists do alledge that the disagreeing of Authors about the time wherein she commenced her Papacy, and the time of her continuance there∣in, is an argument to prove the nullity of this Story, I say no such matter: in the first place, let them consider the disagreement that is among themselves. Some that have written of Pope Lucius, say

he was am 1.129 Roman, some an 1.130 Tus∣can, some say he was theo 1.131 Son of Lucinus, and others ofp 1.132 Porphyrie. Some say he was chosen Pope in the year 253, some 254, some 259, and others 275. Some say he sate Pope 3 years, 3 months, and 3 days, some 3 years and 5 months, and some three years 7 months, and 6 days, which you may find in the Authors quoted in the Margent, and yet no man de∣nies that Lucius was Pope.

Again, do we not read the same difference in the Reign of Sergius the third; some will have it begin inq 1.133 905, others inr 1.134 907, &c. some write that he succeededs 1.135 Benedict the fourth, others that he followedt 1.136 Formosus, othersu 1.137 Chri∣stopher, &c. yet, whoever denied that there was such a Pope.

We read that the Carkass of Formosus was taken up out of his Grave by one of his Successors,* 1.138

and brought into Judgment before a Council of Bishops, and that it was devested of its Papal Robes, and clad with a Lay-mans gar∣ment, that it was Indicted, Ar∣raigned, and Condemned: but a∣mong those that report this, there is a great disagreement. For some say it was taken up by Sergius the third, some by Steven the sixth, some say it had two fingers cut off, some three; some say the Head was chopt off, and some deny it; some say the Trunk was thrown into Tyber, and some say it had Lay-mans Burial: and yet who of the Romanists will deny the truth of this Story, by reason of these differences. Onuphrius denies it point blank, saying, quae de For∣mosi cadavere ex Sepultura à succes∣soribus eruto dicuntur, proculdubio fabulae magis quam vero similia sunt, quod illorum qui de ea re scripserunt diversitate & repugnantia facile li∣quet.

The report which goes con∣cerning the digging up Formosus body out of his Grave by some of his Successors, are questionless sa∣bulous and not true, which is ap∣parent by the disagreement, and disconveniencies which are to be found among them who write of it. Notwithstanding the manifold differences in circumstances, Ba∣ronius durst not cast it off, as Onu∣phrius. For he ingeniously con∣fesseth, it was such a villainous prank, as was never plaid before; Intentatum hactenus scelus, and by reason of its barbarousness incre∣dible; prae sui immanitate omnibus incredibile; yet he grants it true, and avows that they foully err, who deny what was done to the carkass of Formosus, looking on the report no better than a Fable.h 1.139 Bellarmin saith true in this, that saepissime accidit, ut constet de re & non constet de modo vel alia circum∣stantia.* 1.140

It often happens, that men are sure such a thing is done, when yet they are not sure of the manner how it was done, or of some other such like circumstance. The dif∣ference among Witers about cir∣cumstance doth not weaken any mans argument touching the sub∣stance: if it do, I would have the Romanists for shame blot out St. Ʋrsula and her fellows Holy-day out of theiri 1.141 Kalendar, and all the Prayers they make to them in their Primers, Portesses, and Breviaries; for there was never greater dis∣agreement among the Relators of any Story, than among the Rela∣tors of that. Some say, that Ʋrsula was the King of Scotlands Daugh∣ter, others say the King of Corn∣walls Daughter; some say her Fa∣ther was called Maurus, others Dionethus, or Dionatus, or Dioni∣cus: the Husband she was to marry, some say, was King of

Little-Brittain, and one calls him Aetherius, another Holofernes, and a third Conanus. Now in her company they say there were only 11000 Ladies and Gentlewomen, all Virgins, others say there were 60000 Country Maidens over and above: besides, there were di∣vers Bishops, and Lords temporal, who accompanied them; yea, Cyriacus the Pope of Rome, like a good fellow, and a Trusty Trojan, left his Papacy, and followed these Pilgrims, as some say, though o∣thers deny it. For some say they went in pilgrimage to Rome, though others do not hold that probable: some say they were martyred on the Sea-coast; some say before the Gates of Colen. Lastly, some say that if any be buried in St. Ʋrsula's Church, though they be Infants newly baptized, the ground will cast them up again; though others say

that that is a tale of a Tub, and others say it is as damn'd a lye as e're was hatcht.

But to proceed, our Adver∣saries do say, that Athens was ut∣terly destroyed at that time, when it was storied John English, after∣wards Pope Joan travel'd thither, as a Trickery Mate with her lear∣ned Companion, to study Arts and Sciences. I utterly deny it, for Paulusk 1.142 Aemilius writes, that Gotefridus was made Duke of Athens, and Prince of Achaia about the year 1220, and afterwards that certain Pirates invading the Country of Greece, slew the Duke of Athens, who was of the house of Brennas, and took the City. In like manner we read inl 1.143 Mat. Paris, that Johannes de Basing-stocks, Arch-Deacon of Legria, who died in the year 1252. studied at Athens, and that there he learned many things unknown to the We∣stern

Churches. Besides Aeneas Sylvus, who lived since that, doth justify that in his time Athens was not totally demolished, but car∣ried the shew of a pr••tty Town. For Civitas Atheniensis (quoth he) quondam nobilissima fuit, &c. eadem nostro tempore parvi oppidi speciem g••rit. So that the exception afore∣said, doth no way prejudice the truth of this Story.

Having driven them from this poor Sconce, this slender shelter, I shall pursue them to another, which is grounded on what C. Bel∣larmin writes, That there were no Schools for learning at that time, neither in Athens, nor any part of Graecia, (saith he)m 1.144 Constat eo tempore neque Athenis neque usquam alibi in Graecia fuisse ulla Gymnasia literarum. This he endeavours to prove, first by Synesius, who lived a little after St. Basil, and Nazi∣anzens time, whon 1.145 writ to his

Brother, that Athens retained only the bare name of an University. And secondly, he makes use of Zonoras and Cedrenus to back the former, who record, that in the sole Reign of Michael the Empe∣rour, about the year 856, Bernar∣dus Caesar restored Learning, Cum usque ad illud tempus per annos plu∣rimos ita fuissent extincta omnia stu∣dia sapientia in Graecia, ut ne vesti∣gium quidem ullum extaret.

And doth this import think you, that in Synesiius his opinion there was no Ʋniversity at Athens: I am of the opinion that Synesius meant thereby, that Athens was an Ʋniver∣sity, though nothing near so famous and flourishing as heretofore, Questionelss wheno 1.146 St. Bernard writ, that Peter Abailard had no∣thing of a Monk, but the name, and the Cowl, his meaning was not that Peter was no Monk, but a sory one. And I am the rather

induced to understand the words of Synesius to be so: because A∣thens in St, Basils time (about some 40 years before Synesius) was held the Mother of Learning, and in regard therof called Gol∣den Athens by Greg.q 1.147 Nazianzen. For who can think in so few years, Learning should quite be quench∣ed, and that so famous an Ʋniver∣sity should in so short a time be utterly decayed; but suppose there was no Ʋniversity in Athens in Sy∣nesius his time: what is that to prove there was no Ʋniversity in Pope Joans time at Athens, which was 400 years after? That Ʋniver∣sity might revive, and get new Life in so many years; as it did: for two years after Synesius his time, Boethius went to study at Athens, teste Baronio, adding further that the study of Philosophy was re∣vived there in those days.* 1.148

As for Cedrenus, and Zonorus, Bellarmin wrongs them both in bringing them in to witness, that there were no Schools in any part of Graecia in Pope Joans times. For they say no more, but that Learn∣ing was not regarded a long time before Bardus Caesar: they do not say that it was quite extinct, but almost: Philosophia neglecta jacebat, ac propè omnino extincta erat, ut ne scintilla quidem ejus apparet. Bar∣dus Caesar added Life to it by erect∣ing Schools for all the Liberal Scien∣ces and appointing Publick Professors, and giving them stipends out of the Exchequer, as Cedrenus and Zo∣noras do writ; but certainly he raised it not up simply to Life; for had it been stark dead, how could he so suddainly have gotten Pro∣fessors to furnish his Schools? We may read in Zonoras, that at the same time there was a matchless Philosopher called Leo who stu∣died

at Constantinople, and had to his Scholars many skilful Mathe∣maticians. Moreover it cannot be denyed, that about the year 680 there was kept a General Council at Constantinople, wherein there were many eminent Bishops of Greece, and among the rest ther 1.149 Bishop of Athens. There was a∣nother Council kept at Nice, and 100 years after, viz. about the 780 at which there were more Bishops of Greece, than at the former. There was a third Council held at Constantinople which did exceed in number either of the former two, about the yeart 1.150 870: and how is it credible so many Coun∣cils consisting of many Bishops should be kept in Greece, and yet Greece utterly without Learning.

Now as these abusers of truth deny that there was any Learning at that time in Greece, so they will not allow that there was any* 1.151

open Profession of Learning in those days in Rome, because they will gainsay the truth of Pope Joans going thither, and that as she pro∣fessed publickly all manner of Learning, whereby the greatest Doctors there became her Scho∣lars, so she preached, and won∣derfully ingaged the Ears, and Hearts of her Auditors.

u 1.152History makes appear, that Ina (one of our Saxon Kings) did build a School in Rome a little be∣fore the days of Pope Joan in the year 727, to this end, that the Kings of England, and their Chil∣dren, the Bishops, Priests, and the rest of the Clergy might re∣pair thither to be instructed in the Catholick faith, and afterwards return home, which School flou∣rished in the raign of Kingx 1.153 Offa which was in the year 795, and continued at least till Alfred's time. For we Read, that Marinus, who

was Pope in the year 883, freed it from all payments at the request of Alfred. Now is it likely that such a School was built, and main∣tain'd for such a purpose, where no Learning was publickly profess∣ed? Moreover we read of ma∣ny other Schools kept in the same City, in the time of Steven the 6, in the year 885. For all the Schools in Rome with alacrity concurred, and brought Steven the sixth to the Palace of Lateran, and Stephen was troubled, he had not wherewith to gratify them: thus saith Anastasius in the Life of this Pope; and is it reason to believe these Schools were without Ma∣sters, Readers, and Professors?

But now it is time to introduce that which Cardinal Baronius thinks will knock 'ith' head and bury this story in perpetual oblivion; and that is thus; saith he, if Leo the fourth lived to the year 855, then Marianus Scotus, the first promoter

of this story, told a manifest untruth, in reporting that this Joan was chosen Pope in the year 853; for by his confession she succeeded Leo the 4, but Leo the 4 lived to the year 855; Ergo Marianus Scotus lyes, &c. Anno octingentessimo quinquagesimo tertio, Leo Papa, obiit Kalend. Au∣gusti; huic success it Johanna Mulier annis duobus, mensibus quinque, die∣bus quatuor. In the year 853 Leo the Pope died on the Kalends of Au∣gust, and Joan the woman succeeded af∣ter him for the space of two years, five months, and four days.

You may see the falacy of this Cardinal; for these are not Mari∣anus words, for he sets not down the year precisely, but in numeral figures in the Margent. And it is plain by conference of years, that he meant to note out the 855 for her entrance, and not the 853. For Benedict the 3. who succeeded her, entred not by his account till the year 857; now if she had entied* 1.154

in 853, she had been Pope 4 years, or there abouts: whereas he plain∣ly notes, that she was Pope but two years, five months, and four days. Secondly, it is plain by Ma∣rianus Scotus, that Sergius the 2 began his Popedom in the year 844 and sate 3 years; and it is as plain, that Leo the 4, next successor to Sergius, began his in the year 847, and sate 8 years; now add these three odd sums to 840, and the pro∣duct will be 855, so that whosoe∣ver succeeded Leo the 4, must be∣gin in the year 855, and that was Joan the Woman Pope in Marianus his opinion.

z 1.155Florimondus would make us believe, that the Moon is made of a Green Cheese; for, (says he) we read nothing in History of her reforming the Church; of her de∣termining of causes, and questions usually proposed by Bishops to them that are Popes; of any in∣tercourse,

or affairs that she had with King, or Emperour; where∣fore certainly, had there been any such Joan a Pope, her actions, as well as her bare name would have been registred by Historians.

He might as well question, whe∣ther there ever was an Anastasius the third, who sate two years, and upward, and yet no Historian tells what he did in that affair; only Platina writes, he acted nothing worth commemoration. We read of no great matter done by Leo the seventh, who sate 3 years 6 months, and was as very a Drone as the other, for any thing we read; he neither reformed the Church, nor resolved any Bishop his doubts, nor intermedled with the affairs of Princes; and whereas the Author aforesaid may pretend, that in that age wherein Pope Joan li∣ved, there was great controversies between the East and Western* 1.156

Church, that in it many Princes and Emperours reigned, who were as much signalized for their virtue, as royal dignity: that in it many men of great learning lived, and there∣fore if there had been any such monster then, they could not have past her by in silence. No more they did, as I have already pro∣ved, neither was there more va∣riety of matter fell out in that age, than ordinary; though some would have us believe, that between the Eastern and Western Churches, there was a great controversy, and con∣tention about Images, and that ma∣ny Councils were held, &c. this is a positive untruth; for all stories testify, that the difference between those two Churches about Images, began in the former ages; and that though they continued some few years after the year 800. yet there was no talk of that matter for di∣verse years before Pope Joans days.

And as for the Learned men of that age, Baronius gives an account of them; qui sciret tantum Gram∣maticam isto seculo rudi, Doc••••ssimus habebatur. These went for learn∣ed men in that age, who were but bare Grammarians: and there∣fore were they never so many, Pope Joans acts might pass un∣written.

If any conjecture that this Pope Joan did never inaugure, and crown Dukes, Princes, Kings, or Emperors, I may answer, did e∣very Pope inaugure, and crown them, and though our Antagonists say, that in that age the Empe∣rours themselves had such a reve∣rend esteem of the Roman Popes, that they would not undertake the rule, and government of their peo∣ple, except they gave them their consent, and crowned them; and for proof of this they alledg, that Adrian the first baptized two Sons* 1.157

of Charles the great, and after that anointed them Kings.

This is easily answer'd, for this happened in the year 781, asc 1.158 Ba∣ronius observes and not in that age wherein Pope Joan lived. It is not to be imagin'd that every Pope in that age inaugured some Dukes, Princes, Kings, or Emperours; for we do not find that Eugenius the Second in the year 824; Valenti∣nus in 827; Gregory the 4 who succeeded him; Sergius the 2 in 844, or Pope Leo the 4, who sate in the year 847 inaugured, or crowned any of them, but this Pope last mention'd, who anointed Alfred, the youngest Son of Athel∣wulsus King of England which assi∣sted him not, nor further'd him to the attaining of the Kingdom; for till the Death of his three Elder Brethren, notwithstanding the Popes anointing, he lived like a Subject, not like a King, wherefore

though Pope Joan inaugur'd, or crowned no such Persons, it must not thereupon be concluded, there was no Pope Ioan. But this we read, that contulit sacros ordines, pro∣movit Episcopos, ministravit Sacra∣menta, caeteraque Romanorum Pon∣tificum exercuit munera; she gave Orders, she made Bishops, she ad∣ministred the Sacraments, and performed all other offices belong∣ing to the Papacy; this truth is testifyed not only by Iohn Bal••, but byd 1.159 Cornelius Agrippa, a man highly commended bye 1.160 Leo the 10, and in a Book of his solemnly pri∣viledged by Charles the 5.

And let me not forget to answer one grand objection more, which the Papists alledge against the truth of this story; Ratio i••••l••••tabilis, saith Genebrard in his Chronology, and this is it.f 1.161 About 170 years after this invented fabulous election of Pope Ioan, in the year of our Lord

1020, the Church, and the Patri∣arch, of Constantinople being in some contention with Rome, Leo the 9 wrote a Letter to Michael the Patriarch of Constantinople re∣prehending certain abuses of that Church, and among others that they were said to have promoted Eunuchs to Priesthood, and there∣by also a greater inconvenience fallen out, that a woman had craf∣tily crept in to be a Patriarch. Now no doubt (say they) Leo would never have durst to write thus, if the Patriarch might have returned the matter back upon him again, and said, this was but a slanderous report, falsly raised a∣gainst the Church of Constantinople▪ but that a woman indeed had been promoted in the Roman Church.

This argument is very weak in my judgment, for any to presume in this, that Leo would never object that against Constantinople, whereof

Rome it self might be convinced; to prove this no unanswearable ar∣gument, it is usual for the Papists to object that against others, whereof they themselves stand most guilty; and with the Proverb, cry Whore first. How do they exclaim against the Clergy of England for want of Continency? and yet is it not well known, how their Priests, and Monks, likeg 1.162 fed horses, have nei∣ghed after their Neighbours Wives, and their Nuns have opened their feet (to use theh 1.163 Prophets phrase when he speaketh of such like Light-skirts) to every one that pas∣sed by, and have multiplied their Whoredoms. Taceo de fornicatio∣nibus, et adulteriis a quibus qui alieni sunt, probro caeteris ac ludibrio esse solent Spadonesque, aut Sodomitae ap∣pellantur, saithi 1.164 Nich. Clemangis, speaking of the Romish Priests. I say nothing of your Priests fornica∣tions, and adulteries, from which

crimes, if any man be free, he is made a laughing stock to the rest, and either called an Eunuch or a Sodomite.

Laici usque adeo persuasum ha∣bent nullos caelibes esse, ut in plerisque parochiis non alitervelint Presbyterum tolerare, nisi Concubinam habeat: quovel sic suis sit consultum uxoribus, quae ne sic quidem usquequaque sunt extra periculum, saith the same man. The Lay people are so convinced of the incontinence of all Priests, that, willingly they would not ad∣mit of a Parish Priest, unless he have a Whore of his own, that so they might preserve the Chastity of their own Wives; and yet fall short of their expectations, by reason of the leachery of the Priests.

Fornicantur complures Monialium cum suis Praelatis, ac Monachis, et conversis, et in Monasteriis plures parturiunt filios, et filias quos ab iis∣dem Praelatis Monachis et Conversis

fornicarie, seu ex incestuoso coitu con∣ceperunt, saith Theodoricus de Niem, Secretary to Pope Ʋrban the 6, thus proceeding, et quod miserandum est nonnullae ex hujusmodi Moniali∣bus aliquos foetus earum mortificant, infantes in lucem editos trucidant, &c. Nuns commited fornication with Bishops, Monks, and Converts, and are delivered of sons and daughters within their Monasteries, which were got by those Persons Fornica∣tor-like, if not incestuously; and which is most to be lamented, very many of these Nuns by internal re∣ceptions destroy the fruit of their womb; and many kill them after they are born.

k 1.165Quid obsecro aliud sunt hoc tem∣pore pu••llarum Monasteria, nisi quae∣dam Veneris execranda prostibula & Iasoivorum, et impudicorum juvenum ad libidines explendas receptacula? ut idem sit bodie puellam velare, quod & publice ad scortandum exponere?

what are Nunneries I pray now, but cursed Stews, and Meeting-places for wanton, and shameless youth to satisfy their lusts in? So that now it is all one to make a Wench a Nun, and to make her a Whore.

l 1.166Johannes Cremensis, a Romish Cardinal, held a Council at Lon∣don in the year 1125, wherein he inveighed bitterly against such Priests, as kept Concubines, say∣ing, summum scelus esse a latere me∣retricis ad corpus Christi conficien∣dum surgere; it was a damnable sin for a Priest to arise from the side of a Whore, and go and administer the Body of Christ; yet he himself loved a Whore with all his heart; for we may read in our English Stories, ipse cum eodem die Corpus Christi confecisset cum meretrice post vesperam interceptus est; he him∣self was taken with a Whore the same night after he had said Mass, ipso facto.

Again, they condemn us of ignorance, saying, we dare not dispute with them in matter of Re∣ligion, and if any of us are so con∣fident, we are easily baffled, being not able to produce so many argu∣ments in our own defence as ourm 1.167 Adversaries do for us, applaud∣ing themselves, and debasing us, and yet it is easy to prove that their Priests, and Monks are generally like the threescore thousandn 1.168 Ni∣nivites, who had not so much wit as to discern between their left hand, and their right.

Videas admitti in Sacerdotium caeterosque sacros ordines homines i∣diotas & illiteratos, &c. saith Cle∣mangis, speaking of the ignorance of the Romish Clergy, thou maist see ignorant and illiterate persons advanced to the Priest-hood and other holy orders, which can hardly read; and farther complains; how many are there now adays preferr∣ed

to Bishopricks, who so much as cursorily have neither read, or heard, or learned the holy Scriptures: and saitho 1.169 Duarenus, Hoc saeculo Epis∣copatus & Sacerdotia indoctissimis hominibus, & a religione alienis de∣ferri solent— hodie Episcopi nostri (paucis exceptis) sacrarum literarum scientia caeteris ex populo longe infe∣riores sunt. In this age Bishopricks and Personages are bestowed on most unlearned and irreligious men, &c. and saith,p 1.170 Aeneas Syl∣vius, pudeat Italiae sacerdotes, quos ne semel quidem legisse constat novam L••gem. It is a shame to Italy that her Priests never read over the New Testament: and as another says, Ecclesiarum regimina minus dignis (Romae videlice••) committuntur qui ad Malos magis quam homines pa∣scendos & regendos essent idonei, that the government of the Churches even at Rome, is com∣mited to unworthy Persons, who

are fitter to look to the keeping of Mules than Men.

q 1.171Clemangis speaking of the Ro∣man Worthies, saith, Siquis desidi∣osus est, siquis a labore abhorrens si∣quis in otio luxuriari volens ad sacer∣dotium convolat: quo adepto, se sta∣tim caeteris sacerdotibus adjungit, qui magis secundum Epicurum, quam se∣cundum Christum viventes & cau∣ponulas seduli frequentantes, potan∣do commessando, pransitando convi∣vando cum tessaris & pilo ludendo tempora tota consumunt, &c. If there be any lazie fellow, one that will not work, but indulge his sen∣ses he is restless till he is be-priest∣ed, and when he is made one, and hath gotten a Benefice, he consorts with his fellow Priests as sensual as himself, and then he and they live more like Epicures than Chri∣stians; Drinking, Eating, Revel∣ing, Playing, Damming and being tippled, Swear and Fight, whilst

others as they come reaking hot from filthy carnal satisfactions, ad∣dress themselves to the Holy Al∣tar.

Asciscuntur nunc (saithr 1.172 Platina) non modo servi & vulgo concepti ac nati verum etiam flagitioso quoque geniti. Now adays not only Ser∣vants and vulgar Persons are ad∣mited to be of the Clergy, but e∣very vile fellow, and the brats of such like Persons.

And saiths 1.173 Lindan, ex Aulicis per∣ditissimus & quod omni aetate fuit post Christi annorum memoriam in∣auditam ex militibus deploratissimis iis{que} sanguinariis Dei loco ad Ecclesiae collocantur; imo repente intruduntur gubernacula quid quod puerilis & a∣dolescentulis creduntur haec tractanda. The worst of Courtiers forlorn and bloody Soldiers (a thing never heard of before among Christians) are all on a suddain thrust in upon the Church to manage it in Gods

stead, yea, Boys and youngsters are made Bishops and Prelates in the Church.

As the Papists tax us with igno∣race, so they do with falsehood, of which they themselves are most guilty. For instancet 1.174 Agatho a Pope avoucheth, that the Roman Church never swarved from the tradition of the Apostles, that she never gave Ear to novelties, that the Popes Predecessors had ever boldly strengthened their Brethren accor∣ding to Christs commandment to Peter; for proof hereof, he appeals to all the world. In like manner Pope Nicolas boasts, that none of the Popes was ever suspected to have held an errour; and Victor was supposed to have held, that Christ was pure man and not God, which is attested byx 1.175 Eusebius: Zepherinus* 1.176 was suspected of Montanism, so saithy 1.177 Tertullian: Marcellinus sacri∣ficed to Idols according toz 1.178 Dama∣sus

his report, and acknowledged by Bellarmin, though denyed in part by Baronius: Liberius subscribed to the Arian heresy, so say ••••hanasius, Jerome and Sozomen, and to be short, that Honorius the first was a Monothelite, and for that condemn∣ed by name in the sixth and seventh general Councils. From hence I ga∣ther, that Pope Agatho was not In∣fallible in his judgment, neither am I apt to believe that the Sons of that Church are less fallible. It is not their bare saying that this is so and that not so, but the proof they pro∣duce must be consider'd, according to validity.

And now the Papists, not know∣ing hardly what to say for them∣selves, suggest this,a 1.179 that though men at that time had been so far be∣witched or mope-eyed, as not to distinguish a man from a woman, yet God himself, who appointed and ordained the Seat of Peter to be

the rule and direction of the whole Church, should never have depart∣ed so far from his merciful provi∣dence, as to suffer the same to be poluted by a woman incapacita∣ted for holy orders, and a Puttana Errant•• to boot.

I would willingly understand why might not the Almighty suf∣fer that Church to be polluted by a Woman, as by so many Mon∣sters and Beasts of Me••, as seve∣ral Pontificial Writers have dis∣covered, who ingeniously, rather than they would prejudice, have confessed the wild actions of their brethren to their everlasting shame and infamy. Why might she not fit there as well asb 1.180 Sabinian, whom though a Pope, I must call by reason of his exorbitant wicked life; I cannot call that miscreant by a name bad enough, and as he lived sinfully, he died fearfully. VVhy might she not sit there as

well as Stephen the 6, who dig'd up the Carkass of Pope Formosus his Predecessor, and as if living, had it arraign'd before a Council of Bishops, and condemn'd, &c. as I have afore recited. VVhy might She not sit there as well asc 1.181 Boniface the seventh, who rob∣bed St. Peters Church, and fled for a time to Constantinople, who after∣wards by Simony, and the Mur∣ther of two Popes, got into the Papacy, who in mischief, excelled all the Russins and Bandities of his time for cruelty, and for the Ruin of his Country Sylla and Cataline come short of him. Thus muchd 1.182 Baronius confesseth, and at length as he lived like a Brute, so he dyed like a Beast; these are his words, Bonifacius 7 annumerandus inter Fa∣mosos latrones & potentissimos grassa∣tores atque patriae proditores Syllas & Catalinas horumque similes quosomnes superavit sacrilegus iste turpissima

nece duorum Pontisicum. And why might she not sit there as well as Sylvester the 2 that famous Con∣jurer, who gave himself both body and Soul to the Devil, that he might get the Popedom, and whilst living was hurryed away whither no mor∣tal ever yet could tell. Platina, in his Lives of the Popes, writes thus of him, that ambitione & diabolica dominandi cupiditate impulsus, largi∣tione primo quidem Archiep••scopatum Rhemensem inde Ravennatem a∣deptus Pontificatum, postremo majore conatu adjuvante Diabolo consequu∣tus est hac tamen lege ut post mortem totus illius esset cujus fraudibus tantam dignitate adep us erat: Sylvester the 2, being damnable ambitious, got first by bribery the Arch Bishop∣rick of Rhemes, then that of Raven∣na, and after that by the Devils help, the Bishoprick of Rome, yet upon this condition, that when he dyed he should be wholly his, by

whose means he had attained such dignity: Sigibert confesseth in a manner the same thing, for he saith, non per ostium intrare creditur, he got the Popedom by indirect course, for a quibusdam Negroman∣tiae arguitur, he was suspected of Negromancy; the like is affirmed by Cardinale 1.183 Benno, byf 1.184 Mar∣tinus Polonus, byg 1.185 Stella a Venetian, byh 1.186 Philippus Bergomensis, byi 1.187 Ranulfus Cestrensis, by Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis, by Fasciculus Temporum, by Charanza, and by Aeneas Sylvius.

William of Malmsbury, having related the same Story in effect with the above named Writers, supposeth that some might reply, this is but a made Tale, Sed haec vulgata ficta crederet, aliquis eo quod solet Populus literatorum famam lae∣dere dicens illum, loqui cum Daemone quem in aliquo viderint excellentem opere; because the common peo∣ple

are wont to say, that Scho∣lars, who are singular or excellent in any thing, are cunning men, or deal with the Devil; yet he con∣cludes, that he believes it for true, for mihi vero fidem facit de istius sacrilegio inaudita mortis excogitatio,k 1.188 saith he, I am verily perswa∣ded Sylvester was such a Villain, because of the strangeness of his death, Nam curse moriens excar∣nificaret ipse sui corpor is horrendus Lanista nisi novi sceleris conscius esset? For why should the But∣cherly fellow have torn his own flesh as he did, but that he was guilty of some strange sin.

To proceed, why might not Pope Joan sit in the Papal Chair as well as Benedict the ninth tha•• ugly Monster, as Platina calls him, Teterrimum Monstrum, who got the Popedom when he was 12 years old,l 1.189 who when he was cast out for his unworthiness by strong hand,

got it again within few dayes after, and for fear he could not keep it long, sold it to another for mony: who after his Death appeared partly like an Ass, partly like a Bear, confessing that he carried such a shape, because he lived so much like a Beast in his life.

Why might she not sit in St. Peters Chair as well asm 1.190 Boniface the eight, who when according to custome, on Ash-Wednesday, when he should have laid ashes upon an Arch-bishops head, and religi∣ously told him, that he was but Ashes, and should return to Ashes, he cast them in the Arch-Bishops face and eyes, malitiously telling him, that he was a Gibelline, and that he should dye with the Gi∣bellines; of whom Caelestinus his Predecessor, a man famous as they say for Miracles,n 1.191 professed that as he entred life a Fox, he should reign like a Lyon, and die like a

dog, which fell out accordingly.

Why might she not sit there as well as Gregory the 7, commonly known by the name of Hildebrand, who set theo 1.192 Church and Com∣monwealth on fire; who hired a villain to tumble down great stones from the Battlements of a Church upon the Emperours head, to squeeze him to pieces, whilst he was at prayers, as Cardinal Benno reports, who cast the Sacra∣ment into the fire, who usually carryed about him a Conjuring-book; who soundly basted his Predecessor Alexander; who wre∣sted the Scriptures to cover his lewdness:p 1.193 who at his death con∣fessed, that the Devil set him on work to provoke God to wrath a∣gainst the World.

Why might she not sit there as well as John the 23. (Onuph. Ap∣pendix 24,) who was fitter for the Camp than for the Church; for

Profaneness, than for Piety; as knowing no Faith, no Religion at all; who openly professed that there was no life after this, (—post mortem nulla voluptas) but that it was with Men as with Beasts: who, in a word, lived so scandalously, that he was com∣monly called the Devil Incar∣nate.

Why might she not sit there as well as John the 12.q 1.194 who made Deacons in a Stable, who made a Boy of ten years old a Bishop; who made the Lateran a common Bawdy-house; who drank to the Devil; who, when he was at Prayers, invoked Jupiter and Ve∣nus, and other Idolatrous Gods of the Heathens, who at length was slain even by the Devil him∣self, whilst he was committing Adultery, as I said before. If it cannot be denyed that God hath suffer'd these and as many as wick∣ed

as any of these (except the last recited) to seat themselves in St. Peters Chair, we need not wonder withr 1.195 Antonius at the story of Pope Joan, and say, oh the depth of the Wisdome of God, how incredi∣ble are his judgments! &c.

And now let me ask any Roma∣nist this question: how should this tale of Pope Joan arise if there had not been such a Pope; Was there ever such a Smoak and no fire; such a report, and no Proba∣bility: To this some Romanists do say, that great lyes do always arise out of some Truth: omnia insignia mendacia ab aliqua veritate originem habent, saith Onuphrius in his notes on Platina in the Life of Pope Joan, and so did this, confes∣sing that John the twelfth was a Whore-master, and among other of his Bona Roba's, or Wenches that he kept, there was one called Joan, who was all in all with him,

and ruled the roast. Now the peo∣ple perceiving what interest she had in, and power over him, con∣temning him, gave her the appel∣lation of Pope. Whereupon the Churches enimies took occasion to slander the Church, as though the Church had (indeed) a woman Pope. And thiss 1.196 Onuphri∣us proves out of Luitprandus Tici∣nensis a Writer of that Age, who affirms, that John the 12 had three famous Strapping Whores, of whom the handsomest, and conse∣quently the best beloved, was cal∣led Joan. In answer hereunto, I read int 1.197 Luitprandus, in the place cited by Onuphrius, that John the 12 kept one eminent whore whom he called Raynera, whom he made Governour of many Cities, and on whom he bestowed many Golden Crosses, and Chalices belonging to St. Peter, and relates further, that he kept another cal∣led

Stephana, and that he debauch∣ed and vitiated marryed wives, widows, and Maidens, who came to visit the Apostolical Churches, and withal writes, that he kept a third called Anna, who was a wi∣dow, and not so, but kept her Neece to boot; making the Pa∣lace Lateran no better than a Baw∣dy-house, but he nowhere menti∣ons any Joan, on whom that con∣tinent and worthy head of the Ro∣mish Church John the 12 doted. Onuphrius, I suppose, wanting Spe∣ctacles mistook Joanna for Anna.

I but say some, John the 9 was made Bishop of Bonony, then of Ravena, and at last Pope of Rome, by the means of one Theodora a very famous Whore, who in those days, at Rome over-ruled all af∣fairs Ecclesiastical or Political. Now it being generally observed how prevalent this Theodora was with this John, and howmuch a

slave he was to all her Humours and commands, he was concluded to have deserved rather the name of a woman than a man, and there∣fore called him Joan, not John; and upon this account arose the report of a Pope Joan; and to back this assertion,u 1.198 Aventinus a Ger∣mane is produced; but Genebrard, who is a profest rigid Papist, dif∣fers in opinion; for saith he, Aven∣tinus lib. 4. Annal. fabullam esse as∣serit a Theodora nobili scorto ortam; ego vero a recentioribus adulatoribus in Romanae sedis odium; that is A∣ventinus holdeth that this tale arose by reason of a noble Whore called Theodora; but I think some later sycophantising Parasyts of the Em∣perors, invented this story, to dis∣credit the Papal seat: I know not but that Genebrard may be as au∣thentick as Aventinus, since he spentx 1.199 10 whole years upon his Chro∣nicle.

Besides, suppose we allow that John who was first Bishop of Bono∣ny, then of Ravenna, and lastly of Rome, came to those Bishopricks by the means of Theodora a famous Whore; in respect whereof, Car∣dinal Baronius questions whether he was a Pope or not, and terms him sometimesy 1.200 Pseudopontifex, and Anti-papa, a false Pope, and Anti-pope,z 1.201 sometimes intrusor & detentor injustus Apostolicae sedis; an intruder and an Usuper of the Apostolical chaire; yet I deny that this was John the 9, but John the 10: John the 9 took no indi∣rect courses to gain the Papacy, but lawfully and honestly, and died naturally, as the saida 1.202 Cardinal reports: but so did not this;b 1.203 This confirmed a Child under five years of age in the Arch-Bishoprick of Rhemes, at which fact Baronius stands amazed, and could not for∣bear saying; than thisc 1.204 turpior

nullus cujus sicut ingressus in Cathe∣dram Petri infamissimus, ita & ex∣itus nefandissimus: there was never a filthier fellow than this. This entred with infamy and dyed fear∣fully: this was stifled with a pillow by the procurement of one as fa∣mous for Whoredom as Theodora who preserved him.

Now suppose he was John the ninth; if his loose carriage with Theodora gave occasion of the re∣port of a Woman Pope, why was it not recorded, as hapning in his time, but above forty years before his time; John the ninth was constituted Pope in the year 901, yet this story is recorded as hap∣ning about the year 854, to this the Romanists reply, that this came to pass by the subtlety of the repor∣ters, for sayd 1.205 they, about the year 800, the Empress, who in a man∣ner ruled all the world, was cal∣led Theodora. Now these trifling

Tale-tellers (to use their own words) hearing of a Pope Joan in Theodoras time, chopt it into the time of Theodora the Empress, who lived about thirty years before Theodora the Harlot.

I do think this rather argues simplicity than subtlety in the Re∣porters; for Cui bono, whether it hapned in the one or the other Theodoras time? But it carries no colour of truth with it; for Theo∣dora the Empress never carried a∣ny sway in Rome at all. At Con∣stantinople for a while, in the time of her Sons minority, she had great power:e 1.206 but in Pope Joans time she was turned out of office or de∣vested of that Power she had as∣sumed in Constantinople, nay, she was deposed of her regency, and thrust into a Monastery where she was deteined till the Expiration of her life.

Now, since this fallacy will stand them in no stead, they imagin this tale, as they call it, arose from John the 8, for John the 8, say they be∣hav'd himself not like a man to Photius Patriarch of Constantinople, but sheepishly, and like a woman; for he received Photius into Com∣munion, who was excommunica∣ted by his Predecessors. John the 8, suffer'd himself to be overcome by half a man, whereupon, in re∣proach, he was called, not Papa sed Papissa, and this they farther on Baronius, of which he writes in his Annals; but how justly let any judge, since he is one of those who affirm that the rumour of the Church of Constantinoples oversight, in suffering a woman to creep in to be Patriarch, occasioned this tale against Rome, according to his own words, quae ita erant fama vulgata de Ecclesia Constantinop. conversa in Romanā Ecclesiā a schismatibus ••a••

odio prosequentibas, & calumniis pro∣scindentibus quis non intelligat, saith Baronius in his Annals, who is he so ignorant, that understands not that what was reported of Constan∣tinople, the same was turned by Schismaticks as spoken against Rome.

With what honesty can he affirm both, sincef 1.207 he acknowledgeth if there had been but some flying tale of any such accident at Rome in former days, Pope Leo should first have cleared it before he had charged the Church of Constanti∣nople with the like. And was there not such a flying report of a woman Pope before Leo the 9 his time, in Baronius time? How then did John the 8 occasion such a report who lived 140 years before Leo.

Many more objections I could here insert, and answer, but that I think I have produced enough

already to convince any man un∣biassed, of the reality and the truth of this Story, that there was a Pope Joan. But suppose this Story to be true, what prejudice is this to the Church of Rome? Yes, very much, for if she was Pope, then it will necessarily follow, that the Roman Church once hopt head∣less; for the Church according tog 1.208 Bellarmin, is defined to be a com∣pany of Christian-men professing one Faith, under one head, to wit, the Pope: but she, however she carried the name of Pope, was no Pope:h 1.209 for a Woman is not capable of Holy Orders: where∣fore a Woman cannot play the Pope; therefore all the time of Pope Joan, the Church hopt head∣less.

The Papists do acknowledge this for a great inconvenience, that the Church should lack a true Head for the time, but that's not

so great a matter cry they: for so she doth when any Pope dieth, till another be chosen. If this be granted, what a pittiful case is the Church in then? Since Christs time above 250 Popes, and by consequence, then the Church hath been headless 250 times, yea and sometimes between the death of one Pope, and the choosing of another, there have passed many days, many months, and some years, as you may read in History, and particularly Bodin, that after Faelix, sometimes Duke of Savoy, St. Peters Chair stood empty Ten years. Now, if the Church be headless, where lies her understan∣ding; what shall guide her when she is bereaved of her Head?

But let us weigh another obje∣ction, did not (say they) St. Austin hold this opinion upon supposition of a like case, that the Church of Christ should not be prejudiced?

Did notk 1.210 he, having recited the Popes Names from the time of Christ to his days, make this de∣mand? VVhat if any Judas or Traytor had entered among these, or been chosen by the Errour of Men? and answereth presently, Non praejudicaret Ecclesiae, & inno∣centibus Christianis. According to the body of the Popish Doctrine this must be denyed: for the Pa∣pists hold that the Pope is head of the Church, and that it is necessary to salvation to acknowledg him the head; but so did not St. Austin. The Papists hold that in a true Church, one Bishop must lawful∣ly succeed another, or all is dasht out; but so did not St. Au∣stin: for he puts the case, that some Traytor suprepsisset, that is, had come in not orderly into the Bishop of Romes seat: and yet resolves that that was not prejudical to Gods Church. Let the Pa∣pist

conform himself in these two points of the Popes head-ship and succession to St. Austins judgment, and, then he may the better say in this case of Pope Joan, that which St. Austin said in the case propo∣sed; that she had not prejudiced the Church of Christ.

Now if it be true that there was a Pope Joan, the Church of Rome must be discarded as no true Church: for thus I argue, that is no true Church which cannot give in plain authentical writing, the lawful, orderly, entire, (without any breach) and sound sincere suc∣cession of Bishops: but your Church if Joan was Pope, cannot give in plain authentical writing the law∣ful, orderly, entire, &c. For by reason of her, Benedict the 3 could not orderly succeed Leo the 4; for she was a bar to his succession; by her a breach was made in the rank of Popes; and as she was

a notorious Whore, so she was no fool; as she shamefully baffled the Doctors with her learning, so she outwitted them with her policy, and sate in that seat which properly belong'd to men, to the confusion of the Romish Church and perpetual infamy of her Clergy.

Lastly, if it be granted there was such a Pope, then Popish Priests may well doubt of the lawfulness of their Mission, and Lay-Papists of the sufficiency of their absoluti∣ons which the Priests give them on auricular confession, and of the truth of the real presence and tran∣substantiation.l 1.211 For unless the Popish Priests be admited by a lawful Bishop, their Priesthood is insignificant and of no effect:m 1.212 unless Lay-Papists be absolved by a Lawful Priest, their absolution is nothing worth: andn 1.213 unless the words of Consecration be uttered by a lawful Priest, intent upon his

business, ther follows no substantial change in the Creatures of Bread and Wine. Now how can the Priests say they were inducted by lawful Bishops, or the Lay-man absolved by lawful Priests, or Masses said by them, seeing we read (as I said before) that Pope Joan gave orders, Pope Joan made Deacons, Priests, Bishops, and Abbots. For it may be well enough supposed that the Priests of this present age are descended from those who received orders from her. Her successors dealt not with her Shavelings, as Pope John the 12 did with Leo the 8 his Shavel∣ings.p 1.214 John the 12 degraded them all, and compelled every one of them to subscribe a Paper, where∣in was writ Episcopus meus (mean∣ing Leo the 8) nihil sibi habuit, nihil mihi dedit, he had naught for him self, and gave naught to me: but so did not Benedict the third with

Pope Joans. To what hath been said I know not what any Roma∣nist in any probability can reply, unless he say as Lawyers in the case of Barbarius Philippus, Communis error facit jus; yet that will not serve the turn, for though it may be so in matters of the Commonwealth, in matters of the Church it cannot be so; for an errour in the begin∣ing touching the Church, proves often an heresy in conclusion. In matters of the Church prescripti∣on adds no credit to actions of e∣vil beginning.

FINIS.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Supplement Chron. lib. 11. ad Anno 858. Impres. Vene∣tiis. An. 1486.
• b 1.2

  Vives de Instrument. probabilita∣tis.
• c 1.3

  Lib. 2. Re∣tract. cap. 18.
• d 1.4

  Fieri nequit ut Luthera∣nus, Jehen∣nam, evadat, ex externis ignibus eripi∣atur. Si men∣tior damner ipse cum Luci∣fero, saith Costerus, Resp. ad Re∣futat. Lucae Osiandri Proposit. 8. pag. ult.
• e 1.5

  Impudentis∣simè ficta, stultissimè credita. Fernartius de utilitate legendae hist. lib. 2. p. 105.
• f 1.6

  In Supple∣ment Chron. ad Annum 158.
• g 1.7

  De vitis Pontif. in vita Johan. 8.
• h 1.8

  Lib. de pri∣vilegiis & juribus Im∣perii.
• i 1.9

  Hist. a Je∣suitici Ordinis cap. 10. de Jesuitarum Patre & Matre.
• k 1.10

  De rebus Turcicis lib. 6. pag. 98.
• m 1.11

  Lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24.
• n 1.12

  N. D. in his Warnword to Sir. Fr. Ha∣stings encoun¦ter, cap. 2. fol. 30.
• o 1.13

  Part. 2. Moral. lib. de Iside & Osiride.
• p 1.14

  Lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 8.
• q 1.15

  For Naza∣rites must drink no Wine Numb. 6.3. yet our Savi∣our did, Mat. 11.19. and 26, 29.
• p 1.16

  Lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 11.
• t 1.17

  In Sum. Conc. p. 370. Edit. Paris, 1564.
• * 1.18

  Mitrop. l. 2. Edit. Colon. 1574. & Francof. 1590.
• u 1.19

  Achilles Gassarus, in Epit. Hist. &c. Antwerp 1536.
• a 1.20

  De dictis factisque me∣morabilibus lib. 8. cap. 3 Tit. de fae∣minis quae doctrinâ excel.
• b 1.21

  Ego Hart. Schedel, Doctor Pata∣vinus, &c. circa Anno 1440. f. 252.
• z 1.22

  Anthropolo∣gia lib. 22. pag. 503. edit. Basil. 1556.
• a 1.23

  Sabellicus vir undecun{que}; doctissimus claret hodiè apud venetos maximo in pretio. Trithe∣mius lib. de Script. Eccles.
• b 1.24

  Fasciculus Temp. aetate 6. ad annum 854.
• c 1.25

  Trithemius de Script. Ecclesiast.
• d 1.26

  Bernartius de utilitate Legendae, hist. lib. 2. p. 111.
• e 1.27

  Prooemio lib. de Vitis Pon∣tif. in Epistola ad Zistum. 4.
• f 1.28

  Apparet ea quae dixi ex his esse, qui fieri posse creduntur lib. 6. pag. 98.
• g 1.29

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad annum 853. num. 66. Quamvis apud Chalco∣condilum La∣tinè redditum ejusmodi fa∣bula reperitur esse descripta; non tamen ab ipso Authore positum scias sed ab Impo∣store Clausere fraudulenter appositum.
• i 1.30

  Gretser lib. 2. de jure, &c. prohib. lib. malos cap. 10.
• h 1.31

  Fidus Inter∣pres praeter∣mittere non ausus fuisset, si in Graeco Exemplari exeratum in∣venisset.
• k 1.32

  Chronogr. lib. 2.
• l 1.33

  Rational. Divin. Offic. lib. 2. de Mi∣nistris, &c.
• m 1.34

  De Privi∣legiis & juri∣bus Imperii.
• n 1.35

  Trithem. de Script. Eccles. & Possevinus in Apparatu Sacro verbo, Johan. Pari∣siensis.
• o 1.36

  De Pote∣state Regia & Papali.
• p 1.37

  Martinus Polonus fabu∣lis tantum ce∣lebris, caetero obscurus homo.
• q 1.38

  Archiep. Cofentinus & Paenitentiari∣us Papae. Pos∣sevi••. Appara∣tus sacer verbo Marti∣nus Polonus.
• r 1.39

  Ab omnibus honore habe∣batur & non sine opinione sanctitatis se∣pelitur, Tri∣themius de Script. Eccle∣siasticis.
• s 1.40

  Lib. 4. de•• Rom. Pont. cap. 24.
• t 1.41

  Lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. Cap. 13.
• u 1.42

  Annotat in lib. 2. Kran•• tii Metrop.
• x 1.43

  In chronico ad An. 184 Printed at Paris. 1513.
• y 1.44

  De Scripto∣ribus Ecclesi∣asticis Sigi∣bertus cum in Caenobio. 8. Vincentio Me∣tensi ad in∣struend. pue∣rosesser posi∣tus scripsit. Hist. lib.
• z 1.45

  Vergerius Annot. in Ca∣talog. haeret. Romae confla∣tum An. 1559 fol. 17.
• * 1.46

  ibid.
• * 1.47

  Bellonius obser: lib. 2. cap. 33.
• a 1.48

  Act. & Mo∣num. allegati∣ons against the 6. Arti∣cles, Pag. 1304. edit. 1570.
• b 1.49

  Index lib. prohib. per Clementem 8. de Correct. lib.
• c 1.50

  Joh. Nevi∣son Sylva Nuptialis. pag. 319.
• d 1.51

  Rerum Me∣morab. Parali∣pom. Hist. Abbat Ʋrsperg. annexa. pag. 394.
• e 1.52

  De sacris Ecclesiast. be∣nefic. ac Min. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• f 1.53

  Pisanus de Continentia cap. ii.
• g 1.54

  Duaremus de sac. Eccl. Min. lib. 1. cap. 2.
• h 1.55

  Onuph. An∣notat in Plat. de vitis Pon. tif. in vit. Gregorii 10.
• i 1.56

  Onuphr. ib.
• k 1.57

  Disput. su∣per mater. Conc. gen. quae habetur in Fasciculo Rerum. expe∣tend. Col. 15 35. fol. 21.
• l 1.58

  Sir. Ed∣ward Sands of the Religi∣on used in the West, pag. 91.
• m 1.59

  Lib. 2. de verbo dei cap. 16.
• n 1.60

  Quis est ille delirus▪ surdus & absurdus saith Innocent the fourth. Mat. Paris.
• o 1.61

  Ʋt vera fa∣teamur vera sunt quae dicit said the Car∣dinals, Mat. Paris. p 1192
• p 1.62

  Ibid. An. 1074.
• q 1.63

  In Hen. 1. ad An. 1125. pag. 93.
• r 1.64

  In Hen. 3. p. 617.
• s 1.65

  In Hen. 3. pag. 712. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1240.
• t 1.66

  In Hen. 3. p. 1089.
• u 1.67

  In Hen. 3. p. 1100.
• w 1.68

  Lib. 2. Chronogr.
• x 1.69

  Chronol. lib. 3.
• y 1.70

  Breviar. Rom. in offi∣cio exalt. S. Crucis.
• z 1.71

  Lib. de Rom. pontif. cap. 8
• a 1.72

  Proligom. 6 in Evangelia.
• b 1.73

  Annalium. tom. 10. ad annum. 964.
• c 1.74

  Lib. 4. de Roman. Pon∣tif. cap 9.
• d 1.75

  Invita Fae∣licis.
• e 1.76

  Chronol. lib. 3. ad annum. 368.
• f 1.77

  Platina in vita Da••asi 2. Polo••••s in Chronic. circa an. 1040.
• g 1.78

  Platina l••c•• citato.
• h 1.79

  Florimondus Cap. 22. p. 190.
• i 1.80

  In his Re∣joinder to Bi∣shop Jewel a∣bout the Mas•• p. 177.
• k 1.81

  Bell. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24.
• * 1.82

  l Anastas. de Vita Evarist.
• m 1.83

  Baron, An∣nal. tom. 2. ad annum. 121. Num. 1.
• n 1.84

  Baron. An∣nal. tom. 2. ad Anno 172. Num. 21..
• o 1.85

  Annastas. de vita Dio∣nysii▪
• p 1.86

  Bell. lib. 2. de Image cap. 10.
• q 1.87

  Bel. loco ci∣tato & Gret∣ser de Cruce lib. 2. cap. 1.
• r 1.88

  Lib. 1. Col∣lectan.
• s 1.89

  Baron An∣nal Tom. 1. ad An Christi. 31. Nu. 61.
• t 1.90

  Baron. An∣nal. Tom. 8. ad An. 594. Nu. 30.
• u 1.91

  Annotat. in Joh. 19.23. in Margine.
• x 1.92

  Ludolphus de vita Jesu. part. 2. cap. 63. p. 221. Coloss. 2.
• y 1.93

  Fascic. Temp. ad An. 844. Pol. Virg. de Re∣rum Invent. Stella de vitis Pont. in Ser∣gio. 2.
• z 1.94

  Anastas. de vit. Pont. in vita Higini.
• a 1.95

  Stella de vitis Pant. in vita Johan. 19.
• b 1.96

  Onuph. An∣not. in Plat. in vita Ʋrbani. 4.
• c 1.97

  Longius in Chron. ad An. 1316.
• d 1.98

  ibid.
• e 1.99

  Papyr. Mass. de urbis Epis∣cop. lib. 6. in Sixto 4.
• f 1.100

  Cicarellus in Vita Sixti 5.
• g 1.101

  Papyr. Mas. de Ʋrbis Epis. lib. 6. in Alex. 5.
• h 1.102

  Niem Ʋni∣onis Tract. 5. cap 39.
• i 1.103

  Masson. de Ʋrbis Episcop. in Boniface 9.
• k 1.104

  Glab. Radul. hist. lib. 5.
• l 1.105

  Paulus Lan∣gius in Chron, Citizense ad An. 1389.
• m 1.106

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad anno 955. num. 3.
• n 1.107

  Fascic. Temp. ad an. 904.
• o 1.108

  Sum. de Eccles. lib. 4. part. 1. c 9.
• p 1.109

  Platina in vita Anastasii 2.
• q 1.110

  Stella de Vit. Pont. ad annum 498.
• r 1.111

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad anno 974.
• s 1.112

  Turrecrema∣ta sum. de Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 103.
• t 1.113

  Metrop. lib. 5. cap. 1.
• u 1.114

  Chron. lib. 4. ad annum 1555.
• x 1.115

  In his De∣clarat. made at Vendome Jan. 28. 1601.
• y 1.116

  Pro barbis Sacerdotum, fol. 21. ad Card. Medicen Lond. Anno 1533.
• z 1.117

  Lib. 5. de Rebus Tur∣cicis.
• b 1.118

  Pet. de Na∣tal. in Cata∣log. sanc. lib. 2. cap. 3.
• a 1.119

  Text. in Officina Tit. Mul. hab. vi∣ril. ment.
• c 1.120

  Levin. Lemnius de occult. Nat. miraculis lib. 4. cap 22. & 23.
• d 1.121

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad An. 985. è veterê Pontif. vati∣cano codice.
• e 1.122

  Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 24.
• f 1.123

  In Vita Bo∣nifac.
• g 1.124

  De vitis Pontif. in vita Gregorii.
• * 1.125

  h Platina in vita Leonis.
• * 1.126

  i Platina mo∣ritur Romae, Anno 1481. Trithem. de Script. Eccle∣siast, verbo Bartholomaei.
• l 1.127

  De vitis Pontif. in vita Martins.
• * 1.128

  k Such as that of Colen, 1574.
• m 1.129

  Platina in vita Lucii.
• n 1.130

  Anastasius in vita Lucii.
• o 1.131

  Idem. ibid.
• p 1.132

  Plat. & Onuph. loco citato.
• q 1.133

  Mat. West. Flores Hist. ad annum 905.
• r 1.134

  Polon. in Chron. ad an. 907.
• s 1.135

  Herm. con∣tract as circa an. 907.
• t 1.136

  Luitprandi Chron.
• u 1.137

  Baron. An∣nal.
• * 1.138

  x Baron. A••. Tom. 10. ad. an. 897.
• h 1.139

  Lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 5.
• * 1.140

  g Annal Tom. 10. ad an. 897. nu. 3.
• i 1.141

  Octob. 21.
• k 1.142

  Lib. 8.
• l 1.143

  In Hen. 3. ad an. 1252. pag. 1112.
• m 1.144

  Lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 24.
• n 1.145

  In Epist. ult. ad fra∣trem suum.
• o 1.146

  Bernardi Epist. 193.
• q 1.147

  In Monodia in Bas Magni vitam.
• * 1.148

  p Baron. An∣nal. Tom. 3. ad an. 354.
• r 1.149

  Conc. Const. 6. Act. 17.
• t 1.150

  Bellarm. loco citat.
• * 1.151

  s Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 5.
• u 1.152

  Mat. West∣mon. Flores Hist. ad an. 727.
• x 1.153

  Ibid. ad an. 794.
• * 1.154

  y Consult Ma∣rianus Chroni∣cle and you will be throughly sa∣tisfyed.
• z 1.155

  Flor. in c. 25. nu. 3.
• * 1.156

  a Platina in vita Anastasii 3 nil memo∣ria dignum Cestum est.
• * 1.157

  b Baron. An∣nal. Tom. 9. ad an. 802. nu. 12.
• c 1.158

  Baron. An∣nal. Tom. 9. ad an. nu. 2.
• d 1.159

  De vanitate Scient cap. 62. de sectis Monasticis.
• e 1.160

  Lib. 1 E∣pistol, Epist. 38.
• f 1.161

  Leo 9 Epist. ad Michael. Episc. Con∣stantinop. cap. 23.
• g 1.162

  Jerem. 5.8.
• h 1.163

  Ezech. 16.25.
• i 1.164

  De Prasuli∣bus Simoniacis in Bibliothe∣ca Patrum. Paris 1576. p. 655.
• k 1.165

  Clemangis de corrupto Eccles. statu.
• l 1.166

  He. Hun∣tingdon, hist. lib. 7. ad ann. 1125. Roger Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior in Hen. 1.1126.
• m 1.167

  Bristo•• M••riu••. 3.
• n 1.168

  Jonas. 4.11.
• o 1.169

  De Sac. eccles. Minist. Benes. lib. 1. cap. 11.
• p 1.170

  Comment. de dictis & fact. Alfons. Regis lib. 2. Apothegm. 17.
• q 1.171

  De corrupto Eccles. statu.
• r 1.172

  In vita So∣zimi.
• s 1.173

  Panopliae lib. 4. cap. 77. p. 405.
• t 1.174

  In Epistola 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad Impera∣••••rem.
• x 1.175

  Hist. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 28.
• * 1.176

  u In Epistola 1. ad Michae∣lem.
• y 1.177

  Contra Praxe••m.
• z 1.178

  In Pontifi∣cali in vita Marcelli.
• a 1.179

  Onuph. An∣n••••at. in Plat. in vita Johan. 8. Harding in his Answer 10 Ep. Jewel•• Apology.
• b 1.180

  Fascicul. Temp. ad an. ••14.
• c 1.181

  Plat. in vita Bonif.
• d 1.182

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad annum 985. nu. 1.
• e 1.183

  De vita & gestis Hilde∣brandi.
• f 1.184

  In Chron. ad an. 1007
• g 1.185

  De vitis Pontif. in Sylvest. 2.
• h 1.186

  Supplement. Chron. ad an∣num 997
• i 1.187

  In Polychron. lib. 6. cap. 14. &c.
• k 1.188

  Lib. 2. de gestis Rerum Aug. cap. 10. fol. 36.
• l 1.189

  Sigonius de Regno Italiae, lib. 7. ad an∣num 1048.
• m 1.190

  Pet. Crini∣tus de honesta discip. lib. 8. cap. 13.
• n 1.191

  Ascendisti ut vulpes, reg∣nabis ut Leo, morieris ut Canis, & it a sane contigit, Tho. Walsing∣ham in Edu. 1.
• o 1.192

  Abbas Ʋs∣pergensis in Chron. ad an. 1080.
• p 1.193

  Florentinus Vigorniersis in Chron. page 641. Mat. Paris in Guil. Conquest. An. 1086.
• q 1.194

  Luitprand. Hist. de Eu∣rop. gesta∣rum, lib 6. cap. 7.8. & 10.
• r 1.195

  Part. 2. Tit. 16. cap. 1. Sect. 7.
• s 1.196

  Loco supr▪ citato.
• t 1.197

  Lib. 2. cap. 6. & 7.
• u 1.198

  Annal. l. 4.
• x 1.199

  Prafatio Chronog. ad Pontacum.
• y 1.200

  Annal. ad annum. 912. num. 12.
• z 1.201

  Ad annum 928. num. 2.
• a 1.202

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad annum 901. num. 1.
• b 1.203

  Frodoard Hist. Rhem. lib. 4. cap. 19.
• c 1.204

  Annal. num. 11.
• d 1.205

  Florimond. cap. 30. nu. 8.
• e 1.206

  Baron. an∣nal. Tem. 10. ad an. 855.
• f 1.207

  Annal. Tom. 10. ad annum 853, nu. 66.
• g 1.208

  Bellar. lib. 3. de Ecclesia. cap. 2.
• h 1.209

  Rhem. an∣not. in 1 Cor. 14. v. 34.
• k 1.210

  Austin. Epist. 165. ad literas cujus∣dam Donatist.
• l 1.211

  Tolet. summa Casuum Con∣scientiae lib. 1. cap. 1.
• m 1.212

  Concil. Trident Sess. 14. Can. 10.
• n 1.213

  Bellar. l. 4. de Eucha. cap. 16.
• p 1.214

  Sigibert in Chron. ad an. 963. Baronius Turrecremata &c.