The history of Polybius, the Megalopolitan containing a general account of the transactions of the world, and principally of the Roman people, during the first and second Punick wars : translated by Sir H.S. : to which is added, A character of Polybius and his writings by Mr. Dryden : the first volume.

POLYBIUS's General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

VOL. I. BOOK I.

IF other Authors, who have gone be∣fore us, had omitted to speak in the Praise of History; it might perhaps have left an Engagement on us, to recommend principally, that sort of Study to the World, in as much as there is no Means or Method more short, or less difficult, whereby to cultivate the Mind, than the knowledge of Times past. But in regard it hath been the Business of many Writers, to shew, that the Fruit we gather from History, is the most mature and in∣structive, and yields the properest Materi∣als to form the Understanding for Publick

Uses; and best arms and prepares us, against the shocks of adverse Fortune, by the know∣lege and reflection on other Mens Crosses and Calamities; our silence therefore on that Subject, will be the more pardonable, while the best we should be able say, would be no other than what so many excellent Wits have said before us; and when we have done all, our Subject needs it not: For, in short, the Account of those surpri∣zing Events, which we have undertaken to Publish, will suffice for its own Recommen∣dation, and bespeak the Attention of Man∣kind to what shall be related. For who is so stupid and incurious, that would not be glad to learn, by what wonderful means and force of Conduct, the People of Rome could within the space of three and fifty Years, be able to compass the Conquest and Do∣minion of the greatest Part of the known World? A Felicity which never yet hap∣pen'd to any People, at least it hath not any parallet in History. And indeed what Spe∣ctacle, how magnificent and entertaining so∣ever, to the most Curious; or what Specu∣lation, tho' never so profitable to the most Studious, hath at any time been the Subject of our Contemplation, that ought not to give place and yield the Preference both in Pleasure and Instruction to the Knowledge of this Transcendent Story?

Nor will it be difficult to Exemplifie the

Grandure and Singularity of the Work we have undertaken, by drawing Parallels be∣tween the Roman Empire, and the most Flourishing States that have been recorded in Story. And those, which in my Judg∣ment are most worthy to be consider'd, are namely these that follow: First, the Persian Empire; which was once Great and Formi∣dable, yet so it happen'd, that they never attempted to extend their Conquests beyond the bounds of Asia, but they not only endan∣ger'd the loss of their Armies, but hazarded the State it self. The Lacedaemonians strove long for the Dominion of Greece, and at length obtain'd it; but scarce held it Twelve Years in peaceable Possession. The Mace∣donians acquir'd a good share of Territory in Europe, extending from the Adriatick Sea to the Danube; but who will not confess, that this was but a small Tract, compar'd with that vast Continent? Afterwards indeed, their Conquests and Dominion spread into Asia, and the Persian Monarchy compos'd a part of their Empire. But what People is there, how powerful and enterprizing soe∣ver, of whom, it may not with Truth be said, That a very great part of this our World hath escap'd their Power and Ambition. In a word, the Macedonians never dream'd of attempting either Sicily or Sardinia, or of carrying their Arms into Africk; nor had they the least notice of many fierce and

mighty Nations inhabiting the Western Parts of Europe. While of the Romans it will with Justice be granted, that they have not vanquish'd by parcels, here and there a Kingdom; but subdu'd and extended their Empire over almost the known World, and have exalted and establish'd the Glory of their Dominion, to that degree of Power and Perfection, that if the present Age can but wisely support the Excess of their Prosperi∣ty, no future Times shall be able to produce the like.

The Sequel of this extraordinary Story, will prove with Evidence enough what we but now observ'd; namely, That of all Stu∣dies, That of History yields the most solid and profitable Fruit, when it makes profes∣sion of recounting Occurrences of past Ages with Candor and Fidelity. Ours with re∣spect to Chronology, shall take beginning from the one hundred and fortieth Olym∣piad: The Subject Matter shall be; First, with respect to the Greeks, the Confederate War which Phillip, the Son of Demetrius, and Father of Persius, did in Conjunction with the Achaians, wage against those of Aetolia. Touching the Asiaticks, we shall treat of the War in Syria, betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy Philopater: As to what con∣cerns Italy and Asrick, we shall begin with the History of the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, commonly call'd the War

of Hannibal. In brief, our History shall com∣mence where Aratus the Sycionian gives a Period to his. For, in truth, the State in general of things to those Days, were (as one may say) scatter'd and confus'd, and without any common Relation; the Motives to their great Enterprises were divers, and also their Ends; and Times, and Places, were equally dark and distant. But here we have a Foundation and Body of History for our Guide; the Affairs of Italy, Greece, Asia and Africk, were now as it were incorporate, and conspiring to one and the same great End. And therefore I resolv'd, and thought it my best Method, here to begin what I have de∣termin'd to write.

The Romans, proving Superior to the Car∣thaginians in the War we mention'd, found Assurance to believe, that they had now ad∣vanc'd far towards the Dominion of the World; and took resolution thence to pur∣sue their good Fortune, and form'd thereup∣on their first Project, for transporting their Arms into Greece, and so into Asia. Were we not for the most part in the dark, touch∣ing the general State and Circumstances of those People, who from time to time con∣tended for Soveraignty, we might perhaps spare the Pains we shall take, to enquire and shew, by what Means and Motives, the Ro∣mans were incited to engage in so vast an Enterprise. But in regard the World for

the most part is to learn by what stock of Strength and Military Conduct, the Cartha∣ginians strove with their happier Rivals the Romans, and what Battels it cost to decide the Controversie; we have therefore thought it necessary, to conceive and digest our two first Books, into a form of Preface to the main Work; fearing lest if we should be en∣gaged unawares, into the Narrative of such wonderful Adventures as will occur; we should with Astonishment look back on the mighty Progress, and be to seek for those Causes and Motives, that inspir'd the Ro∣mans to Embark in so extraordinary a De∣sign, as the Acquisition of the Universal Em∣pire. At least it may suffice, to initiate the Reader, and instruct him in the feasibleness of the Enterprise, and shew, that their Power was not short of their Ambition, to attempt, and, in effect, to compass what they had projected. For what will be found singular and extraordinary in this Work, and those unparalell'd Examples of Events in this our Age, is, that Fortune leaning, and as it were with a strong Biass, bending all her Power one way, and Collecting and Confe∣derating (as one may say) the Forces of the Universe, for the Accomplishment of one vast Design: We shall therefore labour to shew, and in one Draught, as in a Picture, gratifie the Reader with a Prospect of those Means and Steps, by which she conducted

her Counsels to bring this mighty Work to pass. And this indeed was what principally incited me to adventure on this Work, joint∣ly with the Reflection, That no Author in these our Days, hath yet engag'd in the like Enterprise, of Compiling and Publishing a General History; which under less Incou∣ragement I should hardly have been drawn to undertake. But having observ'd, that albeit there are plenty of Writers, who have employ'd their Pens in Recording particular Wars, and some certain contemporary Tran∣sactions and Occurrences; yet there is not One (that I remember) who hath given us any Light into the Notions of General Histo∣ry; nor have those who have written, shewn any Care in adjusting the Chronology of the Affairs they have handled; nor the Causes and Reasons leading to any Revolution; nor the Progress and Management, nor the Manner of the Event of Things. I have then on these Reflections concluded it neces∣sary, and that it would not be an ungrate∣ful Present, to delineate and expose to Pub∣lick View this most Magnificent, and of all others the most Instructive Instance of For∣tune's Power; who, tho' we have daily and numerous Accounts of her extraordinary Ope∣rations, and behold her constantly attempt∣ing new Proofs of her Abilities, we must nevertheless conclude, without any diffi∣culty, that she hath given such Evidences

of her Strength in our Days, as surpasses all Example.

Nor would it be easie to obtain a right Knowledge of so many marvelous Transacti∣ons, by any help that may be derived from the Study of particular History, any more than one can be enabled to give a true Ac∣count of the Structure and Figure of the wide Universe, by having consulted the Map, or visited some few Towns or Provinces thereof. And we may fitly compare such as make that wrong Judgment, to those, who, beholding the dispers'd and single Members of some Bo∣dy, which while it had Life and Motion, had Beauty and other Excellencies; would under∣take to determine and distinguish of the Gra∣ces and Perfections wherewith it was Adorn'd, when Living; while, in Truth, were it possible to give a perfect Image of them, by uniting the scatter'd Parts, restoring the Form, and giving it Spirit and Motion, he would be o∣bliged to confess that all his Conjectures had been a Dream: And yet we maintain not, but that a sort of Judgment may be made of the whole, by consulting only the Parts, but the Certitude and entire Verity of Things cannot be so acquir'd. In like man∣ner we conceive, that the bare Study of par∣ticular and limited Occurences, can but little avail towards the Improvement of our Know∣ledge in General History; which cannot be attain'd, but by sorting (as I may say) and

comparing Counsels and Events, by the Re∣semblances of Things we shall Observe, and the Difference we shall Remark; and thus we approach the Sanctuary, and penetrate the very Bosom of History, and the Fruit we gather will both profit and please. To con∣clude, The first Naval Expedition the Romans ventur'd on, beyond the Bounds of Italy, shall be the beginning, and as it were the Ground∣work of this our first Book; wherein the Story is continued, where Timaeus the Histo∣rian ends, which fell out in the Hundred and Twenty Ninth Olympiad.

It behoves us then to instruct the Reader, first, in the Time when, and the Means and Manner how the Romans compos'd their Affairs in Italy; and then to observe what their Motives were to attempt crossing the Seas into Sicily, for that was their first Ex∣ploit out of Italy. These things, I say, it will be necessary first to explain, to the end we may avoid all danger of Obscurity in the pursuit of our History, and preserve the Co∣herence and Gradation of Causes and Things unbroken: It is likewise further necessary, that we should take our beginning from some certain and limited Period of Time, known and remarkable to all. And this will be found so very useful, that Matters will almost ex∣plain themselves, when there should be oc∣casion to look back, to renew in the Mind the Notices of what is past. For where Ac∣counts

are not founded on plain and uncon∣troverted Testimony, we read without Faith, and determine of nothing; whereas, when the Understanding is once set right, and esta∣blished on the Evidence of clear and unble∣mish'd Grounds, we Study and Digest what we Read, with Pleasure and Assurance, and yield a ready Consent to the Candour and Authority of the Writer.

Nineteen Years after the Naval Battel that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ought on the River Aegos, and sixteen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before the Field of Leuctra; about the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the Lacedaemonians made Peace with the Persian King, by the procurement of An∣talcidas; Dionysius the Elder having van∣quish'd the Greeks, who inhabited Italy near the River Elleporas, laid Siege to the City of Rhegium. The Gauls were at that time Ma∣sters of Rome, which they had taken all but the Capitol; and the Romans, having com∣pounded with the Enemy, under such Capi∣tulations as the Gauls themselves thought fit to impose, were rescu'd, as it were by Mira∣cle, and restor'd to their Country beyond all Expectation: And having now laid in some Materials towards the Foundation of their growing Power; they began to wage War on the neighbouring States. And after they had well-nigh subdu'd the Latins, partly by their Courage, and partly by the Address they had acquir'd by their long Exercise in Arms, they advanc'd against the Tuscans, and

had to do, almost at the same time, with the Gauls; and then warr'd on the Samnites, who were the Northern and Eastern Border∣ers upon the Latins. Soon after, and about a Year before the Gauls invaded Greece, and the Remainder of that People who had rifled Delphos, and were almost all cut off, pass'd into Asia; Pyrrhus, King of the Epirots, ar∣riv'd in Italy, invited thither by the Taren∣tines, who began to apprehend the Conse∣quences of their having violated the Roman Ambassadors. The Romans having subdu'd the Tuscans and Samnites, and often van∣quish'd the Celtae, began to prosecute their Success against the rest of Italy; not so much to invade the Property of their Neighbours, as to ascertain and secure what they now reck∣oned their own; having by their long and frequent Wars with the Samnites and Gauls greatly improv'd their Discipline and Expe∣rience, so as to conduct their Armies with better prospect of Success. The Romans ha∣ving then, greatly to their Reputation, su∣stain'd the shock of so many hazardous Enter∣prises, and expelled all Foreign Invaders, and even Pyrrhus himself out of Italy; they now proceed to shew their Resentment against those who had taken part with that Prince; whom, after they had subdu'd, and brought under their Power, together with what re∣main'd unconquer'd of Italy, the Gauls only excepted; they made an Expedition against

Rhegium, then possessed by certain of their own mutinous Subjects. One and the same Adventure befel two principal Places, situ∣ate in the Streight of that Sea, namely, Rhe∣gium and Messina. In short, some time before those things happen'd, which we have been relating, a Party of Campanian Mercenaries, who had serv'd under Agathocles in Sicily, tempted with the Beauty and Riches of Mes∣sina, form'd a Conspiracy to surprise it, and keep the possession; which they did by Trea∣chery, being receiv'd into the Town, and entertain'd as Friends. When they became Masters of the place, some of the Inhabitants they expell'd, and others they murther'd, re∣taining to their own use the Wives and Chil∣dren of that unfortunate People, as they chanc'd to fall into their hands during the dispute: Thus having without much hazard or trouble obtain'd a remarkable Victory, and become possess'd of an opulent City, they divided the Riches and Territory amongst themselves. This Action gave Example to another of the like barbarous Treachery. During Pyrrhus's Devastations in Italy, those of Rhegium, apprehensive of the danger of this new and formidable Enemy; and being on the other hand in dread of the Carthagini∣ans, who were in those days Masters of the Sea, besought the Romans to lend them Suc∣cours, and furnish them with a Garrison: Ac∣cordingly they supply'd them with four thou∣sand

Men, giving the Command to one De∣cius a Campanian, who for some time kept good Garrison, and demean'd themselves as they ought: But at length, in Imitation of the Mamertines, who supply'd them with Forces to effect their Treachery, they violated their Faith by the like villainous Act, tempted thereunto by the commodious Situation of the Place, and the Wealth of the Inhabitants; of whom, having possess'd the Town, some they expell'd, and some they cut off, tran∣scribing the Treachery of that People exactly. The Romans had a just Sence of this wicked Act; but having at that time too much Busi∣ness on their hands, by the Wars we but now related, were not in a Condition to express their Indignation in the Punishment of the Au∣thors; but as soon as their Affairs permitted, they march'd against Rhegium, where they straitly besieg'd the Traitors, and in the end subdu'd them, who fought obstinately, as be∣ing desperate of Pardon, not above three hun∣dred of them being taken alive; who being sent to Rome, were by the Command of the Praetor, dragg'd to the common place of Exe∣cution, where, as the manner is, they were first scourg'd with Rods, and then beheaded. The Romans, over and above the Equity, were not without Foresight, that the Conse∣quences of this Act wou'd be to conciliate in their Neighbours, the Opinion of their Justice and Honour, which had been much ble∣mished

mished by this piece of Treachery; so the Rhegians were forthwith restor'd to their Town and their Possessions.

As to the Mamertines (for that Appellati∣on those Campanians assum'd) who had so wrongfully possess'd Messina, they enjoy'd, without any Molestation, both the Town and Territory, so long as they cou'd derive Suc∣cours from the Romans their Friends in Rhe∣gium, and liv'd not only secure, and fearless of any danger, but were often the Aggressors on their Neighbours the Carthaginians, and those of Syracuse, and gave them work e∣nough to defend the adjacent Country; put∣ting many Towns and Villages under Con∣tribution. But they were no sooner depriv'd of the Aids of Rhegium, which now could not defend itself, when the face of their Fortune chang'd; being attack'd by the Syracusians, and driven within their own Walls; that People having declar'd War against them for Reasons we shall briefly deliver.

Sometime before this, while the Army of the Syracusians encamped near Mergania, there happened a Dissention between the Souldiers and Citizens of Syracuse; the Souldiers there∣upon made choice of new Leaders, namely, Artemidorus and Hieron, who was afterwards King of Syracuse, he was then indeed but young, howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wish'd in a Prince. He was no sooner advanc'd to this Power,

but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends, he got possession of the City, where he soon suppress'd those of the contrary Faction; but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Huma∣nity, that tho' the Syracusians would not ap∣prove the Election made by the Army, he was nevertheless received as Praetor, without the least Contest. From the very beginning, by the manner of his Administration of that Authority, it plainly appear'd to those who could best discern, that he was Born to some∣thing yet greater than the Praetorship. For having rightly inform'd himself of the Hu∣mours and Manners of the Syracusians, that they were Seditious, and no sooner in Arms, but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Pra∣ctices; and farther observing, that Leptines, one of the prime Citizens, Superiour to the rest both in Credit and Interest, and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity, would be very useful to him; with him he made an Alliance, by taking his Daughter to Wife, and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him, during his Expeditions with the Army abroad. Ha∣ving compass'd these things, and observing the old Mercenary Souldiers to have lost their Discipline, to be quite spoil'd with Idleness and Debauchery, and to be over and above not very well affected to him, but were ban∣dying and meditating some new Commoti∣ons;

he therefore forms a pretence of an Ex∣pedition against the Barbarians, who were possess'd of Messina; and having march'd out his Forces, he Incamp'd near Centuripa, in sight of the Enemy, where, drawing up to ingage them, not far from the River Cyamo∣soros, he so ordered his Battel, that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself, with shew of attacking the Enemy elsewhere, he by that means designedly expos'd the Merce∣naries to the entire shock of the Mamertines, where they were all cut off; and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution, with∣drew his own People in safety to Syracuse. By this Artifice he punish'd his Mercenaries, and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army. In brief, having form'd an Army to his own Mind, he govern'd and preserv'd his Authority in great Peace and Security; and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success, and that they made Inroads, and spoil'd the neighbouring Country, he march'd out of the City with his new Army, which he had now well Disciplin'd, and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus, near the River Longa∣nus, he obtain'd an entire Victory, routing their Army, and taking their principal Offi∣cers Prisoners: By which Success they were so humbled, that they lost all Courage for the future. Having perform'd these things a∣gainst the Barbarians, he return'd with his

Army to Syracuse, where he was proclaim'd King by the Souldiers.

As to the Mamertines, they being now de∣priv'd of their wonted Succours from Rhegi∣um, and their own strength being greatly di∣minish'd by their late losses, one Party ap∣ply'd to the Carthaginians, and deliver'd the Citadel into their Hands; another sent Am∣bassadours to the Romans, praying their Assi∣stance, and offering them the possession of the City, imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Origi∣nal. The Romans were long debating what to determine herein, nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them, it being ap∣parent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour, who, while they animadvert∣ed on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium, should be found abetting and sup∣porting the Mamertines, eminently guilty of the like Crime. But they saw too, that the Carthaginians had not only subdu'd Africa, but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain; and that Sardinia, and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy, were already in their possession; these Re∣flections were weigh'd with apprehension e∣nough, for the Romans already look'd on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousie, being, as it were, now surrounded by them; and knowing that they had de∣signs on Italy it self; they foresaw how for∣midable

they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State; and perceiv'd too, that this Island, unless they interpos'd to prevent it, by assisting the Mamertines, would certainly fall into their Hands: For Messina would soon be theirs, and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them, the Territory of which two places contain'd a principal part of the Island. All this they clearly understood, and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina, and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post, that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy. These Points were long and solemnly debated, and yet the Senate could not be drawn to deter∣mine without mighty difficulty, foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit. But the People, who had been greatly impoverish'd by their late Wars, and each Man propound∣ing to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage, decreed to carry on the Enterprise; and the rather, for that those who were to have Command of the Ar∣mies, manifested how profitable an Under∣taking it wou'd be both for the State in gene∣ral, and each Man in particular. The De∣cree therefore pass'd, and was confirm'd by an Ordinance of the People; and Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls, was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily, to the Relief of Messina.

To him the Mamertines deliver'd up the City, after, either by Art or Force, they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who com∣manded in the Citadel: But the Carthagini∣ans suspecting Treachery or Cowardise, or∣dered the said Governour to be Crucified. At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus, and encamp'd with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes, and besieg'd Messina with all their Forces. Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair pro∣spect of exterminating the Barbarians, Pos∣sessors of Messina, out of Sicily; enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians, and forthwith marches with an Army from Syra∣cuse towards Messina, and encamp'd along the Mountain Chalcidicus, to cut off all Corre∣spondence with the besieg'd on that side. But Appius Claudius, with unspeakable Bra∣very, passing the Streight by Night, got at length into Messina. Howbeit, perceiving the Besiegers resolute, and the Town strait∣ly press'd on both sides, and the Army supe∣rior by Sea and Land, and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise, he dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Carthagini∣ans and Hieron, to treat about an Accommo∣dation, and obtain Peace for the Mamertines. But the Negotiation not taking effect, and finding there was now no Remedy but Fighting; he resolv'd first to attack the Syra∣cusians; Accordingly he march'd out against

Hieron, who oppos'd him with great Readi∣ness and Gallantry, but after a long and ve∣ry sharp Conflict the Romans had the day; beating and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp; and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina, loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy: And Hieron, who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War, march'd away immediately towards Syracuse. Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat, and being now full of assurance by his late Success, resolv'd to lose no time, but forthwith to Attack like∣wise the Carthaginians. Pursuant to which Resolution, he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes, and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary; and sallying out by break of Day, he surpriz'd the Enemy, and routed them with great Slaughter; those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd, secu∣ring themselves in the Neighbouring Towns. Having obtain'd these Victories, and rais'd the Siege from before Messina, he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country, and proceeded with∣out impediment to plunder as far as the Ter∣ritory of the Syracusians and their Confede∣rates, whither at length-he march'd with his Army, and sate down before Syracusa. Thus have I related the Motives, and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy. And for as much as we have judg'd

and chosen this Conjuncture, as the most pro∣per and sure Basis, whereon to superstruct our whole Design; we have therefore concluded, that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows, than by setting out from hence. Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back, the better to open and ex∣plain the Reasons of Things, to the end there may not remain the least doubt. For in my Judgment, whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State, should first be inform'd, when, and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause, for they had once lost their Country; and farther, to be well instructed in the Means by which, and the time when, they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Domi∣nion, they began to form Designs of their re∣moter Conquests. It will not therefore be thought strange, if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People, we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity, and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be, which is the course we have taken, that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Princi∣ples, so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story, we shall endeavour to shew how, and when they began, and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness, wherein we shall be∣hold them. And this is the Method we have

been already pursuing, touching the Affairs of the Romans. But we will forbear farther Digressions, and proceed to our History, af∣ter we have lightly touch'd on some Prelimi∣nary Matters; and what falls in order princi∣pally to be noted, is the Transactions be∣tween the Romans and the Carthaginians, during their Contention about Sicily; next will be the War in Africk: To which is an∣nex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain, mannag'd first by Hamilcar, and af∣ter him by Asdrubal; about which time, the Romans invaded Illiria, and other remote Countries of Europe; then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy, and in course, we shall mention that in Greece, call'd the Cleomenick War, which gives a period to our Second Book: Of these in order, with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History; for we have not conceived it necessary, or in any manner profitable, to be over particular in those things, it not being our purpose to write their History, but so to touch them, as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate. In a word, it will be ea∣sily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse, how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before, so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive, by an easier pas∣sage to subsequent Occurrences: But above all, it behoves us to be punctual in setting

down the Revolutions in Sicily, during the War there, between the Romans and Carthagi∣nians, than which for duration, there is hard∣ly any Example of the like in History, nor of the Provisions that were made to Prose∣cute it, nor for the Greatness of Action, or im∣portance and hazard of Enterprises, number of Battels, and extraordinary Adventures. For in short, those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws, their Diicipline was pure and unshaken, their Wealth not burthensome, and their Strength equal. Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively, will be better able to col∣lect Matter, whereby to make a juster Com∣parison by this War only, than by any sub∣sequent Transactions whatsoever between them.

And now we have but one weighty Im∣pediment to stay the Course of our History, which is, that Philinus and Fabius, the Hi∣storians, who have the repute of excelling all others, in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story, have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them. And yet when I consider their man∣ner of Life, I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood. I am there∣fore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them, as it often does to Lovers, Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians, hath brib'd

his Belief in favour of their great Conduct, Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations, and perverted his Judg∣ment on the other hand, touching the Ro∣mans. As to Fabius, he acts the same part for his Country-men, nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life, it being but just, that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends, and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies, and Love to their Friends, But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian, his Affections are no more his own, and he is to divest him∣self of every Passion. For how often falls it out to b•• the Duty of a Writer, to ap∣plaud the Merits of an Enemy, and blame the Conduct of a Friend, when their Faults and Follies so require. For as a Horse that is become blind, is render'd almost useless, so History, if Truth be once wanting, ceaseth to be of any use or instruction. We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend, and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy. Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those, who but now had as just a Title to our Applause: It being im∣possible, that such, who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs, should not sometimes miscarry, or that those who often err, should not be now and then in the right. We are not therefore to weigh the

Rank or Fortune of those who are in Au∣thority, but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions. And that this is a just Observation, will appear by what follows: Philinus, in the beginning of his Second Book, reports, that the Cartha∣ginians and Syracusians besieg'd Messina; and that the Romans, who cross'd the Sea to their Assistance, made a Sally out of the Town, but were repulsed with great Slaughter of their People: That soon after they made a second Sally upon the Carthaginians, when they were not only beaten and forc'd to re∣tire, but lost the greatest part of their Army, taken Prisoners by the Enemy. He likewise tells us, That after this, Hieron was seiz'd with a panick fear, and so violent an appre∣hension of danger, that he deserted his Camp by Night, and march'd away to Syracuse; not only setting fire on his Tents, but with∣drawing his Garrisons from all such places as he held in the Neighbourhood of the Ma∣mertines. That the Carthaginians, in like manner quitted their Camp, soon after this Defeat of the Romans, and dispersing, quar∣ter'd themselves in the Towns round about, without attempting to take the Field, or daring so much as to defend whatsoever they had without their Works; and that this Consternation seizing the Carthaginian Soul∣diers, disheartned their Officers from giving Battel to the Romans. That the Romans

keeping in their Rear, did not only spoil and pillage the Country round about, but laid Siege even to Syracuse. These, in my Judg∣ment, are Absurdities too gross to be exa∣min'd. For what is more inconsistent, than to make those, who but now besieg'd Mes∣sina, and were in all things victorious, to fly without any apparent cause, and to consent to be themselves besieg'd. And as to the other Party, which he tells us, was besieg'd and vanquish'd, he gives them the Lawrel, makes them Masters of the Field, pursuing the Enemy, and leads them at length to the Siege of Syracuse: What Consistency now can be found in this Relation? We must de∣termine therefore, that what he first delivers is false, or the sequel cannot be true. But the latter is true, for the Carthaginians and Syracusians were beaten and forc'd within their Works, and Syracuse and Echetla were both at one and the same time besieg'd by the Romans, as Philinus confesseth, the lat∣ter being a Town on their Frontiers. We cannot help concluding then, that this his first Account was untrue, and the Defeat he mentions a Falshood of his own coining; since he allows the Romans to have remain'd superiour to the Enemy in those Encounters before Messina. But, in short, we shall find both Fabius and Philinus to be the same Men throughout, as we shall have occasion to observe in the pursuit of our Story; to which,

after this Digression, let us now return, and with the best Connexion we can, labour briefly and truly to relate the Adventures and Issue of this War.

Upon the News, at Rome, of the Success of Appius and the Legions in Sicily, M. Octa∣cilius and M. Valerius being chosen Consuls, it was decreed, they should both go with all the Legions to prosecute that War. The Romans, over and above the Supplies drawn from their Allies, had at that time a Stand∣ing Force of Four Legions, out of which they form'd their yearly Levies, each Legion consisting of Four Thousand Foot, and Three Hundred Horse. Upon the arrival of the Consuls, most of the Towns and Places that had submitted to the Syracusians and Cartha∣ginians, gave themselves up to the Romans; insomuch, that Hieron observing the Terror that was spread through the whole Island, on the one hand; and on the other, the Brave∣ry and Number of the Legionaries, began to discern, that the Designs and Hopes of the Romans were founded on better Measures than those of the Carthaginians; which, after he had maturely weigh'd, he determin'd to endeavour to be reconcil'd to the Romans. Accordingly he dispatch'd Embassadors to treat with the Consuls about an Alliance, who without difficulty embrac'd the Overture; to which they were the more willingly di∣spos'd, on account of the great difficulty

they were under with their Convoys; be∣ing justly apprehensive, lest the Carthagi∣nians, who were Masters at Sea, would be able totally to debar them of all Supplies of Provision; and this Jealousie was so much the more reasonable, by how much their Troops, the last Year, were driven to great Straits.

The Romans then promising themselves good Fruit of this Alliance, readily yielded, and frankly embrac'd a Friendship with Hie∣ron, on condition that all the Roman Pri∣soners should be releas'd without Ransom, and that the King should pay them down a Hundred Talents in Silver, on which Sti∣pulations the Syracusians should be held as Friends and Confederates of the People of Rome. Thus Hieron, secur'd by this Trea∣ty, continu'd ever after a firm and profitable Friend to the Romans, and pass'd the rest of his Days in a peaceful enjoyment of the So∣veraignty of that Kingdom, in very great esteem among the Greeks; and, in a word, according to my Opinion, was one of the most Eminent and Illustrious Princes that had ever held that Scepter, and few will be found to have reap'd a larger share of Fe∣licity acquir'd by his own Vertue; whether we consider him in his Domestick or Publick Affairs.

This Treaty being sent to Rome, and ra∣tify'd by an Ordinance of the People, it

was now thought advisable to abate of the Number of their Troops in that Service, and to send only two Legions; making ac∣count, that by this Alliance they should be eas'd of a great part of the Burthen of the War; and that their Army, through Hie∣ron's Friendship, would now live in plenty of all things necessary. As to the Cartha∣ginians, they considering, that Hieron of a Friend was become their Enemy, and that the Romans engag'd every day farther and farther in the Affairs of Sicily, and that they were become Superiour to them in Strength, deliberated about providing a greater Force to oppose them, and to preserve their own Acquisitions in Sicily. Accordingly they rais'd a great number of Mercenary Troops in the Transmarine Nations their Friends; as the Genoves, Gauls, and, principally, the Spaniards; and judging, that Agrigentum was the most commodiously situate for their purpose, which being besides the most emi∣nent of all the Cities of their Dominion, they made it the Rendezvous of their Armies, re∣solving it should be a place of Arms, and their chief Magazine. The Roman Con∣suls, who had concluded the Treaty with Hieron, were now return'd to Rome, and the new ones, L. Posthumius, and Q. Mami∣lius, arriv'd with the Legions, who, after they had been well instructed in the Designs of the Carthaginians, and of the Preparations

they were making at Agrigentum, were re∣solv'd to prosecute the War with all their might, and without taking any other Affair in hand, forthwith march'd with their whole Army and invested that place; and incamp∣ing about eight Furlongs off, totally block'd up the Carthaginians. This happen'd about the time of Harvest, and the Siege being in all probability likely to last, the Souldiers on both sides were wont to disperse themselves carelesly abroad, farther than they ought, to Forage, and gather in their Corn. This the Carthaginians observing, and beholding the Fields full of Roman Souldiers, dispers'd in a disorderly manner, made a Sally upon them, as they were then busie in their Har∣vest; and having scatter'd them, one Party attempted the pillaging the Camp, and a∣nother attack'd their Guards. But here the Excellency of the Roman Discipline was e∣minently seen, as it hath appear'd on many occasions, to their great Honour and the Be∣nefit of their Affairs. For, as it is a most un∣pardonable fault to desert their Post, or a∣bandon their Corps of Guard; those who had thus carelesly neglected their Duty, re∣solv'd to repair their Fault by some remark∣able Behaviour; accordingly they rally'd, and bravely sustain'd the shock of the Ene∣my, tho' superior in number; and albeit some of the Romans fell, the loss on the Enemies side was much greater. In short, they sur∣rounded

the Carthaginians, who had well-nigh forc'd their Retrenchment, and making a great slaughter among them, compell'd them at length to retreat to their Works. After this Action the Carthaginians were more cautious in their Sallies, and the Ro∣mans became more wary in their Foraging. And now, seeing the Carthaginians made no more such adventurous Sallies, and their Fighting was reduc'd to Skirmishing and Picquering in small Parties, the Consuls thought it best to divide their Army into two Bodies; with one they possess'd the Ground where the Temple of Aesculapius stands, fa∣cing the Town; and with the other, that on the side towards Heraclea, in which two places they encamp'd, and fortify'd their Leaguer with Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation, to prevent Attempts from the Town, and hinder Supplies and Corre∣spondence from without, and to secure them∣selves from Surprises: And in the Space be∣tween their two Lines they appointed strong Guards, plac'd at convenient distances. Their Provisions and all Necessaries, were plenti∣fully supply'd, and brought by their Allies to Erbessa; and from that Town, which was not far from their Camp, their Convoys pass'd without impediment. Affairs conti∣nu'd in this posture for five Months, neither Party gaining upon the other any advantage that might augment eithers hopes; their

Engagements being, for the most part, in slight Skirmishes. But, to be brief, there being not less than Fifty Thousand Souls in Agrigentum; this mighty Number soon re∣duc'd them to great straits for Provision, and a Famine thereupon ensu'd. In the mean time, Hannibal, who commanded in chief, foreseeing he should not be able long to sustain the Siege, dispatch'd frequent Ad∣vices to Carthage, remonstrating their ill Condition, and demanding speedy Succours. The Carthaginians thereupon took Order for the embarking Elephants, and all the Soul∣diers and Succours they could put on Board their Fleet, consigning them to Hanno their other General in Sicily. Who assembling his Forces at Heraclea, march'd with all his Strength towards Erbessa; which place he surpris'd, being put into his Hands by Trea∣chery; and, by this Success, having depriv'd the Enemy of all manner of Relief, the Ro∣mans, who were but now the Besiegers be∣came themselves besieg'd; and, in a word, were reduc'd to such Straits of all kinds, that they often deliberated about raising the Siege; and had put it in execution, had not Hieron afforded them what Help he was able, which, with great Parsimony, sustain'd them.

Hanno having Intelligence of the evil state of the Roman Army, that they were enfeebl'd by Want, and diminish'd by Diseases, the

Plague being got among them, took Assu∣rance to think he might be now a Match for them. He chose, therefore, about Fifty Ele∣phants, and march'd with all his Troops in great haste from Heraclea, sending his Numi∣dian-Horse before, who had Orders to charge up to the Enemies Retrenchments, with shew as if they would Engage them; and to Retreat towards the Army, in case the Romans Sallied out upon them. This Service they punctually perform'd, attacking one of the Roman Camps, who march'd out with their Horse against them, whilst they, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, retreated to the Army, and joyn'd Hanno; then the whole Army facing about, attack'd the Roman Horse, encompas∣sing them round, and doing great Execution, pursu'd them to their Camp. Soon after, Hanno seiz'd on an Eminence, call'd Mount Torus, distant from the Romans about Ten Furlongs, and there Encamp'd his Army: Where two Months pass'd without any re∣markable Action; he being unwilling yet to come to a pitch'd Battel, and entertaining the Enemy only with flight Rencounters in small Parties. But now Hannibal giving notice, as well by Signs from the Town, as by Ex∣presses; That they were no longer able to sustain the Wants they were under, and that many were by Famine compell'd to Desert, and go over to the Romans; Hanno was at length drawn to come to a Decision, to which

the Romans were equally dispos'd, for the Reasons already noted. So the two Armies were drawn out on the Ground between their two Camps, where they Fought, and the Success was long doubtful, till the Romans forc'd the Mercenaries, who had the Van∣guard, to give back; who, as they retreated, falling in among the Elephants, those Ani∣mals, being disorder'd, broke the Line that sustain'd their Rear, which Accident discom∣pos'd the whole Army. Whereupon the Car∣thaginians were put to flight, the Romans ma∣king great slaughter among them. Many were Slain, and but a few got into Heraclea, the Conquerours taking most of the Elephants and all the Cathaginian Baggage. But what with the Joy of the Victory, and Weariness of the Souldiers after the Battel, the Roman Guards, the following Night, were not kept with their Customary Vigilance; which be∣ing perceiv'd by Hannibal, who now despair∣ing of Safety in the Town, took this Negli∣gence of the Romans as an Invitation to him to attempt his Escape; he therefore, about Midnight, with the Forreign Troops that were in the Town, took his March, and fil∣ling the Roman Trenches with Faggots, pass'd over their Works, and escap'd unhurt and unseen. The Romans, who saw not their Error till the Morning, contented themselves with a short Pursuit, Attacking them in the Rear, and at the same time possess'd them∣selves

of the Town without Resistance: Where they took many Slaves, and an inesti∣mable Booty of all sorts of Riches. There was great Joy at Rome on the News of the ta∣king of Agrigentum; every-body was pleas'd, and each Man's Courage and Hopes were rais'd, and they resolv'd to prosecute the Suc∣cess of these their first Enterprises. They thought it not now enough to have Rescu'd Messina, and Enrich'd themselves by the War, but elevated their Purposes and Expectations to the entire expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and exalting the Roman Name and Power; for, indeed, that was the true Mark towards which all their Aims were levell'd. To proceed, it was now evident, that the Romans were Superiour by Land, and that their Hopes were not ill grounded, that L. Valerius, and L. Octacilius, the New Con∣suls, Successours to those who took Agrigen∣tum, would be able to go through with the Conquest of Sicily. But still the Carthagini∣ans were Masters at Sea, and this Regard preserv'd them yet in equal Terms and Hopes with their Enemy. It is true, that upon the Success at Agrigentum, many Towns and Cities in the Inland Country of Sicily, terri∣fy'd with the Roman Power by Land, sub∣mitted to their Discretion, but many of those that were situate on the Coast, abandon'd the Romans, through an apprehension of the Car∣shaginian Strength by Sea: These things be∣ing

well weigh'd, it appear'd, that the Suc∣cess of the War stood yet doubtful; it was observ'd, that the Coast of Italy lay expos'd to the Depredations of the Carthaginian Fleet, who often made Descents upon them; that Asrich was in perfect Tranquility, and with∣out any feeling of the Violences of the War: On these Motives the Romans determin'd to make Provision of a Naval Army, to match the Carthaginians on that side likewise: And this, indeed, was my Motive to enlarge, and be the more particular in setting down the Adventures of this War, and to treat di∣stinctly about the Motives, and the Means, the Time when, and possess the Reader with the whole Series of Causes, that incited and inabled the Romans first to adventure on their Maritime Expeditions. After they had well consider'd, that the War was likely to last, they thought it concern'd them to be Masters of a Fleet, and accordingly proceeded on their Preparations, building at their first Es∣say, no less than an Hundred Quinquereme Gallies, and Twenty Triremes, which could not but be a very difficult Undertaking, the Romans being totally ignorant in the Con∣struction of this sort of Vessels, which were not yet come into use in Italy. Whence may with Admiration be gather'd, the extraordi∣nary Virtue, and wonderful Bravery of that People, in Enterprises of the greatest Hazard and Moment, who in the Minority of their

Fortune, destitute of all sorts of proper Means, having never till that time so much as dream'd of Navigation, could thus at once, and as one may say, at a Heat, determine on so Adventurous an Expedition; and make the first Proof of their Skill in a Naval Battel a∣gainst the Carthaginians, who held uncontest∣ed, the Dominion of the Sea, deriv'd from their Ancestors. And that I may give a far∣ther Evidence of my Impartial Opinion of the Roman Resolution, it may be remark'd, That when they Shipp'd their Forces on their first Voyage to the Relief of Messina, where it imported so much to have cover'd Ships, they were not at that time so much as Ma∣sters of one single Gally, no not a Brigantine; but by an intrepid Hardiness of Mind, waf∣ted over their Troops in Vessels borrow'd of their Neighbours, the Tarentines, Locrians, Neapolitans, &c. But it happening, that the Carthaginians, about that time, Cruising to attack them, one of their Gallies venturing too near the Shore, chanc'd to be stranded, and before they could get her off, the Ro∣mans, intercepting them, took her; and by the Model of this Galley they built their first Fleet. And, but for this Favour of Fortune, who had espous'd their Cause, it would have been almost impossible to have put their Pur∣pose in Effect, so utterly Ignorant they were of the Art of Ship-building.

And now while some were attending that Affair, others assembled their Sea-faring Peo∣ple, to instruct them in the use of the Oar, wherein they proceeded after this manner; They caus'd Banks to be contriv'd on the Shore-side, in the same Fashion and Order as they were to be in their Gallies, and placing their Seamen with their Oars in like manner upon the Banks, they there Exercis'd them; an Officer for that purpose being plac'd in the midst, who, by Signs with his Hand, instru∣cted them, how, at once and altogether they were to dip their Oars, and how, in like sort, to recover them out of the Water; by which means they became acquainted with the ma∣nagement of the Oar; and as soon as their Vessels were built, they equipp'd them, and put to Sea; where, after they had spent some time in practising upon the Water, what they had been learning by Land, they were order'd by the Consul to adventure along the Coast; for at that time Caius Cornelius, who was General at Sea, was absent on an Expe∣dition to Messina, with Seventeen Vessels un∣der his Command, to give Directions there for the Reception and Security of the Fleet; leaving Orders with the Pilots to make the best of their way to the Streights, so soon as they could get ready. During Caius's abode at Messina, an occasion seem'd to present for the Surprising of Lipary, but he conceiving earlier hopes of succeeding in the Design,

than in Prudence he ought, went with his Squadron thither, and drew up under the Walls of the Town: Of this Design, Han∣nibal, who Commanded at Sea for the Car∣thaginians, and was as that time at Palermo, receiv'd Intelligence, and immediately di∣spatch'd away Twenty Gallies under the Command of one Boodes, a Senator; who arriving in the Night, block'd up Caius in the Harbour, and at break of Day, landing his Men, set upon the Romans: In this Surprise, Caias saw no Remedy, but to submit, and accordingly yielded himself up: So the Car∣thaginian•• possessing themselves of the Ves∣sels, and the Principal Roman Officers, made the best of their way back to Hannibal. But not long after this Adventure of Caius, so much talk'd of, and applauded, it wanted but little that Hannibal himself had been ta∣ken in the like Snare. He receiving Advice, that the Roman Fleet was at Sea, and Crui∣sing on the Coast of Italy, not far off; takes with him Fifty Gallies, and went a Head of his Fleet, to view, and be himself a Witness of the Number, and Posture of the Enemy; and standing towards Italy, the Romans, it seems, happening to be nearer than he was aware of, surpris'd him with their whole Fleet in order of Battel. In this Rancounter he lost the greatest part of his Squadron, and es∣cap'd narrowly himself, when every-body despair'd of his Safety.

The Romans, after this, made the best of their way for Sicily, and receiving Advice of the Defeat of Caias, sent an Express forth∣with for Duilius, who then had the Com∣mand of their Land-Forces in the Island: But while they attended his coming, recei∣ving Advice, that the Enemies Fleer was at hand, they prepar'd to engage them. But, forasmuch as their Vessels were not built with extraordinary Art; and, consequently, were found somewhat unwieldy in working, it came into their Heads to recompence this defect, by contriving some new Inventi∣on, that might be of use to them in Fight; and then was devis'd that Machine, which was afterwards call'd Corvus, which Engine was fram'd after the following manner: They erected on the Prow of their Vessels, a∣round piece of Timber, of about a Foot and half Diameter, and about Twelve Foot long; on the top whereof they had a Block or Pul∣ly; round this piece of Timber they fram'd a Stage or Platform of Boards, four Foot broad, and about eighteen Foot long, which was well fram'd, and fasten'd with Iron; the Entrance was longways, and it mov'd about the aforesaid upright piece of Timber, as on a Spindle, and cou'd be hoisted up within six Foot of the Top; about this was a sort of Pa∣rapet, Knee high, which was defended with upright Bars of Iron, sharpen'd at the ends, towards the top whereof there was a Ring:

This Machine, resembling, in some sort, our fashion'd Mills. To be short, it was slung by those Rings, which by the help of the Pully was hoisted and lower'd at pleasure. And with this they attack'd the Enemies Ves∣sels, sometimes on their Bow, and sometimes on the Broadside, as occasion best serv'd: So when ever they grappel'd the Enemy with those Engines, if they happen'd to swing Broadside to Broadside, then they enter'd from all parts, but in case they attack'd them on the Bow, they enter'd two and two by the help of this Engine; the foremost defending the forepart, and those that follow'd the Flancks, keeping the Boss of their Bucklers level with the top of the Parapet. In this posture the Romans prepar'd for the Battel.

As soon as Caius Duilius had notice of the Adventure of their General by Sea, he left the Land-Army to the Conduct of the several Colonels, and hasten'd himself to the Fleet; where, upon his arrival, receiving Advice that the Enemy ravag'd the Country on the Coast of Mylas, he made the best of his way with the whole Fleet, to Encounter them. The Carthaginians, on their side, greatly re∣joic'd when they descried the Romans, and forthwith detach'd a Squadron of an Hun∣dred and Thirty of their Ships, and stood off to Sea towards them, whom they held in so great Contempt, that they advanc'd with their Prows directly upon them, careless of

any Order of Battel, dreaming of nothing but certain Victory, and the Pillage of the Enemy. He who commanded the Carthagi∣nian Fleet, was the same Hannibal who de∣fended and made his escape with the Army by Night from Agrigentum. His own Ves∣sel was a Galley of Seven Banks of Oars, be∣longing formerly to Pyrrhus King of Epyrus: But as they approach'd, the Carthaginians became greatly surpris'd at the sight of those Engines we before mention'd, and stood sometime in suspence at the Novelty, never having before seen the like. Howbeit, this did not diminish their Contempt of the Ene∣my; and the headmost, by the boldness of their attack, made it appear how little they valu'd them. But the Romans grappling with them, by the help of their Engines, en∣tring by them with ease, came to fight hand to hand with them, upon Deck, as on firm Ground: Some of the Carthaginians were slain, others yielded upon Quarter, frighted at the extraordinary effect of this new and wonderful Invention. They lost in the Fight, of those that came first to engage, Thirty Ships, with their whole Company, of which number Hannibal's Gally we mention'd, was one, who escap'd himself in a small Boat, when he was by all given for lost, after ha∣ving perform'd the Duty of a gallant and able Leader. At length the rest of the Fleet came up, but when they perceiv'd the Defeat of

their first Squadron, they held it safer to shun tempting their Fortune too far, and were sur∣pris'd too at the sight of those new Engines. They therefore having greatly the Advan∣tage in the lightness of their Vessels, us'd their best skill by nimbly rowing round them, to attack them with most safety; but when they observ'd, that which way soever they approach'd, those Machines were still tra∣vers'd and oppos'd to them, they were at length compell'd to yield the Honour of the Day to the Romans, retiring with the lost of Fifty of their Ships.

But the Romans Hopes were rais'd by this Success, who having against the Judgment of all the World, prov'd a Match for the Car∣thaginians at Sea, resolv'd to prosecute the War with greater Application; and forthwith landing their Forces on the Island, march'd to the Relief of Aegesta, which was straitly press'd by the Enemy, where they rais'd the Siege, and from thence, in a breath, march'd to the Attack of Macella, which they took by Assault. After these Successes, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian General by Land, who was then at Palermo, receiving Intelligence of a Sedi∣tion in the Roman Army, occasion'd by a Dispute between the Legions and Auxiliaries of the Allies about Precedency, which came to a Separation of the Army; the Strangers retiring from the Romans, and being about to Encamp by themselves between Paropus

and Thermas; the Carthaginians surpris'd them, and slew to the number of Four Thou∣sand.

Hannibal, upon his defeat at Sea, re∣turn'd with the remainder of the Fleet to Carthage, and being reinforc'd with more Ships and able Officers, he put to Sea again for Sardinia; where he no sooner arriv'd, when he was surpriz'd in Harbour by the Romans, who took many of his Ships. These Misfortunes begat a Mutiny in the remain∣der of the Army, who seiz'd on his Person, and Crucify'd him. And here in may be no∣ted, that the Romans, as soon as they saw themselves Masters at Sea, form'd Designs likewise on Sardinia. The following Year produc'd little or nothing Memorable in Si∣cily. But on the creating their new Consuls, Aulus Atilius and C. Sulpitius, these, on their arrival, march'd with the Army directly to∣wards Palermo, which at that time was the Carthaginians Winter-Quarter; where, as soon as they had posted themselves, the Con∣fuls drew out the Army in Battel, but the Enemy lay quiet within the Town, where∣upon they march'd to Hippona, which they carry'd by assault. They likewise took My∣tistratus, a strong place, which cost them Time and Trouble to reduce; and formally besieg'd Camarina, and attack'd it by Works and Engines, and, in the end, retook it, that place having before deserted their Party;

and, after having taken Enna, and several other places of less importance belonging to the Carthaginians, they prepar'd to sit down before Lipara.

The following Year the Roman Consul, C. Atilius, being with the Fleet at Tyndaris, desery'd the Carthaginian Fleet standing a∣long the Coast in a confus'd and careless man∣ner, whereupon he order'd a Squadron of Ten Gallies to give them chace. But the Carthaginians observing them to Embark their Men, and that some were already put off, and got out of the Port, and that the headmost were a good distance from the reft; they thereupon tack'd, and standing toward them, quickly surrounded them, and sank, and destroy'd the greatest part of that Squa∣dron, where the Admiral-Gally was in great danger of being taken, and, only by her light∣ness, and the force of her Oars, escap'd, after she was given for lost. But the other part of the Roman Fleet that was order'd to follow, after they were got together, and had rang'd themselves into order of Battel, engag'd the Enemy, taking Ten of their Vessels, with their Equipage, and sinking Eight: Where∣upon the Carthaginians retir'd with the re∣mainder of their Fleet, to the Islands of Li∣para. But, for as much as the Success of this Ba••tel stood doubtful, and either thought he had the better of the other in the Conflict, they therefore set themselves to work with

all their might upon their Naval Prepara∣tions, to prosecute their Contention for the Dominion of the Sea. In the mean while their Troops perform little by Land, inga∣ging in no Action of importance; but ha∣ving increas'd their Naval Power on both sides, they put to Sea the following Sum∣mer. The Romans arriv'd at Messina with a Fleet of Three Hundred and Thirty Ves∣sels, as well long as cover'd, from whence they stood along the Coast of Sicily to the Right-hand, and having doubl'd the Cape of Pachin, they stood towards E••nome, where their Land-Forces then were. The Cartha∣ginians arriv'd first at Lilibaeum, their Fleet consisting of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail, fitted for Service; from thence they went to Heraclea Minoa, where they remain'd at Anchor.

The Romans had now form'd a Design to Transport the War into Africk, to the end the Carthaginians might find Employment in the Defence and Preservation of their own Coun∣try, while they were sollicitous to contest for the Mastery in Sicily; but the Carthaginians, who knew full well how easie it was for an Army to march to Carthage; and that it would be no difficulty for an Enemy, who had once got footing in their Country, to make what Spoil he pleas'd; made appear by their eagerness to come to a Battel, that they were resolv'd to oppose this Design of the

Romans with their utmost Power; so that the one Party having determin'd to Defend, and the other to Assault, it was not difficult to foresee, by the Obstinacy that appear'd in either, that they would soon come to a Battel. The Romans then took care, so to provide themselves of all things necessary, as to be in a Posture and Condition, either to make a Descent on the Enemies Coast, or to give them Battel by Sea. To this end, after they had first selected all the prime Men of their Land-Forces, they divided the Army, into four Divisions; to each of which they gave two Names; the first they call'd the First Legion, and the First Fleet, observing the like order in the rest; saving that the fourth Division had no other Name than Triarians, after the manner of their Land-Army. In this Fleet there were a Hundred and Forty Thousand Men that bore Arms; each Gally had Three Hundred Rowers, and One Hundred and Twenty Souldiers. As to the Carthaginians, who were most bent on a Sea-Ingagement, their Naval Prepara∣tions were greater than that of the Romans; and as they exceeded them in the Number of their Ships, so their Army was propor∣tionably greater, consisting of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Fighting Men. And who now could contemplate the mighty Ha∣zard to which those two contending States were expos'd, and but hear the Account of

the Preparations of such Fleets and Armies, without Astonishment, and taking part in the Peril with which they threaten'd each other? The Romans had resolv'd to keep the Sea, as concluding it to be their safest Course, the Carthaginians having the Advantage of them in the nimbleness and ready working of their Gallies; wherefore they endeavour'd, above all things, so to draw up, and form their Fleet, that by the good Order and Dispositi∣on of their Battel, the Enemy might be the more cautious how they approach'd to attack them: which was, in a word, after this man∣ner: The two Consuls, M. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius, were in the two Admiral-Gal∣lies, in the Front of their two distinct Squa∣drons, each of them just a-head of their own Divisions, and a-breast of each other; the First Fleet being posted on the Right, the Second on the Left, making two long Files, or Lines of Battel; and whereas it was ne∣cessary to give a due space between each Gal∣ly, to ply their Oars, and keep clear one of another, and to have their Heads or Prows looking somewhat outwards; this manner of drawing up did therefore naturally form an Angle, the point whereof was at the two Ad∣miral-Gallies, which were near together; and as their two Lines were prolong'd, so the distance grew consequently wider and wider towards the Rear; in this manner was the First and Second Fleet dispos'd. The Third

Legion was drawn up Frontways, in the Rear of the First and Second, and so stretch∣ing along from Point to Point, compos'd a Triangle, whereof this Third Line was the Base. Their Vessels of Burden, that carried their Horses and Baggage were in the Rear of these, and were, by the help of small Boats provided for that purpose, towed or drawn after them. In the Rear of all was the Fourth Fleet, call'd the Triarians, drawn up like∣wise in Rank or Frontways; parallel to the Third; but these made a longer Line, by which means the Extreamities stretch'd out and extended beyond the two Angles at the Base. The several Divisions of the Army, being thus dispos'd, form'd, as is said, a Tri∣angle; the Area within was void, but the Base contain'd what we have already menti∣on'd. In a word, the Roman Fleet being form'd into this Figure, was dispos'd for all that could happen; nor would it have been an easie matter to have broken them.

The Carthaginian Generals, in the mean time, animated their Souldiers all they could in few words, letting them know, That if they overcame the Romans in this Battel, the War would then be prosecuted in Sicily on∣ly; but if they should be beaten, they would then be driven to fight for the Preservation of their Native Country, their own Inheritance, and their Wives and Children. In short, they gave order for the speedy imbarking

their People, which the Souldiers chearfully obey'd, every one reflected on what their Officers had remonstrated; so they drew out of their Port, full of Hopes and Resolution. When the Carthaginians had observ'd how the Roman Army was drawn up, they then determin'd after what manner to form their Battel: Accordingly they dispos'd their Fleet into four Squadrons or Divisions, and drew it out into one long File; that part to the Right of this Line, stretch'd a great way out into the Sea, as if their Purpose had been to inclose and surround the Romans, their Prows pointing directly upon them; the Fourth Squadron, which was the Left of the Line, kept close under the Shoar, dispos'd in manner of a Tenail: Hanno, one of the Ge∣nerals, he who had succeeded so ill at. Agri∣gentum, was on the Right with the First Squa∣dron, having with him all the nimble, and best rowing Vessels of the Fleet, being such as were proper to Attack and Retreat, and for their lightness could row round the Ro∣mans. Hamilcar, the same that fought near Tindaris, commanded the Left-wing; who after they came to Engage, devis'd a Strata∣gem, which shew'd him an Officer of Expe∣rience.

The Romans having observ'd, that the Carthaginians, by stretching their Battel to so great a length, were by that means but thinly drawn up, they therefore attack'd them

in the middle of their Line, where the Bat∣tel began; but the Carthaginians, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, immediately retreated, with purpose to seperate and put the Romans in disorder to pursue them, who accordingly press'd warmly after them; The First and Second Fleets were those who in∣gag'd in the Pursuit of the Carthaginians, who feign'd to fly: Thus their Army became disjoin'd, the third Fleet remaining with the Baggage in a Tow, and the Triarians keep∣ing their Post in the Rear of all. Now when the Carthaginians judg'd the First and Second Fleets to be sufficiently distanc'd from the rest, the Signal was given from Hamilcar's Gally; whereupon that part of their Fleet which was chas'd by the Romans immediately tack'd, and made head against the Pursuers, who had follow'd them so eagerly; and now the Battel increas'd and grew warm every∣where, and albeit the Carthaginians had the advantage in the lightness and ready working of their Vessels, whether it were to Advance or Retreat, as occasion requir'd, which they perform'd with great Promptitude and Facility; nevertheless the Romans lost not their assurance of Success in the end, they found themselves better Men when they came to the Swords Point, and they had great trust in their Engines wherewith they grap∣pl'd and boarded the Enemy; besides the Souldiers were animated by the Presence of

the Generals, in whose Eye they Fought, and who themselves ingag'd in equal Hazard with the rest.

Now Hanno, who commanded the Right of the Line, and was at a good distance off from the place where the Battel began, stood out farther to Sea, and attack'd the Triarians, where he succeeded so well, as to reduce them to the last Extremity; in the mean while, that Squadron of the Carthaginians that was posted on the Left, under the Shoar, rang'd themselves into a Front; and turning their Prows upon the Enemy, charg'd that part of their Fleet that had the Guard of the Baggage and Horse-ships; whereupon the Romans casting off the Ships which they had in a Tow receiv'd the Carthaginians, and fought them with great Bravery. And now might be seen, three Naval Battles fought at one and the same time, in three several Places; but forasmuch as the Parties ingaging, were of equal strength, it happen'd, as for the most part it doth in the like Adventures, where two contending Powers happen to be of e∣qual Force, that Fortune gives the Victory to that side for whom she first began to declare. So Hamilcar, not being able to sustain the first Shock of the Romans, was beaten and fled with his Squadron out of the Battel; Lu∣cius towing away such of their Ships as he had taken. In the mean while, Marcus per∣ceiving the great Danger the Triarians were

in, and the Vessels that carried their Equipage, advanc'd up to their Relief, taking with him the Second Fleet, which remain'd yet entire; whereupon the Triarians, now well-nigh van∣quish'd, observing with what Bravery he at∣tack'd Hanno, took Heart, and renew'd the Battel; insomuch that he seeing himself now assaulted from all Quarters both in Front and Rear, and that M. Atilius, contrary to all ex∣pectation, was likewise come up, and join'd the Fleet, by which means they were in dan∣ger of being quite surrounded; yielded the Day to the Romans, and flying, got off to Sea. At the same time Manlius, who was now re∣turn'd from the Chace, observing that the Third Fleet of the Romans had been forc'd under the Shoar by the left point of the Ene∣mies Battel, where they held them surround∣ed, came up to their Relief, and was second∣ed by Marcus, who had now rescu'd the Tri∣arians and Baggage-vessels, and left them safe. In a word, this part of their Army was in great danger, and had been lost e'er this, if the Carthaginians, frighted at their new Engine, could have found Resolution to attack them, but they barely contented themselves to force them on upon the Shoar, and there to keep them beset, not daring to attempt or approach them; so great an ap∣prehension they were under of being grappl'd by their Corvi. In short, the Carthaginians were now quickly beset by the Romans, who

routing them, took Fifty of their Ships with their Equipage, very few either of Souldiers or Seamen escaping. Behold now the Suc∣cess of these three Battels, in all which the Romans were Victors. They lost but twen∣ty four of their own Vessels, and those perish'd against the Shoar; but of the Carthaginians, above Thirty were destroy'd. Of the Ro∣mans not a Ship was taken, but of the Car∣thaginians Threescore and three.

Sometime after this Success, the Romans making greater Preparations than ever, and having repair'd and enquipp'd the Ships they had taken from the Enemy, and well re∣fresh'd their Army, set Sail for Africk. When the Van of their Fleet had gain'd Cape Mercury, which is a Point of Land running out from the Gulf of Carthage, a good way into the Sea towards Sicily; they there made a Halt, and attended the Coming up of the rest of the Fleet; and when they were joyn'd, they stood along the Coast till they came up with a Place call'd Aspis or Clupea, where they made their Descent, drawing up their Vessels in the Port where they secur'd them with a Ditch and Pallisade; and finding the Inhabitants resolv'd to stand on their Defence, they prepar'd to Besiege them. In the mean while, those who escap'd from the Battel, bringing News home of their Misfortune, the Carthaginians were then in no doubt, but that, encourag'd by this Success, the Romans

would quickly Land, and make the best of their March up to their City. They there∣fore dispatch'd Troops to oppose them and to keep Guard upon the Neighbouring Coast by Sea and Land; but when they receiv'd Ad∣vice of their being Landed, and of their Be∣sieging Aspis, that care was over: Where∣fore they now proceed to reinforce their Ar∣my with new Levies, which they perform'd with all possible Application, making due Provision for the Strengthning their City, and the Security of the Country. The Ro∣mans, in the interim, became Masters of Aspis, where having left a good Garrison for Defence of the Town and Country about it, and dispatch'd Messengers to Rome to give an Account of their Successes, and to learn the Senate's Pleasure how to proceed; they march'd farther up with their whole Army to Forage and Spoil the Country. In this Ex∣pedition they plunder'd and destroy'd a great many noble Buildings, took much Booty of all sorts of Cattel, and at least Twenty Thou∣sand Prisoners; all which they perform'd without any Opposition, and brought all down to their Ships. And now they receiv'd the Senate's Answer by their Messengers, whose Pleasure was, That only one of the Consuls should remain in Africk, with a competent Strength to prosecute the War, and the other should return back to Rome with the rest of the Army. So M. Atilius

remain'd with Forty Ships, Fifteen Thou∣sand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; and L. Manlius return'd to Rome with the rest of the Army, carrying with him many Prisoners; who Sailing along the Coast of Sicily arriv'd in safety.

The Carthaginians foreseeing this War was like to last, consider'd on the Choice of their Generals; and first chose two, Hanno the Son of Asdrubal and Bostar. Then they sent their Orders to Hamilcar, who was now at Heraclea, to return Home with all expedition: Accordingly, he taking with him Five Thou∣sand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse, came forthwith to Carthage; where, being chosen their Third General, he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Af∣fairs; and concluded, That above all things they ought to Succour the Province, and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions, and such Spoil upon the Country. In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus pro∣ceeds, and in a short space makes a mighty Progress; all such Towns as he attack'd, that had no Walls, he carry'd at the first Assault; and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd; and coming to Adda, which was a Place of Im∣portance, he incamp'd not far from the Walls, and sat down before it. But the Carthagini∣ans knowing the usefulness of that Place, and being resolv'd to defend the Country, march'd out forthwith against him; where arriving

with their Army, they posted themselves on an Eminence, which, albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans, was never∣theless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects; for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants, so abandoning the plain and proper Country, and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places; they pointed out as it were to the Enemy, the Methods of their own Destruction. And so in effect it prov'd, for the Roman Commanders, who were Men of Experience, saw well enough, that the main Strength, and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army, was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains, they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy, and not delaying till they should be better advis'd, improv'd the Occa∣sion; and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill, where they were thus incamp'd, when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants. In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly, and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat; howbeit, being attack'd in the Rear by another Party, marching about the Hill, they were at length forc'd to give ground, and retire; and now being hard press'd, they forsook their Camp, with their Horse and Elephants, and gaining

the plain Country, sav'd themselves, the Ro∣mans pursuing their Foot for some space; so they took their Camp, and proceeded as be∣fore to make Inroads, taking of Towns, and spoiling the Country round about, without any Impediment. Then they march'd to Tunes, and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls, which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand, and was of all Places, the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself, and the Country round about it.

The Carthaginians, who had so unfortu∣nately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land, not so much thro' the Cowardise o•• their Armies, as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs, began now to despair: For, over and above the Calamities we have related, the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles, had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman, and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion, a great deal more. Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City, whither they brought both Fear and Famine, a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once th••∣ther.

And now Regulus, having weigh'd, that they had been too hard for the Carthaginian•• both by Sea and Land, and that Carthage itsel••

was not likely to be able long to hold out, ad∣monish'd them to treat about an Accomodati∣on; fearing least his Successor that was ex∣pected from Rome should (if he made not a Peace) deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War. The Carthaginians, on their part, gladly listen'd to the Proposal, and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens; who, after some time of Conference, were so far from yield∣ing to the Propositions, that they had not Pa∣tience so much as to hear them repeated, they were so Infamous. For Regulus, as if he had made a compleat Conquest, would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Be∣nifit, to accord them a Peace upon whatsoe∣ver Conditions he should think fit to pro∣pound: But the Carthaginians were of a dif∣ferent: Mind, and reckon'd, that nothing could befal them more shameful and calami∣tous, than what was demanded; and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd, and brought under the Roman Yoke. So they return'd, not only full of Shame to be so treated, but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus. The Senate, likewise, after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated, which the Romans propos'd, withstood it with so much Cou∣rage and Greatness of Mind, that albeit they were at the brink of Despair, the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst

Fortune could bring on them, than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty.

About this time, there was return'd out of Greece, a Carthaginian, who had been sent thi∣ther to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State; who brought a conside∣rable number of Recruits with him, and a∣mong the rest, a certain Lacedemonian, call'd Xantippus, who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline, and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs; he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians, and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength, and the Provision they had made for the War; their number of Horse, and of their Elephants; he concluded upon the whole Matter, and so publish'd among his Friends, That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians, but the Ig∣norance of their Leaders. This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the Peo∣ple, and came at length to the knowledge o•• of the Magistrates, who forthwith command∣ed he should be brought before them, when he reason'd the whole matter to them, and did endeavour to Demonstrate, that if by ta∣king his Advice they would alter their man∣ner of Fighting, and, descending from th•• Hills, incamp and deal with the Enemy i•• the Champain Country, he assur'd them, no only of Safety, but of Victory. The Souldi∣ers

who were edify'd by these Reasons, con∣curr'd entirely with Xantippus; to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given; and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army, but they took Heart, and conceiv'd new Hopes: And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town, and disciplin'd, and form'd according to his Rules, the Abilities of this their new Leader, and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible, that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and gene∣ral Acclamations, and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy; having con∣ceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus. In a word, the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers, incourag'd them with their Exhortations to behave themselves bravely; and shortly after they march'd to find the Enemy, their Forces con∣sisting of Twelve Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, and about an Hundred E∣lephants. The Romans were a little sur∣pris'd at the Novelty, to see their Enemy thus to change their manner of proceeding, by marching down, and incamping in the plain Country; but being assur'd of the Event, they march'd toward them with all Expe∣dition, and incamp'd within Twelve Hun∣dred and Fifty Paces of the Carthaginian Ar∣my, who the next Morning held a Council

of War how they should proceed, while the Souldiers assembling in great numbers, and proclaiming every-where the Name of Xan∣tippus, demanded with great earnestness to be led against the Enemy. The Officers ob∣serving this their Willingness, and being urg'd and conjur'd by Xantippus not to let this their Ardour cool without Action, the Army was directed to prepare for the Battel, and the Order and Manner of their drawing up intirely committed to Xantippus; who proceeded after this manner: He drew up all the Elephants in Front, advanc'd some di∣stance beyond the Line of Battel: In the Rear of these, at a good distance, he appoint∣ed the Carthaginian Battalions; in the Right Wing was dispos'd part of the Mercenaries, and some chosen out of them were mix'd with the Horse advanc'd before the two points of the Battel. The Romans, seeing the Enemy now ranging into Battalia, lost no time but readily advanc'd against them with their usu∣al Courage: Nevertheless, in regard they had a just Apprehension of the Force of their Ele∣phants, they appointed their light arm'd Souldiers to march advanc'd in the Front of their Battel; and to sustain them, were plac'd good Troops in firm and close order. Their Horse were drawn up on the Wings, not ex∣tending in length so far as their manner usu∣ally was, which was recompens'd by the ad∣dition of Depth, whereby they justly compu∣ted,

that they should be the better able to su∣stain the shock of the Elephants; but they were entirely in the wrong touching their Horse; those of the Enemy much out-num∣bring them: In short, both Armies being drawn up, according to the Design of their respective Leaders, they remain'd some time in suspence, attending the Signal to ingage.

And now Xantippus commanded the Guides of the Elephants to advance, and at∣tempt the breaking of the Romans Order, and to the Cavalry (which out-wing'd them) to surround and attack them in the Flank: And the Romans, after clashing their Arms, and giving a Shout, as their manner is, began the Battel; but their Horse percei∣ving themselves out-numbred by those of the Enemy, soon abandon'd their Post in the Wings, and the Foot in the Left-point of their Battel, partly out of fear of the Ele∣phants, and partly beleiving they should find less to do against the Mercenaries, attack'd them on the Right, and put them to flight, pursuing them to their Retrenchments. But it far'd otherwise with those who were op∣pos'd to the Elephants, they being disorder'd by those Animals, broken, kill'd, and trod∣den under foot: True it is, that the Body of that Battalian, by reason of its great depth and firm order, was not presently shaken; but when the Rear, which yet sustain'd them, perceiv'd the Enimies Horse in their

Flank, and that they were in danger to be surrounded, they were forc'd to face about to receive them. On the other hand, such of the Roman Army as had charg'd though the Elephants, were no sooner escap'd that dan∣ger, but they encounter'd with the Battalion of Carthaginians, fresh, and in good order, who charging them, cut them all off. And now the Romans being attack'd and worsted on all sides, many were destroy'd by the rage and force of those mighty Animals, the Ele∣phants; many were kill'd on the spot by the Cavalry, and very few attempted to fly; those who did, were most of them, by rea∣son it was an open Country, slain by the Hourse and the Elephants. Five hundred who follow'd Regulus in his flight, fell with him alive into the Enemies Hands. Of the Carthaginians were kill'd about Eight Hun∣dred; most of them Mercenaries, who were oppos'd to the Left Wing of the Romans, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whose Army there did not escape above Two Thousand, and those were of the Party th•••• broke and pursu'd the Carthaginians, wh•••• the Battel first began, as was observ'd; th•••• rest were all slain, saving the Consul M. A••∣lius Regulus, and those taken with him; an the Cohorts that remain'd, escap'd as by M••••∣racle to Aspis. As for the Carthaginians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soon as they had pillag'd the Dead, th•••• ••arch'd back to their City full of Glory an•• Triumph, leading the Consul with them a∣mong

the rest of the Prisoners. Certainly, whosoever weighs with Judgment, the Suc∣cess of this Adventure, may collect matter of much benefit for reforming the Errors of Mankind. For what is more easie to deter∣mine in this case of Regulus, than that the flatteries of Fortune are of all others the most vain and trustless; and we may behold him, who but Yesterstay was triumphing in the Pride of his Success, refusing the Compassion due to a miserable People, to Day seeing him∣self a Captive, and in a state to implore that Grace which he refus'd them. In short, the Event of this Action confirms that excellent saying of Euripides, That one wise Head is more worth than many strong Hands. For it is ma∣nifest in the Case now before us, that the Counsel and Abilities of one single Person sub∣du'd the Roman Legions, who by their Expe∣rience and Bravery were esteem'd Invincible, rescu'd a sinking and despairing Common∣wealth, and restor'd Courage to a beaten and spiritless Army, grown stupid by their Mis∣fortunes. Let it not therefore be thought su∣perfluous, that we add these our Reflections, while those who shall read what we have written, may chance to be edify'd, and im∣prove their Minds in that laudable Vertue of Moderation; for as there are two ways to correct Men's manners; namely, by their own Misfortunes, and the Example of those of others; so, tho' the one be more sensible, the

other is more safe. It is therefore the wisest way, by shunning the Perils and Difficulties of the one when without toil or hazard we may safely contemplate the other, and take out Lessons for our Instruction at other Men's Experience. So that, in sum, it will be found, that there is no Doctrine or Me∣thod more likely to improve us in the Con∣duct of our Life than the Experience we may extract from the Study of History, which fairly and candidly reports to us, the Tran∣sactions of Times past; for by this means a∣lone it is that we attain Wisdom and Experi∣ence for the bare asking, which at all Times, and in all Events, will be found most prefer∣able: but so much by way of Refiection.

The Carthaginians, whose Affairs had pro∣sper'd to their Wish, express'd their Joy with all possible Piety towards the Gods, and mu∣tual Congratulations and Festivals among themselves. As to Xantippus, who had so happy a share in the Advancement and Pro∣sperity of their Affairs, he shortly after (an admirable Example of great Judgment and Wisdom) took his Leave, and departed from Carthage, foreseeing, as it were, that the Ser∣vice he had done them, being a Stranger, as it was too great for a Reward, so it would soon contract him both Envy and Danger, which a Native, by the Power of Interest, Relations, and Friendship would be better able to avoid, while another would stand

expos'd to Ruine. There are Authors who render a different Account of Xantippus's De∣parture, whereof mention shall be made in a fitter place. And now the Romans having receiv'd an account of the posture of their Af∣fairs in Africk, so contrary to their Expect∣ations, apply'd themselves with all diligence to the repairing and equipping their Fleet, and to rescue out of danger those who had escap'd from the Battel; while the Carthagi∣nians did their utmost to reduce them, and get them into their Power; to which End they march'd to Aspis, and besieg'd it; but the Garrison made so brave and obstinate a De∣fence, that after the Enemy had attempted their utmost to gain it, they were forc'd to raise the Siege. When the Carthaginians had receiv'd Advice that the Romans were sitting out a fresh Fleet to attack them again, they apply'd themselves to the refitting such of their Vessels as were out of Repair, and to build new ones to re-inforce their Navy; and having equipp'd, and got together in a few days, a Fleet of about Two Hundred Sail, they resolv'd to put to Sea, and attempt to prevent the Enemies Descent. In the mean time, the Romans had made ready, early in the Spring, a Fleet of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail; and embarking their Army un∣der the Command of their new Consuls, M. Aemilius, and Servius Fulvius, and standing along the Coast of Sicily towards Africa, they

met and fought off of Cape Mercury with the Carthaginian Fleet, which was not able to sustain the first shock, but being entirely beat∣en, lost in the Ingagement, and Hundred and Fourteen of their Vessels, and all that was in them, to the Romans; who afterwards prosecuting their Course, arriv'd at Aspis; where taking their Men on Board that re∣main'd in Africa, they shap'd their Course back to Sicily. And being well advanc'd on their way, they were surpriz'd off of Camari∣na with so dreadful a Tempest, that the Losses and Hardships they sustain'd were without Example, and beyond Expression: So terrible it was, that of Three Hundred and Seventy odd Vessels that compos'd their Fleet, Four∣score only escap'd Shipwreck, the rest being either founder'd in the Sea, or were lost and broken against the Rocks, that whole Coast being cover'd with dead Bodies, and strew'd with the Ruines and Fragments of their Ships, insomuch as History affords no Example of the like dreadful Disaster. And yet it may be said, that this Calamity was not owing so much to Fortune, as to the Obstinacy of the Consuls: For the Pilots endeavour'd to ob∣viate the Hazard they should be expos'd to by Navigating on that Coast of Sicily, which borders on the African Sea, there being there not only no Harbours to succour Vessels in distress; but the Season too of the Year was now improper; for by Observation of the ri∣sing

and setting of Orion and the Dog-Star, they compute and know the safe Seasons for Navigation. But the Consuls, contemning their Counsel, stood boldly out to Sea, in hopes that after this signal Victory, their ap∣pearing suddenly on the Coast, might terrify many Towns, and awe them to Submission: But their Folly was chastis'd by this memo∣rable Loss, which they sustain'd upon a Motive much too little for the Hazard. The Romans have indeed this inflexibility of Mind peculiar to them, believing that whatsoever they have resolv'd and determin'd to undertake, ought to be indispensably perform'd; and they have establish'd it into a Principle, That what they once had decreed to execute, cannot be impos∣sible to bring to pass: The Effect, indeed of a generous Obstinacy, but the Cause often∣times of their falling into pernicious Errors and Misfortunes, and their sustaining un∣speakable Losses, especially in their Naval-Expeditions. As to their Exploits by Land, where the Encounter is only Man to Man, their Courage frequently conducts them to the Success they propose, by reason their Ad∣ventures are with Men like themselves; and yet there want not Examples wherein their Measures and Forces have fail'd, and they have sunk and miscarry'd under the weight of their Enterprises. But whenever, by a te∣merarious Audacity, they act against these raging Elements, and attempt to vanquish

the Sea and Wind, they are sure to reap no other Fruit of their Obstinacy, than Loss and Calamity. This we have now mention'd, is an Instance, and they have heretofore smarted by the like Errors; and they shall always stand liable to the same Disasters, till they appear better advis'd and instruct∣ed in the Weakness of that over weaning Presumption, which they are apt to enter∣tain in all their Designs, vainly imagining, that both Sea and Land should on all occa∣sions consent and open their way to Success in all their Enterprises.

The Carthaginians, upon Advice of this Misfortune of the Romans at Sea, were of Opinion, That they should now be a Match for them by Land, whereunto they were perswaded through the late Victory they had gain'd. That they should be equal to them likewise by Sea, they had no doubt, by reason of their late great Loss by Tempest; howbeit, they omitted not to re-inforce their Strength both by Sea and Land. They dispatch'd Asdrubal into Sicily, to whom, besides the Forces already there, they order'd a farther Supply of Troops out of those that were lately drawn out of Heraclea, together with an Hundred and Forty Elephants: He was no sooner departed, but they sent after him Two Hundred Vessels laden with all things necessary for the Service of the War Asdrubal, being safely arriv'd at Lilybaeum,

apply'd himself with diligence to Exercise and Discipline his Troops and Elephants, intending to spread his Arms all over the Country, and to make himself entire Ma∣ster of the Field. As for the Romans, they were not without a very sensible Sorrow, when by those who had escap'd Shipwreck, they receiv'd an Account of the mighty Loss they had sustain'd at Sea; nevertheless, be∣ing determin'd not to yield the Advantage to the Enemy, they order'd a new Fleet to be speedily built, to consist of Two Hun∣dred and Twenty Sail; which Fleet (a wonderful and incredible thing to relate) was compleatly built and finish'd in the space of three Months; on which the new Con∣suls, Aulus Atilius, and C. Cornelius, speedi∣ly embark'd; who, after having pass'd the Streight, and touch'd at Messina, to take with them the Vessels that had been sav'd in the late Storm, shap'd their Course for Paler∣mo with a Naval-Army consisting of three Hundred Sail, and forthwith sat down and besieg'd that place, which then was the Capital City of the Carthaginians in Sicily. They made their Attacks in two several places, and when their Works were ad∣vanc'd to their Minds, they approach'd with their Engines of Battery, by which, a Tower or Work standing near the Sea, was quickly, and without much trouble, demo∣lish'd; at which Breach the Souldiers en∣ter'd,

and took by Assault, and kept Pos∣session of that Quarter of the City call'd the New Town, whereby the place itself was put into manifest danger; but the Inhabi∣tants coming seasonably in to the Relief, they advanc'd no farther; so the Consuls, after they had put a good Garrison into the place they had taken, return'd back to Rome. Early the next Summer the new Consuls, C. Servi∣lius, and C. Sempronius, sail'd over to Sicily with all their Naval Power, and from thence, soon after, stood for the Coast of Africk, where they made several Descents, but per∣form'd nothing of moment; at length ar∣riving at the Island of the Letophagy, which is likewise call'd Meninx, not far distant from the Lesser Syrtis, or Flats; here, be∣ing unacquainted with the Coast, their Fleet fell among the Sands, where their Vessels grounded, and stuck fast, as if they had been a-shoar, and there remain'd till the Flood fetch'd them off; when with great difficulty and hazard, throwing their Lumber over∣board, they made a shift to escape. From thence, like People flying from an Enemy, they stood away for the Coast of Sicily; and after they had doubl'd the Cape of Lilybaeum they got into the Port of Palermo. But from thence, steering their Course home∣ward, a Storm took them in the Phare of Messina, where, by a blind Obstinacy, they were imbay'd; which Storm attack'd them

with such violence, that above an Hundred and Fifty of their Ships miscarry'd. Things happening thus adverse to them by Sea, tho' the Senate and People could not subdue their Thirst of Glory and Empire, nevertheless these Losses and Calamities, and the Straits to which they were now reduc'd, prevail'd with them to quit all farther Attemps of trying their Fortune by Sea; so they now totally abandon'd all thoughts of Naval Pre∣parations. And determining to rely solely on their Land Armies, they dispatch'd the Consuls, L. Caecilius, and Cn. Furius to Si∣cily with the Legions, alotting them only a∣bout Threescore Vessels whereon securely to embark and waft over the Army, their Bag∣gage and Ammunition. These Misfortunes of the Romans much augmented the Cartha∣ginian Glory and Fame in the World, and gave a new face to their Affairs. In a word, as the Romans had now yielded them up the Dominion of the Sea, it was no difficulty for them to be entirely Masters there; nor were they without hopes of succeeding in their Af∣fairs by Land; nor did they reckon very wide of the matter, for from the time of the Defeat of the Roman Army, by the Assistance of the Elephants, which discompos'd and broke their Ranks in the Battel fought in Africk, where those Animals made such Destruction of their People, the Soldiers became so terri∣bly aw'd, that tho' they had been on several

occasions drawn up in Battalia to ingage within five or six Furlongs of the Carthagini∣an Army; sometimes in the Territory of Se∣linunce, sometimes about Lilybaeum, yet for the space of Two Years together they wanted Resolution to ingage them, or to adventure to abide in the Champain Country, so great a Dread they had conceiv'd of the Fury and Shock of those stupendous Beasts: So that little or no Progress was made in their Affairs during all that space, saving the taking of Lipary and Thermes, the Army continuing coop'd up in the Mountains, and inaccessible Places. Wherefore the Romans, observing this Terrour among their Legions, took a Re∣solution once more, to tempt their Fortune by Sea: Accordingly upon the Creation of C. Atelius, and L. Manlius Consuls, they or∣der'd the Building of Fifty Vessels, and Le∣vies of Men for that Service; and now they had a Navy once again establish'd.

Asdrubal having observ'd this Dread that possess'd the Roman Army, when ever he pre∣sented them Battel, and having Intelligence that one of the Consuls was now return'd back to Rome, and one half of the Army with him; and that Caecilius with the rest of the Troops was at Palermo, assisting their Al∣lies in gathering their Harvest, their Corn being now ripe; he march'd out of Lilybaeum with his Troops, and came and encamp'd on the Borders of the Territory of Palermo. Cae∣cilius

observing this weak Proceeding of the Carthaginian, kept his People within the Walls of the Town, thereby to ingage him to Advance nearer; which Asdrubal accord∣ingly did, perswaded thereto by the shew of Fear the Romans were under, and imagining that Caecilius had not Resolution to appear in the Field, he rashly adventur'd his Army in∣to a narrow Straight; and albeit he wasted the Country to the very Walls of Palermo, Caecilius nevertheless held his first Determi∣nation, not to move till the Enemy had pass'd the River that runs close by the Town. When, in short, after the Elephants and the whole Army had got over, he order'd some of his light arm'd Souldiers, to advance out against them to Pickeer, and draw them the more boldly on. And observing all things to succeed as he had projected, he posted a Bo∣dy of select and skilful Soldiers on the Counterscarp of the Town, with Orders, that if the Elephants advanc'd upon them, to Attack them with Darts and missive Wea∣pons, and in case they should be press'd by those Animals, that they should then retire into the Ditch; and from thence gall and molest them all they could. He order'd the Towns People at the same time to furnish themselves with great quantities of Darts, and post themselves without the Town at the Foot of the Walls, and there abide in a Posture of Defence. Caecilius himself with

all his Troops remain'd in readiness at a cer∣tain Gate of the Town, that was oppos'd to the Right Wing of the Enemy, from whence he sustain'd the Troops with fresh Supplies of Men, who were already ingaged. In a word, the Battel began now to grow warm, and the Leaders of the Elephants being resolv'd to be Sharers with Asdrubal in the Honour of the Day, proceeding as if they design'd the Vi∣ctory should be wholly owing to them, ad∣vanc'd all in order upon the Romans, whom they soon forc'd to give Ground and retire in∣to the Ditch. But now the Elephants smart∣ing with the Wounds they had receiv'd, and vex'd with the Darts wherewith they were gall'd both from the Ditch and the Walls of the Town, began to grow unruly, fell upon their own People, and destroy'd many, and put their Troops in disorder. This being ob∣serv'd by Caecilius, he forthwith sally'd out with his Troops fresh and in good order, and attacking the Enemy in Flank, who were al∣ready in Confusion, flew many, and put the rest of the Army to flight. Ten Elephants were then taken with the Indians their Guides, and others who had lost their Lea∣ders fell likewise into their Hands after the Battel. The happy Issue of this Action go•• Caecilius the Reputation every-where of ha∣ving restor'd the Roman Courage by Land to attempt incamping in the open and plai•• Country, and to know how to behave them∣selves

well again out of their Retrenchments. There was great Joy at Rome on the arri∣val of the News of this Defeat, not so much on account of the Elephants which had been taken, tho' it was a very sensible Blow to the Enemy, but because the taking of those Ani∣mals, and the Victory obtain'd against them, had restor'd the Soldiers Resolution. Where∣fore they determin'd once again, as had been propos'd (to the end they might at any rate put a Period to this War) to dispatch the Consuls away with a new Navy. And when all things were in readiness for the Expediti∣on, they departed for Scicily with a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail, it being now the Four∣teenth Year of the first Punic War: And be∣ing arriv'd on the Coast of Lilybaeum, and their Troops already in Sicily being assem∣bled thereabout, they resolv'd to sit down be∣fore that City; concluding, that the possessi∣on of such a Post, would greatly facilitate the transporting the War into Africk. The Carthaginians were of the same Opinion with the Romans in that Point, they therefore Post∣poning all other matters for the present, em∣ploy'd their utmost Counsels and Endeavours to succour and secure that Place, leaving no∣thing undone whereby to compass it. Fore∣seeing, that should it once fall into the Ene∣mies Hands, the Island being now entirely theirs, Depranum only excepted, the Cartha∣ginians would be without any Stake or Foot∣ing.

whereby to sustain or carry on the War. But that I may not talk obscurely to those who are not acquainted with the Geography of Sicily, I will here endeavour first to give some light into the Situation of that Island: The whole Island of Sicily is situate, with re∣spect to the extream Parts of Italy, in a man∣ner as Pelopennesus is to Greece, and the Fron∣tiers thereof; with this difference only, that this latter is a Peninsula. In brief, one may arrive at Pelopennesus by Land by means of the Isthmus, but to Sicily we cannot go but by Sea. Sicily bears the form of a Triangle, at each Corner whereof is a certain Cape or Pro∣montory: That which looks Southward, and runs out into the Sea of Sicily, is call'd Cape Pachine: That which regards the North, is call'd Pelorus, where the Sea is almost shut out, the Island being there not above Fifteen Hundred Paces distant from the Continent: The third Cape, which looks toward Africa, is call'd the Cape of Lilybaeum. This Island is commodiously situate, to Navigate from any of these Head-lands to Carthage, which hath been already noted; being distant about an Hundred and Twenty Five Miles; the Wester-most Coast winds somewhat with a Compass, and parts the African and Sardini∣an Seas. There is a City near this foremen∣tion'd Cape, bearing likewise the same Name, being that which we have already mention'd, which the Romans besieg'd; it was begirt〈1 page missing〉〈1 page missing〉

a strong Wall, and inviron'd with a good Ditch, which was fill'd with Water from the Sea, from whence likewise one might go to the Haven, which was extream difficult of access; unless to such, who by long Practice were perfectly acquainted with the way. This Town then the Romans besieg'd, ma∣king their Attacks in two several places, in∣vesting it with their two Camps, which held Communication by means of a Retrench∣ment, fortify'd with a Ditch, a Rampart, and a Wall. They made their first Approach∣es against a Tower, or Work, standing by the Sea-side, which looks towards Africk, and by their Diligence and incessant Application, adding something every Day, they soon de∣molish'd that and Six other Towers standing near it, and then they made way to approach with their Ram to batter the other Works. And having now demolish'd a great part of the Wall, and many of their Towers being shaken, and some laid level with the Ground, the Besieg'd began to be hard press'd, the E∣nemy having made a Lodgment even within their Works. Insomuch, that tho' they had a Garrison in the Town of Ten Thousand Men, Besides the Inhabitants, they could not conceal the Terrour they were under. Ne∣vertheless, Hamilcar the Governour, per∣form'd the part of a Diligent and Able Offi∣cer, by Fortyfying and Rebuilding such Works as the Enemy had demolish'd, by

making Countermines where it was found needful; and, in a word, by endeavouring to find Work enough for the Besiegers, where-ever they press'd him. His Diligence was such, as it might be said, He was present every-where; he was watchful of all Occa∣sions of molesting the Enemy, sometimes by burning their Engines; sometimes, to the end to divert them Day and Night, he would make hazardous Sallies; insomuch, that it might be said, They lost more Men, than if they had fought rang'd Battles in the Field.

While Affairs stood in this Posture, a piece of Treachery was discover'd: Certain Of∣ficers, of a principal Rank among the Mer∣cenaries, who serv'd in the Town, confi∣ding in the Soldiers readiness to follow them, conspir'd to deliver up the Place; and by Night, went over to the Roman Camp, to Negotiate their Purpose with the Consul; but it happen'd, that a certain Achaian, Alexo by Name, one who had done the like grate∣ful piece of Service in the Preservation of A∣grigentum, which the Mercenaries would have likewise betray'd to the Syracusians, dis∣cover'd this Conspiracy to Hamilcar, who im∣mediately thereupon, assembled the Com∣manders of those Mercinaries that remain'd in the Town, to whom he imparted the Trea∣son, conjuring them with Promises of great Rewards and Preferments to preserve their Fidelity, and not to be Partakers in the Vil∣lany,

wherein those who were now absent were engag'd. Whereupon, having frankly assur'd him of their Faith, he dispatch'd them to deal likewise with their Soldiers. He like∣wise employ'd Hannibal to the Gauls, whom they both knew and lov'd, having serv'd a∣mong them; observing by the way, that this Hannibal was Son of Him of the same Name who was murder'd in Sardinia. He likewise sent Alexo to the other Foreigners who was in great Esteem among them, and in whom they had great Confidence. In short, the Persons thus employ'd, having summon'd the several Nations with which they were to Treat, and Exhorting and Conjuring them to continue firm in their Obedience, and pro∣mising them ample Rewards from their Ge∣neral; they were easily won to give them sin∣cere assurances of their Faith; insomuch, that when their Agents were return'd from the Roman Camp to render an Account of their Negotiation, they were so far from consent∣ing or listening to them, that they drave them away with Darts and Stones. Thus by the Infidility of their Mercenaries, the Carthagi∣nians had been reduc'd to great Straits, and their Enterprises defeated, had not Alexo, who had already by his singular Virtue pre∣serv'd Agrigentum, both the Town and Coun∣try, their Laws and Liberties, perform'd now the like eminent piece of Service for them, in detecting so dangerous a Conspiracy.

Altho' at Carthage they were yet without any account of the Pressure of Lilybaeum, they were not nevertheless unmindful of the Ne∣cessities they concluded they must needs be in, who had undergone so long and strait a Siege. They therefore decreed them a Sup∣ply of as many Soldiers as could be carry'd in Fifty Vessels, who were dispatch'd under the Command of Hannibal, the Son of Hamilcar, and Adherbal's intimate Friend; who, after he had been exhorted to govern and comport himself as their Affairs upon the place should counsel him, he was forthwith dispatch'd with Instructions however to attempt speedi∣ly, by all ways possible, to succour the Town. Hannibal being now departed with a Supply of Ten Thousand Men, and arriving safely at the Isles of Aegusa, which lie in the way between Carthage and Lilybaeum; he there attended a fair Wind, to waft him to his Port, which no sooner presented, but he put to Sea, and came with a flown Sheet before the Mouth of the Harbour, ordering his Sol∣diers to be rang'd in a fighting Posture on the Decks of his Vessels. In the mean while, the Roman Fleet, surpris'd at this unlook'd for arrival of the Cathaginians, and fearing, if they should attempt to hinder them, they might be forc'd into the Port, together with the Enemy, by the violence of the Wind, they therefore thought it adviseable not to attack them: So they kept their Station, having a

good Offin, and contented themselves to a∣bide there, and wonder at this hardy At∣tempt of the Carthaginians. In the mean while, the Garrison being drawn together upon the Walls of the Town, stood expecting, with great Anxiety, the Success of the Ad∣venture, and greatly incourag'd at the arri∣val of this Succour, did, by their Cries and Acclamations, much animate their approach∣ing Friends. Thus Hannibal, by an intrepid Assurance, compass'd his Design, getting safe into the Haven, where he speedily landed his Soldiers. The Town express'd great Joy by this Reinforcement of their Garrison; and tho' the Succour was great in effect, and much comforted and incourag'd them, howbeit they were less affected with the pleasure of their Relief, than to behold the Romans tame∣ly consenting to their Passage, without daring to oppose them. And now Hamilcar the Go∣vernour, observing the general Joy upon this their increase of Strength, and weighing far∣ther, that they had not yet felt any extraordi∣nary Hardships incident to a Town straiten'd by a Siege; wisely resolv'd not to permit the Inclination he observ'd in the Soldiers, to at∣tempt something upon the Enemy, to cool without Exercise; he resolv'd therefore, that their first business should be to attack and burn the Roman Engines, while this warm Fit lasted; accordingly he assembled the Gar∣rison and Townsmen, and increas'd this their

Ardour by his Exhortations, which were suit∣ed to the present occasion; promising mag∣nificent Rewards to such as should signalize themselves in the Action; and farther assur'd them of grateful Largesses from the Repub∣lick. And now all, as it were with one Voice, expressing their Willingness to ingage, he dismist them to take their Repose; letting them know, that this Chearfulness of theirs greatly pleas'd him, directing them carefully to obey their Leaders. Then he assembled his Officers, distributing their several Posts, and distinguishing them according to their Talents; some to succour and sustain, others to attack; giving the Word, and assigning the time when they should Sally, and direct∣ing that all things should be in a readiness at the several Posts by break of Day: These Or∣ders being punctually observ'd, as soon as they could see to march, Hamilcar order'd them to sally out and attack the Machines in several places at once. The Romans, who were well aware of what might happen, were not on their side to seek, being prepar'd for the utmost that could besal them; where∣fore, with great readiness they advanc'd a∣gainst the Enemy, resisting and disputing with a Courage worthy of the Roman Name; till at length, the access of fresh Supplies, as occasion press'd, it came to pass, that their whole Strength on both sides became ingag'd, and a Battel was fought under the Walls of

the Town; for there sallied out of the Gar∣rison no less than Two and Twenty Thou∣sand Men, while those of the Romans much exceeded that number. But forasmuch as this Conflict was manag'd without any Or∣der or formal drawing up, every Party en∣gaging after their own Humour, the Action became by that means much more violent; for, in short, tho' the two Bodies that fought were numerous, yet the Ingagement was a kind of Combat Man to Man, but the heat of the Conflict was about the Engines; for those who were appointed to attack and de∣fend, obey'd their Orders with such Gallan∣try on both sides, that the Emulation became very bloody, neither Party giving place to the other, but obstinately dying on the spot where they were posted. In the mean while, those of the Carthaginians who brought Fire and combustible Matter wherewith to destroy the Engines, perform'd their part with so much Resolution, that the Romans despair∣ing longer to sustain the Attack, were giving all for lost, when Hamilcar seeing many of his People slain, and observing that they were not yet Masters of the Enemies Works, which was a principal part of his Design; he order'd to sound a Retreat; so that the Romans, who were on the point of losing both their Ma∣chines and their whole Equipage of War, having in the end preserv'd their Works, preserv'd in effect all, and might be said, in

some sort, to have had the better of the Day. After this Hannibal passing in the Night by the Enemies Camp, went to Drepanum, there to Consult with Adherbal, who Commanded in that Place for the Carthaginians. This Town having a commodious Port, and be∣ing within Fifteen Miles of Lilybaeum, was of that Consequence, that they thought it imported them to keep it by any means in their Possession. In the mean while, those of Drepanum having been some time without any Intelligence from Lilybaeum, and having an anxious Desire to know the state of their Condition; all Correspondence by Land be∣ing cut off through the straitness of the Siege, and the vigilance of the Enemy; a certain Rhodian call'd Hannibal, a Man of Condi∣tion among them, undertook to get into Li∣lybaeum by Sea, and so bring them Intelli∣gence how their Affairs stood. This Under∣taking was very well receiv'd, but every bo∣dy despair'd of the Success of the Enter∣prise, in regard the Roman Fleet rid at An∣chor, and kept a Guard at the Haven's Mouth, on the very Spot by which he was to pass, Nevertheless, the Rhodian, with a Vessel of his own, prepar'd for his Voyage, and go∣ing off to Sea, got under covert of one of those Islands that lie opposite to Lilybaeum, and the next Morning with a fair Wind, and a fresh Gale, he stands away for the Port; and passing in view of the Enemy, got, by

Ten a Clock, safely in, to their great Asto∣nishment and Surpise, at the boldness of the Attempt; and the next Day he prepar'd for his Return. In the mean while the Consul gave strict Orders to have a more careful Eye on the Entrance of the Port on all sides; and directed, that by Night their nimblest Vessels should be appointed to be on the Guard, while himself with his Land-forces attended on the Shoar. So the Vessels were posted on both sides, and plac'd as near the Shoar as the Shallows would permit, ha∣ving their Oars a-peike (as the Term is) like so many Wings display'd, ready for flight after the Quarry they expected. But the Rhodian relying on his Knowledge, and the Lightness of his Vessel, pass'd in open Day through all those Guards of the Enemy that awaited him; nor did he only escape with∣out Hazard of himself, and those that were with him, but in a kind of Mockery and Contempt of the Enemy, he would often lie upon his Oars, and then take a turn and row quite round them, as it were to provoke them to Fight. In short, Hannibal happi∣ly executed his Enterprise, and found plain∣ly, that by the excellent make of his Gally, the Romans despair'd to deal with him, and beheld himself as it were Triumphing over their whole Fleet. He frequently after pass'd and repass'd, whereby he perform'd great Service to the Carthaginians, by bringing Ad∣vice,

and carrying their Orders, to the great Encouragement of the Besieg'd, and the A∣mazement of the Romans at so successful a Temerity. But we are to consider the In∣couragement he had for so adventurous an Undertaking, namely, his perfect Know∣ledge of the Passage and Channel that was to conduct him over the Flats or Shallows; moreover, his use was, that whensoever he was discover'd at Sea, he would work his Vessel in such manner as if he had steer'd his course from Italy, and then bring a certain Tower that stood nearest the Sea, right a∣head; that Tower cover'd him from the sight of the other Towers which respected the Coast of Africk; and by that very means alone it was, that Vessels coming with a frank Gale under the covert of that Tower gain'd a safe Passage. The lucky Hardiness of the Rhodian, gave Incouragement to others, who were well acquainted with the Place, to attempt the like; which being found of very ill Consequence to the Romans, they resolv'd upon blocking and choaking the Mouth of the Port intirely up, but found it a Work of mighty difficulty, not being able to fix the the Matter that was brought for that pur∣pose, so as to hinder the Stream from remo∣ving and carrying it away: insomuch, that they labour'd long at this Work without ef∣fect: Nevertheless, this Rubbish, which by mighty labour they had brought together,

chanc'd on a place at length wherein to settle, and there begat a new Bank or Shallow, whereon a certain Carthaginian Gally, at∣tempting to get out in the Night-time ran a∣ground, and so fell into the Enemies Hands. The Romans, being Masters of the Vessel, equipp'd her, and Manning her with chosen Souldiers, and their best Rowers, plac'd her on the Guard, to have an Eye on those Ves∣sels that went in and out of the Port, and to have a special Watch upon the Rhodian, who getting into the Haven in the Night by his usual Address, was returning out in broad Day. But when he perceiv'd the working of this new Vessel, that she pursu'd him turn∣ing and bording lightly after him according to his own manner, for she happen'd to be a Gally of a singular Built; he became much surpriz'd, and thought it his best course to trust now to the lightness of his Vessel, and make the best of his way from them; but finding himself now in the Snare, and no o∣ther way left but Fighting, he resolutely de∣termin'd to Ingage them; but the Romans out-numbring them, and being all chosen Men, soon determin'd the Dispute: So that now being Masters likewise of this excellent Vessel, they Mann'd her, and furnish'd her with all things necessary, after which there were no more Attempts to go in and out of the Port of Lilybaeum.

When the Carthaginians had spent much time, and had, with great Industy and Tra∣vel, repair'd the Ruines, and rebuilt and for∣tify'd the Breaches made in their Walls; and when they had given over all hopes of destroy∣ing the Enemies Works, there happen'd a great Storm of Wind to arise, which blew with that violence on the Romans, that it brake and render'd useless their Machines and En∣gines with which they shot into the Town; and even overturn'd some of their Towers, whereupon certain Greek Soldiers took As∣surance to believe it would not be very hard to prosecute what the Tempest had already done, in a good degree, to their hands, and imparted their Project to the Governour, who approving the Proposition, forthwith made provision of all things necessary to put it in execution; accordingly they sally'd out, and applying Fire in three several places to the Roman Machines, the Wind and the dryness of the Materials (their Works ha∣ving been long built) soon set all in a flame; insomuch, that the Romans found it impossi∣ble to stop its Progress, or apply any present Remedy, such was their Fright and Surprise. Furthermore, it being in the Night, the Smoak and Fire, which by force of the Wind were driven in their Faces, greatly annoy'd them, as did the fall of their Engines and Works, which destroy'd many e'er they could approach near enough to extinguish

the Flame; besides, the Wind, which mo∣lested the Romans in this Conflict, much assisted the Carthaginians, carrying their Darts and Weapons farther, and with more cer∣tainty, and the Fire they shot into their Works was convey'd with greater violence, and took effect at a farther distance; every Object was likewise more visible to them, whereby they were enabled to gall and molest the E∣nemy with greater advantage, all which con∣duc'd very much to their Success in the En∣terprise. In conclusion, the Roman Works were in this Action so much damnify'd, that their Rams and Towers were of no use, inso∣much that they utterly despair'd of taking Lilybaeum by force. They therefore inclos'd it round with a Rampire, environ'd with a Ditch, and fortifying their Camp with good Retrenchments, expected from Time and Pa∣tience, what they could not compass by Force: On the other hand, the Besieg'd ha∣ving well repair'd the Walls where they had been batter'd, and Breaches had been made, gave evidence of fresh Courage, resolving to suffer generously all the Incommodities of a Siege.

When Advice came to Rome, that a great number both of Sea and Land-forces had been lost in Defence of their Works and Engines, and in the other Services of the Siege; the Youth of the City thereupon chearfully li∣sted themselves, with resolution to revenge

the Cause of their Country. So an Army was levy'd, consisting of Ten Thousand Men, and dispatch'd over into Sicily; upon whose arrival at the Camp, Pub. Claudius assem∣bling the Tribunes, made them an Oration touching his Purpose to surprise Drepanum with their Naval-forces, remonstrating, that Adherbal, the Governour of that Place, and Commander of the Carthaginians, was not of sufficient present Strength to resist them; that he dream'd of no approaching Danger, knowing nothing of the Re-inforcement of the Roman Army; and that after the Losses su∣stained in the Siege, he would not be per∣swaded they could be Masters of a Naval Army. In short, the Design being general∣ly approv'd, the Seamen, old and new Co∣mers, were forthwith order'd to Embark; and out of the Legions, the choicest, best known, and willingest Men, were pick'd to Embark in this Expedition; which they con∣cluded would be but short, and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain. Or∣ders being now accordingly given, and o∣bey'd, without giving the least Jealousie to the Enemy, the Army departed about Mid∣night, the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board, keeping the Coast on their Right-hand. As soon as Day broke, and the headmost of the Fleet were descry'd from Drepanum, Adherbal became much surpris'd at this unlook'd for Danger, but

soon recollecting his Mind, and beholding the Enemy now at hand, he determin'd to perform all that was possible for him to exe∣cute, and ingage in any Hazard, rather than endure a Siege, which by the Preparations he saw threatned him. He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Souldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar, and order'd, by sound of Trumpet, the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and joyn them; with whom being now assembled, he declar'd to them in few words, That he was well assur'd they should be too hard for the Romans, if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely: On the contrary, if they, through Fear, be∣hav'd themselves Ill, the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calami∣ties incident to a Siege. Hereupon the Army unanimously declar'd their forwardness to En∣gage, and requir'd with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board. Adherbal, after he had let them know, that their Behaviour pleas'd him, and applauded this their Forwardness, made them Embark, and leading himself the Van, directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did; so putting out to Sea, he drew up near the Rocks that lye on the Coast, facing the Enemy, who was now entring into the Haven.

The Consul, Publius, observing the Ene∣my, contrary to his Opinion, to make this Stand; and that this his sudden Attempt did

not only afright them, but that on the con∣trary, he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battel; order'd the Fleet to tack and stand back again, whereof the headmost were now enter'd into the Port; some were in the Haven's Mouth, and others not far off. But while those in the Van, who had receiv'd their Orders, were hasting back, they encounter'd the others who were yet standing in; by which means, falling fowl one of another, many, both Ships and Men, were in great danger of perishing. But in short, they drew out as they were able, and as they got clear and obtain'd Sea-room, they put themselves in order of Battel along the Shoar, with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy. Publius, who brought up the Rear of his Fleet, stood off to Sea, and posted him∣self on the Left of his Line. But Adherbal having pass'd the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Gallies with arm'd Beaks, turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy, and making a Signal for the rest that follow'd him to do the same; and being now drawn up in Front, he puts out his Sign for the Attack, and so in good order they ad∣vanc'd against the Romans; who, as was observ'd, were drawn up along or under the Shoar, attending the arrival of their Ves∣sels which were not all yet got out of the Port, which was the cause of their Fighting greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land.

The two Fleets being now near, and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put a∣broad, the Battle began, where for a while the Conflict seem'd to be equal, both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies. But in the end, Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians, who from the beginning had in many points the Advan∣tage of the Romans. In short, they sur∣pass'd them in the nimbleness of their Ships, which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance, their Seamen were likewise more experienc'd and abler Men; they were posted also greatly to their advantage, ha∣ving Sea-room wherein to work their Ves∣sels, as occasion requir'd, so that at any time, when press'd by the Enemy, they could draw off, spread themselves, or draw close together, at pleasure, wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much avail'd. Furthermore, if at any time the Enemy had given Chace to any of their Gallies, and were seperated a∣ny distance from their Fleet, they would then tack upon them, and intercepting them, who by reason of their heavy working, and the unskilfulness of the Roman Marriners, could not disengage themselves, so rowing round them, and coming on their Flank with their Prows, they Sunk many of them; on the other hand, when any of the Carthagi∣nian Vessels chanc'd to be hard press'd, they

could come with expedition up to their Re∣lief, and Succour them without Hazard. But we may say of the Romans, that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoy'd were wanting to them: If they chanc'd to be chac'd, they were not able to retire for the Shoar, under which they sought; insomuch, that when they were hard driven, and were forc'd to give back, they were either run a∣ground on the Sands, or lost against the Rocks. Furthermore, the Romans were be∣reft of one principal Benefit, which much conduces to Success in Naval Ingagements; namely, that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels, and the insufficiency of their Marriners, they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank, as occasion offer'd, nor come and fall on them in the Rear, who were already engag'd. In a word, those who were a-stern, were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were press'd at a distance a-head, being obstruct∣ed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar, wan∣ting void Space wherein to move, and bring their Succours where it was needful. The Consul observing, at length, the Distress of his Fleet, that some were a-ground on the Sands, and others lost against the Rocks, himself and about Thirty Vessels that fol∣low'd him, stood away to the Left, and re∣tir'd out of the Battel, leaving Ninety Three of his Gallies taken by the Carthaginians,

very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar, escaping. This was a glorious Action for Adherbal, to whom the Carthaginians did very great Ho∣nour, attributing the Success purely to his single Vertue and Bravery: While the Ro∣mans treated their Consul with grievous Re∣proaches, laying the whole Disaster, and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduc'd, to his sole Folly and Temerity; for∣mally calling him to his Tryal, and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence; neverthe∣less they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes, which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose, to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for pro∣secute the War; such was the Contention be∣tween those two People, who should remain Superior. And now one of the two new cho∣sen Consuls, L. Junius, was dispatch'd over to Cicily, with Orders speedily to succour and supply the Camp at Lilybaeum with Provisi∣ons and all things necessary; for the safe con∣voy whereof they appointed a Squadron of Sixty Men of War. Junius having joyn'd the Fleet at Messina that had been rendezvous'd there by the Army, and diligence of the I∣slanders, shap'd his course towards Syracuse; his Fleet consisting of One Hundred and Twenty Ships of Burthen, and Eight Hun∣dred other Vessels laden with Provisions and other Stores of War. From thence he

dispatc'd his Questors, with Orders to take care speedily to supply the Legions with all things of which they might stand in need, allotting them for that Service, part of his Ships of Burthen, and some of his Vessels of War; while the Consul himself remain'd at Syracuse, attending the arrival of that part of his Fleet which was yet behind, and could not keep him company in his Voyage from Messina; as likewise to receive the Corn the Islanders had provided for his Army. Ad∣herbal, about the same time dispatch'd to Car∣thage the Prisoners and Ships that were taken in the Battel. Afterwards he sent Carthalo with a Fleet of about an Hundred Sail, ad∣ding Thirty of his own Vessels to the Squa∣dron he had brought with him to surprise and attack the Roman Fleet, riding at Anchor be∣fore the Port of Lilybaeum; with orders to take and bring away as many as he could get off, and what he could not, those to burn and destroy. Carthalo, pursuant to his Or∣ders, falls upon the Romans about the fourth Watch of the Night; and while some of their Vessels were burning, and others towing off, the Surprise gave great terrour to the Enemy, the danger being much augmented by the cries and tumult of the People, on so unlook'd for an Adventure, for the Romans hasting pro∣miscuously in the dark to succour and defend their Vessels, the noise and clamour of the Soldiers gave alarm to Hamilcar, Governour

of the Town, who soon perceiving what was doing, prepar'd for a Sally; and as soon as it was Day, and that he could discern how matters went, he orders the Mercenary Troops to march out against the Romans; who being thus attack'd on all sides, were reduc'd to very great straits, which much abated their Resolution; but Carthalo, after having taken and tow'd off some of their Ves∣sels, and destroy'd others, stood to Sea again, and made the best of his way towards Hera∣clea, in order to the obstructing, what in him lay, the Succours that were coming to the Army, and receiving Advice by his Scouts, that they had discover'd a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels, and that they were not far off, he having the Romans in great Contempt since their last Defeat, forthwith puts to Sea with an ardent desire to come to blows with them, but some of the smaller Vessels of the Roman Fleet, who were advanc'd a-head of the rest, having given notice to the Quaestors, that the Carthaginians were at hand; they not conceiving themselves of sufficient strength to deal with them, presently took order for the safety of their Fleet, endeavouring to se∣cure them under the Potection of a Town on the Coast belonging to the Romans; but there being there no safe Harbour, only Coves and small Retreats among the Rocks, which gave them some shelter within them, the Quaestors therefore landing their People, apply'd them∣selves

to make all Possible provision for the Defence of their Fleet, bringing out of the Town all their Engines and Machines for casting of Stones and shooting of Arrows, and in a Posture of Defence expected when the Enemy should Attack them. But the Chrthaginians being of Opinion that the apprehension of the danger they were in, would soon drive the Soldiers to retire and seek Sanctuary in the Town, resolv'd not presently to attempt them, but only to Block them up, in expectation they should shortly be Masters of the Vessels with∣out much contest. But having some time in vain expected the Issue, and finding that contrary to their hopes, the Romans appear'd resolute in the defence of their Fleet, they contented themselves with surprising only some of their Victuallers, and (the Station where they were being incommodious) re∣tir'd to a Harbour in a Neighbouring River, where coming to an Anchor, they there con∣tinu'd keeping a vigilent Eye on the motions of the Roman Fleet.

After the Consul had dispatch'd those Af∣fairs which had detain'd him at Syracuse, he departed, and doubling the Cape of Pa∣chine, shap'd his course for Lilybaeum, totally ignorant of what had happen'd to that part of the Fleet which he had sent before. But the Carthaginian Scouts discovering them, gave notice to their General, who immediately weigh'd Anchor out of the Port, with deter∣mination

to give them Battel, before they should be able to join the other part of their Fleet. But Junius observing the Carthagini∣an Fleet to be now near, and taking them to be too strong and numerous for him to deal with, was compell'd to seek Sanctuary like∣wise in such Places as were next at hand, tho' never so dangerous, or incommodious, there being no Havens thereabout that could yield them shelter: Making account that he ought to run any hazard rather than expose, by the loss of the Fleet, their Army by Land to the mercy of the Enemy. When the Carthagini∣ans had observ'd the Romans purpose, by their working, they forbore to Attack them in so dangerous a Post, but retiring to a place between the Two Fleets, kept that Station; carefully observing their motions: While things stood thus, a strong Gale of Wind came up, which, by the agitation of the Sea, threaten'd a Tempest at hand: Whereupon the Carthaginian Pilots, who were well skill'd in the Weather and the Coast, foreseeing the approaching Danger, gave notice thereof to their Officers, and ad∣vis'd Carthalo by all means to weigh Anchor and get about the Cape of Pachine, thereby to be cover'd from the Tempest that threat∣en'd them. Carthalo readily followed this Advice, and with great difficulty doubled the Cape and secur'd his Ships. While the two Roman Fleets, remaining on an open har∣bourless

Coast, were so violently assaulted by the Storm, that not a Ship escap'd, nor so much as a whole Plank of all their Navy.

After this Disaster, the Carthaginians began to respire, and conceive new Hopes, and take fresh Courage, while the Romans, whose for∣mer Losses had much impair'd their Naval Strength, were by this Misfortune quite ru∣in'd, and began now to dispair to Cope with the Carthaginians by Sea, and resolv'd to con∣tent themselves to hold the Possession of the Inland Towns. In the mean time, as the Carthaginians were become Masters at Sea, so they would not renounce their Hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land. And al∣beit the Condition of the Romans was deplo∣rable enough, and their Army before Lilybae∣um driven to very hard shifts by these Disap∣pointments; nevertheless, they held firm to their Purpose of continuing the Siege. Ac∣cordingly without delay Order was taken, to have them supply'd by Land, with whatsoe∣ver they stood in need of; the Army resolute∣ly determining to abide the utmost Extremi∣ty. As to Junius the Consul, he after this dreadful Shipwreck, speeds away to the Army, full of Anxity, and meditating on nothing more, than how by some new and remarka∣ble Service, he might repair this cruel shock of Fortune. Wherefore, he undertook on a very slight motive, to surprize Erix, which together with the Town and Temple of Ve∣nus,

he got into his possession. Erix, is a Mountain standing on the Coast of Sicily that looks towards Italy, scituate between Depra∣num and Palarmo, the most difficult and inac∣cessible part thereof being on that side which regards Drepanum. This is the highest Moun∣tain in the whole Island, Mount Aetna exce∣pted: On the top whereof there is a Plain, where the Temple of Venus Ericina, the most noble and richly Adorn'd without dispute, and the most celebrated for Devotion in Sici∣ly. The Town likewise stands on the same Ground, the Access to it being long, straight, and difficult. Junius placeth on the top of this Mountain a Garrison, on the side towards Drepanum; with Orders that they should keep a strict Watch both ways, for he was unwilling to treat the People with violence, unless they gave him occasion; concluding that by that means he should hold both the Town and the Mountain in safe possession.

During these Transactions, the Carthagini∣ans made choice of Hamilcar Barcas for their General, giving him the Command of their Fleet, in the Eighteenth Year of the War, With this Fleet, as soon as he had receiv'd his Orders, he departed to the Coast of Italy with Design to make Descents and Inroads on the Country; accordingly, he fell on the Locrians and the Brutians, and shortly after, comes with his whole Fleet towards Palermo, near which Place, not far from the Sea-side, betwixt Palermo

and Erix, he took possession of a Place, which he chose for the Commodity of its Situation, where an Army might Incamp with safety, and be constantly and easily supply'd with all necessaries. In short, it was an Eminence steep on all sides, and hard of Access, on the top whereof there was a Plain or Level, of at least Twelve Miles in compass, the Ground yields both very good Pasture, and is proper for the Plow, it is cover'd from all the bad Weather that blows from the Sea, where there are no Serpents or noxious Animals; furthermore, the Situation is so secur'd by Rocks and Precipices, both to the Land and Seawards, that to guard the Passes either way, a very little Fortification sufficeth. In the middle of the foresaid Plain or Level, there riseth another Eminence, so dispos'd by Na∣ture, as if it were design'd as a Citadel to the rest, from whence there is a Prospect into all the Country round about; here is likewise a good Port of great use to such as Navigate from Drepanum or Lilybaeum to Italy. The Accesses to this Place are only Four, and those very difficult; Two from the Sea and Two from the Landward. Here Hamilcar incamp'd his Army, fortifying himself, with a Resolution little short of Temerity, having no Friend or Confederate near him, and with∣out hopes of any for the future, surrounded by, and as it were abandon'd to, the Mercy of the the Enemy. Howbeit he here found

Work enough for the Romans, and often put their Affairs in great danger. For Sailing out of the Port, he pillag'd and wasted the Coast of Italy as far as Cuma; and afterwards, not∣withstanding the Romans were incamp'd within Eight Hundred Paces of Palermo, he led his Army thither. In a Word, this Place was, as it were for almost Three Years toge∣ther, the Stage of so many various Disputes and Rencounters, that it would be very hard to relate the particular Adventures. In brief, the Behaviour of the respective Captains and Leaders themselves, may not be unfitly com∣par'd to the Bravery of those, who voluntari∣ly mingle themselves with the Gladiators, and expose themselves to fight for the Prize in Publick Spectacles: For they were in per∣petual Action, and giving and receiving Wounds at every turn, wherein both their Strength, Bravery and Dexterity, was seen so many several ways, that it would be dif∣ficult for the Soldiers themselves to recount the various Passages, much less for the Spe∣ctators to remember and relate them, or to make a Judgment, otherwise than in general to determine by the remarkableness of the Actions, the Courage and Experience of the Actors.

For, in brief, whosoever should attempt to set down the many Plots, and Ambushes, mutually contriv'd one aganist the other, how sometimes those who laid the Snare fell them∣selves

in their own Toiles; if, I say, one should think to recount the many Attacks, Surprises and Rencounters that occur'd, and the various Scenes of Action that pass'd, the Historian would never have done, nor indeed would the Relation be either pleasant or pro∣fitable to the Reader. Let us therefore make a Judgment of the Vertue of the Commanders, by a general Relation of their Performances, and the Issue and Sequel of so many great and hazardous Enterprises; tho' it shall be our Care however to pass by nothing, that may become an Historian to relate, neither their Stratagems, nor any extraordinary Inventi∣ons, which Necessity or Occasion might sug∣gest to put in Practice, nor any singular or remarkable Action, that required more than ordinary Talents of Bravery to execute.

And here it is observable, that it was not possible for them to come to a pitch'd Battel, for sundry Reasons: First, their Forces on both sides were equal, their Camps likewise were by Nature difficult of Access, and by the help of Art render'd Impregnable, so that each being assur'd of their Safety in their Works, they prosecuted their Contention by Parties and daily Rencounters, neither seem∣ing inclin'd to put an Issue to the War by a decisive Battel. So that at length it became as it were a Custom between them, to divide and keep the Success of their Enterprizes as it were in Balance, assigning Victory to him

to Day, who was to lose on the Morrow. Fortune presiding as a sage Judge in the Lists, and appointing at her Pleasure now one place, now another, to be the Scene of Action, diversifying the nature of their Disputes, and changing the Place as she pleas'd, from one sort of Ground to another, from Places more open to others more streight and inclos'd.

While the Romans kept Guard both on the top and at the foot of the Mountain Erix, as hath been observ'd, Hamilcar surpriz'd the Town, which stands between, on the skirt of the Hill, notwithstanding the Roman Sol∣ers within it. So that the Romans who were in Garrison on the top, became by that means besieg'd by the Enemy, who were by them before shut up, where they endur'd all the Hardships, and were expos'd to all the Dan∣gers imaginable, which they suffer'd however with unspeakable Constancy. The Cartha∣ginians likewise oppos'd the Enemy with an obstinate Bravery, who press'd them hard on all sides, depriving them of all means of Sub∣sistance, saving by the Avenue that lay to∣wards the Sea, whereby their Provision was not obtain'd but with great difficulty.

And now albeit they attempted one ano∣ther with all the Art and Address, that is practis'd in Sieges and Attacks; after they had equally felt all sorts of Violence, were pinch'd with extremity of Famine, and had experimented whatsoever Hardships, are done

or suffer'd in the most calamitous Adventures incident to a Siege; they may nevertheless be said to have been mutually crown'd with Victory, but not as it is represented by Fa∣bius, who reports them to have been Van∣quish'd by the Miseries they underwent; but Triumphing over all that could be put in practice to subdue each other. For before it could be seen who was likely to have the better, tho' it was a Dispute, on one single Spot, of two whole Years duration; yet the War at length determin'd after another man∣ner.

Thus have I recounted the Occurrences of Erix, and the Actions of the Land-armies; those two States being fitly resembled to Birds, which in Fight shew more Courage than Strength, where it often happens that their Anger remains when their Power is lost, and so retireing by Consent, leave it doubtful, who had the Advantage. In like manner, may it be said, to have far'd with the Romans and Carthaginians, who, weaken'd by so long a War, and wasted by the expence of so many Years Dispute, were reduc'd on both sides to the last Extremity. Neverthe∣less the Romans maintain'd a certain Inflexi∣bility of Resolution, not to be express'd; for altho' for the space of five Years, they had totally desisted from all Naval Preparations, discourag'd by the many Misfortunes which attended their Navigations, proposing they

should be able to put a period to this long and dagerous War, with their Land-forces alone, yet at length perceiving that the great Abi∣lities of Hamilcar were likely to frustrate that Expectation, they determin'd now the third time, to place their Hopes in a Fleet, con∣cluding it to be the only Means, whereby to put a happy Issue to the Dispute, if Fortune would but in any sort favour their Beginning; and the Sequel prov'd they did not reckon a∣miss. They forsook the Sea, the first time, by reason of the Shipwrecks they had su∣stain'd, and the second time they were com∣pell'd by the loss of their Fleet, in a Battel near Drepanum. And yet they wanted not Assurance to attempt Fortune a third time, how averse soever she had hitherto been. And now having cut off all the means of Sub∣sistance from the Carthaginians in Erix, they by that means subdu'd them, and put an end to the Strife.

But let us observe by the way, that this Undertaking of the Romans, was owing more to their Vertue, than to any other Cause whatsoever. For their Treasure was ex∣hausted to so low an Ebb, that there appear'd no sort of Fond, whereby to enable them to pursue their Design; but their Greatness of Mind, and the Generosity of those who were in the Government, surmounted all Impedi∣ments. And it so sell out, that means were at length found more than sufficient to effect

this great Determination, for every one vo∣luntarily contributed in proportion to his pri∣vate Fortune, and undertook as they were able among themselves; some two, some more joining their Stock, to build and equip a Vessel for their share, on no other Conditi∣on than to be reimburs'd by the Publick at the end of the War. So that in a short space a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail was Built, and put to Sea, all contriv'd according, to the Model of the Rhodian Vessel, we have else-where mention'd; the Command of this Fleet was given to the Consul C. Lutatius, who depart∣ing early in the Spring, arriv'd in Sicily when he was least look'd for, the Carthaginian Fleet being retir'd. He presently possess'd himself of the Port of Drepanum, and all the Har∣bours in the Neighbourhood of Lilybaeum; then he made Preparations for laying Siege to the Town of Drepanum, but he proceeded therein with such Caution as betoken'd his Forsight, that the Carthaginian Fleet might speedily arrive; and bearing in Mind what had been concluded in their Deliberations at their first setting out, namely, that nothing could put a Period to the War, but a Naval Battel; he therefore, pursuant to that Result, lost no occasion of Exercising and Disciplining his Soldiers and Seamen in all Points wherein they might be render'd serviceable to his De∣sign. And as he was careful to preserve good Order among them, so they soon became ex∣pert

and knowing in their Business, and his Soldiers ready and capable of pursuing any Orders they should receive.

The Carthaginians, very much surpris'd at the News of a Roman Navy, dispatch'd away a Fleet with all expedition against them, send∣ing at the same time a good relief of Provisi∣on of Victuals and all sorts of Stores of War. But their chief care was, that those who were straiten'd in Erix might be supply'd with whatever they wanted. Hanno, therefore, who Commanded the Carthaginian Fleet, shap'd his Course first towards Hieronnesus, with design to touch at Erix, before the Ro∣mans should have any account of his Motions; determining, after he had supply'd them, and lighten'd his Vessels, to re-inforce his Troops from thence, with the choice of the Merce∣naries that were there, and that then joining with Barcas, he should be in a condition to give the Enemy Battel. But Lutatius, who had got Advice of Hanno's Arrival, and su∣spected, indeed, his Design; took on board the choice of his Land-forces, and sail'd away for the Island of Aegusa, commonly call'd Ae∣gates, which lies just against the Port of Lilybaeum, where, after an Exhortation to the Army, suiting the Time and the Occasi∣on, he notify'd to the Commanders of his Vessels, that he purpos'd the next Day to give the Enemy Battel; but when, in the Morn∣ing, he observ'd the Wind to blow in favour

of the Enemy, and consequently, not fair for them; and further, that the Sea began to swell, and threaten foul Weather, he then became undetermin'd how to proceed. But after he had well weigh'd the matter, and consider'd, that by engaging them, tho' the Weather were not favourable, he should, however, have to do with Hanno alone, and the Troops only that Embark'd with him; that over and above, he should deal with a Fleet loaden, and incumber'd with the Stores and Provisions which they had taken on Board; and that, on the other hand, if he delay'd out of fear of the foul Weather, and by that means gave the Enemy the opportu∣nity of passing by, and joining their Forces, he must then fight, not only with a Fleet light and discharg'd of all their Lumber, but with an Army strengthen'd with the choice of their Land-Forces, and what was yet more formidable, he must engage against the known Gallantry of Hamilcar. Wherefore he resolv'd not to lose the occasion that of∣fer'd. And now it was not long before they descry'd the Enemy coming with a flown Sheet, whereupon he stood out of the Port, and drawing up in a Line of Battel, made di∣rectly towards them; for his Seamen being strong, in good plight, and well exercis'd, tho' the Sea and Wind was against them, sur∣mounted the difficulty; and contemning all Opposition, advanc'd in good order against the Enemy.

When the Carthaginians saw themselves thus way-laid by the Enemy, and their Pas∣sage barr'd, they forthwith struck their Sails, and after the Captains of their respective Ships had exhorted their Men to behave themselves as they ought, they prepar'd for the Battel. But the Scene was now shifted, and the circumstances of the Combatants be∣ing totally chang'd, from what it was in the Battel near Drepanum, it will not therefore be thought strange, that the Success should fall out otherwise. In short, the Romans were to seek, till now, in the good Contri∣vance and Built of their Ships; they had now no Lumber on board to pester and incom∣mode them, having nothing with them but what was of use in the Battel. Furthermore, their Seamen, who were now able, and well exercis'd, were a mighty help towards their Success in this occasion; they were likewise, for Soldiers, furnish'd with the choicest Troops they could pick out of the Land-ar∣my. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, could boast of none of those Benefits, for their Ships were loaden and pester'd, and in no wise in condition for fight; their Seamen were raw and unable, being taken up and entertain'd in haste; their Soldiers were likewise new-rais'd Men, having never before seen a Battel; for they had laid aside all thoughts of Naval Pre∣parations, on Presumption that the Romans would never more adventure to Sea. In a

word, the Carthaginians being in every thing inferiour to their Enemy, the Dispute was soon ended, the Romans routing them at the first Encounter. Fifty of the Cartha∣ginian Vessels were sunk, and Seventy taken, with all their Men a-board; the rest, ma∣king the best of their way afore the Wind back towards Hieronnesus, there being scarce an Example of so sudden and seasonable a change of Wind, which came about, as it were, to supply a present pressing Necessity. After the Battel, the Consul stood away with the Fleet for Lilybaeum, to dispose of his Pri∣zes and Prisoners, which gave him business enough, there being, at least, Ten Thousand taken. When the Carthaginians had notice of this Defeat, so contrary to their Expecta∣tion, tho' they were surpris'd, yet they were not humbled, and would willingly have con∣tinu'd the War, could they have found means to sustain it; but of that they had no Pro∣spect. For while the Romans continu'd Ma∣sters at Sea, there was no way whereby to succour and sustain their Forces in Sicily; and on the other hand, utterly to abandon them, would be in a manner to betray them; and leave themselves destitute both of Offi∣cers and Soldiers for the Service of the Com∣monwealth; they therefore dispatch'd a ple∣nary Power to Hamilcar Barcas, committing the entire Conduct of their Affairs in Sicily to his Management, who, with great Reputa∣tion

and Honour, acquitted himself of that Commission; performing, in every thing, the part of a Wise and Able Commander; for so long as he had but the shadow of Hope to advance the Interest of his Country, he left nothing unattempted that was not Im∣prudent and Temerarious to promote it, act∣ing so, as hardly any Man in Military Per∣formance may be nam'd before him; but Fortune had deserted the Carthaginians; and he, after he had unprofitably taken all the best Measures that Experience had taught him, or Reason could suggest, began, at length, to take thought for the safety and preservation of those under him, and wisely yeilding to Necessity, and the Circumstances, and State of their present Fortune, dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Consul, to treat about a Peace. For 'tis fit we should know, that the same Prudence is seen in the Management of a Defeat as of a Victory. Lutatius lent a willing Ear to this Message, knowing full well how much the Roman State had suffer'd by the War; and that they themselves were sinking under the Burthen: So a Period was given to that bloody Strife, the Articles of Peace being a little more or less, as follows;

If the People of Rome approve thereof, there shall be Peace and Friendship between the Ro∣mans and Carthaginians, on Condition, That the Carthagians intirely depart out of Sicily;

that they shall not make farther War upon Hie∣ron, nor the Syracusians, nor against their Confederates: That the Carthaginians shall deliver up all the Roman Prisoners Ransom-free; and shall pay them, within the space of Twenty Years, the Sum of Two Thousand Two Hundred Talents of Silver.

These Articles were forthwith dispatch'd to Rome; but forasmuch as the People were not intirely satisfy'd, Ten Deputies were im∣power'd to go into Sicily, and after they had thorowly inform'd themselves of the State of their Affairs, to determine on the place what should be concluded; who, upon their arri∣val, after they had maturely consider'd of all things, they agreed to the Treaty, with this Alteration of shortning the Time for Payment, adding Two Hundred Talents to the Sum, and obliging the Carthaginians to depart our of all the Islands scituate be∣tween Italy and Sicily. Thus the War de∣termin'd, which was wag'd between those two People, for the Mastery of Sicily, which had lasted full Four and Twenty Years, and was the longest and most Memorable that History hath any where recorded; nor was there ever any that had been prosecuted with so little Intermission. In conclusion, not to recount the numerous Conflicts, and the mighty Preparations that were made during that space, let it suffice to note, as hath been

already abserv'd, that they once fought at Sea with Five Hundred Vessels, comprehend∣ing both Fleets, afterwards with few less than Seven Hundred Sail. On the part of the Romans were lost during this War, what by Tempest, what by other Accidents, Seven Hundred Ships; and on the Carthagi∣nians part, near Five Hundred. So that if People were surpris'd, and wonder'd at the Naval Battles heretofore fought between Antigonus Ptolomy and Demetrius, they will have much more cause of Doubt and Asto∣nishment, when they shall hear related, the stupendous Transactions that compose our History. And if we shall make Comparison between the Fleets wherewith the Persians wag'd War with the Greeks, and the Athe∣nians and Lacedemonians among themselves, it will be a farther Subject of their Wonder, how such mighty numbers could be brought to fight in a Sea-Ingagement. Whence it will become manifest, as we have remark'd in the beginning of our History, that if tho Romans Design extended to the Subjection of the Universe and they arriv'd at their End, it will not be found owing so much to For∣tune or Accident, as some Greek Authors would suggest, as to the plain and evident measures of Reason, inasmuch as they had acquir'd a perfect and through Knowledge and Insight into all those extraordinary En∣terprises which they had made the subject of

their Meditation. But it may be demanded, How it comes to pass, that now at this day, when they are arriv'd at the Universal Do∣minion, and their Affairs in a more prosperous state than ever; that if their should be occa∣sion, they would not be able to provide and fit out such Fleets, nor make such Naval Preparations, as in those days? To which I answer, That as it is true, so the Reason is very plain, which shall be made appear, when we come to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth. But to the end the Reader may be throughly en∣lighten'd, we will not decide here (as it were by the by) so important a Point. Let us lend our Attention then to the present Subject; for what we shall now farther de∣liver will appear worth our while, tho' we had not yet related any thing to the purpose. For as some Authors have heard nothing of the Adventures of the Romans, so others have handled their History with so much Obscu∣rity, that no profit can arise thereby. We may observe then, that in this War which we have been relating the Forces and Courage of the two Contending States, seem'd to be equal almost in every thing; and principally in their obstinate Emulation for Dominion and Empire. As for their Armies, I believe we may safely grant, in the general, that the Roman Souldiers were the better Militia. But as to their great Officers, Hamilcar Sur∣nam'd

Barcas, Father to the famous Hannibal, who afterward made War upon the Romans, may be justly reckon'd, both for Courage and Wisdom, the ablest Commander of that Age.

The Peace was no sooner ratify'd between those two States, when they happen'd about the same time, to fall, as it were, into one and the same Misfortune: The Romans had a kind of Civil War, by a Rebellion of the Faliscans, but it was soon ended by the Sup∣pression of that People, and the taking their City. And the Carthaginians suffer'd by a War with the Numidians and Africans, their Neighbours, who join'd in an Insurrection with their own Mercenary Souldiers; but the Carthaginians had not the like Success as the Romans; for they were often reduc'd to the last Extremity, and fought many Battles, not only for the Safety of the Govern∣ment in general; but for their own private Stakes, their Families, and Fortunes. In short, the account of the Occurrences of that War, for many Reasons might have been de∣ferr'd, howbeit, we shall, in few words, as it was our Purpose, give an account thereof here; for it will be thereby made manifest, by what then came to pass, what the nature of that War is, which the Greeks have call'd Inexpiable. Furthermore, we may be in∣structed by that which happen'd to the Car∣thaginians, what Foresight is to be practis'd,

and Caution ought to be us'd by those who will compose their Armies of Mercenary and Forreign Troops. We shall likewise be taught the difference in Manners between a barbarous People, and those who have been bred and educated under the Laws of good Di∣scipline. In a word, it will appear by the Se∣quel of those Transactions, what gave rise to that War between the Romans and Carthagini∣ans that was prosecuted by Hannibal. And in regard, not only Historians, but the Mana∣gers themselves, of the War, are to this day in dispute about the Causes thereof, it will not be an unprofitable Work to set the World right therein.

As soon as Hamilcar had finish'd the Trea∣ty, and led the Troops that were in Erix to Lilybaeum, he resign'd his Commission; and Gesco, who was Governour of that place, had the charge of transporting the Army into Africk; who, foreseeing what might happen, did not Embark them all at once, but pru∣dently dispatch'd them by Divisions and Parties, allotting so much time between their Embarking, as might suffice for his purpose; which was, that those who were first sent, might be paid, and discharg'd, and sent to their Country, before the others should arrive. But the Carthaginians had another Project, for their Treasure being greatly exhausted by the War, they determin'd to defer their Payment till they had them all together; and

then to propose to satisfie them with part only of what was due to them; so they re∣main'd in the Port, and were receiv'd and detain'd in Carthage as they arriv'd.

But the City at length growing weary of the Neighbourhood of those Strangers, who daily molested them by insupportable Injuries and Insolence, they wrought with their Officers to accept of Quarters elsewhere, at a Town call'd Sicca, whither they march'd them, receiving a certain Sum for their pre∣sent Subsistance, till their Pretentions should be adjusted, and the whole Army transported; but upon their resolving to leave their Fa∣milies, and their Equipage, as they had done heretofore, behind them in the City, in ex∣pectation speedily to return to receive their Pay; the Carthaginians, fearing, that after so long an absence, it would be hard to keep some from remaining behind, and others from returning back out of love to their Rela∣tions, by which means, the Relief they de∣sign'd to the City, by their departure, would be without effect; they therefore prevail'd with them, to march with Bag and Baggage. And now when the whole Army was got in∣to Sicca, and began to relish the Pleasure of Repose, whereof, for a long time they had not tasted, Idleness soon begat Liberty and Neglect of Discipline; Evils commonly inci∣dent to Soldiers without Imployment; and, in short, the cause, for the most part, of all

Mutinies and Disorders. They therefore began to be very clamorous for their Pay, ex∣alting their Merits much above their due; and altho' their Claim was unreasonable, yet they determin'd among themselves to abate nothing of their Demands. Furthermore, calling to mind, the many Promises their Officers had made them of Largesses and Re∣wards, for the well-performance of their Du∣ty in the many perillous Conflicts wherein they had been engag'd, they rais'd their Expectations yet higher, and with a covetous Impatience, attended the Issue of their Pre∣tensions. When the Army, as we said, was arriv'd, and all receiv'd into Sicca, Hanno, who at that time was chief Magistrate in Carthage, was dispatch'd to them, who not only did not answer their Demands, but came even short in his Propositions of what they had already promis'd, remonstrating to them the Poverty of the State, and the heavy Tributes the Country was already under, and therefore labour'd to perswade them to be satisfy'd with, and take for good Payment, a part only of what appear'd due to them; which Proposition was not only rejected, but answer'd with a present Insurrection of the Soldiers; sometimes the several Nations mutining a-part, sometimes joining in a ge∣neral Sedition, all running to their Arms; and in regard they were of different Coun∣tries and Languages, not understood by one

another, the Disorder was thereby greatly in∣creas'd, and nothing but Trouble and Tumult was seen in the Camp. In short, the Cartha∣ginians, whose Militia is for the most part compos'd of Mercenary Troops, have their Policy of forming them out of divers Nations, believing it hard to conceive a general Conspi∣racy or Sedition, in an Army, where the Soldiers are of different Languages and Man∣ners, and by that means, likewise, that Soldiers are preserv'd in better Obedience to their Su∣periors. But if it arrive once to a general De∣fection, and that the Sedition spreads through∣out the Army, the Disease then becomes in∣curable, it being impossible to reduce them to their Duty; and the Instance now before us, convinc'd the Carthaginians of the Defect of their Politicks in that Custom. For when∣soever it happens, that Armies so compos'd, conceive a general Distast or Hatred, the Ef∣fects extend beyond the common measures of Outrage and Inhumanity, and Men exceed, in savage Cruelty, wild Beasts themselves. This Calamity, then, befel the Carthagini∣ans, whose Army consisted of Spaniards, Gauls, Lygurians, Baleareans and Greeks; a∣mong whom were many fugitive Slaves, who were most of them Africans; so that it was impossible to speak to them all at once, or in one place; or, indeed, to contrive any means to do it; for one Officer alone could not per∣form it, tho' he were qualify'd to speak in

all their Languages; it would have been likewise equally difficult to assemble and speak to them at one and the same time by different Interpreters, who would never be able to render the same Sence equally in∣telligible to four or five different Nations at once. Their best course, then, was to in∣struct the Commanders, to deal with, and harangue their several Troops, when they had any thing to command or perswade the Soldiers. Hanno, accordingly gave out his Orders to them as he was able; while those who were to execute them, had themselves, but an imperfect understanding of what was order'd; others, tho' they understood what was directed them to say, yet reported quite the contrary to the Soldiers; so that, what through Ignorance, what through Treache∣ry, Distrusts and Jealousies daily increas'd, the Soldiers Complaints not duly heard, and the Conspiracy and Disaffection grew strong∣er and stronger. The Army thought them∣selves outrag'd, that instead of sending to them Officers, under whom they had serv'd in Sicily, who knew their Merits, and who had so often assur'd them of Rewards; the Carthaginians had sent them one, who knew them not, and had no manner of knowledge of their Services. In short, as they slighted and contemn'd Hanno, so they began to di∣strust their own Officers; and thus inrag'd as they were, with their Arms in their hands,

they march'd Twenty Thousand of them to∣wards Carthage, and incamp'd near Tunes, about Fiften Miles from the City.

And now the Carthaginians became con∣vinc'd of their Weakness, when it was too late, and no present Remedy could be had; for it was a mighty Fault in them to permit such a Body of Strangers to Assemble all in one Place, while at the same time they well knew, that in case any Disorder should arise, they had not Strength sufficient at home to appear in their own Defence. Another great Error they committed, in permitting their Wives, Children, and their Equipage to go out of the City, which, like so many Hosta∣ges, would have serv'd, not only to have pre∣serv'd them in their Duty, but would have gone far towards composing the Differences that were arisen between them. In a word, the Carthaginians affrighted to behold such an Army, as one may say, of Enemies at their Gates, labour'd all they could to win them to Obedience and good Order. They sent them supplies of Provision, which they bought at their own Rates; they dispatch'd Deputies to them likewise out of the Body of the Senate, who assur'd them of all they should demand, that was in the Power of the State to perform: But these Mutineers sound something new to require every day, and the Fear they perceiv'd the Carthaginians to be in, added to their Insolence; who ha∣ving

serv'd against the Romans in Sicily, they took for granted that neither the Carthagini∣ans, nor any other People whatsoever, would have Courage to oppose them, or offer them Battel in the Field. No sooner therefore had they adjusted their Demands of Pay, but they proceeded to further Exactions; they requir'd payment for the Horses they had lost in the Service; when that was agreed to, they de∣manded payment for the Corn that had been deliver'd them short of their Allowance for many Years past, and they would be paid too at the Rate that it had at any time been sold at, in the utmost Extremity of the War. In brief, as there were many Mutinous and Seditious Persons in the Army, so those pro∣pagated new Exorbitances, and every day found fresh occasion of Complaint, and pre∣vented their Agreement by impossible Pro∣posals. Nevertheless the Carthaginians were resolv'd to agree to every thing, and now the Mutiny began to be appeas'd, when they understood that an Officer should be sent them under whom they had serv'd in Sicily, who should have Power to Agree and Adjust with them all their Pretences. They were not pleas'd with Hamilcar Barcas, under whom they had born Arms, believing he had been the occasion of the ill Treatment they had found, because he never came near them; and they believ'd too, that he had quitted his Command of his own Motion. On the

other hand they had an Affection to Gesco, who had likewise commanded them in Sicily, and who had appear'd their Friend and Advo∣cate in many Occasions, especially in the mat∣ter of their Transportation, so they deter∣min'd to chuse him as Arbitrator in the Mat∣ters depending. He therefore embarks, ta∣king Money with him, and upon his Arrival at Tunes, first calls an Assembly of their Prin∣cipal Officers, and then he Summons them separately, Nation by Nation. Where, af∣ter he had gently reprov'd them for their past Behaviour, he Remonstrates to them the present State of Affairs, and above all la∣bours to perswade them to continue their Affection and Duty to a Government under which they had so long Serv'd, and taken Pay; and, in short, exhorted them to be con∣tent with the Remainder of their Pay as it appear'd due. Among the Mutineers there happen'd to be one Spendius a Campanian, who had been a Slave to the Romans, and had harbour'd himself among the Carthagini∣ans: He was strong of Body, and in all occa∣sions of Danger very forward; this Fellow, fearing to fall into the hands of his Master, for by the Custom of Rome his Fault was punish'd with Death; labour'd both with Words and Actions, to trouble and perplex the Treaty they were upon; and to hinder by all means possible their Agreement with the Carthaginians. Another there was,

whose Name was Matho, who was an Afri∣can, of free condition, and a Soldier among them, having been an active Stirrer in this Conspiracy, and out of fear of Punishment, join'd with Spendius to obstruct the Accomo∣dation, possessing the Africans, That as soon as the Strangers should be paid, and dis∣patch'd to their Country, it would be their lot to Pay for all, and that the Carthaginians would take such Revenge on them, for the Injuries which had been done them, that all Africa should tremble at it. The Soldiers grew hereupon inrag'd a-new, and in regard they were not likely to receive of Gesco any other Satisfaction than their Arrears of Pay; what was due for their Horses and Bread, being respited to another time, they there∣fore took thence occasion of fresh Disorders, and assembled in the publick Meeting-place in a mutinous manner. To Spendius and Matho they lent a willing Ear, who rail'd both against Gesco and the Carthaginians, and if any one presum'd to offer them temperate Counsel, he was forthwith ston'd to Death, even before it could be understood what the Purport of his Discourse was, whether for or against Spendius, and now great slaughter was made both of People of publick and pri∣vate Condition, and nothing was heard du∣ring the Tumult, but, Kill, kill; and what greatly augmented the Rage of those People, was the excess of Wine they had drunk, ha∣ving

newly risen from their Repast. So that the word Kill resounding suddenly through∣out the Camp, there was no escaping for any one against whom they conceiv'd any distrust or distaste. In a Word, there being now none who presum'd to open his Mouth to divert their Determinations, they chose Spendius and Matho for their Leaders and Commanders in Chief.

Gesco was not without a due Sence of the Danger he was in among these People, but he let that Consideration give place to the Du∣ty he ow'd his Country; he fore-saw that if this Mutiny once came to a head, the Com∣monwealth would be driven to great straits, to prevent which, he was willing to be ex∣pos'd to any hazard. He therefore with great Constancy of Mind pursu'd his Purpose of reducing them to their Duty by all means possible: Sometimes he treated with their Officers, sometimes with the sundry Nations apart; but now being in present want of Bread in the Camp, they impatiently de∣manded it of Gesco; he, as it chanc'd, in a sort of Contempt, to reprove their Insolence, bad them go to Matho their Captain; this put all in a Flame, so that without any fur∣ther delay or respect, they seize on the Mo∣ney that was brought, and lay ready told in order to their Payment, and arrested Gesco, and all the Carthaginians who accompany'd him.

And now Matho and Spendius conceiving the only way to put matters past Accommo∣dation, and to come to open Hostility, was to ingage the Soldiers in some such violent Action, as should be a manifest breach of their Duty, and a violation of the Treaty they were upon. Wherefore they fomented with all their Art and Industry, this Auda∣cious Proceeding of the Multitude; who now had not only seiz'd on the Carthaginians Money and their Baggage, but laying vio∣lent hands on Gesco and his Followers, com∣mitted them to Prison, loading them with Irons, and then most impiously conspir'd, and, against the Law of Nations, declar'd War against the Carthaginians. This then was the Beginning and the Cause of the War with the Mercenaries, which was call'd the African War. After this, Matho dispatch'd Deputies to the Cities round about, exhorting them to think on their Liberty; to send him Succours; and to enter into a Confederacy with him. And now the several Heads of the Faction finding the Africans dispos'd to Revolt, and to shake off the Carthaginians Yoak; and that Supplies both of Men and Provisions were dispatch'd to them from al•• Parts, they divided their Army into Two: One they sent against Ʋtica, and the other towards Hippona, which two Places had refus'd to join with them in their Defection from the Carthaginians.

The Custom of the Carthaginians had ever been to Sustain themselves out of the Fruits and Growth of the Country, and the greatest part of their Treasure and Income, where∣with they defray'd their Wars, and made their Military Preparations, arose out of their Revenues in Africa. But their Armies in all their Expeditions were ever compos'd of Strangers, by which means it will appear, and by what we have related, that all things conspir'd at once to their Damage, and what had been their Support, converted to their Disadvantage, so that from Consternation they fell to Despair; for so great was their Surprize, that nothing could possibly have befaln them so remote from their Expectation. For after the War of Sicily, which had consum'd their Treasure, (being now assur'd of Peace) they promis'd themselves a breathing Space of Tranquility; and took for granted, their Condition would be at least Supportable. But those Hopes soon vanish'd, and were chang'd into the sad Prospect of a War more cruel and dangerous. Their Contest with the Romans, was for the Dominion of Sicily only; now they were to Fight for their own proper Safety, and the Preservation of the Commonwealth; and all this without any Stores of War, Armies or Fleets, or any Provision towards it; after so many Unfor∣tunate Conflicts wherein they had been en∣gag'd. Furthermore, they were without

either Money, or hopes of Friends to whom they might have recourse for Succour. And here they came to perceive the difference be∣twixt a Foreign and remote War, beyond the Seas; and Civil Dissension at their own Doors.

In short, this People were of themselves the Authors of their own Calamities; for du∣ring the first War, with what grievous Ti∣ranny did they oppress the poor Africans, thinking they savour'd them, by exacting from them but the one half of their Income, continuing the same Levies upon their Towns and Cities in time of Peace, as were drawn from them to carry on the War; and this was extorted with that rigour that the poorest Subject was not exempted. And whenso∣ever they were to elect new Magistrates for the Provinces, the Choice never fell on those who were likely to Govern the People with Lenity and Moderation, but on such whose Rigour promis'd them the greatest Fruits of their Oppression, by draining them of their Money to furnish out their Fleets and their Armies; and, in a word, to Minister to the Ambition of the Republick; among whom Hanno was a principal Minister. All this consider'd, the Africans were not likely to be backward to Rebel; to whom the bare Report only of what was transacting was sufficient to engage them. The Women themselves, who had so often seen their Fa∣thers

and Husbands dragg'd to Prison by the Tax-gatherers, were in every Town active in promoting the Revolt, combining among themselves to refuse nothing that could be compass'd to carry on the War, sparing nei∣ther their Ornaments, nor precious Movea∣bles to raise Pay for the Armies: Insomuch that Matho and Spendius were so plentifully supply'd with Mony, that they had not only sufficient to Pay the Arrears that were due, which they had assur'd them of, the better to ingage them to their Purpose: but were inabled to sustain the Expence and growing Charge of the Army. For Wise Officers extend their Prospect beyond the present Occasion. And now, notwithstanding the Carthaginians were heavily oppress'd by these Misfortunes, they ommitted not however to provide the best Means for their Defence. The Conduct of the War they gave to Han∣no, of whose Service they had heretofore made use, in the Conquest of that part of their Dominions lying about Hecatompolis. They levy'd Soldiers likewise, from all Parts, and commanded all their Citizens, who were able to bear Arms, to be Muster'd, they exercis'd the Horse also that belong'd to the City, and repair'd their decay'd Ships, and order'd the Building of new ones. In the mean time Matho and Spendius, who had (Seventy Thousand Africans in their Army) besieg'd Ʋtica and Hippona at one

and the same time; being without any Ap∣prehension of the Enemy; for they kept Guard in their Camp near Tunes, by which means the Carthaginians were debarr'd all Commerce and Communication with Africa. For Carthage is situate on a Peninsula which runs far out into the Sea, and is bounded by that on the one side, and the other by Marish and unpassable Grounds; so that the Isthmus that joins it to the Continent, is not three Miles broad; Ʋtica stands not far from that Part of Carthage which regards the Sea, and Tunes on the side of the Marish Ground: So that the Enemy being incamp'd in those two Places, did in effect not only block up the Carthaginians from the Continent, but even alarm'd the City itself, marching sometimes by Night, some times by Day, to their very Walls; filling the Inhabitants with great Fear and Disorder. Neverthelsss, Hanno omitted no part of his Charge, making all Provision possible for the War, wherein he was very capable, being well practis'd in Affairs of that Nature, but he was found no able Soldier, whensoever he march'd against the Enemy; for he knew not how to im∣prove Occasions of Advantage, and not only manifested his Want of Judgment, but of Courage, too when it came to the Tryal. For marching to the Relief of Ʋtica, when he had terrify'd and disorder'd the Enemy by the help of his Elephants, whereof he had an

Hundred in his Army, and Victory had al∣ready declar'd for him; yet through his De∣fault, not only the Army, but the Town it self, was in great hazard of being lost; for having brought from Carthage all sorts of Ma∣chines, Engines, and Equipage of War, pro∣per for the Attack of Towns, and incamp∣ing near Ʋtica, he assaulted the Enemies Works, who, not able to stand the Force of the Elephants, were forc'd to quit their Camp. Many were slain by those Animals, and such as escap'd, retir'd to a neighbouring Mountain for Safety, which being strong by Situation, and over-grown with Wood, they thought themselves there secure enough. While Hanno, who had been accustom'd to make War with the Africans and Numidi∣ans, who, upon any Defeat, are wont to Re∣treat as far from Danger as they are able, often slying for Two or Three Days together: thought himself secure of the Victory, and that the Enemy had been totally defeated, insomuch that he neglected the Guard of his Camp, left his Soldiers at Liberty, and re∣tiring into the Town, there made good Cheer and thought of nothing but his Ease. In the mean time the Enemy, who had been well train'd in War, and had learn'd of their Leader Hamilcar in Sicily, how to sustain such Shocks and Rencounters, laid hold on this occasion; for being us'd to fly before an Enemy, and to Face again, and Attack in

one and the same Day those who had pursu'd them; and receiving Intelligence that Hanno was retir'd into the Town, and that the Soldiers, confident of their Victory, neg∣lected their Duty in Guarding the Camp; they march'd forthwith down, and attack'd their Retrenchments, kill'd a great number, and constrain'd the rest shamefully to Retreat into the Town; taking all their Baggage, Engines, and Equipage of War. Nor was this the only Occasion wherein Hanno had given Marks of his Insufficiency; for this Di∣saster was follow'd by another, soon after, near a Town call'd Gorza: For, notwith∣standing he lay incamp'd in the Face of the Enemy, and had it in his power totally to have subdu'd them; after having twice worsted them in Battel, nevertheless, by his Imprudence, the Opportunity was lost.

Wherefore the Carthaginians, dissatisfy'd with the Conduct of Hanno, gave the Com∣mand of their Army once again to Hamilcar Barcas and dispatch'd him to the Field with Seventy Elephants, and all the Forreigners they could get together, with the Militia of the City, both Horse and Foot; amounting in all to about ten thousand Men. With this Army he marched against the Enemy, whom he surpris'd in such manner, that they were constrain'd to remove their Camp, and raise their Siege from before Ʋtica; for which Action alone he was judg'd worthy of the

great Character he had obtain'd in the World, and confirm'd the Hopes they had conceiv'd of his Success; and here we have an occasion to make recital of his Adventures during this Expedition.

On the narrow, or slip of Land, and that joins Carthage to the Continent, stand two Moun∣tains, almost inaccessible on the side that looks towards the Country; in those two Mountains there are two Ways or Passes made by Art, which lead into the Champaign. These Mountains were posses'd by Matho, who had plac'd Guards in every needful place. Furthermore, the River Macar hin∣ders all passage from Carthage into the Coun∣try on that side, which is so deep, as to be no where fordable; over which River there is but one Bridge, near which there stands a Village, which Matho possess'd likewise, and guarded with great Vigilance; by this means, not only an Army could not pass, but even a single Man could hardly get passage undis∣cover'd of the Enemy: This was well con∣sider'd by Hamilcar, who, having a watchful Eye every-where, lights, at length, on a Stratagem which afforded him the only means to get his Passage. He had remark'd, that upon the blowing of certain Winds, the Mouth of the River us'd to be choak'd up with Sand, which was wont to bank up in nature of a Bar, and afforded a kind of wa∣tery Passage over the River; he therefore

march'd his Army to the River's Mouth, where he halted, without communicating the reason to any Body, till those favourable Winds, we mention'd, should blow; which no sooner happen'd, but he marcheth his Ar∣my, by Night, over the River; without giving the least Suspicion to the Enemy: This Action (wherein he perform'd great Service, and thought to be impossible) was matter of great Astonishment, both to the Carthaginians and the Enemy; and now Ha∣milcar gets into the Plains, and marcheth to∣wards those that guarded the Bridge. Spen∣dius receiving Advice of what had pass'd, gets before him, and marches on the one side with a Body of above Ten Thousand Men, which he drew out of the Town near the Bridge; and on the other were at least Fif∣teen Thousand, which he order'd from the Camp before Ʋtica, with purpose, by that manner of proceeding, to surround and hem Hamilcar's Army in; under which hopes, the Soldiers became so attentive, that they punctually obey'd the Orders they receiv'd, and mutually animated each other to do their Duty as they ought. In the mean time, Ha∣milcar advances with the Elephants in his Front, then the Cavalry, with the light arm'd Foot, and those who carry'd Bucklers, in the Rear. But when he observ'd the Enemy to approach with Precipitation, and, as it were, without any Order, he presently chang∣ed

the Order of his Battel, commanding those who were in the Rear to advance to the Front; who marching with a compass, be∣came opposs'd in Battel to the Enemy; who taking those Motions to be an effect of Fear, and a sort of Retreat, attack'd them with great Resolution, tho' without any Order. But Hamilcar's Horse were no sooner ad∣vanc'd, and those who follow'd them boldly sustaining them; and altogether coming to the Charge, when the Enemy who came in confusion, and in haste, began to fear; find∣ing, so contrary to their Opinion, the Resist∣ance that was made; which not being able to endure they soon betook themselves to flight, one of their Parties encountring with another of their own, which was coming to their Relief, took them for Enemies in the Fright, and ingaging, defeated one the other; most of the rest were destroy'd by the Horse and the Elephants. In this Conflict there dy'd of the Africans near Six Thousand Men, and about Two Thousand were taken Prisoners; the Remainder, some got into the Town near the Bridge, and some into the Camp before Ʋtica. After the Victory, Ha∣milcar pursues the Straglers every-where, ta∣king the Town by the Bridge which the E∣nemy had abandon'd, and retir'd to Tunes; and forraging the Country round about, some Towns yielding to him out of Fear, others were reduc'd by force; by which means

having, in a good degree recover'd the Car∣thaginians form the Fear they were under, be∣ing almost at the point of Despair; he gave them new Courage, and lent them more As∣surance in danger.

In the mean time, Matho, who continu'd the Siege of Hippona, advis'd Spendius and Autaritus, who was Chief among the Gauls, to be careful not to lose sight of the Enemy, but to take care, however, not to be surpris'd in the Champion Country, by reason of Ha∣milcar's Superiour Strength in Horse and Ele∣phants, but to keep the skirts of the Hills, and to march and incamp as near the Enemy as they could, and to take the advantage of attacking them, when they should perceive them at any time incumber'd or molested in their March; but while he gave them this Counsel, he forgot not to solicit the Numidi∣ans and Africans for Succours, and to incite them to make use of the present Occasion to recover their Liberty. So Spendius made choice of Six Thousand Men, out of the se∣veral Nations that were incamp'd at Tunes, to march, and attend the Motions of the Car∣thaginians, wheresoever they went; keep∣ing, as he was advis'd, the Foot of the Mountains. He took likewise with him, the Horse of Autaritus amounting to Two Thousand Gauls, (all the rest of that Nation, who had serv'd at Erix under Autaritus, ha∣ving taken Pay with the Romans.) And while

Hamilcar was incamp'd in a Plain, surround∣ed on all sides with Hills, Spendius receives Succours both of Africans and Numidians, and resolves to attack the Carthaginians, by surrounding them, appointing the Numidi∣ans to ingage in the Rear, the Africans in the Front, resolving himself to fall on their Flank. The Carthaginians were hereby reduc'd to very great straits, looking on the Danger to be almost inevitable. But it happen'd that at this time there was a certain Numidian in the Enemies Army, call'd Naravasus, a Man of Account both for Nobility and Courage: He had heretofore been of the Carthaginian Party, on the account of the Friendship that had been between them and his Father; and now charm'd by the Vertue and Fame of Ha∣milcar, he was resolv'd to renew old Kind∣ness; and conceiving this a proper occasion to put his Purpose in effect, he determin'd to find out Hamilcar, and contract this new-de∣sign'd Friendship with him: Accordingly he advanceth towards their Camp, attended on∣ly with about an Hundred Numidians; and coming near their Lines, he there halts, and with a noble Assurance, makes a Sign with his Hand, that he had something to commu∣nicate with them. Hamilcar, not a little wondring at the Hardiness of the Action, sent a Horse-man out to him, to whom Nara∣vasus reply'd, He had something to say to the General; but in regard the Carthaginians

shew'd some Diffidence to trust him, Narava∣sus forthwith dismounts; and giving his Horse and Arms to his Guard; in that man∣ner, naked and disarm'd, with a gallant Boldness, adventures into Hamilcar's Trench∣es. Every body wonder'd at the Bravery of the Man, but receiv'd him amicably, and freely discours'd with him; and being con∣ducted to Hamilcar, he told him, He wanted not good Inclinations for the Carthaginians in general; but his Ambition was principally to ingage in a Friendship with him, which was the Motive that brought him; which, if he approv'd, he should find him for the future, a faithful Friend, whether it were for Coun∣sel or Action. This Discourse of Naravasus, and the Action it self, perform'd with so frank a Boldness, fill'd Barcas with unspeak∣able Joy, insomuch, that without the least shew of Distrust, he embrac'd the Offer; and not only made him his Confident in his most secret Negotiations, and his Companion in all his Enterprizes; but to purchase his Fide∣lity to the Carthaginians, he promis'd him his Daughter to Wife. And when the Con∣ference and Treaty was ended, Naravasus joins Hamilcar with a Body of Two Thousand Numidians, with which Re-inforcement he offers the Enemy Battel. Spendius likewise, on his part, being strengthen'd by the Afri∣cans, marches against him, where the Battel was obstinately fought. The Victory was

long in suspence, but Hamilcar, in the end, had the Day, whose Elephants did great Service, and Naravasus signaliz'd himself above all others. Spendius and Autaritus es∣cap'd by Flight, about Ten Thousand of their Men being slain, and Four Thousand taken Prisoners. After the Battel, Hamilcar releas'd all the Prisoners that were willing to take Pay in the Army, and arm'd them with the Spoils of the Dead. As to those that were not willing to serve, he assembl'd them together, and there told them, That he free∣ly Pardon'd and Remited their Fault for that time, and gave them their Liberty, leaving every one to his own Course; with this Cau∣tion only, That if ever they were taken in Arms against the Carthaginians, they were to expect no Mercy. During these Transa∣ctions, the Mercenaries that were in Garison in Sardinia mutiny'd likewise, after the Ex∣ample of Matho and Spendius; and having shut up Bostar their Commander in chief, in the Citadel, they, at length, murther'd both him and all the Carthaginians with him. Whereupon the Republick sent a Re-inforce∣ment of more Troops, under the Command of one Hanno, whose Soldiers likewise aban∣don'd him on their arrival, and join'd with the Rebels; and at the same time seiz'd on their Leader, and crucify'd him. They like∣wise barbarously murther'd all the Carthagi∣nians they could find in the Island; and ma∣king

themselves Masters of the strong Places, kept them in possession, and domi∣neer'd till a Dissention happen'd between them and the Natives, who prevailing, chas'd them into Italy; so that Sardinia became by this means, entirely lost to the Carthaginians: An Island very considerable, as well by it's Greatness, and the number of the Inhabitants, as for the Fruits and Product of the Country. But in regard many have already largely des∣crib'd it, I thought it unnecessary to say more on a Subject so well known, it being but so much time lost, to say over again what others have said before me.

And now Matho, Spendius, and Autaritus foreseeing, that the Clemency which Ha∣milcar exercis'd towards the Prisoners, was like to have but an ill Effect on their Affairs; and fearing least the Africans, and their other Troops, in Prospect of Pardon, should desert them, and go over to the other Army, they resolv'd to commit some new Act of Villany; such as should put them past all hopes of In∣demnity with the Carthaginians. So they assembled all the Army to a certain place, and while they were there, a Messenger purposely arriv'd with pretended Letters from those who had follow'd their steps in Sardinia, which Letters contain'd strict Injunctions to them, to be careful in guarding Gesco, and the rest of the Prisoners (who, as we have al∣ready noted, were treacherously imprison'd

at the Treaty of Tunes) inasmuch as there were some in the Army, who had undertaken to the Carthaginians to deliver them up. Spendius here takes occasion to admonish them, not to rely on the specious Humanity which Hamilcar seem'd to show to those who had fallen into his Hands; that it was the least of his Purpose to spare them, but by a feign'd Clemency, hop'd to draw the rest to Submission; to the End, that having them once at his Mercy, he might make one Ex∣ample of Punishment for all; should they be insnar'd by those Allurements. He further proceeded to Counsel them, to take care not to be out-witted, and, neglecting their Duty, permit Gesco to escape; who being a princi∣pal Leader, and in great Authority, would prove one of their most dangerous Enemies. Spendius had hardly ended his Discourse, when a second Courier arrives, pretending to come from the Camp near Tunes, who brings Letters pressing the same matter that was contain'd in the others.

Upon this Autaritus applies to the Assem∣bly, to whom he remonstrates, that their Safety and Success consisted purely in re∣nouncing all those hopes of Pardon, to which the Carthaginians labour'd to perswade them; and that he, whoever he was, that should suggest any Assurance in the Carthaginian Clemency, should forfeit his Fidelity, and was no more to be trusted. He advis'd them,

therefore, to be guided by, and give credit to those who knew best how the Carthginians would deal with them, and to hold them for Traitors and Enemies, who should attempt to perswade the contrary. When he had ended his Discourse, he gave his Opinion that they ought to put Gesco to Death; and not only those who were with him, but all such others as had fallen into their Hands since the War. This Autaritus was a very popular Man in the Army, and prevail'd much in their Assemblies; he was, moreover, perfect in the Carthaginian Tongue by reason of his long Commerce among them, as were many others under his Command; who, in their common Conversation, seldom spake in any other Language. This Officer was therefore listen'd to with general Applause, and the Assembly was unanimously prevail'd with, to consent to his Proposition. Howbeit, there were some of every Nation, who join'd in their common Request, That, in regard of the many Benefits they had receiv'd at the Hands of Gesco, he might have the Favour only to suffer Death, without putting him to Tor∣ment; but in regard their Discourse was con∣fus'd and in several Languages, it was not understood what they demanded; and now it being known what was determin'd, one of those there present demanded aloud, That they should forthwith execute the Sentence; whereupon immediately all the Carthagi∣nian

Prisoners that were at hand, were ston'd to Death, who some time after were buried by their Relations, as if they had been kill'd and torn by wild Beasts. Then Spen∣dius order'd Gesco to be brought forth out of the Camp, together with the other Prisoners that were with him, to the number of Seven∣ty Persons; and being led some distance off, they first cut off their Hands, beginning with Gesco, whom just before they had own'd for their Benefactor, and whom they had made Choice of to be Umpire of their Differences, then by degrees they Dismember'd them, and after they had cut off their Legs, they threw them yet alive into a Ditch. The Car∣thaginians, upon receiving Intelligence of this Savage Piece of Cruelty, justly deplor'd the Calamities of those Miserable People, and sent to Hamilcar and Hanno, who was the other General, exhorting them to lay the Distresses of the Commonwealth to Heart, and to do their utmost to revenge the Death of their Fellow-citizens, by the Destruction of their Murderers. Heralds were likewise dispatch'd to the Enemy to demand the Bo∣dies of the Dead, who were so far from de∣delivering them, that they advis'd them to send no more Messengers or Ambassadours, assuring them that the first who came should share the Fate of Gesco. In a word, they now agreed to Treat all the Carthaginians that should for the Future fall into their

Hands, with the like Inhumanity, and such of their Allies as should be taken, they would cut off their Hands, and so send them back to Carthage; which cruel Determination they afterwards rigorously executed. Certainly, whosoever shall weigh things rightly, will conclude, that as there are Maladies and Ulcers in Human Bodies, that may arrive to such a head of Malignity as to be past all Cure; so the Spirits and Minds of Men are obnoxious to the like Distempers. In short, there are Sores and Biles in our Bodies which will fester under the use of proper Remedies, and yet if Applications are neglected, they spread and prey upon the part affected, and as they grow in Malignity, come at length to consume the whole Body; not unlike to these, there often happens to grow Diseases in the Mind, which arrive at such Inveteracy, that one may with Justice conclude, Savage Beasts themselves come short of them in Rage and Cruelty. Such as these if you treat them with Humanity, grow into greater Jealousie, and confide in you less than before, interpreting your Lenity an effect of Art and Cunning, and become thereby most inrag'd with those who discover the greatest Inclina∣tion to Clemency. If on the other Hand, you resent their Barbarities, and pay them in their own Coin, they then make Ostenta∣tion of their Wickedness, and there is no Crime or Inhumanity, how impious or abo∣minable

soever, that they will scruple at, till at length they cease to be Men, and are Metamorphos'd into Savage Beasts. And though it cannot be gainsaid, but this Imper∣fection of the Mind grows out of ill Manners and bad Education; nevertheless, there are other Causes that minister to the Growth of this Evil, whereof the greatest are the Inju∣ries and Avarice of Magistrates and Men in Authority, whereof we have a bloody Ex∣ample now before us; the truth of which was made manifest as well in the Soldiers as their Officers.

Hamilcar greatly provok'd at these Barba∣rities, order'd Hanno to join him, conclud∣ing, that by uniting all their Troops into one Body, they should soon put a Period to the War. And now, contrary to his Custom, he put all of the Enemy to death, who fell into his hands; and if at any time Prisoners were brought into the Army, he ordered them without Mercy to be devoured of wild Beasts; being at length convinc'd that the only Re∣medy to the Evils under which they suffer'd, was, to extend no Compassion to the Offen∣ders; but, to diminish and utterly destroy them, by all means possible. But, while the Carthaginians were in these fair hopes; when Success every-where attended their Arms, and they had reason to expect a favourable Issue of the War, behold a Caprice of For∣tune, who changing Face, turn'd the Tide

of their Affairs. The two Generals had no sooner united their Armies, but they fell at Difference between themselves, which bred such evil Effects, that by that means, not only many fair Occasions were lost of molest∣ing the Enemy, but Opportunities given to them, to damnifie the Carthaginians; which being observ'd and weigh'd by the State; one of them was directed to quit his Command; and who should remain in Authority, to be left to the Election of the Army. Another Misfortune, likewise, befel them; about that time, a Convoy of theirs coming from a City call'd Emporium, wherein they had great Reliance for Supplies, as well of Pro∣visions, as other Stores for the Army, was lost by Tempest at Sea. As to Sardinia, which had ever yielded them great Relief in their straits; that, as we have already noted, was totally lost. But, to fill the Measure of their Adversity, the two Cities of Hippona and Ʋtica, who alone, of all the Towns of Afri∣ca, had, till that time, preserv'd their Fide∣lity, and not only during this War, but in the time of Agathocles, and even when the Romans made their Descent on Africa, had continu'd faithful, and never manifested the least Inclination of Revolt, now abandon'd them; and were not content, barely to take part with the Africans, without any apparent Motive, but link'd themselves, to their For∣tunes, in a League of fast Friendship and

Alliance; and grew into mortal Hatred a∣gainst the Carthaginians; which they wit∣ness'd by Murdering five Hundred of their Soldiers, with their Officers, who were sent to their Relief, after they had receiv'd them into their Towns, and afterwards cast their dead Bodies over the Walls: In short, those two Places gave themselves up entirely to the Africans, expressing so great an Aver∣sion to the Carthaginians, that when they sent Ambassadours to them for leave to Bury their Dead, they refus'd them. So that now, Matho and Spendius, exalted with the Ac∣cession of so much good Fortune, form'd a Design of laying Siege to Carthage it self.

During these things, the Carthaginians dis∣patch'd Hannibal to the Army, after they had maturely deliberated about the matter of Difference that had happen'd between the two Generals, and had declar'd it was ex∣pedient that Hanno should relinquish his Au∣thority. Then Hamilcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus, made Inroads into the Coun∣try, and cut off all the Enemies means of Susistance, in which Service Naravasus was eminently useful, as he did in every thing greatly serve them: And this was the State of their Troops that kept the Field.

In the mean time, Carthage itself being block'd up and inclos'd on all sides, they were driven to have recourse for Succours

to their Friends and Confederates; Hiero King of Siracuse, who was their fast Friend, and having diligently suppli'd them with whatever they demanded, during the whole War, gave them now in their greatest Straits, the best Evidence of his Friend∣ship; and this he wisely saw, to be his safest Course, as conducing to the better Support of his Power in Sicily, and the Conservati∣on of his Alliance with the People of Rome, foreseeing, that if Carthage were not pre∣serv'd in a State to give them Jealousie, it might be his Lot one Day, to lye at their Mercy, without any Prospect of Re∣dress.

Herein, I say, Hiero did, without questi∣on, proceed like a prudent Prince, it being in no wise safe, to let a little Mischief grow to a head; but, to prevent, by all means pos∣sible, the exorbitant Increase of a Neighbour∣ing Prince's Power; lest, when it shall be too late, you find it past your Ability to with∣stand him, when your own proper Interest shall come to be Contested. On the other hand, the Romans, pursuant to the Treaty of Peace, were not wanting in any thing to the Carthaginians; though there soon hap∣pen'd a Difference between those two States. In brief, the Carthaginians, at the beginning of this War, had seiz'd and made Prize of all Vessels that traded from Italy, to the Coast of Africa, who for Lucre suppli'd their Ene∣mies

with whatsoever they wanted. And now having in their Custody at least Five Hundred Prisoners of that Nation, the Ro∣mans stomach'd it, and began to give evi∣dence of their Indignation thereat. But, this Point was soon compos'd, for as soon as they signifi'd their Resentment by their Ambassa∣dours, the Carthaginians restor'd the said Prisoners in so frank a Manner, that they on their side, not to be behind hand in Curtesie, forthwith enlarg'd without Ransom all the Carthaginian Prisoners, which yet remain'd of those who had been taken, during the Si∣cilian War. Furthermore the Romans readi∣ly granted them whatsoever Assistance they demanded; they permitted their Merchants to supply Carthage, with every thing they stood in need of, and Prohibited all manner of Commerce with their Enemies. More∣over, they rejected the Overtures made by the Ambassadours of those who had revolted from the Carthaginians in Sardinia, and were in Possession of the Island, though they offer'd to put it into their hands; and to give far∣ther Evidence of their Sincerity, they refus'd the Tender the People of Ʋtica made them, who would have freely given them their City; so that the Carthaginians, thus aided, bore the Hardships of the Siege the more chearfully. In the mean time Matho and Spendius both besiege, and are besieg'd, being reduc'd to so great straits for Provision, and

all other Stores and Necessaries, by the good management of Hamilcar, that, in the end, they were constrain'd to rise from before the City, and selecting out Fifty Thousand of the choicest Men in their Armies, with whom there join'd a Man of note, call'd Zarxas, at the Head of his own People; with which Army they march'd to incounter the Enemy, and observe the Motions of Hamilcar; keep∣ing, however the Skirts of the Hills, out of fear of the Elephants; and the Horse of Na∣ravasus, still using their utmost Industry to keep Possession of those Fastnesses; and tho' in Courage and Hardiness they were equal to the Carthaginians, nevertheless they were worsted, and came by the loss in all their Rencounters, as being under worse Discipline, and led by Commanders inferior in Skill and Sufficiency: And it was here demonstrated, how much the Wisdom and Knowledge of a great General weighs against Strength and Number; for Hamilcar, like an Artful Game∣ster, first draws them in to Pickeer, and in∣gage in small Parties, and so by degrees, di∣minish'd them; and whenever they came to a Battel, what by his Skill in laying and con∣triving Ambushes, and otherwise, he cut off great numbers of them. Furthermore, he never permitted them to be at rest, but al∣larm'd them Night and Day, and ever con∣triv'd it when they least expected it: And such as fell alive into his Hands, he gave to

be devour'd by wild Beasts. At length, sur∣prising them in a place where they were greatly incommoded, and where he could lie at his ease, there he besieg'd them in their Camp, at a time when they thought them∣selves most secure, where he so straiten'd them, and brought them to such Extremity, that they came both to want Resolution to give him Battel, and were without all possible means to get out of his Hands; to such Hard∣ships were they driven, that they came to de∣vour one another; an Instance of the Divine Justice, to chastise the Inhumanity they them∣selves had practis'd. They were afraid to come to a Battel, knowing, that whosoever fell into their Enemies Hands, was sure to suffer Death by the most exquisite Torments; and they despair'd of any Terms by Treaty, conscious of the Guilt of so many abomina∣ble Crimes; they therefore determin'd to abide the utmost Extremity, and to exercise that Cruelty, one among another which they had heretofore practis'd on their Neighbours, and so to attend the Arrival of those Succours, which they had been made to hope were com∣ing to them from Tunes.

But when they had spent all their Priso∣ners, with whose Bodies they had been su∣stain'd, and their Slaves were likewise al∣most consum'd in the like horrid Repast; and receiving no News from Tunes, and the Ar∣my, subdu'd by the Sharpness of their Suf∣ferings,

beginning to look with an angry Eye on their Leaders; Spendius, Autaritas, and Zarxas began to form Designs of yielding themselves up, and so to enter upon Treaty with Hamilcar; whereupon, demanding, by a Trumpet, a Passport for Persons to be sent on a Treaty, they themselves, among others, went and put themselves into the Hands of the Carthaginians, to whom Hamilcar pro∣pos'd the following Conditions: That the Carthaginians should make choice of Ten Per∣sons out of the Enemies Army, of what Conditi∣on soever, and that the rest of the Army should be disarm'd, and dismiss'd in their Shirts. These Conditions being agreed to, Hamilcar then declar'd, That, pursuant to the Articles of Agreement, he made choice of those there present; so the Number was compos'd of Autaritas, Spendius, and the rest of their chief Officers. But when the Army was given to understand, that their Commanders were detain'd, knowing nothing of the Agree∣ment that was accorded between them, they took for granted, they had been betray'd. Whereupon, in a tumultuous manner, they ran to their Arms. But Hamilcar, being be∣fore-hand with them, drew out his Ele∣phants, and with them, and the rest of the Army surrounding them, fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, to the number of Forty Thousand. The place where this bloody Service was perform'd, was call'd Prion,

which signifieth a Saw; forasmuch as it bore resemblance to that kind of Instru∣ment.

After this famous Defeat of their Enemies, the Carthaginians, who were driven almost to Despair, began to take Heart, while Ha∣milcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus forrag'd and scour'd the Country; and the News of the Victory being dispers'd, dispos'd many of the Africans to come into the Carthaginian Army; and most of the Towns round about to return to their Obedience. After this, they take their March towards Tunes, where they besieg'd Matho. Hannibal's Quarter was on that part that regards Carthage, and Hamil∣car's on the opposite side; As soon as their Ar∣my was incamp'd, they led out Spendius and the rest of the Prisoners; and bringing them near the Walls of the Town, they there cru∣cify'd them in view of the Enemy. But Ma∣tho having observ'd, that Hannibal did not keep so good a Guard in his Camp as he ought, sally'd out, and attack'd his Quarters; where killing many of his People, he put the rest to flight, pillag'd his Camp; and taking Hannibal himself Prisoner, forthwith order'd Spendius to be taken from the Cross, and Hannibal to be six'd alive in his place, where he executed him with unspeakable Torments; then they chose out Thirty Carthaginian Pri∣soners, of the Noblest they could find; and placing them about the Body of Spendius, put

them to death; as if Fortune had made a Compact with these two People, to give them Occasions of thus mutually exercising their Cruelty one on the other. Hamilcar's Post was so remote from Hannibal's, that the matter was past remedy, before he knew any thing of it; and tho' he should have receiv'd earlier Notice, the Difficulty of the Ground and Situation of the Place would have afford∣ed him but little hopes to relieve them. Whereupon he decamp'd from where he was, and came and posted himself along the Sea-side, near the Mouth of the River Macheta.

The Carthaginians, affrighted at this un∣look'd for Loss, began to fall from their late Hopes; nevertheless, they omitted nothing that might evidence their Care for the Pub∣lick. Wherefore they dispatch'd Thirty of the Body of their Senate, together with Han∣no, who had already commanded in this War, to Hamilcar; furthermore, they sup∣ply'd him with a Re-inforcement to his Ar∣my, with all they could pick up, that could bear Arms in the City. The Senators were instructed, above all things, to labour an Accomodation between Hamilcar and Han∣no, and to dispose them to such an Accord, that the Commonwealth might not be sacri∣fie'd to their Differences. Whereupon, bring∣ing them together, after long Conference and Debate, Hamilcar and Hanno, became Friends,

and pass'd their Words to agree in all things for the common Good; and accordingly, af∣terwards, their Affairs were successfully ma∣nag'd, to the full Satisfaction of their Fellow-citizens. So that Matho was now often re∣duc'd to Despair; sometimes by Ambushes, sometimes by Surprizes, which frequently happen'd, as on an occasion near Leptis, and others; where in all Parties and Rencounters they still came by the worst. At length, they determin'd to come to a Battel, to which the Carthaginians, on their part, willingly agreed: The Friends and Confederates of of both Parties were drawn together; and their Garrisons were drawn out to augment their Armies, for deciding the Dispute; and when all things were in a readiness, the Bat∣tel was fought on the Day appointed, where∣in the Carthaginians had the Day, and the greatest part, of the African Army slain on the place; some few that escap'd, got into a neighbouring Town, which soon submitted, where Matho was taken alive. Upon this Success, all the Towns in Africa, that had been under the Dominion of the Carthagini∣ans, return'd to their Obedience, Ʋtica and Hippona only excepted, which continu'd in their Obstinacy; who being, indeed, with∣out hopes of Favour, had no ground to de∣mand it; for from the first of their Defection, they acted against the Carthaginians, so as to cut off all prospect of Pardon; which may

serve for Instruction, how necessary it proves, even in those sort of Crimes whereof we have been treating, to leave some place for Mode∣ration, and not to act beyond the power of Reparation. In short, Hamilcar setting down before those two Towns, reduc'd them, at length, to Mercy. And so ended the War of Africk, which had brought the Carthaginian State in so much Danger: And now they saw their Dominion restor'd, and the Au∣thors of the Rebellion punish'd. Matho, and those taken with him, after they were car∣ry'd in Triumph about the City, and treat∣ed with all kind of Ignominy, and us'd in the cruellest manner that could be invented, were, at length, tormented to Death. This War lasted three Years, and near four Months, and contain'd more Acts of Cruelty, and In∣humanity, than are to be found any where else in Story.

About the same time the Romans being sol∣licited by the Mercenaries, who were beaten out of Sardinia, and were fled to them, de∣termin'd to attempt the Possession of that great Island; but the Carthaginians having the Right of first Possession, would not en∣dure the Injury; and in regard they were now preparing an Army to go over and pu∣nish the Infidelity of those Islanders; the Ro∣mans interpreting those Preparations to be a∣gainst them, took thence Occasion to declare a new War on them. But the Carthaginians,

who had but just laid down their Arms, and knew themselves to be much too weak, and no ways in a condition to wage War with them, found it their best course to submit; and did not only yield up their Right to Sar∣dinia to the Romans, but bought their Peace at the price of Twelve Hundred Talents.

The End of the First Book.

POLYBIUS's General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

VOL. I. BOOK II.

WE have shown in our former Book, at what Time it was that the Romans first adven∣tur'd on Forreign Expediti∣ons, after they had compos'd their Affairs in Italy. We have related the Motives and Manner of their Transporting their Arms in∣to Sicily, and upon what Grounds they made War on the Carthaginians, and contended with them for the Dominion of that Island

We have also noted the Time when the Ro∣mans first ingag'd on Naval Action, and what occur'd during the Progress of the War, till the Carthaginians totally relinquish'd their Pretensions to Sicily, and their Enemies became Masters of it; all but what was reserv'd to King Hiero. Then we came to relate the Transactions of the War, made by the Car∣thaginian Mercinaries on their Masters, which was call'd the War of Africk. We have likewise, in that Account, given Ex∣amples of the utmost Degrees of the Barbarity of Human Nature, and told what was the Issue of so many Savage Actions, pursuing the Story to the end of that War, wherein the Carthaginians remain'd with Victory.

Now we shall proceed, according to our first Purpose, to set down subsequent Oc∣currences; For, the Carthaginians had no sooner compos'd their African Troubles, when they rais'd a new Army, the Command when which was given to Hamilcar Barcas, with Direction to transport it into Spain, who ta∣king his Son Hannibal with him, not then a∣bove nine Years old, cross'd the Sea, some∣where near the Strait of Hercules's Pillars, and began to lay the Foundation of the Carthagi∣nian Greatness in Spain. Where, after he had commanded, for the Space of almost nine Years, and brought many Nations to yield Obedience to that Government; subduing some by Force, and wining others by Address;

he at length ended his Days, in a manner worthy of the Greatness of his Name, being slain in Battel, bravely Fighting at the head of his Troops, against a formidable Enemy, that oppos'd him. Upon whose Death the Carthaginians gave his Command to Asdrubal his Kinsman, at that time General of their Gallies.

About the same time, the Romans trans∣ported an Army, and made their first Expe∣dition into Illyria and the Parts adjacent. So that, whosoever would curiously Search into the History of the Growth of the Roman Greatness, is to have special Regard to that Part of their Story.

The Causes moving to this Expedition, seem to be these: Agro, at that time King of Illyria, Son of Pleuratus, surpass'd by much all his Predecessors in Power and Greatness, both by Sea and Land. He had promis'd Deme∣trius, Father of Philip King of Macedon, who had gain'd him with a Sum of Mony, to send Succours to the Mydionians, whom the Aeto∣lians at that time had besieg'd, mov'd it seems thereunto, for that they refus'd to joyn with them, to live under the same Laws, whom they therefore had determin'd to Reduce by Arms. And having levy'd an Army from a∣mong that People, they declar'd War against those of Mydionia, whose City they greatly distress'd: attacking it with Machins and Engines of all sorts. During this Siege the

time drew near wherein the Aetolians were oblig'd to chuse a new Praetor; but forasmuch as the Besieg'd were now brought to Extre∣mity, and that there were hopes they wou'd soon Capitulate; the present Praetor, who then commanded the Army, remonstrated to the Aetolians, that in regard he had born the Toyl and Hazzard of the Siege, it seem'd but just, that he might be permitted to enjoy the Benefit of Disposing of the Booty, and the Honour of Taking the Place. But this Pro∣position found Opposers, especially among those who were Candidates in the new Electi∣on; who perswaded the People by no means to consent to any Innovation in their Customs, but to manage their Affairs according to the Prescription of their Laws, and leave the Is∣sue to Fortune. Whereupon, the Aetolians resolved to proceed to the Election; allotting however, the Profit and Honour that was to be won, to be divided between him that now commanded, and the other who should be chosen.

Three Days after this Determination, was to be the Election, when the new Officer was immediately to enter on his Charge ac∣cording to Custom; but in the interim, there arrives a Fleet of a hundred small Vessels with a Re-inforcement of five Thousand Il∣lyrians, who at break of Day landed secretly near the Town, and immediately put them∣selves in Order of Battel, according to their

manner; and being form'd in several Divi∣sions, they advanc'd towards the Aetolians Camp, who were much surpriz'd at the Hardiness of this sudden Attempt; neverthe∣less, they lost nothing of their usual Assurance, and the Pride that is become habitual to that Nation; for they rely'd on their Courage, and presum'd their Army was not to be beaten. They having many Troops heavy arm'd, and abounding in Horse, these they commanded to March out, and imbattel'd them in plain ground before their Camp. They likewise order'd their light arm'd Troops, and some Horse, to take Possession of certain advantageous Posts, and to seize on such Eminencies, as were not too remote from the Camp. And now the Illyrians advancing upon the light arm'd Troops, soon beat them from their Ground, as being more in Num∣ber, and marching in close Order. Then they forc'd the Horse likewise to retire, and winning the advantage of Ground, they charg'd those who were drawn up in the Plain; by which means they were the more easily routed; the Besieg'd likewise, at the same time made a Sally, and between them, the Aetolians were at length defeated; many were slain on the Place, and many taken Prisoners, with great store of Arms, and all their Baggage. Thus, as soon as the Illyrians had executed their Masters Orders, and load∣ed their Vessels with Booty, they immedi∣ately

embark'd again, and made Sail back to their Country.

The Mydionians finding themselves thus happily rescu'd, when they dispair'd of Suc∣cour, call'd an Assembly of their Magistrates to consult of their Affairs, and principally to determine of the Disposal of the Booty; where 'twas agreed, that the present Praetor, and he who was in Election for the ensuing Year, should joyntly have the Authority in the Distribution thereof.

This Adventure of the Mydionians, is a sort of Lesson to the rest of Mankind, where Fortune seems by a singular Instance to put us in mind of her All-sufficiency; for when they thought themselves ruin'd past Re∣demption, she then puts an occasion in their hands whereby to deal to their Enemies the self same Measure, which they had decreed for them.

As to the Aetolians, who were thus sur∣priz'd and defeated; their Misfortune may instruct us, not over-boldly to determine of Events, and to let Doubt have a share in all our Adventures, while there is a Possibility, that things may fall out otherwise than we expect. For, it behoves us in all the Trans∣actions of our Life, especially in Military Matters, to remember, that we are at best but Men, whose wisest Counsels can never suffice to obviate the Fatality of such surpri∣sing Stroaks.

Upon the return home of King Agro's Fleet which he had dispatch'd on this Expediton, he fell into such a Fit of Joy at the Report his Captains made him of the Success of the Battel, and their having vanquisht the Aeto∣lians, a People held in great Esteem for their Valour; that falling into great Excess of Drinking and Revelling, to Celebrate the Victory, he was seiz'd by a Pleuresie, which soon put an end to his Days. After him Tu∣ta his Wife reign'd, and was govern'd by the Counsels of such Friends, as she had about her. But the Queen, according to the man∣ner of her Sex, amus'd with the Joy of her present Prosperity, took no Thought for the future, and without any regard of Danger that might befal her from abroad; First per∣mits her Subjects to practise Piracy, who made Prize of all they met with at Sea; then she sitted out a Fleet equal to that we have mention'd, with Command to the Leaders, to Treat all Nations as Enemies. Their first Enterprize was on the Eleans, and those of Messene, who stood most expos'd to the In∣cursions of the Illyrians: For that Country lying along the Sea-coast, and their Towns standing but thin, it was the more liable to their Attempts, it being hard to send at any time seasonable Relief wheresoever they should be invaded, by reason of the remoteness of their Succours: So that the Illyrians ravag'd all that Country with Impunity. From

thence they steer'd towards Phoenice, a City of Epyrus, whether they went to Revictual their Fleet, when coming to Anchor in the Port, they there entred into Treaty with cer∣tain Gauls, who compos'd part of the Garri∣son, to betray the Town into their Hands, there being no less than eight Hundred of that Nation then in Pay in the City. The Gauls agree to their Proposal, whereupon they landed their Forces, and were receiv'd in∣to the Town, plundring them of all they had, assisted in their Attempt by the said Gauls, then in Garrison.

The Epirots, upon receiving Intelligence of what had hapen'd, march'd forthwith to the Relief of the Place, and coming within a little distance of Phoenice they incamp'd their Army, which they did in such manner, that the River which runs through the Town, serv'd for a kind of Retrenchment; and for their better Security, they took away the Timber of the Bridge, that gave passage over the said River. But receiving Intelligence, that Scerdilaidus was coming by Land, at the Head of five Thousand Illyrians, and intend∣ed to pass by the Straits of Antigonia, they thereupon detach'd a part of their Army thither, to secure that Place, while the other part lay idle in the Camp, careless of their Duty, and negligent of their Guard; spend∣ing their time in Riot and Feasting, toward which the Country (abounding) plentifully

supply'd them; but for the Military Part, they set little by it, as holding that Profession in a sort of Contempt. Insomuch, that when the Illyrians got notice of this their Negli∣gence, and that they had divided their Army, they march'd away in the Night, and re∣pairing the Bridge, boldly pass'd over the River, and presently possess'd themselves of a secure piece of Ground, and there pass'd the rest of the Night, and in the Morning, by break of Day both Armies drew up in Battalia, where they fought in sight of the Town, in which Dispute the Epyrots were beaten; many were slain upon the place, and taken Prisoners, and the rest escap'd by taking the way towards the Antitanes.

After this Defeat, the Epyrots dispairing of better Fortune, sent their Ambassadours to the Aetolians and the Achaians, to sollicit Suc∣cours, who in Compassion of their Misfor∣tunes, readily accorded them a Supply; and pursuant to their Promise, shortly after brought their Forces to Helicranus, in order to their Relief. The Illyrians, who were possess'd of Phoenice, advanc'd towards that Place likewise, in Conjunction with Scerdi∣laidus, and incamp'd not far from the Enemy, with Intention to give them Battel, but the inconveniency of the Ground prevented them. During these Transactions there came Letters from the Queen, containing Orders for their speedy return Home, to assist her against cer∣tain

of her revolted Subjects, who had join'd with the Dardanians. So, after they had spoil'd and plunder'd the Epyrots, they con∣sented to a Cessation of Arms; and, pursu∣ant to the Treaty, deliver'd back their Town and all the Inhabitants of free Condition that were in their Possession. But they embark'd, and carry'd away their Slaves and the Plun∣der; Scerdilaidus returning by the Straits of Antigonia. These Attempts greatly alarm'd all the Greek Cities upon the Coast; for when they consider'd, that so strong and important a Town of the Epyrots had been taken, so contrary to the Opinion of all the World; they began to take thought, every one for themselves, and were not now only in pain for the Country, but for their Towns and Cities. And now, who would not have thought, that the Epyrots should have con∣sulted, how to be reveng'd for these Injuries, and to render Marks of their Gratitude to those who so readily succour'd them! but so it happen'd, that they did neither, But dis∣patch'd, forthwith, their Ambassadours to Queen Teuta, and enter'd into Confederacy with the Illyrians and Acarnanians, insomuch that they never after quitted their League with them, and continu'd in perpetual En∣mity with the Achaians and Aetolians; by which Act, they gave at once manifest Evi∣dence of their Ingratitude and Imprudence.

Whosoever fall into Misfortunes, which Human Reason or Foresight could not obvi∣ate, no Man can justly charge them with the Evil that they suffer, but attribute it meerly to Fortune, and those who are the cause. On the other hand, when Calami∣ties befal us, through our own Imprudence, we must be content to bear the blame. There∣fore 'tis, that when we behold a miserable Man, made so, purely by the Malignity of Fortune, we cannot with-hold our Compas∣sion, and are so far from condemning him, that we minister to his Relief. But when our Miseries are the Fruit of our Folly and Obstinacy, we become justly the Reproach and Contempt of every wise Man. Now, who, that had ever heard of the Inconstancy and notorious Perfidy of the Gauls, would have deposited so important a Place in their keeping, where so many occasions were like∣ly to occur to tempt their Fidelity! Further∣more, who would not especially have held that People in Suspicion, that were known to have been expell'd their Country, for their Breach of Faith towards their own Nation? Who, after being taken into the Service of the Carthaginians, where, on a Rumour, that their Mercenaries were likely to Mutiny for want to Pay, three Thousand of them that were in Garrison at Agrigentum, revolted and plunder'd the City; and afterwards being put into Erix, while the Romans laid Siege

to that Place, attempted to betray it to the Enemy, and on discovery of their Treachery, deserted the Service and went over to the Romans; and soon after rifl'd the Temple of Venus Ericina: So that, at length, what for their Impiety, what for their Treachery, the Romans thought they could not do a more meritorious Act, than totally to expel them Italy; and, in a word, the Peace was no sooner concluded betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, when, disarming them, they caus'd them to be embark'd, and banish'd them entirely out of their Dominions. After what hath been observ'd, then, who can for∣bear blaming the Epyrots for giving up their Country, their Laws, and so rich, happy, and plentiful a City to the Custody of such a perfidious Nation? What Apology can be offer'd in their Defence, and who will not be oblig'd to confess, they were them∣selves the Authors of their own Calamities? This Reflection we thought was not amiss to make, touching the Imprudence of the Epyrots; to the end, we may be instructed in the Danger of committing the safety of a Town to Strangers, whose strength is superi∣our to that of the Natives within it.

The Illyrians, during their abode at Phoe∣nice, continu'd their Custom of Piracy, in∣sulting over, and pillaging all such as traded from the Coast of Italy, where they plun∣der'd certain Italian Merchants; kill'd some,

and carried others away Prisoners. Where∣upon the Romans, who had hit herto neg∣lected the Complaints that had been made of these Outrages, being now alarm'd with new Clamours, coming from sundry Places at once, to the Senate, dispatch'd their Am∣bassadours to Illyria, Cajus and Lucius Corun∣canus, to be rightly inform'd touching the Truth of these Reports. In the mean time, Queen Teuta beholding her Vessels on their return from Epyrus, loaden with so much rich Booty (for Phoenice surpass'd all the Ci∣ties in that Kingdom in Wealth and Beauty) became greatly exalted and incourag'd by this extraordinary Success, and thereby the more strongly incited to enter into a War with the Greeks. Nevertheless it was re∣spited for the present, in regard of some Troubles at that time in her own Kingdom, which were no sooner compos'd, when she laid Siege to the City of Issa, which alone had refus'd to yield her Obedience: About which time it was, that the Roman Ambas∣sadours arriv'd; who being admitted to their Audience, set forth the Injuries that had been done. During their Discourse, Teuta treating them with great Pride and Disdain; in short, told them, She would take Care for the future, that no publick Injuries should be done to the People of Rome by the Illyri∣ans; but that it was not the Custom of Prin∣ces, to forbid their Subjects to make their par∣ticular

Profits of what they met with in o∣pen Sea. The younger of the Ambassadours stomaching this Answer of the Queen's, with an Assurance truly worthy of a Roman, but at that time, perhaps, not so seasonable, thus reply'd, It is likewise, Madam, the Custom of the People of Rome, to make themselves pub∣lick Reparations for Injuries done in particu∣lar, and to yield Succour to those that receive them: We shall therefore apply ourselves to Re∣dress our own Wrongs, wherein we shall proceed in such a manner, that you will be soon oblig'd to change that Princely Custom. Teuta be∣ing a Woman of a fierce Spirit, heard these Words with so much Indignation, that with∣out regard to the Right of Nations, as soon as they departed, she order'd the Ambassa∣dour, who had us'd this Liberty of Speech, to be murther'd. The News of which Vio∣lation, acted by this haughty Woman, was no sooner come to Rome, when they imme∣diately prepar'd for War, and fell to raising of Troops and fitting out a Fleet.

Teuta, early the following Spring, dis∣patch'd another Fleet against the Greeks, more numerous than the former; one Squa∣dron whereof sail'd towards Corfu, another towards Dyrrhachium, under colour of sup∣plying themselves with Victual and Water, but with design to surprise the Town. The Inhabitants, on their arrival, suspecting no∣thing, imprudently admitted some of them

into the Town, under pretence of fetching Water: These having Arms conceal'd in their Water-vessels, were no sooner entred, when killing the Guards, they became Ma∣sters of the Gate. In the mean time, as it had been concerted between them, those who remain'd in the Ships, came to assist them; so that by this Reinforcement, they were quickly Masters of the greatest part of their Works. And now, albeit the Inhabitants were but ill provided for such a Rencounter, and greatly astonish'd at so surprising an At∣tempt, nevertheless, recovering Courage, and standing on their Defence, they manfully at∣tack'd the Illyrians; who, after a long Di∣spute, were compell'd to retire. So the Peo∣ple of Dyrrhachium, who were on the point of losing their Town thro' their Negligence, preserv'd it by their Resolution; and the Danger into which they were like to fall became a Warning to them for the time to come. The Illyrians hereupon put to Sea, and joyning with the other Squadron that was gone before, stood towards Corfu, where they landed, and sat down before the Town, filling all the Country with Terrour and A∣stonishment.

Those of Corfu being thus surpris'd, and driven almost to the point of Despair, dis∣patch'd, with all expedition, Ambassadours to the Achaians and Aetolians, those of Apollo∣nia and Dyrrachium arriving at the same time

to implore Succors, and beseech them not to permit the Illyrians to drive them out of their Country. They were favourably heard by those two People, who agreed together to dispatch ten Achaian Ships, well mann'd, and provided with all things necessary; and when they were ready, they made Sail to∣wards Corfu, in hopes to be able to raise the Siege. But the Illyrians, having, according to their Treaty, receiv'd a Re-inforcement of ten Gallies of the Acarnanians, were got a-head of the Enemy, and engag'd them near Paxus. The Achaian Vessels that fought the Acarnanians, made it but a kind of a drawn Business, separating with little Harm done on either side, only some few Soldiers hurt. But it far'd otherwise with those who fought the Illyrians, who fastning themselves four and four together, proceeded after such a manner, as (seeming to be intangled) they might, by exposing their Broad-sides, tempt the Enemy to attack them in Flank, who, when they had boarded them, they by that Device over-pow'ring them with Numbers from the adjoyning Vessels, enter'd on the Decks of the Achaian Gallies, and easily re∣duc'd them, taking four, and sinking one, with all her Men a-board; in which Vessel, was Marcus Carenias, a Man of great Re∣putation, who had all his Life long serv'd the Achaians with much Honour and Integrity. When those who were engag'd with the A∣carnanians,

saw the Illyrians had the better of the Battel, they retir'd from the Fight, wherein they were greatly further'd by the nimbleness and good-built of their Gallies, and so made the best of their way Home.

Upon this Victory, the Insolence of the Illyrians grew greater and greater, who now straiten'd the Town more than before; so that, at length, after some time of Defence, being depriv'd of all hope of Succour, they yielded it up, receiving an Illyrian Garri∣son, and Demetrius of Pharos for their Go∣vernour. After this Action, the Illyrians re∣turn'd to Dyrrachium, and laid Siege to that Place.

In the mean while, the Roman Consuls, Cajus Fulvius, with a Navy of two Hun∣dred Sail, and Aulus Posthumius with a Land-army, set forth on their Expedition. Ful∣vius arriving at Corfu, was in hopes to find the Siege yet a-foot; and tho' he found the Town was surrender'd, and the Illyrians in Garrison, he resolv'd, however, to attempt something, as well to be satisfy'd how Af∣fairs had been carry'd, as to endeavour after some Intelligence with Demetrius; being in∣form'd, That he was fallen into the Queen's Displeasure, and had sent to Rome, to make a Tender of the Garrison to them. Where∣upon, those of Corfu, glad of the Arrival of the Romans, put themselves (by Consent of Demetrius) into their Protection, hoping they

should thereby be safe for the future, against the Outrages of the Illyrians. So soon as things were adjusted here, the Romans made Sail for Apollonia, having Demetrius for their Pilot. In the mean time, Posthumius em∣bark'd his Land-army at Brundusium, consist∣ing of about twenty Thousand Foot, and two Thousand Horse, who join'd the Fleet at Apollonia; which Town being put into their Hands, they departed for Dyrrachium, on Intelligence that the Illyrians had besieg'd that Place; who having notice of the Ro∣mans approach, rais'd their Siege, and sled, scattering for safety as well as they could; so that that Town being likewise taken in∣to the Romans Protection, they advanc'd to∣wards Illyria, subduing the Ardyans in their way. And now Ambassadours came to the Romans from divers Countries, among which, those of the Parthenians and the Antitanes; these offering to put themselves under the Roman Protection, were admitted to their Alliance. So they pass'd on to Issa, which the Illyrians had likewise besieg'd, but departed at the approach of the Romans, to whom the Inhabitants deliver'd up the City. Afterwards, coasting along the Illyrian Shore, they assaulted and took several of their Towns, among which, Nutria, where they lost their Quaestor, some Tribunes, and many Soldi∣ers; but this Loss was repair'd, by the ta∣king Forty of the Illyrians Vessels, which

were returning home loaden with Booty. As for those who had besieg'd Issa, among whom were a Body of Pharians; these were well treated by Demetrius, and continu'd in his Service; the rest being scatter'd made their escape to Arbon. Teuta, hereupon, with a small retinue, retir'd to a strong Place call'd Rizon, situate a good Distance with∣in the Country, on a River of that Name. And now, the Romans having put the great∣est part of the Illyrian State into the Posses∣sion of Demetrius; and after having invest∣ed him with great Authority, they return'd with both their Armies to Dyrrachium; from thence Cajus Fulvius departed towards Rome, with the major Part of both Armies; but Posthumius remain'd behind with forty long Vessels, and rais'd an Army from among the Natives, to the end, if there should be occa∣sion, he might be in a posture of Defence; for they were not sure of the Fidelity of the Ardyans and others, who had put themselves under the Roman Protection.

Teuta, early the following Spring sent Ambassadours to Rome, with whom she made her Peace on the following Conditions, That she should be Tributary to the Romans, paying such a yearly Sum as they should think fit to impose: That she should relinquish, entirely, her Interest in Illyria, saving some few Places. And what was yet more considerable, and wherein the Greeks were principally con∣cern'd,

she was not to Navigate beyond Lissus with above two Vessels, and those unarm'd. After this, Posthumius sent Ambassadours to the Aetolians and Achaians, first to report to them the true Cause and Motives of the War, which brought the Romans into these Coun∣tries; and then to give them an Account of the Success of their Arms; causing the Treaty of Accord made between them and the Illyri∣ans to be publickly read: The Ambassadours having been receiv'd with due Honour, and entertain'd with all manner of Respect, re∣turn'd to Corfu; and by the Peace now made with the Illyrians, the Greeks were deliver'd from their Fears. For in those Dais, the Illyri∣ans made no fair War with any particular People, but rob'd and pillag'd all Nations they met with. These then were the Motives the Romans had first of carrying their Arms into Illyria, and those Countries of Europe; and then was the first Intercourse they man∣nag'd by their Ambassadours, with the Peo∣ple of Greece. Afterwards they sent Ambas∣sadours to the Corinthians and Athenians, and then it was that the Corinthians ordain'd, the Romans should have part in the Isthmi∣an Games.

While these things were transacted in those Parts by the Romans, Asdrubal (for we were speaking of him, when we broke off our Discourse about Spain) govern'd his Province with great Wisdom and Address,

performing infinite Services of extraordina∣ry Moment to the Carthaginians, augment∣ing their Power especially by a City he caus'd to be built, which is call'd by some Cartha∣gena, by others, the New Town. This City hath a very commodious Situation, whether we respect either Spain or Africk; but we shall have occasion else-where to speak more particularly thereof, and the Benefit accruing thereby to both those Countries. When the Romans came to understand, that the Cartha∣ginians had acquir'd so great a Reputation in that Country, as to become formidable to the Spaniards, they resolv'd to attempt something likewise on that side; and con∣cluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence, who, by a profound Careless∣ness, had, as it were, slept away their Jea∣lousie; they therefore determin'd to repair that Error, by their future Care and Vigi∣lance. They did not dare, however, for the present, to exact any thing of the Carthagi∣nians, that might appear hard and severe; nor declare a War with them, from the Ap∣prehensions they were under of the Gauls, who at that time (as it was bruited) were preparing an Army to march against Rome. They resolv'd, therefore, for the present, to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art, that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls. For they rightly judg'd, that while

they should have that Enemy at their backs, it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy, but their Ci∣ty itself would not be out of Danger. Where∣fore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadours, by which the Carthaginians were oblig'd not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber, with∣out making mention of any other Countries of Spain, they prepar'd to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy.

But before we come to speak of that War, we have thought it not improper to say some∣thing of the Nation of the Gauls, whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver. It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History, to shew the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy. In short, we have not only judg'd their Acti∣ons worthy Recording, and that they ought to be deliver'd to Posterity, but have conclu∣ded it necessary to our Purpose so to do. For, we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that serv'd under Hannibal, and with what kind of Aids he sustain'd his great Design of Subverting the Roman Go∣vernment.

But it seems fit first, to make mention of the Country, to the end that by being in∣structed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns, we may give a clearer Insight into the

principal Parts of our History. Italy then is in Form of a Triangle; that part which re∣gards the East, is terminated by the Ionian Sea, and Adriatick Gulf: The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscane and Sicilian Seas; and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle, here is a Promontory looking towards the South, which is call'd Cothinthus, which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas. The part which regards the North, and joins it to the Conti∣nent, is bounded by the Alpes, which take their beginning about Marseilles, and the Pla∣ces bordering on the Sardinian Sea, stretch∣ing and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf; if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Moun∣tains, which Line makes the Base of the Tri∣angle; there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South, which terminate the Continent of Italy. These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form, (whereof the joining of the Alpes and Appennine Hills near Marseilles, make one Point) exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe. On the North they are bounded by the Alpes, ex∣tending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length; but the Bounds thereof towards the South, are made by the Appennines, con∣taining in length about four hundred and six∣ty Miles; towards the Sea, where the Coast of the Adriatick made another side of the

Triangle, is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf, in length about three hundred Miles. So that this Plain or Cham∣paign Country contains in Circuit, little less than eleven hundred Miles.

Now touching the Fertility of Italy, it is hardly possible to set it forth: It abounds so much in Bread-corn, that very often, and even in our Days, the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli, and Bar∣ly at two, and a Metreta of Wine at the same price: They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain, beyond expression. It may be judg'd also that they abound in Oak∣mast, insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine, which are spent in their Sacrifices, and common Uses, and carry'd in Heards with their Armies. In a word, it will be seen, by what follows, how plenti∣fully this Country is stor'd with all things necessary to Human Life, those who travel in these parts, never cheapen any thing in their Inn, but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head; where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obo∣lus; and it is seldom, or never, that they demand more. Their People are numerous, their Men proper and well-propotion'd; and by their Actions, they make appear, that they are no less qualify'd for War. The Gauls, who are call'd Trans-Alpine, inhabit on the North side of the Alpes, about the

River Rhone; the Tauricks, the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations, live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of: Those Gauls differ nothing from the o∣thers, but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alpes, the Italians have given them that Appellation.

The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable, by reason of the Difficulty of Ac∣cess, and the perpetual Snow that covers them: The Ligurians live on the Appennines, and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alpes; possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscane Sea and the great Plains; but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa, which is the first Town in Tuscany; and on the In∣land-side, as far as Arrezzo. Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians, their Borderers, who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mention'd. From thence the Appen∣nines, which are there distant from the Adri∣atick Sea, at least Sixty Miles, leaving the Plains, turn away to the Right-hand; and, dividing Italy, as it were in the midst, run, stretching along, as far as the Sicilian Sea: As to the Plains but now nam'd, where the Appennines turn off, they extend to the Sea, and advance as far as Sienna. The Ri∣ver Po, (so much celibrated by the Poets, who have given it the Name of Erydanus) hath its Source in the Alpes, about that part

which makes one Point of the Triangle. This River runs first towards the South, wa∣tering the Country lying under those Hills; and from thence falling into a level Country, it takes its Course towards the East, and by two Out-lets, runs into the Adriatick. It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy, for the Waters that fall either from the Alpes or Appennines run thither. And as it is the greatest, so it is the most beautiful; its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July, when the Snows, by the excessive Heats are melted, and dissolve from the Mountains. Vessels navigate up this River, from the Sea, by the Out-let call'd Olana; from whence they sail, at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country. This River for many Miles together, preserves its Water in one Chanel; but as it approaches towards the Sea, by the accession of many other Rivers, it becomes divided into two Streams; and from the Country of the Trigaboles, it forms two Chanels, bearing two different Names; that of Padua, the other of Olana; where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick. The People of the Coun∣try call this River Bodencus. Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks, namely, that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Wa∣ters; of the Weeping Poplars; of the People going perpetually in Black, who inhabit

thereabout, to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton: And, in a word, the many other Stories that have been invented, are too Poe∣tical, and in no wise useful to our present Purpose: Howbeit, we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where, to be able thereby the better to prove, that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country.

The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country, and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria, bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution, withstood those who Invaded them, they grew to have a mighty Name among Stran∣gers, and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue. Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians, are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People, by their pre∣sent Possessions, and the Country they now Inhabit; but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak, and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters. The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood, by which means they had Commerce together; but in process of Time, beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye, taking slight Occasion for their Motive, they rais'd a nu∣merous Army, and attacking the Tuscans by

Surprize, forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po, and peopl'd it themselves. The Laians, and Lebecians, and those who border on the Insubrians, which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation, were the first that inhabited that part of the River, towards the East. The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River; and all beyond, as far as the Adriatick, was pos∣sess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti, who spoke a different Language from the Gauls, but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners. The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People. Beyond the Po, near the Apennines, inhabit, first, the Anians, then the Bojans; after these, towards Adria, dwell the Aegones; and lastly, the Senones, living near the Sea-coast.

In a word, these we have recounted, were the principal Nations that possess'd the Coun∣try we have describ'd; they dwelt in Villa∣ges, open, and without any Walls; they had few or no Moveables, they slept with∣out Beds, they eat Flesh, and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War, being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences; their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold; two Commodities that they could easily carry with them, whenso∣ever, by any Accident they should be neces∣sitated to remove: They understand making

their Court, and the Art of acquiring Friends, which they greatly covet; for he among them, who hath most Friends, is most ho∣nour'd; and he who is most honour'd, is most fear'd, and hath most Power. Further∣more, they were not only Masters of this Country, but compell'd the neighbouring Nations, aw'd by the Fame of their Valour, to pay them Obedience. At length they made War on the Romans, whom, after they had vanquish'd in Battel, together with those that took part with them, they pursu'd three Days together; and took, at last, the City of Rome itself, all but the Capitol.

But it happening, that some new Adven∣tures calling them home, the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Ar∣my, they Accorded a Peace to the Romans, and, restoring their City, departed. Then they fell into Civil Dissentions; those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains, beholding the Prosperity of these, with an Eye of Envy, join'd to make War on them. In the mean time, the Romans recover'd strength, and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins. Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome, the Gauls made a second Expedition, marching with their Army as far as Alba; but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy, and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies, they did not adventure to march a∣gainst

them. Twelve Years after this, the Gauls, with a powerful Army, attack'd them again; but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes, and leisure to sum∣mon there Allies to their Assistance, march'd out to meet them, and offer them Battel; when the Gauls, out of Countenance at this their Bravery, began to waver in their Reso∣lution, and grew, at length, to apprehend the Issue, and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans, but secretly, by Night, rais'd their Camp, and fled as if they had lost a Battel: Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years, when, observing the Romans Power daily to augment, they, at length, came to an Agreement with them, and en∣ter'd into Articles of Peace.

After thirty Years of Repose, the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again, but fearing the Success of the War, they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents, and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves, who were of one and the same Nation; a Pacification thereupon en∣su'd, and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans. They march'd their Armies, therefore, in one entire Body, through Tuscany (those in that Country having taken part with them;) and after having ravag'd the Roman Terri∣tories, and taken much Booty, they retir'd home without Molestation; where they

were no sooner arriv'd, but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder, which went so far, that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army. And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success, especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine. Four Years after this, the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms, and made War on the Romans, giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians, who are likewise call'd Camartines, where they made great slaughter of them. But soon af∣ter this, the Romans, inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes, march'd against them with a fresh Army, and fighting with the same Enemy (having all their Legions in the Field) in the Country of the Sentinates, they got a memorable Victory, destroying the greatest part of their Army, putting the rest to flight, who retir'd back to their Country. Ten Years were hardly past, when the Gauls be∣sieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force, whither the Romans came to the Relief, and fought them in View of the Town, but were worsted, and retreated. Lucius the Consul was slain; and Manlius succeeding, sent Ambassadours to the Gauls, to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners; which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain. This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans, who forthwith march'd with another Army

against them, giving Battel to the Senones, who had the Assurance to encounter them singly; but the Romans had the better, kil∣ling many of the Enemy, and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country; so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones, and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul. It is call'd Sena-gallia, from the name of those Gauls, who before had held it: Of this Country we have already spoken, and shewn that it lies near Adria, on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po.

The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country, and becoming apprehensive of the like measure, betook themselves to Arms, exempting none who were able to march; and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party, they march'd against the Romans: And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together, near the Lake of Vadimon, a pitch'd Battel was fought, wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place, and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight. Nevertheless, the Mind of this People was not subdu'd, who, making a new League, united all their Forces, and arming all the Gauls, compos'd a fresh Army, with which they gave Battel again to the Romans, but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd; and thus humbl'd, they now send their Am∣bassadours to the Romans, and had Conditi∣ons granted them. These Adventures pre∣ceeded

Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years, and happen'd five Years before the De∣struction of the Gauls at Delphos, as if some fatal Influence, charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only, had then reign'd; so severely were they persecu∣ted from all Quarters of the World. As for the Romans, they reap'd by the Contests they had with them, two mighty Benefits; name∣ly, first, by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People, wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them, they became admirably instructed in the Art of War; and this they made plainly to appear in the en∣suing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus. Fur∣thermore, having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation, they had the more lei∣sure to attend their Affairs with that Prince, having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces; and, in conclusion, they contested, by that means, afterwards, with more Assu∣rance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians.

The Gauls, after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities, remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years, preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans; but after the old Men, and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships, and felt the Sufferings of former Wars, the young Men that succeeded them,

who knew nothing of Danger, and fear'd no∣thing from Fortune, had a mind to exercise their Courage, and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms, and renew'd the War against the Romans, upon a very slen∣der Motive, drawing their Allies into the Confederacy. This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men, who assembled, and consulted thereon, with∣out imparting it to the People; insomuch, that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini; the Bo∣jans, who were not well assur'd of their Sin∣cerity, mutiny'd against their Officers, and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them; and having first kill'd their two Kings, Ates and Gallatus, they at length came to a Battel, wherein they mutually destroy'd each other. In the mean time, the Romans, who were surpris'd, and astonish'd, at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls, took the Field with their Armies; and when they came to understand, that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords, they proceed∣ed no farther, but march'd home. Five Years after this Adventure, during the Con∣sulship of M. Lepidus, the Romans made Di∣vision of the Lands taken from the Senones, in Cis-alpine Gaul, for Caius Flaminius, to make his Court to the People, had propos'd that Law, and had it receiv'd: But it may with good reason be averr'd, That 'twas this that

first corrupted the Peoples Manners, and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention a∣mong them. In short, many of the Gauls, and principally the Bojans, who had most cause of Fear, as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans, perceiving, now, that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Em∣pire, as to subdue, and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country, readily enter'd into the League that was now form∣ing against the them.

The Bojans and Insubrians (who were the two greatest People on that side) pursuant to their Design, sent Ambassadours by com∣mon Consent, to the rest of their Nation, in∣habiting on the other side the Alp, about the Rhine; these People are call'd Goesates, from their serving in the War for Pay; for so that word properly imports; and prevail∣ing on their two Kings, Concolitanus and A∣neroestus, by means of great Sums of Mony, and by the hopes they gave them of rich Boo∣ty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize, if they succeeded, ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans, giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them; but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded. And now, farther to incite them, they re∣minded them of the Glory of their Ancestors; who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel, upon the like Expedition, but sub∣du'd and became Masters of their City itself,

and that being Lords of all the Romans held, kept their City seven Months in their Posses∣sion, and at length, freely, and of their own meer Motive, restor'd it to that conquer'd People, as an Effect of their Generosity, and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty, without any Danger, Damage, or Impediment. These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates, and incited them so powerfully to the War, that it may be said, so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation, nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time, the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls, saw their Danger, and perceiv'd it at hand; and justly fearing the Consequence, apply'd themselves to the le∣vying of Troops, and making Provision of all things necessary for the War, and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers, believing them already invaded, when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quar∣ters. These Traverses greatly avail'd the Carthaginians, in the prosecuting their De∣sign in Spain; for as we have already ob∣serv'd, the Romans, who were resolv'd to put first a Period to their Disputes with the Gauls, were constrained to yield to their Fears of an Enemy, whom they thought now in their Neighbourhood, and to post∣pone their Consideration of Spain, and their

Affairs on that side, till they should have first compos'd and setled those at home, and se∣cur'd and establish'd the Commonwealth a∣gainst the Danger that then threaten'd. Ac∣cordingly, the Treaty being ratify'd, which they made with Asdrubal, their Thoughts were entirely taken up with the present Ene∣my, where it was agreed by all, that the sa∣fest course, was to come speedily to a Bat∣tel.

In the mean time, the Goesates having pass'd the Alpes, with a magnificent Army, furnish'd with all sorts of Arms, came and joyn'd the Cis-alpine Gauls, making their Rendezvous on the Banks of the Po. The other Gauls also came in after they had pass'd the Country that heretofore belong'd to the Senones; the Insubrians likewise, and Bojans, who continued in the same Opinion of prosecuting the War, joyn'd them; but the Veneti and Cenomani refus'd to be of the Confederacy, to whom the Romans had sent their Ambassadours, prevailing with them, to prefer their Alliance with them, to that of the Gauls; so that the Bordering Prin∣ces of that People, were forc'd by that means to leave part of their Forces to secure their Frontiers, and with an Army of fifty Thou∣sand Foot, twenty Thousand Horse, and as many Chariots, they began their March to∣wards Tuscany. The Romans having now Intelligence that the Celtae had pass'd the

Alpes, dispatch'd with all Expedition the Consul L. Emilius, with the Legions to Ri∣mini, there to make head against the Enemy, if they should chance to Attack them on that side. They likewise sent one of their Praetors towards Tuscany, for the other Consul C. A∣tilius, was gone at that time to Sardinia, with part of their Troops. But do what they could, their Fears were great at Rome, where they had Reason to conclude their City was in Danger enough; and indeed, none will wonder at their Doubts and Ap∣prehensions, who consider what Reason they had to bear in Mind the Calamities they had heretofore sustain'd by the Invasions of this Enemy. They drew together therefore their Armies, and levy'd new Forces, directed their Allies to have their Succours in a readi∣ness, and order'd Muster-rolls to be brought from all parts to the Senate, of all the young Men capable of serving, to the End they might take a certain Measure of their Strength; likewise they fill'd up their Legi∣ons with chosen Men, and order'd them forthwith to March: Furthermore they made so great Provision of Arms, and all things necessary for the War, that there was no Record of the like Preparation in any Age past; in a word, every one did his utmost to prosecute and advance so necessary a Work. For the People of Italy, terrify'd at this Ap∣proach of the Gaules, did not Act at this time

as meer Allies of the Romans, to aid and fur∣ther their Designs of Dominion and Glory, but thought of nothing now but of Fighting, for their own proper Safety, their Families, and Fortunes, so that they receiv'd with Chearfulness the Orders that were sent them from Rome.

And here it will not be amiss, to make an Estimate of the Power and Forces of that Commonwealth, which Hannibal shortly af∣ter had the Boldness to attempt, and what an Empire it was that he made the Object of his Ambition, and wherein he succeeded so far as to Reduce the Romans to the last Gaspe and Extremity of Fortune. Let us, I say, make a Computation of the Provision they made toward this War, whereby we shall perceive how far they had improv'd their Forces. With the Consuls there march'd four Legions, in each Legion were five thousand two hundred Foot, and three hun∣dred Horse, with them likewise march'd the Succours of the Allies, amounting together to thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse: Furthermore, there joyn'd them of Sabins, and Tuscans, above fifty thousand Foot, and about four thousand Horse; these were all conducted to the Frontiers, under the Command of a Praetor, to oppose the Enemy there. From the Ʋmbrians and Sar∣cinates, who inhabitit the Appennines, there came in to the Number of twenty thousand;

the Veneti and Cenomanei, sent the intire Number they were order'd, to the utmost Borders of the Gaules Territories, to make Inroads on the Country of the Bojans, and to force those who were already departed to re∣tire yet farther, and keep them from joining with the rest. In this manner, they had dis∣pos'd their Armies on the Frontiers. But at Rome they kept a Reserve of Citizens, alwais ready to move, consisting of thirty thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse, with a Sur∣plus of Troops of their Allies, of thirty thou∣sand Foot, and two thousand Horse. In the General Muster-rolls that were brought into the Senate, were found fourscore thousand Foot of the Latins, and five thousand Horse; of the Samnites seventy thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse: The Japyges and Mes∣sapyges, who had likewise joyn'd with the Romans, sent to their Aid in this War, fifty thousand Foot, and sixteen thousand Horse: The Lucans supplied them with thirty thou∣sand Foot, and three thousand Horse: The Marsians, Marrucians, Ferentines and Vestines, sent twenty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse. Furthermore, they had two Legi∣ons in Sicily, and Tarentum, consisting of four thousand two hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse each; and over and above all these, the ordinary People being mu∣ster'd in Rome and Campania, amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and

three and twenty thousand Horse; so that the Troops which depended immediately on the Senate, and were destin'd to the Guard and Preservation of the City amounted to an hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, or thereabouts. But the whole Body of their Srength consisted in no less than seven hundred thousand Foot, and seventy thousand Horse; and tho' Hannibal began with an Army of hardly twenty thou∣send Men, he had nevertheless the Assurance to Invade and March into Italy, against this stupendous Force of the Romans: But this Point will be better clear'd when we come to Treat of those Occurrences.

Upon the Arrival of the Gauls in Tuscany, they ravag'd and plunder'd the Country with∣out Controul, and from thence determin'd to prosecute their Design on Rome, and were now advanc'd near Clusium, a Town but three Days March from the City, when News came, that the Roman Army that had been posted on the Frontiers of Tuscany, was approach∣ing, and was almost got up with their Rear: Whereupon they fac'd about, and march'd to meet them, full of Resolution to come to a Battel. And now towards the Evening, the two Armies drew so near, that they were forc'd to incamp on the Ground where they were, leaving but a very strait Space be∣tween their Camps: But when Night was shut in, the Gauls lighting their Fires in their

Camp, departed: Leaving their Horse be∣hind, with Orders to follow them the same way they took, with command at break of Day to shew themselves to the Enemy. In the mean time, they take their March silent∣ly towards Faesula, where they halted to at∣tend the coming up of their Horse, and to At∣tack the Enemy by Surprize, if they should advance after them. In the Morning the Romans perceiving they were Retreated, and had left only their Horse, eagerly went on the Pursuit, taking for granted that this Motion of the Enemy was a sort of Flight. But they were no sooner advanc'd within distance, when the Gauls, who lay in ambush, began to appear, and a very sharp Conflict ensu'd, wherein the Boldness and Number of the Gauls prevail'd: Of the Romans there fell six thousand on the spot, the greatest part of the rest making good their Retreat, to a rising piece of Ground well situate for Defence, where they abode; the Gauls resolv'd pre∣sently to besiege them, but being now wea∣ry with Marching, and harrass'd with the Service of the preceeding Day, they only left for that time a Party of their Horse, on the Guard at the Foot of the Hill, where the Ro∣mans were intrench'd, and retir'd to refresh and repose themselves, with Resolution the next Morning to attack and take them by Force, if they refused Conditions.

In the mean while, L. Aemilius who had been sent to Rimini, to Guard the Coast of the Adriatick, seasonably arriv'd: Who ha∣ving receiv'd Intelligence that the Enemy had enter'd Tuscany; and farther, that they were advanc'd towards the City, he imme∣diately march'd to join the other Army. And now approaching those who were in∣trench'd on the Hill discover'd them at a di∣stance by their Fires, wherefore taking Cou∣rage, and disguising some of their People, they sent them privately through the Woods to give them an Account of the present Po∣sture of their Affairs. The Consul Aemilius, having not now leasure for much Consultati∣on, order'd the Tribunes to march with the Foot, by break of Day, while himself at the head of the Horse, speeds away directly to∣words the Hill; but the Principal Officers of the Gauls, who judg'd by the Fires they had seen over Night, that the Romans were ar∣riv'd, held a Counsel, to debate, and deter∣mine how they ought to proceed: When the King Aneroestus advis'd them to consider, with Caution, what they did; he said, the Plunder they had taken, was already very great; their Prisoners and the Cattel, and other Booty of all sorts, was beyond all Com∣putation; that on this Consideration, it seem'd to him that their best course was not to ha∣zard a Battel, which might prove the total Ruine of their Affairs; that the safest Coun∣sel

they could take, was now to retreat, and march back to their Country, while they might do it with safety; where, when they had disencumber'd themselves of their Plun∣der, they might with ease return and ingage the Romans, if it were concluded reasonable. So this Opinion of Aneroestus, was ap∣prov'd and follow'd, and the Gauls decamp'd the same Night, taking their march along the Coast towards the Frontiers of Tuscany, Aemilius having receiv'd into his Army those Troops that were incamp'd on the Hill, af∣ter the Defeat of the Romans, did not think it safe to give the Enemy Battel, but determin'd to keep in their Rear, and vigilantly take occasions of advantage upon them, and at∣tempt to recover, at least, part of their Plun∣der. But behold, at this very time, the o∣ther Consul, C. Atilius, being return'd with the Army out of Sardinia, was leading them along the Sea-coast, towards Rome; who ut∣terly ignorant of what had pass'd, happening to take the same way the Gauls did, and was marching not far before them. The Enemy was now arriv'd near Telamena, a Promon∣tory of Tuscany, when some of their Forragers fell into Atilius's hands, who gave him In∣telligence of all that had pass'd, assuring him, that both the one and the other Army were not far off, that the Gauls were at hand, and that Aemilius was hard at their Rear. The Consul was a little perplex'd at the News;

nevertheless, assur'd of Victory, by thus surpri∣sing the Enemy, and inclosing them between their two Armies, he order'd the Tribunes to draw up in Order of Battel, and to inlarge their Front as wide as the Ground would pos∣sibly permit; and now having observ'd an Eminence which commanded the Way by which the Enemy must necessarily pass, he goes himself at the Head of the Horse, and takes Possession of that Post; designing from thence, to give the first Attack, conceiving that the Honour of the Victory would there∣by be in a great degree ascrib'd to him; but the Gauls (who knew nothing of the Arrival of Atilius) believing that Aemilius's Horse had got before them in the Night, and had possess'd those advantagious Posts, command∣ed their Horse, and some choice Men of their Foot, to march, and beat them from that Ground; but receiving Intelligence, by cer∣tain Prisoners, that Atilius was there, they form'd their Battel of Foot in such manner, as to be able to receive the Enemies Charge in Front and Rear; for they were assur'd, the one Army pursu'd them, and the other would not fail to Attack them in Front. This at least they strongly conjectur'd, both by the Intelligence they had receiv'd, and by the Countenance and Actions of the Ene∣my.

The Consul Aemilius had been inform'd that the Legions were landed at Pisa, but he

could not hope they were arriv'd so near; but as soon as he perceiv'd the Dispute upon the Hill, he took for granted his Collegue was now at hand, whereupon he sent a Par∣ty of Horse to sustain them, and after having form'd their Foot according to the Roman Discipline, they mov'd toward the Enemy. The Gauls plac'd the Goesates in their Rear, believing that Aemilius would find them Work there; next to them were posted the Insubrians; in the Front were the Taurisques, and those that inhabit beyond the Po. Thus the two Bodies being drawn up, Rear to Rear, they fac'd likewise toward Atilius, to receive his Charge. All their Chariots and Baggage were dispos'd on the Wings. Their Plunder they had carried to a neigbouring Hill, where they left it under a good Guard. So the Army of the Gauls being drawn up, I say, facing two ways, was not only terri∣ble to behold, but were in effect form'd in the most proper manner, to receive the At∣tack. The Insubrians and Bojans ingag'd, cloath'd only in thin and light Garments; But the Goesates (such was their Fool-hardi∣ness, and Opinion of their Strength) strip∣ping themselves naked, march'd in that manner in the Front of the Battel, bran∣dishing their Swords; conceiving that in that Equipage they should not be only able to use their Arms with more freedom, but being eas'd of their Garments, they should

find less Impediment from the Bushes and Briers that might molest them in time of Action. The first Dispute was on the Hill we mention'd, where great Bodies of Horse fought and attack'd each other, mingling and fighting without any Order. Here Ati∣lius the Consul, ingaging too far, was slain, whose Head was immediately carried to the Gaulish King. But this did not at all dis∣hearten the Roman Horse, who maintain'd their Post, and repuls'd the Enemy.

And now the Foot came to join Battel, where the manner of the Encounter was not only violent and terrible to those who were ingag'd, but also, will alwais appear so, to such as shall hear the Relation; and to whose View the Pen of the Historian shall Describe it. In a word, where three Armies were thus ingag'd, who will not conclude, but the Spectacle of such a Battel, and the Fa∣shion of the Contest, was wholly new and surprizing? Furthermore, who would not at this Day judge, or, who would not then have concluded, that the Manner and Order wherein the Gauls were drawn up, would not either prove fatal to them, as being to receive an Enemy in Front and Rear; or that it ought to contribute to the Victory, as having two Armies to deal with, they had order'd it so, that dividing their Army, one part thereof sustain'd the other, whereby the Enemy could never attack their Rear? Over

and above, all Temptations of Flight were by that means taken away, for they could neither go forward, nor retire, and in case they should happen to be vanquish'd, they were bereft of all means of Escape, which is an advantage only to be found, when an Ar∣my is so form'd, fronting two several ways. The Romans were not however without their Reasons to expect Success, who had their Enemy surrounded and hemm'd in on all sides; while on the other hand, the for∣midable Appearance, and the tumultuous Noise of the Gallick Army, gave them Ter∣rour enough: For, besides the mighty Sound of their Instruments, and other Martial In∣struments wherein they abound, the Shouts and Clamours of their Soldiers was so great, that not only their Instruments and their Men, but the adjacent Hills that environ'd them, seem'd to eccho and resound the Noise. Moreover, the Countenance and Behaviour of those who march'd naked at the Head of their Army, was a Sight entirely new; those Gyant-like Men, strong and well fashion'd, in the prime and strength of their Age, where you beheld none in their first Ranks, who were not adorn'd with Chains, Collers, and Bracelets of Gold: In a word, as this ex∣traordinary Spectacle could not but give the Romans Terror, so the hope of such a Booty lent them Assurance also.

When the light arm'd Troops were ad∣vanc'd after the Roman manner, a good distance before the Army, had begun the Battel by a shower of Weapons they cast at the Enemy, the Garments of the Gauls, who were in the second Ranks, did in some sort defend their Bodies: But it far'd other∣wise with the Goesates, who fought naked in the Van; for these finding their Entertain∣ment quite contrary to what they expected, knew not how to behave themselves, or what course to take; for the Gauls Bucklers being small, never cover their Bodies entirely, at best; so that these Men, who were of the largest Size, were by that means the less de∣fended, insomuch, that few Darts were cast at them without effect; and now being thus gall'd, and not able to defend their Bodies a∣gainst those, who, at a distance attack'd them, they grew, at length, inrag'd, and despera••e of their Safety; some threw them∣selves headlong on the Enemy, where they found present Death: Others retiring by lit∣tle and little, as they were able, manifested their Fear by their Retreat, troubling and disordering the Ranks in their Rear. So the Roman Javelins were too hard for the Goesates Courage, and abated that vain Confidence of theirs, which was, indeed, the best part of their Soldiership. But now the Roman Cohorts advanc'd, after they had order'd their light arm'd Parties to retire into the In∣tervals,

and soon came to the Swords point with the Insubrians, Tauriscans, and Bojans, who fought it out with great Resolution; and tho' they were press'd hard, and the Di∣spute was very bloody, nevertheless, they sustain'd the Shock, and kept their Post, and may be truly said to be inferior to the Ro∣mans, only in their Arms, which were not, by much, so serviceable in Battel as the o∣thers. For the Roman Bucklers are made so, as to cover their whole Body, and their Swords much more proper for Service; while those of the Gauls were only barely for cutting. At length, the Roman Horse, that had been ingag'd on the Hill, came down, and attack'd the Gauls in Flank, wherein they perform'd singular Service; in short, the Gauls were beaten, forty thousand slain, and ten thousond taken Prisoners; among whom was Concolitanus, one of their Kings, Aneroestus, the other King, with a small Par∣ty, escap'd by Flight to a certain Village, where, soon after, he kill'd himself, as did the rest who were with him. The Consul, Aemilius, order'd the Spoils of the Enemy to be secur'd, which were sent to Rome; but whatsoever had been taken from the Coun∣try, he order'd to be restor'd: Then he march'd the Army along the Confines of Tus∣cany, and fell on the Lands of the Bojans, where, after he had glutted the Soldiers with Plunder, he led the whole Army back to

Rome; where he adorn'd the Capitol with the Ensigns he had taken, and hung up their Collars, and Bracelets, and Chains of Gold, reserving the rest of the Spoils, and the great number of Prisoners, to adorn his Triumph, when he should make his Entry into the Ci∣ty. Behold, now, the Success of this mighty Expedition, which had threaten'd the Peo∣ple of Italy, especially the Romans, with so dreadful a Storm. After this Victory, the Romans began to be in hopes they should be able to force the Gauls out of all the Country bordering on the Po. The two succeeding Consuls, Q. Fulvius, and Titus Manlius, marching against them, with an Army well provided of all things necessary; whereupon the Bojans, on their first Attempt, were af∣frighted into Submission, putting themselves under the Roman Protection: But it hap∣pen'd to be a Season of great Rains, and the Plague likewise having infected their Army, nothing afterwards memorable was per∣form'd in that Expedition.

The Consuls, who succeeded them, P. Fu∣rius, and C. Flaminius, march'd with their Armies into the Territories of the Gauls, by the Frontiers of the Anamures, a People who inhabit not far from Marseilles, by whose Friendship, which they had gain'd, the Con∣suls had liberty to pass against the Insubrians, on that part where the River Ada runs into the Po; where being attack'd by the Enemy,

both at the Passage of the River, and where they were about to incamp, they were not able to perform any thing to purpose at that time; entring, therefore, into Treaty with that People, they retir'd out of their Territo∣ry. Afterwards, having a long time march'd too and fro, about the neighbouring Coun∣try, they pass'd the River, and came into the Lands of the Cenomani, who were their Al∣lies, with whom joining, they fell a second time on the Insubrians, where they made great Spoil. Whereupon the Princes of that People, observing there was no end of the Molestation the Romans gave them, deter∣min'd, at length, to put all to the hazard of a Battel; accordingly, having assembl'd and rendezvous'd all their Troops in one cer∣tain place, they possess'd themselves of all the Treasure, Jewels, and Gold belonging to the Temple of Minerva, and by them call'd Immoveables, with which they made pro∣vision of all things they needed to further their Design; and being now well provided, they march'd chearfully against the Romans, and incamp'd in their view, with an Army of fifty thousand fighting Men. The Ro∣mans plainly saw, the Enemy much exceed∣ed them in number, and were therefore think∣ing to re-inforce their Army by an Addition of those Gauls, who were in Amity with them; but when they consider'd the Faith∣lessness of that People in all their Treaties

and Negotiations, and that those, whose Aids they were to use, were of the same Na∣tion with the others against whom they were to draw their Swords; they cou'd not there∣fore determine to trust them in an Affair of so mighty importance. Wherefore, they found this Expedient; they order'd the Gauls, their Allies, to pass the River, remaining with their own Army on the other side, then de∣molishing the Bridge, the River not being fordable, they kept them, at least from siding with the Enemy, since they could not resolve to trust them as Friends. By this means too, their own Army was left without any Hopes, but in Victory, for there was no Retreat, but by the River, and that was now unpassa∣ble; after this was done, they prepar'd to receive the Enemy. The Soldiers deserv'd great Commendations by the Address and Skill they shew'd in this Battel, having been instructed, it seems, how they were to be∣have themselves singly, or in a Body: For the Tribunes had remark'd in their former Conflicts, that the Gauls were not formida∣ble, but in the Ardour of the first Attack, that their Swords were of such a fashion and temper, that they could give but one good out or two; and then they would stand bent in their Hands, and if they had not time to streighten them, with their Foot on the Ground, they became of no more use: Where∣fore, the Tribunes distributed among the

first Cohorts, the Javelins us'd by the Triari∣ans, who were those that march'd in the Rear ranks; commanding the Soldiers, first to make use of those Arms, and then to draw their Swords. And now, when they came to ingage, they attack'd the Gauls as they had been order'd, whose Swords, by the first strokes on the Roman Javelins, became bent and useless; then the Romans advancing nearer with their Swords, got so within them, that they had not room to lift their Arm to take a cutting stroke, which is their manner of Fighting, whose Swords have no point: While those of the Romans, on the contrary, being fashion'd for cutting and thrusting, redoubling the one after the other, they cut and pierc'd the Gauls in the Face and Breast, and made a terrible slaughter among them. Thus the Gauls were beaten, and the Ho∣nour of that Day principally attributed to the Prudence and Ability of the Tribunes; for the Consul Flaminius was to seek, and had not sufficiently provided for the Safety of the Army; who drawing up near the Ri∣ver, had so order'd it, that the Romans were deprived of one great Benefit, which they make use of in Battel, leaving them not space enough betwixt their Rear and the River to retire, when occasion should make it neces∣sary: so that, if during the Battel, the Romans had been press'd never so little, they had no whither to retire, but into the River; so

great an Oversight was the Consul guilty of in that occasion. But so it happen'd, as we have related; that the Romans, by their Re∣solution, got a signal Victory, returning to Rome loaden with Spoil and Glory.

The following Year the Gauls sent their Ambassadours to the Romans, to treat of a Peace, on whatsoever Conditions they should please to grant it; but the Consuls M. Clau∣dius, and Cn. Cornelius, would not yield to treat with them; whereupon they re∣solv'd to make their last Effort, and put it once again to the hazard of War. They therefore dispatch'd Orders for levying of Men among the Goesatae, who inhabit about the Rhone, of which People having taken thirty Thousand into their Pay, they conti∣nu'd in Arms in expectation of the Enemy. About the beginning of the Spring, the Con∣suls lead their Armies into the Territory of the Insubrians, and besieg'd the City of Acer∣ras, situate between the Po and the Alpes. In the mean time, the Insubrians were wil∣ling to do their best to raise the Siege, but knew no way how to succour the Besieg'd, the Enemy being possess'd of all the Ave∣nues; they therefore pass'd the Po with some of their Troops, and marching them into the Roman Territories, sat down before Clasti∣dium. The Consuls receiving this News, M. Claudius Marcellus, taking with him all the Roman Horse, and a good Body of Foot,

march'd away with diligence to the Relief of that Place, of whose coming the Gauls having got Intelligence, rise from before it, and march in Battalia against him; and co∣ming to ingage, they made for a while a good stand against the Horse, but being at length charg'd in Flank and Rear, they were forc'd to yield the Advantage to the Romans, betaking them to flight. Many perish'd in the River, which they attempted to repass, and more were slain on the Spot. Acerres likewise soon surrender'd, where had been lodg'd great store of Ammunition, and the Gauls retir'd to Milan, which is the Capital City of the Insubrians. But Cornelius fol∣low'd them without loss of time, and march'd after them thither, where the Gauls attempt∣ed nothing during his stay; but on his march∣ing back towards Acerres, they follow'd him, and attacking his Rear, kill'd many, and put the rest of the Army to flight; till Corneli∣us facing about at the Head of the Van-guard of the Army, commanded those that were flying, to make a stand, and face towards the Enemy: These Orders being obey'd, the Romans make Head against them that charg'd their Rear. But the Gauls, flesh'd with Vi∣ctory, which they thought now sure, su∣stain'd for a time the Charge, but it was not long e'er they gave Ground, and, flying, sought Sanctuary in the neighbouring Moun∣tains, whether Cornelius follow'd them, and

then march'd into the Country, which he spoil'd and harrass'd, and advancing to Mi∣lan, took it by force. So that after this De∣feat, the Princes of the Insubrians, finding it in vain further to contend, submitted, and put themselves under the Protection of the Romans.

Behold now the Success of the War, which the Romans wag'd against the Gauls; where∣in, if we consider the Courage and Obstina∣cy of the Enemy; the mighty Battles and the Multitudes that compos'd their Armies, and the Slaughter of Men in the Field; we shall be oblig'd, without doubt, to consent, that History affords none that may paralled it; while if, on the other hand, we weigh their Designs and Enterprises, and the blind and shallow Administration of their Affairs in all things, we shall see nothing therein that doth not justly beget our Contempt; for the Gauls are ever transported by Heat and Fury, ne∣ver conducted by Reason and Council, we will not say for the most part, but in all their Determinations. And now having related how soon after they were beaten from their Seats in the Neighbourhood of the Po, some few places excepted under the Alpes, we therefore held it but reasonable to relate how they came first into Italy, what they did af∣terwards, and in a word, how they were at length totally exterminated. For it seems to me to be the Duty of an Historian, to in∣struct

future Times in these memorable Events, which are no other than the Sports and Entertainments of Fortune, lest Poste∣rity, thro' want of due Information, should be to seek for Examples to fortifie their Minds against the frequent and temerarious Descents of these Barbarians. Furthermore, Instruction may be gather'd by the Example now before us, how certainly they may be repell'd, where they are resisted with Resolu∣tion; and that we ought to suffer every thing, rather than yield to them in any thing. And there is no doubt, but those who have oblig'd Posterity with the Relation of the Persians Expedition into Greece, and the At∣tempt of the Gauls upon Delphos, gave great Light to the Greeks in their Designs after∣wards of rescuing their Countries Liberty. For if the mighty things perform'd by them, were duly weigh'd; what Myriads of Men, and what wonderful Preparations were lost and defeated, by the single Vertue of a few, who had a right Knowledge in the Art of War, and were led by the Conduct of Rea∣son: There would be no Force so great, nor Armies so numerous that might not be re∣sisted: And who would not run any Ha∣zard, and suffer any Extremity to win Glory, and redeem his Coutry? In short, the Greeks were not molested, only in the Days of our Fore-fathers, but even frequently in our Times; which was in part my Motive for

giving the World this short History of the Acts of that People, and albeit, it be but an Epitome, it comprehends, at least, their Sto∣ry from the beginning of their Enterprises. But it is now time to remember from whence we have digress'd.

After Asdrubal, the Carthaginian General, had govern'd in Spain, for the space of eight Years, he was treacherously murder'd in his Tent by a certain Gaul, provok'd by some Injury he had receiv'd. This Leader had greatly augmented the Dominion of the Car∣thaginians, not only by Force of Arms, but by his Wisdom, and the Gentleness where∣by he gain'd and attracted the Good-will of many Princes of that Nation. After his Death, notwithstanding the Youth of Han∣nibal, the Carthaginians made him his Suc∣cessour in the Govenment of Spain; who, a∣mong his other promising Qualities, gave Indications of an extraordinary Courage and Greatness of Mind; and was no sooner con∣firm'd in his Government, but it was easie to foresee by his Actions and Councils, that he meditated a War with the Romans, which, in effect, soon after came to pass. The Ro∣mans and Carthaginians were already on Terms of Jealousie, and Provocations had been mutually given, by Injuries done on ei∣ther side. The Carthaginians on their part could not digest their Loss of Sicily, which they long'd to revenge, and secretly laid their

Designs to effect it; while the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of their Pra∣ctices, were on their Guard, insomuch as it was now visible to every Eye, that it could not be long before a War would break out between those two States. It was likewise about the same Period of Time, that the A∣chaians and King Phillip, with the rest of the Confederates, ingag'd in a War against the Aetolians, which was call'd the War of the Allies. But since we have already treated of the Affairs of Sicily and Africk, and touch'd what was memorable therein, and pursuant to the Method we have propos'd, are now arriv'd at the said Confederate War, and the second that was wag'd between the Romans and Carthaginians, call'd by some the War of Hannibal; where we promis'd should be the Commencement of our History, it will therefore be necessary, without entertaining the Reader with farther Digression, that we come now to set down the Occurrences of Greece, to the end, that having previously and summarily made the Way plain before us, by reducing the general Account of Af∣fairs to one and the same Period of Time, we may thence take the Beginning of the General History, we have especially under∣taken to write, wherein the Causes will be found very visible, which have produc'd so wonderful Effects.

Furthermore, in regard our Design is not laid to write the Story and Adventures, of any one single or particular Nation; as some have done that of the Greeks, and others of the Persians, but on the contrary, since we have determin'd to make a General History of Occurrences in all those Parts of the World, that have fallen under our Observation, it will not be therefore unprofitable to Di∣scourse principally of those Places and Peo∣ple, that are most Eminent and Remarka∣ble; inasmuch, as because the present Age sufficiently furnishes Materials for that Work, and in case we do not inlarge on that Subject here, we shall however, supply it else-where. Touching the Asiaticks and the Aegyptians, it may suffice to Treat of their Affairs, no higher than from our own Times; since their Story of remoter Date, has been already the Subject of divers Authors, to to which every one may have Recourse. And indeed they have seen so few Revolu∣tions and Changes of Fortune of late, that there will be no need to resort to distant Ac∣counts, to be enlightned in their Affairs. On the other hand, the History of the Achaians, and the Royal Family of Macedon, will re∣quire a necessary Recourse to Antiquity, in regard the latter is now quite extinguish'd, and the other by their good Conduct and In∣telligence, risen to a marvellous Height of Prosperity: For tho' it hath been the Argu∣ment

of many heretofore, to perswade the Peloponnesians to a Union, for their common Defence and Safety; which could not, how∣ever, be brought to pass, inasmuch, as those who have seem'd to contend therein, could never relinquish their own Interests and Ad∣vancement, while they deliberated for the Publick. Wherefore, this Felicity was re∣serv'd for our Days, and is accomplish'd in such a manner, as that they are not only United by a firm Alliance, but the better to fasten the Bond of Union, their Laws are now the same, as also their Mony, Weights and Measures; furthermore, they have the same Magistrates, the same Council, and the same Judges: So that to comprize all in one Word, Peloponnesus is not one entire City and Corporation, only because one Wall does not Begirt and Environ it; every thing else is Uniform throughout all their Cities. And it would be no fruitless Curiosity, to enquire why, and for what Reason, the Pe∣loponnesians began to take upon them the Name of Achaians; for those who were first so call'd, were a People no more considera∣ble than their Neighbours; neither for their Riches, the number of their Towns and Ci∣ties, nor the Vertue of their People. In a word, the Arcadians and Lacedemonians were superior to the Achaians, both in Numbers and Extent of Dominion. And there was hardly any Nation through the whole Con∣tinent

of Greece, that did not think them∣selves their Equals, both in Valour and Ver∣tue; how then comes it to pass that the A∣chaians, and those who have ingag'd in that Confederacy, and are become the same in Government and Name, are risen to that height of Reputation? It were Blindness and Folly to ascribe it to Accident, or a meer Effect of the Indulgence of Fortune. It be∣hoves us then, to search out, and determine the Cause, for without that, nothing can be effected that comes to pass; whether done by the Guidance of right Reason, or seem∣ingly done without any Reason all. My Judgment of the Cause then is this: That first it is impossible to find a Republick, where Liberty and Equality, and in a word, where popular Government is better pre∣serv'd, or where more wholsom Laws are to be found, than among the Achaians, this in∣vited many of the Peloponnesian Cities to em∣brace, of their own Accord, their Form of Government; many likewise were won to receive it by the Force of Reason and Per∣swasion; and some were constrain'd by Ne∣cessity, and yielded with a sort of Choice to what they foresaw they should shortly not be able to refuse. While in the mean time the Founders of this Institution reap'd no Privi∣ledge or Advantage by their Change, who no sooner receiv'd their Laws, but they were admitted to the same Fellowship of Right with the rest.

In brief, the Achaians compass'd this great Design, principally by two Things, which seldom fail of Effect; namely, Equality and Benignity; and there is great appearance of Reason that that was the chief and most like∣ly Motive to this Concord, which growing and establishing by degrees, acquir'd to the Peloponnesians so much Power and Wealth. But this Right is to be done the Achaians, that it must be confess'd, the Form of Govern∣ment we have mention'd, was Originally and of Old among them; which appears by manifold Testimonies, but it shall suffice at this time to exemplifie only one or two.

Upon the Burning and Destroying the As∣semblies of the Pithagoreans, by a secret Con∣spiracy, in that part of Italy call'd Magna∣graecia, there ensu'd great Commotious among the Principal Magistrates by that extraordi∣nary Adventure. All the Greek Towns on that Coast of Italy were fill'd with Sedition, Tumult and Murders; so that to recover and establish Union and Tranquility among them, Ambassadours were dispatch'd to them from all parts of Greece, howbeit, the Council only of the Achaians was chosen to cure those great Evils, and compose the Dissentions that were grown among them. Nor was it in this only that the People express'd their Esteem of the Laws and Institutions of the Achaians; but all those Governments soon after, by common Consent, agreed to imitate them, and to

Form themselves according to the Example of the Achaian Republick. Whereupon the Crotoniates, the Sybarites, and the Cauloniates, Uniting in one Body, agreed to build a Tem∣ple to Jupiter Homorius, Decreeing that Place for the Congress of their General Assemblies. In a word, they receiv'd the Achaian Laws, and resolv'd conformably to Govern their States. And if any thing therein was after∣wards alter'd, it was not out of Choice, but strong Necessity; for on the one hand Diony∣sius of Syracuse, and the Barbarians on the other, who were too powerful for them to contend with, often compell••d them to change their Methods of Administration.

Afterwards, about the time of the Lacede∣monians Defeat in the Battel of Leuctra, (an Occurrence which surpriz'd all the World) when the Thebans, contrary to the general Opinion, had acquir'd the Dominion of Greece, there grew great Troubles and Commotions every-where, and principally between the Lac••demonians and Thebans, for those would not be drawn to consent they had been Van∣quish'd, and these could not prove they had been Victors. Whereupon the Achaians, of all the Greeks, were mutually chosen to be the sole Judges of this Controversie, not by an Argument of their Power and Greatness, there being no State at that Time in all Greece that was not Superiour to them in Strength, but merely in regard of the Virtue and Pro∣bity

which they manifested in all their Nego∣tiations, which had acquir'd them the good Opinion of the whole World. But they had nothing else at that time to boast of, but good Counsel, and a Disposition to improve their Fortune, not having it in their Power to b•• Great or Secure, through the want of such a Head or Leader, whose Virtue and Abilities might answer the Glory of their Designs; For, they no sooner made Choice of One in whom any extraordinary Marks of Courage or Greatness of Mind was discover'd, when the Lacedemonians, and above the rest the Macedonians, would presently form Obstacles, and raise Impediments to the Course of their Virtue.

But afterwards, when they came to in∣joy the Liberty of Chusing such Men, as knew how to acquit themselves, it was then perceiv'd, how capable they were of bringing the greatest things to pass. For, what was more glorious than the Union and Confederacy of the Peloponnesians? Ara∣tus the Sicyonian was the Author of that No∣ble Enterprise, and Philopoemen of Megalopolis prosecuted it and saw it perfected;* 1.1 Lycortas, and those who succeeded, confirmed it, and labour'd therein so successfully, as to give some Assurance of its Duration. But we shall shew in the Pursuit of our History, as Occasion shall be given, how, and at what Time, they respectively contributed to that Work. N••∣vertheless

we shall not have occasion to in∣large on the Actions of Aratus, in regard he himself has compos'd a sort of History, wherein the Truth of Occurrences is plainly deliver'd. But as to what may concern the others, we shall diligently, and more accu∣rately, recount their Actions. In brief, I have, upon good Deliberation, concluded, that the Work I have undertaken, will be less difficult for me, and more advantageous for the Reader, to take my Beginning from the time when the Achaians, (who had been divided by the Power of the Kings of Mace∣don,) began to Unite and Incorporate, inas∣much, as from thence may be dated the Birth of that Power and Greatness, which by a con∣stant Growth and Augmentation, hath at length arriv'd at that height of Prosperity wherein we now behold them, and whereof we have already taken notice.

It was in the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, when the Patraeans and Dimoeans laid the Foundation of the Union; in the same Olympiad, wherein Ptolomy the Son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolomy, surnam'd Ceraunus, dy'd. And if we would extend our Prospect yet further back, behold the State of the Achaians: Tisamenus, Son of Orestes, flying from Sparta, upon the return of the Heraclidoe, govern'd in Achaia, and was the first King of that People; the Domi∣nion by him there founded, was continu'd in

a rightful Succession down to Gyges, whose Sons rendring him odious by their Tyrannical Practices, the first Form of their Govern∣ment became chang'd, and reduc'd to a po∣pular State, which lasted to the time of Alex∣ander the Great; and albeit their Affairs were govern'd and regulated according to the Di∣versity of Times, and Occurrences, never∣theless all possible Endeavours were us'd to preserve the Form of a popular State. The Commonwealth was compos'd of Twelve Cities, which are in being at this Day, Olenus and Helice only excepted, which were swal∣low'd up by the Sea, in an Earth-quake, that happen'd not long before the Battel of Leuctra; which Cities are Patra, Dyma, Phara, Trytoea, Leontium, Aegira, Pellene, Aegium, Bura, Ceraunia, Olenus, and He∣lice. After the Death of Alexander, and since the Olympiad we have mention'd, these Cities fell into dangerous Dissentions, chiefly by the Artifices of the Macedonian Princes, when every City apart meditated on nothing but their own private Profit, and Ends, to the Prejudice and Destruction of their Neigh∣bours; and this gave occasion to Demetrius, and Cassander, and afterward to Antigonus Gonatus, to put Garrisons in some of their Cities, and that others were invaded and go∣vern'd by Tyrants, who in those Days were very numerous in Greece. But about the Hun∣dred and four and twentieth Olympiad,

when Pyrhus invaded Italy, these People be∣gan to see the Errour of their Dissentions, and labour'd to return to their former Union. Those who gave the first Example, were the Dymoeans the Patroeans, and the Pharoeans; Five Years after those of Aegium, having cast out the Garrison that was plac'd over them, were receiv'd into the Confederacy. Those of Bura, follow'd their Example, having first kill'd the Tyrant; and shortly after, those of Ceraunia did the like: for Iseas their Tyrant, considering how that those of Aegium had ex∣pell'd their Garrison, and he who govern'd in Bura, was already slain by the Practices of Marcus, and the Achaians, and that it would be his Lot to have them all quickly for Ene∣mies, he therefore resign'd the Dominion; after having first stipulated with the Achai∣ans, for his Indemnity for what was pass'd, and so incorporated the City into the Union of the Achaians. But it may be demanded, Why we take so remote a View into Anti∣quity? To which we Answer, Because, in the first place, we would shew after what Manner, and at what Time this Common∣wealth was founded, and who were the first of the Ancient Achaians, that laid the Foun∣dation; and to the end it may appear that we say nothing without Proof, of the Institu∣tions of that People, and that what we have Recorded is too evident to be confuted, it is manifest they have all along observ'd the

same Methods of Government. So that con∣senting to Equality and Liberty, which is in the utmost Perfection among that People, and opposing their Arms against those, who by themselves, or by the Assistance of such Princes as would willingly have had them fallen into Servitude; they have been able to compass their great Design, partly of them∣selves, and partly by their Confederates. In short, we may have recourse to their Laws, and Institutions, to be satisfy'd in what af∣terwards succeeded. For, in a word, tho' they have been, in many Occasions of greatest moment, serviceable to the Romans, never∣theless their Success never alter'd them, or lent them Ambition to Exalt their Fortune, but they barely contented themselves to be permitted, in reward of the good Offices they had render'd their Allies, Liberty only to every one in particular, and a Confirmation of the general Union of Peloponnesus. But this will be more evidently seen by their Actions.

The Cities, then, we have mentiond con∣tinu'd for the space of five and twenty Years, to preserve their Form of Government un∣chang'd, chusing in their General Assembly, two Praetors and a Secretary. Afterward they concluded to have but one Praetor only, who should be charg'd with the Manage∣ment of their Affairs; and the first who en∣joy'd that Dignity, was Marcus the Carian,

who, after four Years of his Administration, gave place to Aratus the Sicyonian, who, at the Age of twenty Years, after he had by his Vertue and Resolution rescu'd his Country from Tyranny, join'd it to the Common∣wealth of the Achaians, so great a Venerati∣on had he from his Youth for the Manners and Institutions of that People. Eight Years after, he was a second time chosen Praetor, and won Acro-corinth, which Antigonus had fortify'd with a Garrison, whereby Aratus freed all Greece from no small Apprehension: when he had restor'd Liberty to Corinth, he united it to the Achaians, together with the City of Megara, which he got by Intelligence during his Praetorship. All these things hap∣pen'd about a Year before the last Battel that was fought between the Romans and Cartha∣ginians for the Dominion of Sicily, when the latter were oblig'd to quit their Claim, and become Tributaries to the Romans. In a word, Aratus, who, in a short space, brought many and great things to pass, made it ma∣nifest by his Counsels and Actions, that his greatest Aim was the Expulsion of the Mace∣donians out of Peloponnesus, to suppress Ty∣ranny, and assert the Liberty of his Country. So that, during the whole Reign of Antigo∣nus Gonatus, Aratus constantly oppos'd all his Designs and Enterprises, as he did the Ambi∣tion of the Aetolians, to raise themselves on the Ruines of their Neighbour States. And

as in all the Transactions of his Administrati∣on, he gave singular Evidences of a steady Mind and firm Resolution, all his Attempts succeeded accordingly, notwithstanding ma∣ny States confederated to hinder the Union, and to destroy the Commonwealth of the A∣chaians.

After the Death of Antigonus, the Achai∣ans enter'd into a League with the Aetoli∣ans, and generously assisted them in their War against Demetrius, so that the ancient Hatred between these two People seem'd for the present extinguish'st, and the Desire of Concord began, by degrees, to grow in the Minds of the Aetolians; Demetrius reign'd ten Years, and dy'd about the time that the Romans made their first Expedition into Illy∣ria, when many great and noble Occasions were given to the Achaians of finishing the Project they had conceiv'd. For the Tyrants who reign'd in Peloponnesus, having lost the Support of Demetrius, who greatly favour'd them, began now to Despair; and on the o∣ther hand, being aw'd by Aratus, who ad∣monish'd them to quit their Governments, on Promise of great Honours and Rewards to such as voluntary resignd, and threatning o∣thers with Hostility, who refus'd: Where∣upon they resolv'd to Despoil themselves of their Dignities, restore their People to Liber∣ty, and Incorporate them with the Achaians. As to Lysiadas, the Megalapolitan, he wisely

foreseeing what was likely to come to pass, frankly renounc'd his Dominion during the Life of Demetrius, and was receiv'd into the General Confederacy of Rights and Privi∣leges with the whole Nation. Aristomachus, Tyrant of the Argives; Xeno of the Her∣mionians, and Cleonymus of the Phliatians, re∣signing their Authority at the time we men∣tion'd, were likewise receiv'd into the Alli∣ance of the Achaians.

In the mean time, the Aetolians began to conceive Jealousie at the growing Greatness and extraordinary Success of the Achaians, and according to their natural Malice and Ambition, but principally in Hopes they should be able to break the Union of those Cities that were already join'd, as it had been concerted with Antiochus, and was heretofore brought to pass, when they shar'd the Acharnanians with Alexander; incou∣rag'd, therefore, now by a Prospect of the like Success, they basely enter'd into a League with Antigonus, who at that time govern'd Macedon, during the Minority of Philip, then a Child; they did the like also with Cleome∣nes, King of the L••••edemonians, and incor∣porated their Troops with their own. In short, they saw Antigonus now at Leisure, with the whole Power of Macedon at his De∣votion, and were well assur'd of his Enmity to the Achaians, on the Occasion of the Sur∣prise of Acro-corinth; so that, making ac∣count,

that if the Lacedemonians, who like∣wise bore no good Will to the Achaians, would heartily join with them in their De∣signs against that People, it would not be difficult to succeed in their Enterprise, inas∣much as they should be able to Attack them in earnest, and Invade them on all sides at once: Nor would the Aetolians have been without Reason to hope some Success in their Design, had they not omitted one principal Consideration; namely, that they were to have to do with Aratus, whose great Abili∣ties suffic'd to obviate and prevent all the ill Effects that could be threaten'd. But ma∣king an unjust War on the Achaians, it came to pass, that it did not only not succeed as they had propos'd; but on the contrary, as by the Wisdom of Aratus, who was then Praetor, their Designs were broken and de∣feated; so the Confederacy became stronger, and the Achaians greater than before; and by what shall be further related, it will ap∣pear how they effected their Purpose.

Aratus, then, considering that the sense of the Benefits the Aetolians had receiv'd by the Friendship of the Achaians, during the War with Demetrius, with-held them for the pre∣sent, out of Shame, from openly declaring War against them, though at the same time, they secretly practis'd with the Lacedemoni∣ans, and manifested so violent an Hatred to the Achaians, that when Cleomenes fraudulent∣ly

attack'd them, and surpriz'd Tegea, Man∣tinea and Orchomena, they were not only not touch'd or concern'd at that Outrage and Violation, but did their best to confirm him in the Possession of those Cities. And not∣withstanding their natural Avarice, to gra∣tifie which Passion, a very slight Occasion suffic'd to provoke them to War, with those who had hardly injur'd them; yet could they tamely suffer, not only breach of Faith, but willingly yielded up great Cities to the Pos∣session of others, in prospect that the grow∣ing Power of Cleomenes, might at length ren∣der him a Match for the Achaians. Aratus, therefore, and the Chiefs of the Confedera∣cy, determin'd not to declare War against any one, and to apply themselves only to withstand the Designs of the Lacedemonians, at least these were their first Thoughts: But when they had further penetrated the Coun∣sels of Cleomenes, and saw him building a Fortress in the Territory of the Megalopoli∣tans, call'd Athenaeum, and that the War became by that means manifestly proclaim'd against them; they then call'd an Assembly of the States, and therein it was declar'd that the Lacedemonians should be reputed E∣nemies. In this manner, and at that time the War began, which was call'd the Cleo∣menic War.

This War was at first manag'd and su∣stain'd by the single Strength and Forces of

the Achaians, who had the Resolution to march alone against the Lacedemonians, con∣cluding it more for their Glory to attempt their Defence, without borrowing Aids from abroad; but bearing in memory the good Offices which had been done them, here∣tofore by Ptolomy, they endeavour'd to se∣cure his Friendship, and to possess him with a Belief, that their entire Confidence was in him. But when the War began to grow upon them, and Cleomenes had destroy'd the Lacedemonian Government, and of a free State had converted it to a Tyranny, Aratus observing that that Prince manag'd the War with no less Ability than Force, began to be in pain for the Event, and being jealous of the Arts and Infidelity of the Aetolians, he thought it Wisdom to endeavour to Coun∣ter-work, and perplex them in their Enter∣prises. He therefore consider'd that, Anti∣gonus, who govern'd in Macedon, was a Man of Experience, and of his Word, and that he was willing enough to make Alliances; and was not without this Consideration too, That Princes have naturally neither Friends nor Enemies, but measure Amities and En∣mities, by the Rules of Interest; he there∣fore endeavour'd after a good Understand∣ing with that Prince, and determin'd to pro∣pose the joining the Forces of the Achaians with his. But there were many weighty Reasons that convinc'd him, this was an Af∣fair

that could not safely be treated openly; for in a word, he was well aware that Cleo∣menes and the Aetolians, would not only op∣pose it, but the Achaians themselves would have reason to Despair, when they should see their Praetor applying to their Enemy: Which they would interpret an Effect of his Doubt of their Forces, which he thought ne∣cessary by all means to prevent. He resolv'd therefore to prosecute his Purpose with such Caution, as to leave no room for Suspicion; and the better to bring it to pass, he was con∣strain'd both to do and say many things in the Eye of the People, that to them bespoke quite other Intentions than those he had har∣bour'd; thus he kept his Design undisco∣ver'd, and that indeed seems to be the Rea∣son why he hath made no mention thereof in his Commentaries. Furthermore, Aratus was not ignorant that the Megalopolitans, by their Neighbourhood to the Lacedemonians; stood expos'd above all others to the Violence and Incommodities of the War, which they could not without great Repugnance under∣go, and that the Achaians would not be able to yield them effectual Succours, by reason of their own Straits. He likewise knew their great Inclinations to the House of Macedon, in Memory of the many Favours done them by Philip Son of Amintas, so that he justly collected that whenever they should come to be hard press'd by Cleomenes, they would re∣sort

sort for Succour to Antigonus, and the Mace∣donians. There were two principal Citi∣zens in Megalopolis, namely Nicophanes and Cercidas, with whom Aratus corresponded, who were Men wen well qualify'd for Con∣ducting the Enterprize he was meditating; to these he imparted the Secret, and by their means brought it so about, that the Megalo∣politans decreed to send Embassadours to the Assembly of the Achaians, to move them to solicit Succours from Antigonus, by their Ambassadours. So Nichophanes and Cerci∣das, were themselves sent to the Achaians, with Orders to proceed on to Antigonus, if they approv'd the Proposition; which they did, and consented that the Ambassadours should pursue their Orders.

When Nichophanes had his Audience of Antigonus, he touch'd the Affairs of his own Country, in few words, speaking no more than what was just fit; but he enlarg'd, and made him a long Discourse, pursuant to the Instructions of Aratus, of Affairs in General. Which Instructions imported the mighty Consequence of the Alliance between Cleo∣menes and the Aetolians, and whither it tend∣ed; that it was true, the Achaians were like∣ly to feel the first Evils of it, but the hea∣viest and most dangerous Effects threatned Antigonus; that it was not difficult to deter∣mine that the Achaians, were not them∣selves a Match for those two People, in case

they should attack them; and that it was yet easier to foresee, to those who rightly judg'd of Affairs, that the Ambition of Cleo∣menes, and the Aetolians was not likely to be limited to the single Conquest of the Acha∣ians; and that they would stop there; that Peloponnesus wou'd prove but a small Morsel to the Avarice of the Aetolians, when Greece itself was not thought sufficient; that touch∣ing Cleomenes, albeit he made Shew to be satis∣fy'd with the Dominion of Peloponnesus, there was no reason to doubt, but that whenever he should compass so great a share of Autho∣rity, he would extend his Ambition to the Subjection of all Greece, which it would be impossible to bring to pass, without first de∣stroying the Macedonian Monarchy. The Ambassadours therefore were to pray him to deliberate maturely which was likely to be the safest Counsel for him to take; whether to Succour the Achaians and Beotians, in Op∣position to Cleomenes, and to counterplot his Designs upon Greece in Peloponnesus, or by neglecting the Occasion of conciliating the Friendship of so great a People, become liable at length to sustain a War in Thessaly, for the Empire of Macedon, not only with the Lacedemonians and Aetolians, but with the Beotians and Achaians themselves. They were in short, to let Antigonus know, that if the Aetolians continu'd their Nutrality, as they yet seem'd to do out of shame, to deal

ungratefully with those from whom they had receiv'd so many good Offices during their War with Demetrius: That in such case the Achaians would stand alone against the At∣tempts of Cleomenes, and if Fortune favour'd their Councils, they should not be driven to resort to any foreign Assistance. But in case other Resolutions should be taken, and that the Aetolians should join with the Enemy, That he should then be mov'd to weigh with his best Wisdom the State of Things, and not to permit the occasion to be lost of timely suc∣couring, and preventing the Ruine of the A∣chaians, of whose Fidelity and Gratitude there could be no Reason to doubt. In short, the Ambassadours gave him Assurance, That whensoever these Matters should corne in a∣gitation, Aratus would be prepar'd to give such Security for their fair Proceeding, as should be pleasing to both Parties, and that he himself would take upon him to demand it whensoever Assistance should be needful. Antigonus having heard the Ambassadours, acknowledg'd the Counsel of Aratus to be very wise and wholsome, and from that time forward kept a more vigilant Eye on all Oc∣currences. He likewise writ to the Mega∣lopolitans, assuring them of his Assistance, whensoever the Achaians should declare it necessary.

Upon the return Home of Nicophanes and Cercidas, they deliver'd the Letters of Antigo∣nus,

and made known the good Disposition wherein they found that Prince, whereupon the Megalopolitans took Courage, and forth∣with deliberated to go to the Assembly of the Achaians, and move them to join with Anti∣gonus, and to lose no time in putting their Affairs into his Management. And now, when Aratus had been given to understand by the Ambassadours how kind Antigonus had appear'd to the Achaians in general, and to himself in particular; he was not a little pleas'd to find his Project succeeed so well, and that Antigonus prov'd in his Compliance, so contrary to the Opinion of the Achaians; for he was assur'd that the Inclination which the Megalopolitans had shewn to commit the Conduct of the War to Antigonus, by the Consent of the Achaians, could not but great∣ly contribute to the Success of his Designs. For, notwithstanding that Aratus, as we have observ'd, wish'd there might happen no Occasion to call in Foreign Aids, and that he labour'd all that was possible to prevent it; nevertheless, he thought it the safest Ad∣vice that could be taken, if they should chance to be straitned, to secure the Friendship of Antigonus, provided the Motion might pro∣ceed meerly from the Achaians, and that it might not appear it was compass'd by his Procurement. For, in short, as he could not answer for Antigonus, who might be tempt∣ed to change his Mind, so he was in the right

to do his best, to shun the Blame that might be due to him, for the Mischiefs that might befal his Country in case, after Antigonus should have come to their Relief, and succeeded a∣gainst Cleomenes, he should chance to attempt any thing to the Detriment of the Republick. And on the other hand, he justly fear'd, that if Antigonus should declare himself their Ene∣my, no Body would arraign him of Injustice, after the Violation acted by the Achaians a∣gainst the Kings of Macedon, in the Surprize of Acro-Corinth.

Wherefore upon the arrival of the Mega∣lopolitans at the Assembly, where they com∣municated Antigonus's Letters, and after they had deliberated on the great Demon∣strations of Affection that Prince had made them; and, in a word, had remonstrated the pressing Occasion of calling him to their Aid, and that the Megalopolitans wish'd it above all things: Then Aratus stood up to speak, and, after he had exaggerated the Benefits of Antigonus's Friendship, and ap∣plauded the Determination of the People, he made a long Exhortation to dispose them by all means, if it were possible, to com∣pass their Defence and Safety by their own Forces alone, inasmuch, as nothing could be∣fal them more Glorious, or more Profitable: And that if after all their Efforts, Fortune should prove averse, then that they might have recourse to their Friends, but that they

ought first to perform the utmost they were able, by their own single Forces.

This Opinion of Aratus being approv'd, by a general Vote of the Assembly, they deter∣min'd to proceed no further for that Time, and that the Achaians should attempt at least to sustain the War by themselves. In the mean time, Ptolomy, who despair'd of pre∣serving Friendship with the Achaians, began to manifest his Good-will to Cleomenes, by supplying him with Necessaries; for, as he believ'd the Power of the Lacedemonians would be likely to go further towards the De∣feating the Designs of the Macedonians than the Achaians, he theretofore did what he could to irritate Cleomenes against Antigonus; contributing his part towards the expence of the War. But after the Achaians were worst∣ed by Cleomenes, first near Licoeum, where they met by accident; and afterwards, in a Battel near Magalopolis. And, in short, after their Defeat, and the loss of their prime Strength, in the Territory of Dymaja, near a Place call'd Hecatombaeum, finding the Cir∣cumstances of their Affairs to admit no fur∣ther Delay, the present Danger in which they saw themselves, prevail'd on the Achaians unanimously to consent to implore Succours of Antigonus; accordingly Aratus dispatch'd away his Son, and ratify'd the Treaty that had been made with that Prince, touching the Assistance he was to give them. But

now a weighty Objection appear'd, likely to obstruct the Accord, for they took it for granted, that Antigonus would demur to their Supply till Acro-Corinth, together with the City, should be restor'd to his Possession; which he would make to be the Seat of the War; and the Achaians could not deter∣mine to yield up those Places without the Con∣sent of the Corinthians first obtain'd; which was the Occasion of some Delay, and gave them leisure to deliberate about adjusting the Sureties.

In the mean while, Cleomenes's Successes had given the Alarm on all sides, who prose∣cuted his good Fortune now without danger or molestation, taking some Towns by fair means, and others by force; and having made himself Master of Caphya, Pellene, Phe∣neus, Argos, Phliunte, Cleone, Epidaurus, Her∣mione, Troezene, and, in short, of Corinth it self; he march'd on, and incamp'd near the City of Sicyon. The difficulty was now re∣mov'd, that molested the Achaians, and Ara∣tus the Praetor, while the Corinthians, who, tho' they had signifi'd they were ready to joyn and march with them, were on the contrary found to have confederated with Cleomenes, and invited him to receive them. This gave the Achaians then a Pretext which justifi'd their Determination, and which Ara∣tus readily improv'd, who had already given Antigonus some hopes that Acro-corinth should

be put into his Hands; which having now perform'd, the scense of the Injury heretofore done to the Kings of of Macedon, became by that means remov'd, and the Alliance more firmly ratifi'd for the Time to come; and, what was farther considerable, Antigonus was by that means, put in Possession of a proper Fortress, whereby to manage the War with the Lacedemonians. Cleomenes, who had al∣ready promis'd himself the Principality of all Peloponnesus, receiving Intelligence of the Alliance concluded between Antigonus and the Achaians, forthwith retir'd from before Sicyon, and march'd and incamp'd his Army near the Isthmus, and fortifi'd with a Ditch and Rampart, the whole Space between Acro-Corinth and the Onion Hills. In the mean while Antigonus had been long in a readiness to enter upon the War, and attended only the Motive from Aratus; and making a Judgment according to the Advices he re∣ceiv'd, that Cleomenes would soon be on his march with his Army, he therefore sent to Aratus and the Achaians, himself being then in Thessaly, to exhort them to put in effect the Promises that had been made him, and then march'd with his Army towards the Isthmus, by the way of Euboea. For the Aetolians, who had attempted all other means before to prevent the Conjunction of Anti∣gonus with the Achaians, and were still ready to do their utmost to hinder the same, had

intimated to him, that he should not attempt his passage with an Army by the Streights of Thermopylae, and that if he did, they would oppose him with an Army. When Anti∣gonus arriv'd at the Isthmus, he incamp'd just opposite to Cleomenes, with design to block up his passage into Peloponnesus.

And now, notwithstanding the Affairs of the Achaians were in a state desperate enough; nevertheless, they chang'd not their Purpose, and were not destitute of Hope; and they no sooner saw Aristotle the Argian, opposing the Partizans of Cleomenes, when they imme∣diately march'd to their Assistance, and by the Conduct of Timoxenes, they got posses∣sion, and became Masters of Argos by Intel∣ligence; and it is reasonable to believe, that that Success gave Rise to the Prosperity of their Affairs. For, first of all, this Adventure gave check to the Impetuosity of Cleomenes, and greatly dishearten'd his People, as Oc∣currences will explain it by and by. For not∣withstanding his being possess'd of Posts and Places of more advantage, and being Ma∣ster of greater Conveniences for the supply of his Army than Antigonus; and, in a word, at the Head of a more numerous Army; yet, he no sooner heard, that the Achaians were Masters of Argos, when he deserted all those Advantages we have enumerated, and that render'd him Superior to Antigonus, and retir'd from the Isthmus, in the manner

of a Flight, fearing to be surrounded by the Enemy. Afterwards he manag'd an Intelli∣gence in Argos, and got into the Town, but after all he could do to keep Possession, he was driven out again by the Achaians, with the Assistance of the Inhabitants themselves, who having first promis'd him their Concur∣rence, they afterwards refus'd it: So he re∣••••rn'd to Sparta by the way of Mantinoea.

Thus Antigonus got his passage into Pelo∣••onnesus without hazard, and Acro-Corinth ••as put into his Hands, where he remain'd ••ot long, but hasted away to Argos; where, ••fter he had prais'd and incourag'd the Inha∣bitants, and settl'd their Affairs, he return'd ••o his Camp, and bent his March towards Arcadia. In short, after he had reduc'd seve∣••al new Garrisons that had been lately erect∣ed by the Enemy, and put them into the Hands of the Megalopolitans; he proceeded ••o Aegium to be present at the Assemblies of ••he Achaians, where he set forth the Motives ••f his coming among them, and advis'd how they were to proceed, and there he was cho∣••••n General of the Confederate Army; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being now Winter, he remain'd some time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sicyon and Corinth, but early in the Spring ••rew his Army out of their Winter-quar∣••ers, and took the Field; and in three Days ••fter his departure, arriv'd before Tegea, where the Achaians join'd him. Antigonus ••eing incamp'd before the Town, forthwith

besieg'd it, which being hardly press'd by the Macedonians, who attack'd them by all the Methods that are put in practice in the like Attempts; especially, by Mines, which they had made on all Quarters; insomuch, that the Inhabitants, dispairing of Safety, yield∣ed up the Place; which Antigonus having strengthen'd with a Garrison, proceeded on further Expeditions, and march'd his Troops with speed into Laconia; and being advanc'd near Cleomenes, who, with his Army, lay on the Frontiers; he began some small Ingage∣ments with him by Parties, the better to sound his Designs: But learning by his Spies, that Cleomenes's Army had been re-in∣forc'd by fresh Troops from Orchomenus, he forthwith march'd away towards those Quar∣ters, where he took Orchomenus by force; from whence he march'd against Mantinoea, which place, terrify'd at the approach of the Macedonians, submitted; then he advanc'd towards Heroea and Telphussa; whereupon, in regard these two Places voluntarily came in∣to his Party, and Winter was now at hand, he return'd to Egium, to be at the Assembly of the Achaians; and sending his Troops home, to pass the Winter, he remain'd De∣liberating and Consulting with the Achaians, how farther to prosecute their Affairs.

Cleomenes receiving Intelligence, that An∣tigonus had sent home his Army, and that himself, with a small Guard only of Merce∣naries,

remain'd at Aegium, which is not a∣bove three Days Journy from Megalopolis; and knowing that City to be of great Cir∣cuit, and but thinly peopl'd, which, to de∣fend it as it ought, would require a great Gar∣rison; and furthermore, having notice, that by reason of their present Neighbourhood to Antigonus, they kept very negligent Guard; and what was yet a farther Inducement, he knew, that the greatest part of the Inhabi∣tants, able to bear Arms, had been lost in the two Battels that had been fought, the one near Lycoeum, and the other near Laodi∣cia, as was noted; upon these Motives then, he gets by Night into the Town, without giving the least Suspicion, conducted by cer∣tain Messenians, who had been bannish'd their Country, and had taken Sanctuary in Megalopolis. But in the Morning, when the Alarm was taken, it wanted but little, that the Inhabitants had not driven him out a∣gain, both his Person and his People being brought into manifest danger, as it happen'd to him about three Months before, when he secretly got into the same Town, at a place call'd Colaeus. But he being now the Strong∣er, and possess'd of all the advantagious Posts, succeeded in his Attempt; and, in short, ha∣ving vanquish'd the Inhabitants, became Ma∣ster of the Place; and was no sooner in pos∣session, when he put in practice so many Outrages and Cruelties of War, that he left

not so much as any Appearance, that it had ever been a peopl'd Place. In my Judgment, Cleomenes gave himself up to that degree of Inhumanity, out of Revenge, that he could not prevail at any time (how difficult soe∣ver) to ingage any one of the Clitorians, Me∣galopolitans, or Stymphalians to be of his Fa∣ction, depend on his Fortune, or betray their Country to him; yet was the Generosity and love of Liberty amongst the Clitorians stain'd by the Wickedness of one Man, namely, Thearces, tho' they justly deny him to be a Native, but that he was the Son of an Orcho∣menian Soldier residing among them. And, tho' there be extant Aratus's History of those Times, there are some who give greator Cre∣dit to Clearchus, who dissents from him in many Particulars; the safest and wisest course, therefore, especially while we follow Aratus touching the Atchievments of Cleome∣nes, will be to sift and examine things nar∣rowly, to the end, it may not be our Fault, if Falshood prevail over Truth. In short, Clearchus has deliver'd many things without Judgment or Consideration, but we are not to make his Process, and detect his Errors in this place; we shall barely content ourselves, to relate nakedly, the Occurrences of those Times, and the Transactions of the Cleomenic War, and that will suffice to expose the Weakness of the Author, and shew, what we are to gather from his History. When

Clearchus then would set forth the Cruelties of Antigonus, and the Macedonians, and even of Aratus himself, and the Achaians, he re∣lates, That when the Matinoeans fell into the Hands of the Enemy, they were subje∣cted to unspeakable Calamities; and that their City, which was the most considera∣ble and ancient of all Arcadia, was reduc'd to so great Misery, as it drew Tears of Com∣passion from the whole Body of the Greci∣ans.

In brief, when he hath a mind to move Pity in the Minds of his Readers, and touch them by his Discourse, he represents Women embracing each other with melting Lamen∣tations in their Mouths; he exposes them with dishevel'd Hair, and naked Breasts, and adds Tears and Complaints of Men, Women, and Children, Young and Old drag'd away promiscuously: In a word, it is his manner thus to paint and describe things, when he would give us an Image of Sorrow and Ad∣versity. Whereupon I observe it is beneath the Dignity of solid Minds to be taken with such Entertainments, wherein Women only can receive Diversion. Behold then what is proper and specifick to History, and wherein consists the Benefit that we receive by that Study; It is not the Business of an Historian to affect the Reader with recounting of Pro∣digies, and relating things for the sake of the Novelty and Oddness of the Matter, nor to

wander after Subjects, that with difficulty may be allow'd to have a resemblance of Truth; nor to aggravate things; all which is properly the Poets Theme; but to set down plain Truth, and report punctually what was said or done to the least Circumstance. In short, Poetry and History have two different Ends, or are rather totally incompatible: The Art of Poetry is to strike the Heart, and move the Passions, and to beget a present Pleasure, by a Discourse that hath nothing but a likeness of Truth to recommend it: But the Design of History is to instruct the pre∣sent and future Ages, in the exact Verity both of Words and Actions. Probabili∣ty, tho' false, predominates in Poetry, in∣asmuch as the Spectators there come to be deceiv'd; but Truth is to govern in History, for its End is Profit and Instruction. And yet there are Historians who give us Relati∣tions of the most important Occurrences, without reporting to us either the Causes, the Beginning or the Reason of Things; where∣of, if we are left ignorant, what just Motive will their be either for Compassion or Indig∣nation? In a word, who would not be af∣fected to see a Man of free Condition beaten and severely treated? And yet if this Man's Guilt hath begot his Sufferings, no Body will wonder. If Correction, and the Preservati∣on of good Discipline, be the Motives of his hard Treatment, the Authors deserve Thanks

and Praise. Is it not held likewise a heavy Crime to kill a Citizen? And yet we may kill a Citizen, destroy a Thief or an Adul∣terer, and the Law saves us harmeless. And if we kill a Traytor or a Tyrant; instead of Punishment; Honours and Rewards are al∣lotted for such Actions: so true it is, that the Justice or Iniquity of what we do, depends not on the Fact, but on the Causes and Mo∣tives, the Purpose of the Actors, and the Difference that is found between them.

The Mantinoeans then having withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Achaians, with whom they were once in Alliance, gave up themselves, their Town and Territory to the Aetolians. And not long after they made the same Present to Cleomenes, and while they were incorporated with the Lacedemonians, Aratus gaining Intelligence with certain of the Inhabitants, the Achaians took it by force, four Years before the arrival of Antigonus; and, in a word, they were so far from re∣ceiving Punishment for the Fault of their De∣sertion, that on the contrary, the Union and Reconciliation of those two People was as strange, as the Revolution was sudden, and unlook'd for: For Aratus was no sooner in possession of the Place, when he expresly for∣bad all manner of Plunder and Hostility, but causing the Inhabitants to assemble, he ex∣horted them to take Assurance, and fear no∣thing, and to apply themselves to their re∣spective

Business and Callings, and that no manner of hardship should be offer'd them, while they continu'd Members of the Achaian Republick. Whereupon, those of Mantinoea, who could not have hop'd such gentle Treat∣ment on so sudden a Change, soon alter'd their Sentiments; and they who but now were Enemies to the Achaians, and fighting against them, had lost many Friends and Fel∣low-citizens; receiv'd now the same Achaians as Inmates into their Houses, and as they would their nearest Friends; performing mutually all Offices of Friendship and Cour∣tesie one to another. Nor was it indeed other than Justice, for I believe it may be with Truth averr'd, that there are but few Exam∣ples of such Lenity in an Enemy; and that scarce any People ever had so light a Feeling of a Misfortune, accounted among the great∣est that befal us, as the Mantinoeans, did through the Humanity of the Achaians and Aratus.

Afterwards by their own Importunity, press'd by the seditious Practices of some of their Citizens, who kept Intelligence with the Aetolians and Lacedemonians; Ambssa∣dours were sent to the Achaians, to demand a Garrison for their better safety. Where∣upon the Achaians appointed three Hundred of their Citizens to be chosen by Lot for that Service; and those whose chance it was to go, left their Fortunes and their Country,

to take up their abode in Mantinoea, to assert and defend the Liberties of the Inhabitants. These were accompanied with two Hundred Mercenaries, who joyntly contributed to the Conservation of the Establish'd Form of Go∣vernment: But not long after, instigated by the seditious Practices of the Disaffected, they call'd in the Lacedemonians, to whom they gave up themselves and their Town, and put all the Achaians to the Sword, who had been sent thither to succour and defend them; than which, could there be a more perfidious Act? For, in a word, since they had determined to change their Party, and to forget the good Offices they had receiv'd from the Achaians, and the Friendship that had been cultivated between them; they might, one would think, have spar'd the Lives of these poor People, and dismiss'd them at least in safety to their Country, as not being liable to any Conditions which might arise by any new Treaty; for according to the Right of Nations, that Favour is afforded to Enemies in the like adventures. But the Mantinoeans, of their own meer Motion, acted that criminal Part, and violated an Universal Law, to give an Earnest to Cleo∣menes, and the Lacedemonians, of their Rea∣diness to Engage in any thing they should re∣quire of them. In this manner, then having with their own Hands slain those who had restor'd them their Town and their Liberty,

after they had taken it by force, and who were then actually guarding them; what degree of Indignation seems due to such Treachery? Or rather let me say, what de∣gree of Punishment can be conceiv'd equiva∣lent to their Crime? Perhaps it may be urg'd, That upon reducing the Town, themselves, their Wives, and Children ought to be fold into Captivity. To which I answer, That by the Rules of War, that is no worse Treat∣ment than is practis'd towards those who have no Crime for which to account. They merited therefore certainly the most rigorous Punishment that could be thought on. But if their Usage was no other than Phylarchus reports it, it would have seem'd just, not on∣ly that the Greeks should have abstain'd from the Compassion he mentions, but rather that they should proclaim the Praises of those who could not endure to punish so vile and crimi∣nal a Proceeding with the Rigour it deserv'd. And now, albeit the Mantinoeans smarted no more for their Misdeeds than the Pillage of their Goods, and the selling all of free Con∣dition; this excellent Historian refines be∣yond the Rules of Truth, and labours to ren∣der every Passage strange and extraordinary, superadding such Falshoods as want even the least resemblance of Probability; and such was the blindness of his Folly, that he could not see to set down what was done under his Eye; for the Achaians, at the same time ta∣king

Tegea by force, proceeded in no wise with the Tegeans as they had done with the Mantinoeans.

Now, if it had been out of the native Cru∣elty of the Achaians, that the Mantinoeans were so hardly dealt with, how comes it to pass, the Tegeans escap'd so easily, who fell into their Hands about the same time? If the Mantinoeans were then the only People that suffer'd such Severity at the Hands of the Achaians, it may be fairly inferr'd that they had merited, by their extaordinary Crimes, that extraordinary Punishment. Our Histo∣rian further says, That when Aristomachus of Argos, who had been Tyrant there, and whose Ancestors had been Tyrants, fell into the Hands of Antigonus and the Aachains, they carry'd him to Cenchrea, where they put him to so cruel a Death, that there is scarce an Example of so great Inhumanity. Furthermore, he feigns, according to his Custom, that his Cries amidst his Torments were heard into the Streets, insomuch that the People press'd into the Prison, where they were affrighted at the Barbarity of his Usage, which they could not behold with∣out Horrour and Detestation. But let us not dwell too long on this Pomp of Tragedy, whereof we have spoken sufficiently. For my own particular, I take for granted, that tho' Aristomachus had never injur'd the Achaians, there could have been no Death too severe for

his manner of Life, and the Crimes he had committed against his Country.

But our Author, to exalt the Glory of A∣ristomachus, and excite greater Compassion for what befel him, says, That he was not only a Tyrant, but descended of Tyrant Ancestors. Now, I pray, what more de∣tested or infamous Character could he have given him? For most sure I am, that the Name only of Tyrant, contains the height of all Impiety, and comprehends all that Man's Imagination can compass or conceive of criminal outragious Wickedness.

But as to Aristomachus, if he should have suffer'd greater Torments than are set forth by our Historian, they would have been found short of his Due, for one only merciless Act of his, on the occasion of Aratus's secret∣ly getting into Argos at the head of a Party of Achaians, where being expos'd to manifest Danger, fighting for the Liberty of the Ar∣gians, he was at length compell'd to retire, for that through the terrour People were un∣der of the Tyrant, none had Resolution to succour or side with him in the Attempt. Upon this Adventure, Aristomachus forms a Design to gratifie his Cruelty, pretending there were Conspirators in the City, who held Intelligence with the Achaians; where∣upon, in cold Blood, and in the presence of his Friends, he causes no less then fourscore innocent Persons, of the principal Citizens,

at once to lose their Heads. I forbear to make mention of the Vileness and Inhuma∣nities of his Life, and of his Ancestors, which would ingage me in too long a Di∣scourse.

But what I have said may suffice to wit∣ness, that it was no Injustice to award him the same Measure he had dealt to others; we rather ought to conclude, it would have been Injustice, if his Death should have happen'd without some sence of Torment, after he had acted so many criminal Parts.

It will not therefore be found a just Impu∣tation of Cruelty in Antigonus or Aratus, if, being taken in the heat of War, Aristomachus was condemn'd to die by Torments, if in times of Peace he deserv'd no less; and that those who should have compass'd his Death, would have merited Applause and Rewards, from every honest Man. But over and above what we have observ'd, having violated his Faith, and broken his Trust, with the Achai∣ans; what Punishment could they think too great? In short, Aristomachus a little before the Death of Demetrius, being in great Dan∣ger, and reduc'd to the utmost Extremity, forlorn and despoil'd of his Dominion, found an Asylum among the Achaians, who receiv'd him with all possible Gentleness. They not only forgot and forgave the Crimes and Out∣rages of his Tyranny, but admitted him to a Share of the Administration of the State, and

conferr'd on him the Trust of Commanding and Conducting their Army, and did him other great Honours; while he, notwith∣standing all this, upon the first Shadow of Advantage tender'd him by Cleomenes, for∣got all these Obligations, and Deserting the Achaians, at a time of their greatest Distress, joyn'd with their Enemies: So that falling at last into their Hands; what hard Measure would it have been, to carry him to Cenchrea, and there to put him privately to Death, and in the Night as our Author reports; when, in Justice, he should have been led through all the Country of Peloponnesus, and after he had been made a Spectacle to the World, he ought to have been publickly tormented to Death, to rende•• him the greater Example. Tho', in a word, the severest Treatment that befel this vile Man, was no other, than to be cast into the Sea, for certain Barbarities com∣mitted by him at Cenchrea.

Furthermore▪ Philarchus exaggerates, with Passion, the Calamities of the Mantinoeans; as if he thought it the Business of an Historian, to pick out and enlarge most on the Subject of our Vices; but is silent when he should have Recorded the Memorable and Glorious Behaviour of the Megalopolitans, which oc∣curr'd at the same time, falsely conceiving that to Register the Flaws and Frailties of Human Nature, were more Eligible, than to Publish the Merit of Noble and Generous

Actions; while, who knows not, that the Fame and Glory of Noble Deeds, doth more urge us to Vertue, and reform our Man∣ners better than the Recital of Criminal Ad∣ventures.

Our Author indeed labouring to set forth the Courage of Cleomenes, and his Gentle∣ness to his Enemies, tells us how he took Me∣galopolis, and preserv'd it from Destruction, till he had sent to Messene, whither the Inha∣bitants were retir'd, to invite them back to their Habitations, and take part with him; nor doth he omit to tell us, that the Megalo∣politans had hardly the Patience to hear his Letters read, after they knew the Subject, and that they were with difficulty restrain'd from stoneing the Messengers to Death. But he totally neglects to publish what in Justice, and according to the Rules of History, should not have been omitted; namely, to Celebrate the Praises of their Vertue, and the generous Resolution they had taken, which he might fairly have done: For, if we reckon, those Men of Honour and Vertue, who Succour and Defend their Friends and Confederates in Distress, both in Word and Deed; and if we think it not only Praise-worthy, but the Subject of great Rewards, and Concessions of remarkable Priviledges to those who suffer on that Score, to yield to be spoil'd in their Fortunes, to abide the Calamities of Sieges, and endure all the wastful Effects of Hostility;

what may be then said to be due to the Me∣galopolitans? Shall we not reckon them Men of Honour? Can we praise them too much? First, they indur'd with unspeakable Con∣stancy, to behold Cleomenes Burning and Ra∣vaging all their Territory abroad; then they chose to abandon their Native City and Soil, rather than their Friendship, and the Tyes of Honour they were under to the Achaians. In a word, tho' contrary to their Hopes, Overtures were made them, to return to their Possessions; they could better brook to be depriv'd of their Fortunes, their Sepulchres, their Temples, their Country, their whole Sudstance, and, in short, to lose all that was valuable and dear to them, than to Violate their Faith to their Confederates. Could any Man do more? or is it in the Power of any Mortal at any time to acquire a more Glorious and Illustrious Character? When, if not here, could an Historian hope to find a Theme fit to Charm the Attention of the Reader! And what more noble Example could be inculcated to Mankind, to excite them to Constancy and Fidelity to their Treaties and Alliances with their Neigh∣bouring States! Nevertheless Philarchus has committed all this to Oblivion; and therefore I think one may safely accuse him of Stupidity and want of Judgment, in the Choice of such Matter as became the Dignity of History, since he could

neglect the Recording Occurrences of that importance, that lay so plainly in his View.

We are farther told by our Author, That the Lacedemonians took in Booty from the Megalopolitans, to the value of six thousand Talents, whereof two thousand, according to ancient Custom, fell to the share of Cleo∣menes. Now, who doth not perceive the re∣markable Ignorance of this Man, touching the Strength and Possessions of the Greek Towns! which is a matter, wherein, of all things, an Historian ought to be most punctually instru∣cted; while I will be bold to aver, without Exaggeration, That it would have been im∣possible to find the amount of that Sum in all Peloponnesus, setting the Slaves only aside; nor do I assert it from the Poverty of the Coun∣try, that had been rob'd and ruin'd by the Macedonian Kings, and more by the mighty Devastations of their own Civil Dissentions; but I am bold to descend to the Times where∣in we now behold it, flourishing in Union, and rais'd to the greatest height of Prosperity. In a word, it may be calculated by what I am about to say, whether what I undertake to prove be without-book or no. There is scarce any Man so ignorant, that doth not know, that when the Achaians and Thebans join'd in War against the Lacedemonians, and form'd a Land-army of ten thousand Men, and a Naval one of one hundred Vessels, they

came to a Resolution, each one to contribute to the Charge of the War, in proportion to his Riches and Possessions, and that there∣upon an Estimate and Valuation was made of all that was appraisable throughout the Attick Territory, comprehending Lands, Buildings, Goods, Treasure, &c. and upon that Calculation, the whole Value amounted to two hundred and fifty Talents short of six Thousand; from whence it may be inferr'd, whether we have reason or no to say what has been observ'd touching Peloponnesus. To conclude, whosoever should undertake to say, that the Pillage and Booty of Megalo∣polis could exceed, at that time, the Sum of three hundred Talents, would surpass the Truth of the Account: For we are well as∣sur'd, there was a great number, both of People of Free-condition and Slaves, who escap'd to Messene; and what farther con∣firms this Opinion, that there was no Peo∣ple in all Arcadia, the Mantinoeans excepted, that surpass'd the Megalopolitans, either in the number of Inhabitants, Strength, or Riches, which Phylarchus himself grants: and upon the taking the Town after the Siege, out of which no Body could escape, or secure any thing from the Enemy, there was not rais'd three hundred Talents of the Booty, adding the Sale of the Prisoners to the Account.

And who will not yet farther wonder, at what Phylarchus reports; namely, that about ten Days before the Battel, there arriv'd an Ambassadour from Ptolomy to Cleomenes, to let him know, That he could expect no far∣ther Supplies of Mony from him; with Ad∣vice moreover to come to a speedy Accord with Antigonus; and that thereupon Cleomenes determin'd to come the more speedily to a Battel, before his Army should have notice of this News, as despairing to be able to pay them out of his own Treasure. Now it is remarkable, that if it were true, that about that very time Cleomenes was Master of six thousand Talents, he had been in no need of Ptolomy's Assistance, being a much weal∣thier Prince than himself: and, as to what concern'd his Affairs with Antigonus, if it were likewise probable, that Cleomenes had made but the Sum of three thousand Talents of the Booty, it would have amounted to more than enough to prosecute the War without danger or difficulty. Is not this then a far∣ther Instance of the Weakness and want of Judgment of our Historian, to say, that Cleo∣menes depended intirely on the Aids and Li∣berality of Ptolomy, and to report him at the same time Master of so plentiful a Treasure! He runs into many the like Errors, in the course of his History, but what we have al∣ready noted may suffice for our present Pur∣pose.

Megalopolis being taken while Antigonus was at Argos, where he made his Winter a∣bode; Cleomenes assembled his Troops ear∣ly in the Spring, and after he had incourag'd them sutably to the Time and the Occasion, he took the Field, and fell on the Frontiers of the Argians, with a Resolution, by the Vulgar accounted temerarious, by reason of the Strength and difficult Situation of many Places that commanded his passage; but ac∣cording to the Judgment of those who could best discern, with Wisdom and Conduct e∣nough; for, in short, he knew that the Ma∣cedonians, were yet at home, and from them there was no danger to be apprehended in his Enterprise. Furthermore, he wisely consider'd, that as soon as he should have made any Progress upon the Argians, and had spoil'd and ravag'd their Country up to the Walls of the City, that People would not be able, with any Patience, to suffer it, but would soon trouble Antigonus with their Complaints and Remonstrances; and in case that Prince should be mov'd by their Appli∣cations, to take the Field, with those few Troops he had with him, and attempt a Bat∣tel, that it was then odds but he would be beaten; or, if he did not yield to their Im∣portunity, but kept within the Walls, that then Cleomenes would have the opportunity of terrifying and doing damage to the Enemy, of heartning, and giving Assurance to his

Soldiers, and so to return home again with Impunity. And, in short, it happen'd as he had forecast, for the Argians could not behold their Country wasted and plunder'd, with∣out pressing Antigonus with their Com∣plaints; who, notwihstanding, departed not from the Dignity of a great Prince, and the Rules of a wise General. He was not there∣fore mov'd to take the Field out of fear of present Blame, but kept himself in Covert, to avoid future Censure, and only employ'd his time in exposing and inculcating his Rea∣sons for all his Proceedings.

After Cleomenes had wasted and pillag'd the Country as he had propos'd; dishearten'd the Enemy, and confirm'd the Courage of his own People against the Danger that threaten'd them, he return'd home in safety. In the beginning of Summer, Antigonus with the Mecedonians, Achaians, and the rest of the Confederates, led their Troops in∣to Laconia; their Army consisting of ten thousand Macedonians which compos'd the Phalanx, three thousand with Bucklers, three hundred Horse, and three thousand choice Achaian Foot, three hundred Achaian Horse, and a thousand Megalopolitans arm'd after the Macedonian manner, led by Cercidas of the same Country. There were further Succours of the Allies, consisting of two thou∣sand Foot, and two hundred Horse of the Beotians, and of the Epirots a thousand Foot

and fifty Horse, and the like number of Acar∣nanians, besides sixteen hundred Illyrians, commanded by Demetrius the Pharian: So that the Army consisted of Twenty eight thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse.

Cleomenes, not doubting but the Enemy would soon visit him, took care to strengthen all the Passes with good Garrisons, fortifying all the Avenues with Ditches and Ramparts; and filling up, and barricadoing the Ways with great Trees laid a-cross, fell'd for that purpose. As for Cleomenes himself, he march'd with an Army of twenty thousand Men, and incamp'd at a certain place call'd Selasia, having reason to suspect, that the Enemy purpos'd to pass that way, and he was not deceiv'd in his Conjecture. Here are situate two Mountains, the one call'd Eva, the other Olympus; between these runs the River Oenus, along the Banks whereof there is a narrow Way or Defile, that leads to the City of Sparta. Cleomenes order'd a good Ditch to be made at the Foot of these two Hills, with strong Ramparts behind them; on the Mountain Eva he posted the Forces of the Confederates, under the Com∣mand of Euclidas his Brother, and he himself possess'd Olympus with the Spartan Troops and the Mercenaries In short, his Horse he appointad to be drawn up in plain Ground near the River on each side, sustain'd by a Body of Mercenary Foot.

When Antigonus arriv'd, and had well consider'd the Situation of the Ground, the Fortifications and Defences that were made, and had remark'd with how much Judg∣ment Cleomenes had provided for all things, having distributed his Troops and posted them so properly, and that he had so Soldier-like possess'd the Place, and was incamp'd in such excellent Order, the Form thereof bearing the resemblance of an Army drawn up in Order of Battel; for he had omitted no Skill or Forecast, either with respect to giving the Attack, or receiving the E∣nemy, his People being in a Posture for either, and his Camp well secur'd against any Insult or Surprize.

When Antigonus, I say, had observ'd all this, he could not determine to give Cleome∣nes Battel, but contented himself for the pre∣sent to retire some small distance off, and incamp his Army on the the River Gor∣gylus, which fortify'd one part of his Camp. Here he remain'd some Days, the better to acquaint himself with the Ground and Si∣tuation of the Country, and the Dispositi∣on of the Enemy; feigning to Attack them now in one place, now in another, march∣ing round them to give them the greater Terrour. But perceiving every Post to be well-gaurded, and not being able to find any one place, that might incourage him to attempt them; Cleomenes being vigilant:

and warily watching his Motions, and al∣ways present at every place of importance; he then chang'd his Purpose, till at length the two Generals came to agree to joyn Battel: For it was bruited about, That Fortune had made choice of these two Great Men, equal in Skill and Bravery, to try the Mastery one against the other. Antigonus order'd the Macedonians, who carried Bucklers of Brass (mingling among them the Illyrian Cohorts) to march against those on Mount Eva; these were com∣manded by Alexander Son of Acmetus, and Demetrius the Pharian, in the Rear of these he rang'd the Cretians and Acarnanians, who were follow'd by a Body of Reserve consisting of two thousand Achaians. To∣wards the River he order'd the Horse, who were to ingage those of the Enemy, under the Command of Alexander, and on the Wings of the Horse he appointed a thousand Achaians, and as many Megalopo∣litans, while he himself resolv'd to attack Olympus at the Head of the Macedonians and Mercinaries, knowing that Cleomenes was there; he order'd the Mercenaries to have the Van, and the Macedonian Pha∣lanx to sustain them, following-by Platton's, whereunto they were compell'd through the difficulties of the Ground; the Illyri∣ans who pass'd the River Gorgylus over Night, and were posted at the Foot of

the Mountain, were order'd to begin the Battel, for which they were to receive a Signal by a White Flag, that should be spread from the nearest Post they had to Olympus; and the Signal that was to be gi∣ven to the Megalopolitans and the Horse, was a Purple Cassock or Coat, which was to be wav'd in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted.

When all things were in a readiness, the Signal was given to the Illyrians, and after they had incourag'd each other, they ad∣vanc'd towards the Enemy, and began to ascend the Mountain, while the Foot which Cleomenes had mingled with the Horse, ob∣serving that the Achaian Cohorts were fol∣low'd with no Reserve, or Troops to sustain them, advanc'd presently upon them, and charg'd them in Flank, and much gall'd those who were endeavouring to gain the Mountain; at the same time Euclidas, who was posted on the top of the Hill, press'd them in Front, and the Mercinaries warmly attack'd their Rear. Philopoemen a Megalo∣politan, observing this Disorder, presently conceiv'd what would be the Issue, accord∣ingly he told his Opinion to the Commanders in Chief, of the Danger these Troops were in, but observing they gave no heed to his Advice, being then but Young, and having never yet born any Command; he therefore, after he had incourag'd his Country Men,

attack'd with incredible Bravery the Enemies Horse. This Action forc'd the Mercinaries, who had fallen on the Illyrians Flank to re∣tire to their Relief, which was their proper Post; who observing them to be now ingag'd, and retreating from those whom they had before attack'd, hastned to sustain them; by which means the Illyrians and Macedonians, and all those who were marching up the Mountain, were deliver'd from the Obsta∣cle that retarded their Motion, and now re∣solutely advanc'd on the Enemy; and it af∣terwards appear'd, that their Success against Euclidas, was owing to Philopoemen. And it is reported, that after the Battel, Antigonus, the better to try Alexander, ask'd him, How it came to pass, that he adventur'd to In∣gage before he receiv'd the Signal? and that Alexander should reply, It was not by his Or∣der, but that a certain young Man of Mega∣lopolis had been the occasion, without any Direction from him. And that Antigonus reply'd thereupon, That that young Man had judg'd rightly of the occasion of Victo∣ry, and had done the part of a good Captain, and that Alexander had acted like a young Soldier. And now Euclidas observing the Illyrian Cohorts to approach, forgot as one may say the advantage of the Ground where he was posted; for it is the Rule of expe∣rienced Leaders, when they are posted on superior Ground to the Enemy, to move to∣wards

them, and improve the advantage of the Shock, that the descent of the Hill lends them, thereby to give the greater Terrour to the Enemy, and then, if Necessity obliges them, slowly to retire and gain the summet of the Hill; for by disordering thus the Ene∣my, and depriving them of the advantage they promis'd themselves by their different sort of Arms, and the Order in which they march'd, it would not have been hard for him to have forc'd them down the Hill, so commodiously posted as he was. But Euclidas perform'd nothing of all this, but acted ra∣ther directly contrary; and as if to do no∣thing at all would conduce to the Victory, he remain'd on the top of the Hill where he was first posted; imagining it to be his Duty there to attend the coming of the Enemy, to the end, that when he should have defeated them, they might be the more intangled and obstructed in their Flight, by reason of the Precipices and the broken Ground of the Mountain. But it happen'd quite otherwise than he had conjectur'd, for while he had so plac'd himself that he had left no room behind him to retire, he found himself oblig'd to fight and defend himself on the top of the Hill against the intire unbroken Body of the Illyrian Cohorts, whom he had permitted to gain the top, and were now advancing to∣ward him on level Ground, so that he be∣came an easie Conquest to the Illyrians, ha∣ving

no Ground whereon to make an orderly Retreat, all behind him being Rocks and Precipices.

In the mean time, the Horse were warmly ingag'd, where the Achaians perform'd all that could be look'd for in the like occasion, for they knew this Battel did as it were de∣cide their Liberty; but Philopoemen was re∣markable above all the rest, whose Horse being first kill'd under him, and afterward fighting among the Foot, he was there struck through both his thighs at one stroke. On the other-side, the two Princes began the Battel on Mount Olympus, with their light-arm'd Soldiers and their Mercenaries, consisting of about five Thousand on each part. Some∣times they fought by Parties, and then again encountred with gross Bodies, but with great Resolution on both sides, the Action being under the Eye of their Masters, and in View of both Armies; sometimes they mingled and fought Man to Man, and then Troop against Troop, but howsoever it happen'd, they fought with wonderful Resolution.

During this variety of Action, Cleomenes receiv'd notice, that his Brother was beaten out of the Field, and that the Horse that fought in the Plain began to give Ground, so that fearing to be incompass'd by the Enemy on all sides, he was constrain'd to level and open his Retrenchments before his Camp, and to order all his Troops to march out in

Front. And the Trumpets sounding to the Charge on both sides, he order'd his light arm'd Soldiers to retire, and now the Pha∣lanxes on either side mov'd to the Encounter with their Pikes charg'd; and one while the Macedonians seem'd inferiour in Courage to the Lacedemoniaus, and appear'd dispos'd to fly; then again the Lacedemonians seem'd too weak to sustain the Shock of the Macedonian Phalanx, and were giving Ground. In con∣clusion, Antigonus now advancing against them with an Impetuosity peculiar to the double Phalanx, forc'd the Lacedemonians at length off their Ground; the rest of the Army either fell in Battel, or sav'd themselves by Flight, and Cleomines with a small Party of Horse, escap'd unhurt to Sparta; from whence he departed the Night following to Gythia, where he imbark'd on certain Vessels pre∣par'd for such an Incident, and sail'd to Alex∣indria, accompany'd with some few only of his intimate Friends.

Afterwards, Antigonus made his Entry in∣to Sparta without resistance, where he treat∣ed the Lacedemonians with all possible Huma∣nity, and as soon as he had Re-establish'd their Ancient Form of Government, he march'd away with his Army; having re∣ceiv'd Intelligence, That the Illyrians had In∣vaded Macedonia, and made great Spoils up∣on the Country. Thus it is true, that For∣tune is pleas'd sometimes to permit Actions

of highest Consequence, to move and deter∣mine on the slendrest Accidents, and Occa∣sions least expected. For, if Cleomenes had respited coming to a Battel but a few Days only; or when he had retir'd to the City af∣ter the Fight, had he but stood upon his Guard, and temporis'd never so little, he most certainly had preserv'd his Dominion. In short, Antigonus took his way by Tegea, and after he had restor'd that Republick, he came two Days after to Argos, at the time of the Namoean Games, where he obtain'd by an Ordinance of the Achaians, and by the Suffrage of every City, all those Honours that are done to Great Men to render their Fame immortal: From thence he proceeded by long Journies to Macedon, where encoun∣tering with the Illyrians, who were wasting the Country, he gave them Battel, and wan a Victory, but in that occasion straining his Voice to Animate his People, he broke some Vein in his Lungs, whereby voiding Blood at his Mouth, he fell into a Languor, and evil Habit of Health, which soon after took him out of the World. This Prince had ma••velously gain'd on the Good-will of the People of Greece, not only by his perfect Skill in Millitary Matters, but more parti∣cularly for his Probity, and the exact Disci∣pline he always observ'd. His Death left Philip Son of Demetrius to enjoy his Right to the Kingdom of Macedon.

And now, if it be ask'd, why we have re∣main'd thus long on the History of the Cleo∣menic War? I answer, Because it occur'd in a Period of Time, that confines on the Be∣ginning of the Affairs and Adventures, that are to be the Subject of our History; and we conceiv'd it was not useful only, but neces∣sary, to set down the then State of Macedonia and the Greek Affairs, especially since we have resolv'd to perform punctually what we have promis'd. About the same time died Ptolomy, to whom succeeded that other Ptolomy Surnam'd Philopater. Seleucus who was Surnam'd Pogon, Son to Seleucus, and Grand-son to Calinychus, died likewise near that Time, whose Successour in the Go∣vernment of Syria, was his Brother Antio∣chus; thus died those who succeeded Alex∣ander, namely, Seleucus, Ptolomy and Lysi∣machus, all within the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, as did the others in the Hundred and thirty ninth.

Having now laid the Foundation of our Work, and made it visible in what Times, and in what Manner, and by what Means, the Romans took Assurance to extend their Empire beyond the Bounds of Italy, after they had compleated their Conquests in that Country, and had made their first Essay, with the Carthaginians, for the Dominion of the Sea: After having likewise spoken of the Affairs of the Greeks, the Macedonians and

the Carthaginians, and given a Summary of the State of these Governments, in those Times; we are arriv'd, I think, at a proper Place, to put an End to this our Second Book; which we Conclude with the Wars we have treated, and with the Death of the Actors, and according as we have laid our Design, we are come at length to that Period of Time, wherein the Greeks deliberated a∣bout the War of the Confederates; the Ro∣mans touching the Second Punick War; and the Kings of Asia, about that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria.

The End of the Second Book.

POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

VOL. I. BOOK III.

VVE promis'd in our First Book to begin our History at the Second Punick War; the War of the Confederates; and that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria. We have likewise deliver'd our Reasons, why in our two preceeding Books we deduc'd and brought down our Story

from so remote Times. Now we are come to treat of the Wars themselves, and the Causes that begat and prolong'd them, and that render'd them so terrible. But first it will be necessary that we preface something farther touching our purpose, for since what we have determin'd to deliver, is propos'd to center in one and the same End, being to be but one entire Work, and as one may say one Spectacle or Representation, where will be seen how, when, and by what means, all the known Parts of the World, became reduc'd under the Dominion of the Romans; we have therefore concluded it not imperti∣nent to our Method, to give a previous Draught, as it were in little, of what oc∣curr'd of Importance during so many and great Wars; conceiving the Reader will be thereby more enlighten'd, and better in∣structed in our main Design. For as the knowledge of the whole cannot but yield some conception of the Parts; and that to be rightly inform'd of the parts, must ne∣cessarily enable us to judge better of the whole; we shall therefore pursue this course, which we have judg'd the most proper for Instruction, in opening what might else seem obscure; and shall produce a Table, as it were, or Index, of our whole History, where will be review'd what we have re∣lated. We have indeed already given a kind of Summary of our intire Work, and have

prescrib'd its bounds; but for the particular Occurrences, as the Wars, (whereof we have already made recital) will be the be∣ginning; so we shall prescribe its Period with the desolation and extinction of the Royal House of Macedon. In brief, it will be the Adventures only of Three and fifty Years, in which space will be sound Occurrences so numerous and extraordinary, that no Age within the same compass of Time hath shown the like. Our beginning shall be at the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, and the Order we purpose to observe will be as fol∣loweth.

When we have opened the Reasons that gave original to the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, call'd the War of Hanni∣bal, we shall show how, and by what means, the Carthaginians, after their Invasion of Italy, and the Suppression almost of the Roman Dominion there, reduc'd them at length to that low ebb of Fortune, as to raise their hopes of becoming Masters of Rome it self: Then we shall endeavour to explain how at the same time Philip King of Macedon, when he had ended his Wars with the Aetolians, and establish'd afterwards Peace among the Greeks, enter'd into Confederacy with the Carthaginians. About the same time began the Contest between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopater, touching the Dominion of the Lower Syria, which came at length to a

War. The Rhodians and Prusias were like∣wise at that time in Hostility with those of Byzantium, and hinder'd the levying the customary Duty that was paid them by those who traded into the Pontick Sea. Here we shall respite our Discourse, to begin our re∣lation of the Romans; of whom we shall endeavour to show by the Events, that their Form of Government did not only greatly avail towards their recovery of Italy, and the Island of Sicily, together with the re∣ducing the Gauls and Spaniards under their Dominion; but (after they had subdu'd the Carthaginians) to inspire them with Ambi∣tion enough to atchieve the Conquest of the World. We shall likewise by a short di∣gression relate how the Dominion of Hieron of Syracuse was lost. Then we shall say something of the Disorders that fell out in Egypt, wherein mention shall be made of the Conspiracy that happen'd on the Death of Ptolemy to divide that Kingdom, which was left to his Son, then a Child. And shall further observe after what manner Philip, between Craft and Force, attempted at once the Kingdoms of Egypt and Ca∣ria; and Antiochus the Lower Syria and Phaenicia.

In short, we shall then give an Abridg∣ment of what pass'd between the Romans and Carthaginians in Spain, Africk, and Sicily; and then we shall treat of Occurrences among

the Greeks, and make mention of such Trans∣actions as have any regard to that People. But after we shall have discours'd of the Naval War between Attalus, in conjunction with the Rhodians, and Philip, and that which was wag'd between Philip and the Romans, and shall have shewn after what manner the War was conducted, and by whose management, and what the Success was; we shall then pursue the Relation, ac∣cording to the succession of Occurrences, and shall make mention of the Motives the Aetolians had to invite and draw Antiochus out of Asia, whereby they became the Au∣thors of the War that follow'd between the Romans and Achaians; whereof when we have observ'd what were the Causes, and have seen Antiochus landed in Europe, we shall then first shew how he was driven out of Greece, and afterwards (being vanquish'd in Battel) how he deserted all he possess'd in Asia on this side Mount Taurus; and then, how the Romans, having repress'd the Inso∣lence of the Galatians, acquir'd to them∣selves the Dominion, but deliver'd however the People of the Lesser Asia, from the fre∣quent Terrors and Injuries of those Barbarians. Then shall be related the Calamities of the Aetolians, and those of Cephalenia, to which will succeed the Account of the War between Eumenes and Prusias, in conjunction with the Gollo-Graecians; to which shall be added,

that which the same Eumenes, join'd with Ariarathes, wag'd against Pharnaces. And after we have made mention of the union of those of Peloponnesus, and of the growth of the Rhodian Commonwealth, we shall then make a recapitulation of our whole History, as we have already propos'd. Nor shall we omit to relate the Expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes into Egypt; nor the Persian War; nor the Destruction of the Royal House of Macedon. In a word, These Occurrences when duly weigh'd, will evidence by what Order and Method of Conduct, the Romans have acquir'd the Universal Dominion.

For if the good or evil Success of Affairs, may be the measure whereby to make a Judgment of things laudable or worthy of blame, whether it be with respect to Persons, or States; we must finish our History with the Adventures we last recited, which ter∣minates the Three and fifty Years we men∣tion'd, and shews us the Roman Empire at its utmost growth of Greatness: For after this, none were ignorant, and the whole World was compell'd to confess, that all sub∣mission was due to the Romans, and subjection to their Laws.

But forasmuch as we cannot make a clear Judgment either of the Victors or the Van∣quish'd, by a bare Account of Events, in re∣gard sometimes things have become hurtful, which had they been rightly improv'd, might

have been profitable; and, on the other hand, some by their Vertue and Constancy, have turn'd even their Misfortunes to a Be∣nefit; we have therefore judg'd it not un∣profitable to subjoin to what we have pro∣pos'd to deliver, an Account of the Manners and Discipline of the Conquerors, after what sort they improv'd their Victories, what con∣sideration the World had of them, and of their Laws and Customs in the Administra∣tion of the Government. Furthermore, we shall make enquiry into the Passions and In∣clinations which prevail'd among each Peo∣ple respectively, with regard to publick and private Ends; so that those of the present Age will be able thereby to discern, whether they ought to shun or chuse subjection to the Romans; and Posterity to judge, whether their Government were worthy of praise and imitation, or to be rejected as vicious and blameable; for in that we propose especially to consist the Utility of our History to the present and future Ages.

In short, this we ought to believe, that those who have the Conduct in Transactions of War, and those who are concern'd other∣wise in the Administration of publick Affairs, do not propose Victory, and the surmounting the Difficulties that occurr in their Attempts, as the single and ultimate end of their De∣signs: For no wise Man ever made War bare∣ly for the sake of vanquishing his Enemy;

nor did any ever embark upon the Ocean, be∣cause he would be able to say he had cross'd the Seas; nor do Men study the Arts and Sciences, for the single motive of being thought skilful therein; but every one hath his prospect, either of Pleasure, Honour, or Profit, as the Reward of his Pains and Study: So the principal end we have propos'd in this our Work, is to explain and demonstrate to the World the State and Condition of Mankind, after all the Nations of the Earth being van∣quish'd by the Romans, were become subject to their Laws, till those new Commotions that afterwards fell out. I had also a yet further motive which press'd me to this Un∣dertaking, and which affords, as it were, a new beginning; namely, the stupendious Occurrences and marvellous Adventures whereby those times were distinguish'd, and to which moreover I am the more willingly dispos'd, from my having been a Witness and Spectator of many of those great Actions, ha∣ving contributed in the execution of some, and conducted and principally advis'd in the performance of others. They were those Commotions I mention'd, that obliged the Romans to make War on the Vaccoeans and Celtiberians; which mov'd the Carthaginians in Africk to take Arms against Massanissa, and Attalus and Prusias to declare War with each other in Asia. At the same time Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, who had been expell'd

his Kingdom by Orofernes, was, by the assi∣stance of Demetrius and his sole Forces, re∣stor'd to his Government; and then it was that Seleucus, Son of Demetrius, having reign'd twelve Years in Syria, lost his King∣dom and his Life by a Conspiracy of the neighbouring Princes: The Greeks, who stood accus'd of having been Authors of the Persian War, were about the same time absolv'd of that Blemish, with liberty granted them by the Romans to return from Banishment to their Country. Shortly after these Adven∣tures, the Romans attempted to compel the Carthaginians first to remove and change their Habitations, and afterwards totally to ruine and exterminate them. But we shall re∣port in its proper place the motives of that Enterprize. About the same time likewise the Macedonians departing from their Confe∣deracy with the Romans, and the Lacedaemo∣nians from theirs with the Achaians, will pre∣sent us, in one prospect, with the beginning and end of the common Calamities of Greece, where will occurr ample matter for the Hi∣storian's Skill to describe; and it behoves us to implore the favour of Fortune, to lend us life to conduct us through so difficult and im∣portant a Task: Nevertheless, tho' Death should chance to prevent us, we should not however depart without some assurance that our Design will survive us, and that there will not want some excellent Hand, who,

charm'd with the Beauty of so incomparable a Subject, will successfully finish what we have begun. And now that we have pre∣fac'd the most remarkable things, which we thought necessary towards the improvement of the Reader's Understanding of our History, both in the parts and the whole, it is high time we proceed to our Discourse.

Whereas those Authors, for the most part, who have writ the Acts of Hannibal, have undertaken to give us an account of the Causes which begat the War that broke out between the Romans and Carthaginians, where∣of mention hath been already made, and have render'd the Siege of Saguntum to have been the first occasion, and the second to be the Carthaginians passing the River Eber, contra∣ry to the Articles of Agreement: For my own part, I do frankly agree with them, That these were the beginnings of the War, but can never accord with those who reckon them for the Causes, no more than it can be con∣ceiv'd, that Alexander's transporting his Ar∣my into Asia, was the cause of the Persian War; or that the Voyage of Antiochus to De∣metrias with his Army, was likewise cause of the War with that Prince: For who can be drawn easily to conceive, that that was A∣lexander's motive for the mighty Preparati∣ons he made, and of those things which Phi∣lip in his Life-time put in execution before him, in order to the Persian War? Further∣more,

who will take the beginning of the War, which the Aetolians made upon the Romans, before the arrival of Antiochus, to have been the cause? Those who reason at this rate, seem not to distinguish of the diffe∣rence between the Beginnings, the Causes, and the Pretexts. The Causes always pre∣cede the Beginnings, which are ever subse∣quent, and as it were a Consequence.

I hold therefore the Beginnings to be the first efforts or effects of Deliberation; name∣ly, of what hath been with mature Reason debated and decreed to be put in execution; but this will be more evident by what I am about to say, whereby it will plainly appear, what the Causes were which produc'd the Persian War, and where it took beginning. The principal Cause was, the retreat the Greeks made, by the Conduct of Xenophon, through so many divers Nations of the Ʋpper Asia, where none of all those barbarous Peo∣ple, who were all Enemies, had the Courage to oppose his passage in his march through so vast a Continent. Another cause was the Voyage of Agesilaus, King of the Lacedaemo∣nians, into Asia, where he found no Enemy so hardy as to withstand his Enterprizes, from whence he was recall'd by reason of some Commotions that happen'd in his absence a∣mong the Greeks.

Hence Philip took his measures of the Persian weakness, and being not ignorant that both himself and his People were Ma∣sters in the Art of War, was incited by the glory and magnificence of the Reward to in∣gage in that Enterprize; so that after he had acquir'd the general Good-will and Concur∣rence of the Greeks, he proceeded to form his Design for the Invasion of Persia; pub∣lishing his Motives to be no other, than to revenge the Injuries done to the Greeks, by those of that Nation, and accordingly pro∣ceeded to make provision of all things ne∣cessary to sustain and carry on that vast Un∣dertaking. So that we are thus to reckon, that the Causes of the Persian-War were no others than those we first mention'd, the Pretexts what we have recited, and the Be∣ginning to be Alexander's transporting his Troops into Asia.

It is likewise past dispute, that the distaste the Aetolians had conceiv'd against the Ro∣mans, was the cause of the War that broke out betwixt Antiochus and Them. For the Aetolians, towards the end of the War with Philip, beginning to perceive themselves slighted by the Romans, did not only invite over Antiochus, as we have noted, but deter∣min'd to do and suffer any thing to compass their Revenge. The Pretext for that War was the Liberty of Greece, to the defence whereof the Aetolians drew the Greeks from

all parts to joyn with Antiochus; and the ar∣rival of that Prince at the head of an Army to Demetrias, was the beginning of the War.

I have rested the longer on this subject, of showing the difference between these three Points, not only to detect the Errors of some Historians; but to the end the studious may be instructed and set right, in case they should be mislead by their false Lights. For to what end is the Physician call'd to the sick Patient, if he should be ignorant of the Causes of our Diseases? In like manner, it would be in vain to call such to the administration of Publick Affairs, who want Judgment to distinguish of the Causes, and Reasons, and Events of things.

And there can be no dispute but both the Physician and Minister of State will miscarry, while the one is to seek for the Causes of our Infirmities, and the other not duly instructed in those necessary Points we have noted. There is nothing then that calls for more of our care and study to acquire, than a right knowledge of the Springs and Causes of E∣vents, for very often it fortunes, that the greatest things are bred out of slight begin∣nings, and Remedies may be found with case for Evils in their infancy and first approaches.

Fabius the Historian reports, that not on∣ly the Injuries done to the Saguntines, but the Avarice and Ambition of Asdrubal, were the cause of the War with Hannibal. That after

Asdrubal had strengthen'd himself by his great Power and Acquisitions in Spain, he made a Voyage into Africk, where he attempted with all his Might to subvert and abolish the Laws and Constitutions of his Country, and to change the Republick of Carthage into a Monarchy; but that the principal Citizens suspecting his Design, oppos'd and totally a∣bandon'd him, who, after he had vainly urg'd his Project, return'd at length into Spain, where he govern'd absolutely without any regard to the Authority of the Senate of Car∣thage; and that Hannibal, who took part in all his Adventures, and pursu'd his steps in every thing, did both succeed and imitate Asdrubal in the Design he had form'd; and soon after he of his own head declar'd War a∣gainst the Romans, contrary to the inclination of the Senate; and that there was not one of any Condition or Authority among the Car∣thaginians, who did not disapprove his pro∣ceedings against the Saguntines. He further adds, That after the taking of that Town, the Romans dispatch'd Ambassadors to Car∣thage, to require the delivering up of Hanni∣bal, or on refusal to declare War against them. But now if it should be demanded of Fabius, whether the Carthaginians could have done a juster or wiser thing, than to have comply'd with the demand of the Romans in yielding up Hannibal; for if, as he says, his Proceed∣ings displeas'd them, what safer or more pro∣fitable

course could they have taken to be rid of one who stood tainted with the Character of a common Enemy to his Country? They had thereby establish'd the Security of the State, and by a single Decree of the Senate, deliver'd themselves from the War which threaten'd them: What now would our Hi∣storian be able to say to all this? certainly he would be greatly to seek for an answer. But the Carthaginians were so far from such Deliberations, that on the contrary they sted∣fastly prosecuted the War, which was begun by the Opinion of Hannibal, for the space of seventeen Years together; and did not yield to relinquish it, till they were quite hopeless of success, and beheld both their Fortune and Country sinking

But why have I thus enlarg'd on Fabius and his History? 'Tis not because I conceive it to be written with such a fashion of Truth, as to fear that some one or other might be perswaded to believe it. For in short, all that he hath deliver'd hath so little show of Reason or Probability, that without any Re∣marks of mine, it is very easie to perceive him a faithless Author by the Matter he de∣livers: I would therefore only barely adver∣tise the Readers of his History, not so much to consult the Title of the Book, as the Ve∣rity of things; for there are those who are more biass'd by the Character of a Speaker, than the Matter he delivers; and while they

reflect that Fabius was a Senator of Rome, and liv'd in these times, they conclude that all he says, hath the stamp of Truth: For my own part, as I will not affirm he ought in every thing to be rejected; so I will take the liberty to think we are not to trust him be∣fore our own Eyes. To return therefore to our Discourse; It was the indignation of Hamil∣car Barcas, Father of Hannibal, that ought to be esteem'd the first cause of that War be∣tween the Romans and Carthaginians. For after the Sicilian War, as it was visible he lost nothing of his greatness of Mind, and firm∣ness of Resolution, by his preserving the Le∣gions under his Command at Erix unbroken; and that albeit after the Carthaginians defeat at Sea, he was compell'd to dissemble his Re∣sentments, and yield to a treaty of Peace with the Romans; his Anger was not however ex∣tinguish'd, and he labour'd after nothing more than to find an occasion of renewing the War; and had soon brought his purpose to effect, had not the Carthaginians been diverted by the Sedition of their Mercenaries, so great was his Authority; but being prevented by by those Commotions, he was constrain'd to apply himself first to compose the Disorders that happen'd in his own Country.

After these Tumults were over, the Ro∣mans declar'd War against the Carthaginians, who readily at first embrac'd the occasion, hoping for Victory from the justice of their

Cause, as we have already shown. But as the Romans has no regard to the Argument of the Quarrel; so the Carthaginians finding at length it wou'd be their safest course to yield to necessity, submitted with great re∣luctancy to deliver up Sardinia; and further, to buy off the danger of a War, they yield∣ed to a Stipulation, over and above the first Tribute, to pay yearly the summ of twelve hundred Talents; whereupon it may be safe∣ly reckon'd, that this Disgrace became a se∣cond, and the greatest cause of the War that ensu'd. In short, Hamilcar perceiving now the Indignation of his Fellow-Citizens to con∣cur with his own, that he had appeas'd the Disorders of his Country, which was now in Tranquility, and the Government establish'd, turn'd his Thoughts towards Spain, from whence he propos'd to derive Succours, and all sorts of Assistance to further his Project of War upon the Romans. We are to reckon for the third cause of that War, the great success of the Carthaginians in Spain, by which be∣ing reinforc'd by so many Helps and Advan∣tages, they chearfully prosecuted the Design. In short, it may be collected by manifold In∣stances, that Hamilcar was the Author of the second Punick War, albeit he liv'd not to the beginning of the enterprize by eight Years, which will be better understood by what follows.

After Hannibal's Defeat by the Romans, being constrain'd to fly his Country, he made his retreat to the Court of Antiochus; the Ro∣mans, who foresaw the purposes of the Aeto∣lians, dispatch'd Ambassadors to Antiochus, the better to pry into the Designs of that Prince; and after they had discover'd that Antiochus was determin'd to take part with the Aetolians, and consequently to ingage in a War with the Romans, they thereupon be∣gan to visit and hold Conferences with Han∣nibal, with no other intention than to render him susp••••••••d to Antiochus; which Plot suc∣ceeded to their wish. And as Antiochus's Jealousies grew every Day greater, they came at length to a mutual opening of each others Mind on the subject of the Diffidence that was grown between them, and tho' Hannibal said much to purge himself of the Imputation he lay under; yet perceiving it avail'd little, he came at length to impart to Antiochus, that when Hamilcar went into Spain at the head of an Army, he being then about nine Years old, his Father sacrificing for the suc∣cess of the Voyage, after the Ceremony was ended, and he had perform'd all the custo∣mary Rites practis'd on those occasions, he caus'd the rest of the Company to withdraw; and making him approach to the Altar, he there gently demanded of him, If he were inclin'd to accompany him in his Voyage to Spain? To which he joyfully reply'd, That

he would go most willingly: And after he had besought him with all the moving Rea∣sons which a Child was capable to urge, that he would take him with him, his Father then taking him by the Hand, led him to the Al∣tar; where he made him swear on the same Altar, That he would never be in Friendship with the Romans. Wherefore he besought Antiochus to rest assured, That he could ne∣ver change his Sentiments towards that Peo∣ple; and that if he had determin'd any thing against them, that he would make no diffi∣culty to rely on his Secresie and Fidelity; and that he would serve him with joy and since∣rity: But that if he should enter into Terms of Friendship and Alliance with the Romans, there should be no need of suggesting Accu∣sations against him, who would himself be the first that should declare his Aversion to Antiochus, who in such case would have rea∣son to hold him as an Enemy; forasmuch as he could never be other than a mortal Foe to the Romans, against whom he would attempt all things to the utmost of his power.

By this Discourse of Hannibal, Antiochus perceiving he spoke from his Heart, was cur'd of the Jealousie he had conceiv'd of him.

Behold here a singular Instance of the Ha∣tred of Hamilcar, and of the Determination he had taken, which was yet made more vi∣sible by the effects: For he bequeath'd two

such Enemies to the Romans, in Asdrubal his Son-in-Law, and Hannibal his Son, as nothing could be thought to surmount their Hatred. But Asdrubal liv'd not to put his Purposes in execution, while Hannibal sur∣viv'd to wreak abundantly the Aversion he had inherited from his Father. Which fur∣nishes safe Advice to those who have the Ad∣ministration of Publick Affairs, to consult carefully the Minds and Motives of those with whom they treat a Reconciliation, or with whom they make a new Friendship; whe∣ther it be by force or necessity of the Times, or an effect of Good-will, as weary of Hostility: For against the one we are to be carefully on our guard, as being such who only attend the Advantage of a new Occasion, while we may rely with assurance on the others, and treat them with the sincerity of Subjects or of Friends.

We may justly then esteem these for the Causes of the War made by Hannibal; and the Beginnings to be what we shall now fur∣ther deliver. The Carthaginians had deeply resented their loss of Sicily; but after they had been compell'd to part with Sardinia, and to pay the heavy Tribute they had con∣tracted, their Hatred grew to excess, inso∣much that when they had augmented their Dominion, by the Conquest of so great a part of Spain, they began to lend a more willing ear to the Clamours every where ut∣ter'd

against the Romans. In the mean time they lost Asdrubal, to whom, after the Death of Hamilcar, they had given the Govern∣ment of Spain. The Carthaginians, upon the death of Asdrubal, remain'd a while in suspence, touching their choice of a new Ge∣neral, being willing to sound first the Inclina∣tions of the Army; but they no sooner un∣derstood that the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Hannibal for their Leader, when they forthwith call'd an Assembly, and ratify'd with one Voice the Suffrages of the Soldiers. Soon after Hannibal's confirmation in his Government, he deliberated on redu∣cing the Olcades under the Dominion of the Carthaginians; pursuant to which Design, he march'd against the City of Althaea, a rich and well-fortify'd Place, and sat down before it; in which Siege he gave so many Marks of his Bravery and Ability, that he soon became Master of the Place; where his Success so terrify'd the neighbouring Towns, that they readily yielded themselves up to the Cartha∣ginians. After he had amass'd much Trea∣sure, by the sale of the Booty he had taken in the several Towns, he march'd to New-Carthage, which he made his Winter-Quar∣ters; where he express'd great Generosity to those who had serv'd under him; and paying the Soldiers their Arrears, and promising fur∣ther Marks of his Bounty, he so won upon the Affections of the Army, that they had

already conceiv'd extraordinary hopes of his Government.

Early the next Spring he march'd against the Vaccoeans, and soon became Master of Salmantica: Then he besieg'd Arbucala; which Place being great, well-peopl'd, and the Inhabitants obstinate in their defence, gave him much trouble; but in the end tho Town was surrender'd; but on his return be∣ing attack'd by the Carpetanians, a People reckon'd among the most powerful of those Nations, he became on the sudden reduc'd to very great straits; for these being join'd by those of the neighbouring Provinces, whom the O••••ades (being driven out of their Coun∣try) had incens'd against the Carthaginians; with whom came likewise those who had fled from Salmantica, insomuch as if they could have compell'd Hannibal to a pitch'd Field, he had doubtless been driven to great extre∣mity. But he, who was singular both in Prudence and Dexterity, so artfully made his retreat (covering himself by the Tagus) and contriv'd so to attack them in their passage over that River, that what by the help there∣of, and the service of forty Elephants he had with him, he happily effected what he had design'd, when every body was in despair. In short, the Enemy being determin'd to at∣tempt their utmost, resolv'd to pass the River by several Fords at once; but being encoun∣ter'd by the Elephants, which were posted

along the Banks for that service, great num∣bers were slain as they came to Land, before any could come in to their succour; many were likewise cut off by the Horse, who min∣gled in the River with the Enemy, where, by the strength of their Horses, which better resisted the Current than the Foot, and sight∣ing from a higher place, they had much the advantage. In a word, Hannibal at length pass'd the River himself; and vigorously pur∣suing his success, routed an Army of above an hundred thousand of these Barbarians; who being thus defeated, there remain'd none on that side the River Eber, except the Sa∣guntines, that could give him any molestati∣on. But Hannibal cautiously abstain'd from any the least Hostility against that People, pursuant to the Advice of Asdrubal; which was, To make himself first Master of the rest of the Country, and insure his Conquests there, before he gave occasion openly to the Ro∣mans to declare War against the Carthagi∣nians.

In the mean time, the Saguntines dispatch'd frequent Advices to the Romans, led thereun∣to partly out of fear and foresight of their own impending Danger, partly likewise out of Good-will, to the end the Romans might be perfectly instructed in the Successes of the Carthaginians in Spain. In short, after a cold reception of many of these Intimations, they determin'd at length to dispatch Ambassadors

into Spain, to be eye-witnesses of those things whereof they had been inform'd. About which time Hannibal, having subdu'd all those People which he had purpos'd to re∣duce, was march'd to New-Carthage to his Winter-Quarters, that Place being as it were the Capital City of those Countries, that yielded Obedience to the Carthaginians: There he found the Roman Ambassadors; and giving them audience, was by them caution'd to attempt nothing against the Saguntines, who were receiv'd into the protection of the Romans; and that pursuant to the Treaty made with Asdrubal, they should not pass their Troops beyond the River Eber. To this Hannibal (who was yet but young, and ardently ambitious of military Glory, fortu∣nate in his Enterprizes, and mortally hating the Romans) reply'd by way of complaint a∣gainst them, feigning to favour those of Sa∣guntum, and telling the Ambassadors, That upon a certain Sedition that happen'd some time ago in the said City, that the Romans being chosen to arbitrate their Differences, and to reduce the Citizens to Peace and Uni∣on, had unjustly animadverted on certain of the principal Inhabitants; which perfidious Action of theirs, he held himself oblig'd to see reveng'd; and that the Carthaginians in∣herited that Custom from their Ancestors, to procure Justice to be done to the Oppress'd. At the same time he sent to Carthage for In∣structions

how to proceed, while the Sagun∣tines, encourag'd by their Alliance with the Romans, acted many Outrages against those who were now under the Carthaginian sub∣jection. Thus Hannibal, transported by a violent Hatred, acted in every thing without consulting his Reason, and never troubling himself with the truth of Matters, founded Pretexts on false Suggestions; after the man∣ner of those, who, prepossess'd by their Pas∣sion, do what they have determin'd, without regard to Equity, or consideration of Ho∣nour: Otherwise, had it not been more plau∣sible to have demanded of the Romans the re∣stitution of Sardinia, and the Money so long paid them by the Carthaginians, which they had wrung from them during the Weakness and Calamities of the Republick; and in case of refusal, to declare War against them? But as he conceal'd the true Cause, and had re∣course to false Reasons for his Motive, it may be very justly suspected he enter'd into that War, not only without Reason, but against the Common Right of Nations.

Wherefore the Ambassadors departing, went to Carthage, there to expostulate about what had already past; albeit, now well assur'd, that War would ensue, tho' without any jea∣lousie it would break out in Italy, but in Spain rather, and that Saguntum would be as it were the Seat of Action; which they pro∣pos'd as a proper Fortress and Place of Arms:

This being the subject of the Senate's Delibe∣rations, who concluding it would be a War likely to be drawn out at length, and being in a remote Country, they resolv'd therefore to give first a Period to their Affairs in Illyria. For at that time Demetrius the Pharian for∣getting his Obligations to the Romans his Be∣nefactors, had given them some Marks of his Ingratitude, and understanding how they were molested by the Incursions of the Gauls, and were likely to have to do with the Car∣thaginians, made now little account of their Friendship, and plac'd his greatest hopes in the King of Macedon, and during the Cleo∣menick War had joyn'd with Antigonus. De∣metrius then resolv'd to pillage and reduce the Towns of Illyria under his Dominion, which were now in possession of the Romans; and having sail'd beyond Lissa with a Fleet of fifty Ships, contrary to the Articles of the Treaty, he ravag'd most of the Islands of the Cyclades. So that the Romans having notice of these Infractions, and being over and above well inform'd of the present Prosperity of the Macedonians, concluded that it behov'd them to have a careful Eye to their Affairs in the Provinces Eastward of Italy: Nor were they without hopes of defeating the Designs of Hannibal, of making the Illyrians to repent their Folly, and punishing the Perfidy and rash Behaviour of Demetrius. But these prov'd vain Deliberations, for Hannibal was

too much in earnest and prevented them, and in the mean time became Master of Saguntum, which Success was the cause that they were not only oblig'd to make War in Spain, but in Italy, for the defence of Rome it self. Howbeit the Romans, pursuant to their first Project, sent Lucius Aemilius into Illyria with an Army early in the Spring, being in the first Year of the hundred and fortieth Olym∣piad, at which time Hannibal parted with his Army from New Carthage towards Sa∣guntum.

This City is situate about a Mile from the Sea, at the foot of those Mountains which part Spain from Celtiberia. The Territory of Saguntum is very fertile, abounding in all sorts of excellent Fruits, wherein no part of Spain exceeds it. Hannibal sits down before it, and attacks it with so much the more di∣ligence, by how much he judg'd the redu∣cing such a Place by plain force, would great∣ly avail towards his compassing those Ends he had further meditated. In a word, he conceiv'd he should by that means deprive the Romans of all hope of making War in Spain; and further, made account, that ter∣rify'd by his Success, those he had already vanquish'd, would be thereby held in better Obedience, and preserve their Faith unbro∣ken; that those who were yet unconquer'd would stand in greater awe of his Power; and what was yet of greater consequence, he

should be able to advance his Enterprizes with more security, having no Enemy at his back. Furthermore he calculated, that the taking of this Town would yield him great Supplies of Treasure for carrying on the War; that his Army would be more at his Devotion, when he had enrich'd them with Booty; and that he should be enabled the better to purchase and establish his Interest among the Carthaginians, by distributing a∣mong them the Spoils of the Vanquish'd. These Reflections incited his Industry to press the Besieg'd with greater Application; so that becoming himself an Example to the Army, by working in the Trenches among the Soldiers, animating them in Person, mingling with them in all Hazards, and in∣cessantly attending the Labours of the Siege, he became in the space of eight Months, Ma∣ster of the Place. Great Booty was there taken both in Money, Prisoners, and rich Movables. The Treasure he took to himself for the Service of the War he had projected against the Romans; the Prisoners he distri∣buted to the Army in proportion to their Merit; and the rest he dispatch'd in Presents to his Friends in Carthage. Nor did Hanni∣bal make a wrong reckoning; for the Sol∣diers were oblig'd, and became more hardy in danger, and the Carthaginians were won to consent more readily to all his Proposi∣tions; and being himself now supply'd and

furnish'd with whatever he wanted, he pro∣secuted his Enterprizes with greater prompti∣tude.

About the same time Demetrius, having Intelligence of the Romans purpose, put with expedition a Garrison into Dimalus, which Place he supply'd with Stores of War and all things necessary; and after he had de∣stroy'd in the other Towns all those that were of the contrary Faction, and bestow'd the Governments on his Creatures, he se∣lected five thousand of the ablest Men from among his own Subjects, and plac'd them in Garrison in Pharus. In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria, where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus, and being further advis'd, that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken, he therefore resolv'd to begin his Campagne there, the better to terrifie and discourage the Enemy. After therefore he had exhorted his Army to be∣have themselves as they ought, and caus'd his Engines and Machines to approach in several places, he began the Siege, and in seven Days space took the Town. This Ce∣lerity of the Romans possess'd the Enemy with so much Fear, that they lost their Cou∣rage, and Deputies were immediately dis∣patch'd from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans; which

the Consul receiv'd respectively under certain Stipulations, and then made sail toward Pharus, where Demetrius then was. But being inform'd that the Place was strongly fortify'd, and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it, and the Town plentifully furnish'd with all things needful, he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work, bethought himself of this Stratagem; Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast, he landed most of his Troops, with direction to con∣ceal themselves in Woods, and Places proper to hide them from the view of the Enemy, and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Gallies only, in sight of the Town; Demetrius thereupon obser∣ving and contemning their number, marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing; so the Battel began, which was prosecuted with great obstinacy, Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows, insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison march'd out; in the mean while the Romans, who had landed in the Night, advanc'd, co∣vering themselves all they could in their march, and possess'd themselves of an Emi∣nence so situate, that it defended it self, be∣tween the Town and the Port, whereby they cut off the Enemies retreat to the Town. This being observ'd by Demetrius, he soon

disingag'd himself from those who attempted to land, and after he had rally'd and ani∣mated his Men, marches to attack the o∣thers, who had posted themselves on the Mountain.

The Romans therefore, seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them, met and charg'd them with unspeakable Resolution, while those that were landed attack'd them in the Rear. Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard press'd on all sides, the Army of De∣metrius, no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans, was put to flight; some of them escap'd to the Town, but the greatest part dispers'd themselves about the Island, covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places. Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had plac'd in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent, and departing by Night, retir'd to the Court of King Philip, (when every Body gave him for lost) in whose Service he ended his days. A hardy Man he was, but without Judgment, which appear'd by the manner of his Death; for endeavouring, pursuant to the King's Orders, to put him∣self into Messena, hazarding too far in that Attempt, he perish'd, as shall be shown in its proper place. As to the Consul, he forth∣with got possession of Pharus, which Town he presently demolished. In short, after he had reduc'd the whole Kingdom of Illyria to

Obedience, and perform'd all things in that Expedition to his own Mind, he return'd to∣ward the end of the Summer to Rome, where he obtain'd a magnificent Triumph, and ac∣quir'd the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader.

The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum, deliberated no longer about entering into the War, as some Authors have said, who pretend to have recorded the Opi∣nions of both Parties, and have most absurdly reason'd thereupon; for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be unde∣termin'd about the War, when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hosti∣lity whensoever the Carthaginians should at∣tempt any Violence against the Saguntines, whose City they had now destroy'd? And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us, That the Senate was in great Consternation; adding, that twelve Youths, not exceeding the Age of twelve Years, be∣ing introduc'd into the Senate by their Fa∣thers, and being privy to what had been there resolv'd, discover'd not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret? This too certainly hath a great appearance of Fal∣shood, unless it can be made appear, that over and above their many other Advantages, For∣tune had endu'd the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors.

But we have remark'd enough of these sort of Writings; namely, such as have been publish'd by Chaereas and Sosilus, who, ac∣cording to the Judgment I am able to make, have deliver'd nothing that merits the name of History; but ought to be held as Fables and Tales, such as are vulgarly told to en∣tertain the People. The Romans then recei∣ving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum, in violation of the Treaty, made choice of Ambassadors for that Service, and dispatch'd them to Carthage, with Instructions to propose two Conditions; whereof the one menac'd the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour, the other with a dangerous and doubtful War: For they demanded, either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be deliver'd up to the discretion of the Romans; or in case of refusal, a War to be forthwith declar'd. When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage, and had audience of the Senate, they deliver'd their Message, which was but coldly receiv'd by the Carthaginians: Ne∣vertheless, one of their Senators who was best qualify'd, was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Pro∣ceedings; but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal, no more than if such a Treaty had never been; at least he told them, That if such an Agreement had been made, it was of no validity, as being transacted without the privity or consent of

the People and Senate of Carthage. And an Example was produc'd of the like practice of the Romans, touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War; which, in a word, Lutatius had ratify'd, when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome, as not having been done by their allowance. They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace, and referr'd particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War; wherein they maintain'd, That no mention was made of Spain, but reservation only of the Allies of either Party, which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty. They further proceeded to show, that Sagun∣tum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans; which the better to prove, they caus'd the Articles of that Treaty to be pub∣lickly read. As to the Romans, they re∣ply'd, That the Argument was not a dispute about Words, and that regard was to be had only to the truth of Fact; namely, whe∣ther Saguntum had been attack'd and taken, or no? For if Matters had remain'd in the posture wherein they were, Words might suffice to finish the Dispute; but that City being now taken, whereby the Treaty was become violated, they were oblig'd either to deliver up the Authors of that Infraction, which would witness to the World, That the Carthaginians were guiltless of the Fault

that had been committed, and that Hannibal had of his own head, without their privity, acte•• that violence; or in case they refus'd, and, on the contrary, were dispos'd to own themselves Accessaries with Hannibal; that they then would do well in one word to explain themselves, and put an issue to the Dispute. Thus the Romans ended their Dis∣course, speaking nothing but in general Terms. And here I cannot well omit what I am about to say, to the end those whom it imports to be rightly instructed in Occur∣rences, may not be kept in ignorance of the Truth in deliberations of Moment; and that the Lovers of History, misled by the Errors or Passions of Historians, may not lose them∣selves through want of light into the Trea∣ties, which have been made between the Ro∣mans and Carthaginians, since the first Punick War.

The first Treaty that was made between them, was concluded during the Consulship of Junius Brutus, and Marcus Horatius, who were the first Roman Consuls after the expul∣sion of their Kings, at the time of the Con∣secration of the Temple of Jupiter Capitoli∣nus, which was eight and twenty Years be∣fore the Voyage of Xerxes into Greece. We shall here record the very Words of the said Treaty, which we have interpreted with all the Fidelity we are able; for in truth the ancient Roman Language is so different from

what is now spoken, that those who are most conversant therein, find difficulty enough to explain certain hard Places, after the expence of much Time and Study. The said first Treaty is conceiv'd in the following Terms:

There shall be Peace and Friendship be∣tween the Romans, and the Allies of the Ro∣mans, and between the Carthaginians, and the Allies of the Carthaginians, on the follow∣ing Conditions; viz. That the Romans, and the Allies of the Romans, shall not navigate beyond the Fair Promontory, unless constrain'd by Tempest, or an Enemy. If at any time they shall chance to be forc'd a-shoar, they shall not be permitted to buy any thing, nor take any thing but what they need for repairing their Vessels, and for their Sacrifices. That none shall make longer stay a-shoar than five Days. That those who shall come as Merchants, shall pay no other Duty than what is allow'd to the Common Cryer and Register: That these two Officers shall make Affidavit of what shall be bought and sold in their presence, as well in Africa as Sardinia. If the Romans shall chance at any time to visit such Places in Sicily, a•• are in subjection to the Carthaginians, they shall not suffer any molestation whatsoever, but shall have Justice done them in all things. That the Carthaginians shall attempt nothing against the Ardiates, the Antiates, the Are∣tines, those of Laurentum, of Circe, and of

Tarracina; nor, in a word, any of the Latins whomsoever that shall be in subjection to the Romans; nor shall they attempt any of their Towns, that are under the Roman Protection; and in case they should at any time make sei∣zure of any Town, they shall restore the same to the Romans without any damage. That they shall not build either Fort or Citadel in the Country of the Latins; and in case they should at any time invade their Lands in hostile manner, they shall not remain a Night among them.

The Promontory, here call'd the Fair Pro∣montory, is near Carthage, tending toward the North; the Carthaginians not permitting the Romans to navigate to the Southwards of that, unwilling, I believe, that they should obtain any knowledge of the Places and Country a∣bout Byzaces, or the Lesser Syrtis, where that Territory is call'd the Empories, by reason of the great Fertility of these Parts; that if any one, compell'd by Tempest, or the Ene∣my, should chance to touch there, and should want Necessaries for the resitting of their Ves∣sels, or for their Sacrifices, these were per∣mitted them, but nothing was to be taken by force; and that those who should so land, should be oblig'd to depart in five Days. But the Romans were permitted to have Trade and Commerce with Carthage, and the rest of Africk on this side the said Promontory, as

likewise in Sardinia, and in those Places in Sicily, that were under the Dominion of the Carthaginians: In which Intercourse, the Carthaginians promise to do Justice to all, and not to violate the Rights of any. Nay, it ap∣pears by this Treaty, that the Carthaginians spake of Sardinia, and of Africa, as of their own Dominions; but they speak differently of Sicily, distinguishing plainly between what was, and what was not in subjection to them in that Island: In like manner the Romans, in the same Treaty, speak of the Country of the Latins, not making mention of the rest of Italy, as not being then under their Do∣minion.

In short, these two People came after to a∣nother Treaty, wherein the Carthaginians compriz'd the Tyrians, and those of Ʋtica; but with adding to the Fair Promontory Mastia and Tarseius, not permitting the Romans to build Towns, nor ravage the Country beyond it. See the Treaty it self.

That the Romans, and their Allies, shall have Friendship and Confederacy with the Peo∣ple of Carthage, together with the Tyrians; and those of Utica, and their Allies, on condi∣tion that they exercise no Hostility, nor ma∣nage any Commerce or Traffick, nor build any Towns beyond the Fair Promontory, Mastia, or Tarseius: That if the Carthaginians shall take any Town in the Territory of the Latins

that is not in the Roman Protection, they shall enjoy the Pillage thereof; but the Town shall be restor'd, and put into the hands of the Romans. That if the Carthaginians shall at any time take any Prisoners with whom the Romans are in Amity by any Treaty; and albeit they are not in subjection to the Romans, they shall not bring the said Persons into any Port of the Romans; and that in case any such Prisoner should be so brought and discover'd, he shall, upon being challeng'd, be forthwith releas'd and set at liberty. That the Romans shall be treated in the same manner, in the Ports de∣pending on the Carthaginians. That if the Romans shall put in at any Port of the Cartha∣ginians Dependants to take in Water and Re∣freshment, not any of those who are compriz'd in this Treaty of Friendship, shall offer them any Injury or Molestation; if otherwise, the Crime shall be understood to be a Publick Breach of the Treaty. As to Sardinia and A∣frica, the Romans shall have no Commerce there, where they shall neither traffick, build Towns; nor, in a word, so much as attempt to land on these Coasts, unless it be to supply their Necessities, and refit their Ships. That if in case any shall be compell'd by Tempest, or other∣wise, to take Refuge in their Ports, they shall depart in five Days; but that the Romans shall have free intercourse to traffick; buy, and sell in any of the Towns in Sicily, under the Do∣minion of the Carthaginians, and in the City of

Carthage it self; where they shall enjoy the same Rights and Privileges with the Citizens of Carthage; and the Carthaginians shall have right to the like Treatment in Rome.

The Carthaginians seem by this Treaty to make it yet more evident, that they accoun∣ted of Sardinia and Africa as their own, and so it was no injury to the Romans to be by them forbidden any intercourse there. On the other hand, when they make mention of Sicily, they use another Stile, speaking of the Places only in that Island that paid Obe∣dience to the Carthaginians. The Romans ex∣plaining themselves after the same manner, when they speak of the Territory of the La∣tins, stipulating that no Injury shall be done to the Ardiates, Antiates, those of Circe and Tarracina, which are Maritime Towns on the Coast of the Latins, and were compre∣hended in that Treaty.

The last Treaty, that was enter'd into by these two People, was made about the time that Pyrrhus invaded Italy, before the Car∣thaginians enter'd into the War, which they wag'd for the Dominion of Sicily. The Ar∣ticles were transcrib'd from those that went before, saving that they added these that fol∣low: That if the People of Rome, or the Car∣thaginians, shall chance to enter into Alliance with Pyrrhus, they shall however mutually as∣sist each other in case of eithers being invaded

by the Enemy; and whichsoever of them shall stand in need of Succours, the Carthaginians shall furnish Vessels of Transport for that Ser∣vice, as likewise for the War: That each Par∣ty shall pay their own Troops respectively: That the Carthaginians shall lend Aid to the Romans by Sea, if they shall need it; but that neither Party shall at any time compel the other to put to Sea with their Vessels.

In short, the Oath of Ratification was made after this manner: The Carthaginians first swore by the Gods of their Country; and the Romans, after their own ancient Custom, swore by a Stone, and then by Mars. Be∣hold how they swore by the Stone: The He∣rauld who took the Oath, after having sworn in behalf of the Publick, takes up a Stone, and then pronounces these words: If I keep my Faith, may the Gods vouchsafe their Assi∣stance, and give me success: If on the con∣trary I violate it, then may the other Party be entirely safe, and preserv'd in their Coun∣try, in their Laws, in their Possessions; and in a word, in all their Rights and Liberties; and may I perish and fall alone, as now this Stone does. And then he lets the Stone fall out of his Hand.

If such Treaties were then usual, and that the Aediles had them in their keeping in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, engrav'd in Plates of Copper, is it not strange that not only Philinus the Historian should be igno∣rant

of this Custom, but that many of the ancient Romans and Carthaginians, (other∣wise esteem'd well vers'd in Publick Affairs) should be likewise totally to seek therein? But for him with confidence to affirm, that it was agreed in that Treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, that the Romans should entirely abandon Sicily, and the Carthagini∣ans Italy, and that this Treaty was violated by the Romans, when they pass'd over into Sicily, tho' it be most certain that such a Stipulation never was, and that there be not the least shadow of ground to believe there ever was any such Treaty; yet our Histori∣an fairly records it, as may be seen in his Se∣cond Book, whereof having already said some∣thing in the beginning of this our Work, we forbore then to enlarge thereon, and now observe that many having been misled by this Author, have been paid with Falshoods in∣stead of Truth. And certainly whosoever condemns the Voyage of the Romans into Sicily, let it be cover'd with never so fair Pre∣texts, their making Alliance with the Mamer∣tines, and shortly after yielding them the Suc∣cours they demanded, notwithstanding they had criminally surpriz'd Rhegium and Messina, they may perhaps herein have reason to blame their proceeding. But when they believe the Romans pass'd into Sicily, contrary to their Oath, and in violation of the Treaty, they are manifestly deceiv'd.

Another Treaty was made at the determi∣nation of the War in Sicily, the principal Conditions whereof being as followeth: That the Carthaginians shall retire out of Sicily, and out of all the Islands betwixt that and Italy: That the Allies of neither Party shall be injur'd or molested by either of them: That the one shall have no Authority in the others Dominions, where they shall neither build any Fortress, nor levy Soldiers for the War: That neither shall enter into Confede∣racy with those with whom the other is in Al∣liance? That the Carthaginians shall pay, within the space of ten Tears, the sum of two thousand two hundred Talents, whereof one thousand in hand, and shall enlarge all the Roman Prisoners Ranson-free.

Upon the Romans decreeing War against them, after their misfortunes with their Mer∣cenaries in Africk, these Articles were added to the above Treaty: That the Carthaginians shall abandon the Island of Sardinia, and shall further pay the summ of one thousand two hun∣dred Talents, as we have already noted. All these Treaties preceded that which was made with Asdrubal in Spain, which was the very last wherein it was stipulated, That the Car∣thaginians should not pass their Arms beyond the River Eber. These are the sum of all the Treaties that were made between the Ro∣mans and Carthaginians, from the first Punick War to that of Hannibal.

And now since no Proof appears, that the Romans violated their Faith by their Voyage into Sicily; so in their Acquisition of Sardi∣nia, according to the Articles of Peace, no Pretext or shadow of any Cause can be dis∣cover'd of the Second Punick War. While no Body questions but the Carthaginians de∣serted Sardinia, and parted with those vast sums of Money, being unrighteously com∣pell'd thereunto during the Calamity of their Affairs. In short, the Romans do but trifle when they tell us for a Reason, that many of their Poople who held Commerce in Afri∣ca had been ill treated by the Carthaginians; that difference having been amicably com∣pos'd upon the Carthaginians setting all those at liberty, who had been detain'd in their Ports; in acknowledgment whereof the Ro∣mans also quitted all their Carthaginian Priso∣ners without Ransom, as hath been observ'd in our First Book. Matters then standing thus, it will behove us to inquire, which of these two People gave occasion for the War of Hannibal.

We have already recited the Carthaginians Reasons, and shall now observe what the Ro∣mans have to say for themselves. True it is, that albeit the Romans were highly provok'd at the destruction of Saguntum, nevertheless they did not then show their Resentments. Afterwards indeed, they and many others be∣sides would often say, That they ought not

to understand the TTreaty of Asdrubal to be void, as the Carthaginians are bold to say; for this Clause was added in that made by Lutatius: That it should be firm and inviola∣ble if the People of Rome ratify'd it. But Asdrubal's Peace was confirm'd by an ample and plenary Authority, wherein it was accor∣ded, That the Carthaginians should not make War on the other side the Eber. Now as to the Treaty that was made touching Sicily, that was conceiv'd as they themselves confess in these terms, —That the Allies of the one and the other Party should not be at∣tack'd or molested by either.— Not only those who were at that time in the Con∣federacy, as the Carthaginians would under∣stand it, for these terms were added,—That it shall not be permitted to make new Alliances, or to exclude from the Treaty, those who were receiv'd into their Alliance, after that Peace was concluded. But forasmuch as neither the one, nor the other Article was added to the Treaty, 'tis but just to believe, that all the Confederates of one and the other People, those who were at that time Ally'd, and those who were afterwards receiv'd into the Confe∣deracy were comprehended therein, and that neither the one nor the other Party ought to molest them. For, in short, who would en∣ter into terms of such restraint whereby they became bound up from making choice of such for Friends and Allies, whose Friendship

and Alliance should be found profitable, or by which they should be oblig'd to relinquish their new Confederates upon any Outrage acted on them by the other Party? My Opi∣nion therefore is, that the intention both of the one and other People in that Treaty is to be understood, that the one should not injure the Allies of the other; and that by no means the one Party was permitted to con∣tract Alliance with the Confederates of the other; and in a word, that which follows ought to be interpreted of any new Alliances that should be made in times succeeding — That the one Party shall not levy Men for the War, nor exercise any Authority in any of the Provinces of the others Dominions, or those of their Allies, who shall not be disturb'd by the one or the other Party.

This being so, it is likewise manifest, that the Saguntines were in Alliance with the Ro∣mans long before Hannibal's time, whereof the Carthaginians afford us good testimony: For upon a Sedition which happen'd in the City of Saguntum, they refus'd to make the Carthaginians Judges and Umpires of their Differences, albeit they were their Neigh∣bours; for they had at that time establish'd their Authority in Spain, but made choice of the Romans, by whose Arbitration their Dis∣orders were compos'd. And now if it be alledg'd, That the Destruction of Saguntum was the cause of that War, we must then ne∣cessarily

determine, That the Carthaginians began a very unjust War, whether regard be had either to the Treaty of Lutatius, where∣by both Parties became mutually bound to offer no violence to their respective Allies; or whether in regard to that of Asdrubal, wherein it was not permitted to the Cartha∣ginians to pass the River Eber. But then, on the other hand, if the cause of the War shall be attributed to the business of Sardinia, which was violently wrested by the Romans from the Carthaginians, together with the Money which was forcibly drawn from them, it will then be but justice to confess, That the Carthaginians did not unrighteously in entering on the War made by Hannibal: For as the Romans improv'd the occasion of the Carthaginians Distresses whereby to molest them, they did no more than lay hold on the like Opportunity against the Romans, when it serv'd their purpose.

It is not unlikely but that those who read not History with due Judgment, will be apt to tell me, That it seems a superfluous Work, to tarry thus long on the Subject we have been treating: If therefore such a one there be, whose Abilities can arm him against all Acci∣dents, and who by the light of his own Un∣derstanding can penetrate every thing; to such I grant indeed, That the recounting of past Adventures may entertain him, tho' it ministers little or nothing to his Instruction.

But while we may safely doubt whether there be any such Man, as can with assurance so determine in his own private Affairs, or in what regards the Publick; inasmuch as let the present state of his Fortune be never so prosperous, if he be a Man of sound Sence, he will not over-boldly pronounce touching the future. I will therefore take upon me to say, That a right knowledge of Things past, is not only delightful, but necessary: For whether we are invaded either in our private Capacity, or in our Country, How shall we be able to have recourse for succour, and ac∣quire and obtain Friends at need, if we have never contemplated any thing but the pre∣sent? Or how shall we be enabled to add to what we have already conceiv'd, or propose to enter into War? How shall we be qualify'd to engage others to take part with us, and fa∣vour our Enterprizes? And how, in a word, while we amuse our selves with present things, shall we be qualify'd to engage our own Sub∣jects to acquiesce roadily to such new Forms and Establishments in the State, as we shall suggest, while we remain ignorant of past Times, whence we are to derive our Argu∣ments? For Mankind, for the most part, is govern'd by the nearest Objects; and we are aptest to be led to imitate present Examples, not reflecting how hard it is to judge of Men's Minds by their present Words and Comportments, modern Truth being for the

most part disguis'd and wrapp'd in Clouds, while the Actions of our Ancestors declare manifestly, and conduct us to the knowledge of their Thoughts and Purposes, and tells and informs us from whom we ought to expect good Offices and Succours in our Distresses, and of whom we ought to suspect the con∣trary; who are likeliest to be touch'd with our Misfortunes, who will be likeliest to re∣sent the Injuries we may receive, and engage to do us right. These are Points, without Controversie, of mighty importance in the Conduct of our Life, whether with regard to our private Fortune, or the Administration of the Publick. Therefore it is, that neither those who write History, nor those who read it, should so much rest on the account of the Actions themselves, as the things that prece∣ded, or that occurr'd at the same time, or succeeded them. For if History be defective in the Causes and Original of the Things we contemplate, the means by which they were brought to pass, and the end for which they were executed; and that if it be not made evident to our Understanding, how and in what proportion Events hold and bear with the Actions that have been perform'd, all be∣side this will be found it may be a delightful Entertainment; but no Profit or Instruction can result from it for our future guidance.

And if perchance any one should be of O∣pinion, That this our Work will find but few Readers, or such as will give it entertainment, by reason of the number and bulk of the Books it contains; yet this would happen on∣ly to those, who want discernment in the dif∣ference between purchasing and studying for∣ty Books digested in order, and which regu∣larly instruct the Reader by one continu'd Thread of Discourse in the Transactions of Sicily and Africa, from the time when Timae∣us puts an end to his History of Pyrrhus, down to the taking of Carthage; and of all Occurrences in other Quarters of the World, from the flight of Cleomenes King of Sparta, to the time wherein the Battel was fought be∣tween the Romans and Achaians, on the Bor∣ders of Peloponnesus. I say, they do not rightly consider the difference betwixt read∣ing such a General History, and the search∣ing after the several Books of other Authors, who have treated the same things distinctly and apart; for over and above that these Writings exceed what we have deliver'd both in number and measure, the fruit they yield for our Instruction will be less: For first, those Authors, do not always agree in their Ac∣counts of the same matters of Fact; and then they touch not on any contemporary Occur∣rences: And, after all, when you come to conferr them together, you shall be oblig'd to make another Judgment of what they re∣report

so compar'd, than when you study and consider them singly and distinctly one from the other. Furthermore, that sort of History never arrives at the principal point of Utility; namely, to show (as we but now observ'd) what was the issue of such and such Actions, what was contemporary and principally the Causes of Events, which is that which ani∣mates the Body of History.

For to exemplify in our History, it will appear how the War of Philip gave occasion to that of Antiochus; and that of Hannibal, to the War of Philip; and the War of Sicily, to the Hanniballick, or second Punick War. In a word, by the study of General History, we easily arrive at the knowledge of many important Things that come to pass during such Wars, which contribute to the War them∣selves, and which by no means is attainable by the study of particular History; as name∣ly, in the Macedonian War against Perseus or Philip; unless we can imagine it possible to be entirely instructed in the Art. of War, upon reading only in History the description of Battels. But since this cannot be, I may presume to say, That this our Undertaking may be justly reckon'd as much superiour to Relations of single or particular Occurrences, as certain Knowledge is more noble than meer∣ly to discourse by hear-say.

But to proceed: The Roman Ambassadors having heard the Carthaginians Reasons, made no other Answer than this: The gravest a∣mong them, pointing to his Bosom, told those of the Senate who were present, That they had brought with them both Peace and War; and, That it was left to the Carthaginians e∣lection to take which they pleas'd. To which the principal Senators reply'd, That they were willing to give the Romans the preference in the Choice. Whereupon the Ambassadors re∣ply'd, That they then made War their Choice: Which the majority of the Senate accepted with Acclamations; whereupon they were dismiss'd.

In the mean while Hannibal, who held his Winter-Quarters at New-Carthage, gave leave to his Spanish Soldiers to retire to their respe∣ctive Habitations, the better to dispose them to his service, when he should have occasion to call upon them. In short, he furnish'd As∣drubal his Brother with Instructions how to comport himself in his Government of Spain, in his absence; and in what manner he was to defend himself against the Romans, in case they should chance to separate. After this, his next chief care was to provide for the safety of Africk; and by a singular foresight and sagacity of Judgment, he supply'd Spain with Soldiers from Africk, and Africk with the like from Spain, the better to engage and tie those two People, as it were, by mutual

Bonds, together. Those that were trans∣ported into Africk, were the Thersites, the Mastians, and the Olcades, and some Spani∣ards of the Mountains, composing altogether an Army of twelve hundred Horse, and thir∣teen thousand Foot. There were likewise Soldiers from the Baleares, who were a sort of Slingers; to whom, together with their Island, the Greeks gave that Name from the kind of Sling they us'd. It was found expe∣dient to place the greatest part of these Troops in Metagonia, a Country and Promontory of Africk; and some were receiv'd into the City of Carthage it self. They likewise drew out of the Metagonian Territory three thousand Foot, who were sent to keep Garrison in New-Carthage, and to remain likewise as Hostages, But with Asdrubal in Spain he left fifty Quin∣que-reme Gallies, two Quadriremes, and five of Three Banks; of which number there were two and thirty of the Quinque-remes, and two Triremes that were equipp'd for War. He likewise left him four hundred and fifty African Horse, and of Liby-Phoenicians, a People mix'd of Africans and Phoenicians; three hundred Lorgites; eighteen hundred Numidians; Massyles, Massaesyles, Macians and Mauritanians who inhabit the Sea-Coast, eleven thousand eight hundred Foot; three hun∣dred Ligurians, five hundred Balearians, and one and twenty Elephants. And here let it not seem a Wonder, that we have undertaken

to treat of Hannibal's proceeding at that time in Spain; thus minutely descending to so many particulars, that even those who had a share in the Conduct of those Affairs could not be thought to observe things more narrowly: Nor let me be condemn'd, if herein I imitate those, who to gain Belief and Credit with their Readers mingle their Falshoods with the like Particularities: For it being my lot at Lacinium to peruse there the engrav'd Tables, or Records of Copper, left by Hannibal du∣ring his abode in Italy, I made no difficulty to copy the Contents, since there was no rea∣son to doubt the verity thereof.

When Hannibal had well provided for the safety of Spain and Africk, he then turn'd his Mind wholly to the business of some new Enterprizes, while he attended the return of his Ambassadors, who had been dispatch'd to the Gauls, for he well knew that the Coun∣try at the foot of the Alpes, and about the River Po was very fertile, and abounding in brave People given to War; and what was yet more to his wish, implacable haters of the Romans ever since the War they made on them. But of this we have expresly treated in our preceding Book, to the end to help the Reader to a clearer conception of what was to follow. Hannibal then us'd his utmost Dili∣gence, and imploy'd all his Forces to advance his purpose; he promis'd every thing libe∣rally; he sent frequent Dispatches to the se∣veral

Princes of the Gauls, inhabiting on this side the Alpes, and in the Mountains them∣selves; conceiving it wou'd be a main step towards a happy issue of the War against the Romans, to compass his passage through those Countries we have nam'd; and that after ha∣ving surmounted the many difficulties of a long march, to be able to ingage the Gauls to take part with him and joyn in the Enter∣prize, as he had labour'd to bring to pass. In short, after he had receiv'd an account by his Messengers, that the Gauls accorded to his Proposal, and expected him with impatience; and after they had inform'd him, that tho' the Passage of those Mountains was difficult, yet that it was not insuperable; he began to move his Army out of their Winter Quarters early in the Spring. And having receiv'd in∣telligence of what had been determin'd at Carthage, his Hopes were greatly augmented, and beholding now his Purposes fortify'd by the concurrence of his Fellow-Citizens, he be∣gan openly to discourse of making War upon the Romans; and to exhort the Soldiers chear∣fully to ingage therein, he told them, that the Romans had the Impudence publickly to demand, that both he and his Chief Officers should be deliver'd up to them; he laid before them likewise the Fertility of the Country in∣to which he would lead them, the Good-will of the Gauls, and the Confederacy he had made with them; and when the Army had

loudly proclaim'd their readiness to march whithersoever he was dispos'd to command them, and he had gratefully applauded their chearful Behaviour, and had prefix'd the Day for their march, he dismiss'd the Assem∣bly.

After he had duly provided for the securi∣ty of Africk and Spain, and had spent the Winter in all necessary Deliberations, upon the Day he had appointed, the Army took the Field, consisting of fourscore and ten thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse. After he had pass'd the River Eber he reduc'd the Illyrgeti and Bargusians, the Aerenosians, and the Andosins or Ausetans, People that in∣habit and spread as far as to the Pyraeneans. He took likewise sundry Towns by force, which he effected in a short time, and even beyond his hopes; but these Successes cost him some hard Conflicts, wherein he lost ma∣ny Men. In short, he establish'd Hanno Go∣vernour of the Country on this side the Eber, and order'd that he should have likewise the Government of the Bargusians, of which Peo∣ple he had the greatest Jealousie, as having been in Amity with the Romans; and appoin∣ted ten thousand Foot and one thousand Horse to be drawn out of the Army, to be left un∣der his Command; committing likewise to his keeping the weighty Baggage of the whole Army that march'd with him; the like num∣ber he sent to their own Home, that by that

means he might confirm the Affections of those to whom he gave that Licence, and afford hopes to the others, who adventured with him to return one day to their Native Country; and that those, who were already in Arms, as such of the Natives who remain'd hitherto at ease in their Houses, might yield readier obedience to his Summons into Italy, if there should happen any occasion to call upon them to recruit his Forces. So the Army march'd light, and disincumber'd of Baggage to the number of Fifty thousand Foot, and Nine thousand Horse, which he lead over the Pyrenaeans, in order to their passing the Rhosne. This was no very nu∣merous Army, but they were good Men, and had been long train'd, and in continual Action during the Wars in Spain.

But forasmuch as our History will be in danger of obscurity, should we omit the ne∣cessary description of Places; it seems there∣fore behoveful that we here describe, from the place of Hannibal's departure, the vast extent of ground he travers'd, and what Coun∣tries and Nations he visited in his march into Italy. For I hold it not enough barely to set down the names of Rivers and Cities, as is the method of some Writers, who imagine there is nothing more requir'd; and that the knowledge of things is attain'd meerly by their Names: While, for my own part, I conceive it sit to observe, that as 'tis true,

that with respect to places and things we already know, the naming only may suffice to renew the Notices of them in the Memo∣ry; yet where we are totally in the dark, I reckon it equally as useless to insist barely on the Names, as to rehearse a certain number of Words that have no signification: For while the Mind is destitute of the means to conceive rightly of what is the Subject of our Contemplation, and is not inabled to apply what we hear to something that we know, we gather no more Fruit from such a Discourse, than if it were spoken to a deaf Ear. It will import us then to propose some certain method whereby we may be able to give right and easie Images of things, when we deliver Matter whereof the Understanding hath not yet taken the least Impression. The first and most general receiv'd Notion, and that which (as one may say) is common to Mankind, is the repartition that we have made of the Heavens, whereby we assign the seat and position of the respective Climates and Regions: For who, the most stupid, doth not know, East and West, North and South? The next Notion is, that by assigning to those repartitions in the Heavens certain di∣visions of such a position here on Earth, as are subjected to those above, whereby we ar∣rive at a sort of Science of those Places and Countries, which we have never seen, and otherwise know nothing of. This Proposi∣tion

is only touching the Earth in general: What is next to be done, is to instruct the Reader to make the same division (as far as we know) of the Earth, which is understood to be distributed into the principal Parts; as namely, Asia, Africk, and Europe; then, that these three are bounded by the Tanais, the Nile, and the Streight of Hercules. Asia extends from the River Nile, Eastward and Southward. Africk stretcheth from the Nile towards Hercules Pillars, then extends South∣ward, and South-westward to the Equino∣ctial. In short, these two Parts, with re∣spect to the whole Globe, contain that entire proportion of Continent to the Southward of Mediterranean Sea, stretching from East to West.

As to Europe, its situation is Northward, in opposite position to the other two, and is continu'd, as it were, in a Line from East to West. The principal and greatest part thereof hath Northerly Situation, lying be∣tween the River Tanais, and that of Narbona, which, on the Western part is not far from Marseilles, and the Mouth of the Rhosne, near which that River empties it self into the Sar∣dinian Sea.

The Celtae inhabit all the Country in the Neighbourhood of Narbona, and spread from thence to the Pyrenaeans, which are a Chain of Mountains, continu'd from our Sea quite to the great Ocean: The other parts of Eu∣rope

running from those Hills to the utmost West, and to the Pillars of Hercules, are in a great measure bounded by our Sea, and that of the Ocean; that Portion thereof which borders on our Sea, to Hercules-Pillars, is called Iberia; but that which is wash'd by the main Ocean remains yet without a Name; it being not long since any discovery has been made thereof, and found to be inhabi∣ted by many barbarous Nations, whereof we shall have occasion to speak in particular, in the pursuit of our History.

In short, as it is not yet known whether Aethiopia, Africk, and Asia are join'd, and in one continu'd Continent, extending to the South, or be inviron'd by the Sea; so like∣wise all that Tract of Land, contain'd be∣tween the Tanais and Narbona, towards the North, is to us at this day totally unknown. And those who speak or write otherwise, are to be held only as Reporters of Fables, amu∣sing us with the Effects of their own Dreams and Visions.

Thus much I have thought needful to say, the better to qualifie those who are not over conversant in Geography, to study our Histo∣ry with greater Profit; and to the end they may arrive with more Facility at the know∣ledge of what they are yet to know, by con∣ferring them with things whereof they are already inform'd; and as to what relates, at least, to the general distribution of the Parts,

they may be taught to apprehend rightly of the Regions below from the position of the Climates above. For as it is ordinary with us to turn our Eyes towards the Object that is pointed to us to observe; so in proportion to the evidence, whereby things are set be∣fore the Understanding, by Words or Discourse, the Mind conceives and becomes enligh∣tened.

But to return from our digression: The Carthaginians were, in those times, Masters of all that tract of Country in Africk, that runs along the Coast of our Sea, from the Philaenian Altars, which are by the great Syrtis, to the Streight of Hercules Pillars; which Dominion contains above six hundred Leagues in length. They had now likewise carry'd their Conquests into Spain, being on the other side the Streight, which divides the two Continents, having subdu'd that Country intirely, as far as the Promontory or Rock in our Sea, which terminates the Pyrenaean Hills, that are the boundaries be∣tween the Gauls and Spaniards: This Acqui∣sition extending at least three hundred Leagues in length, from Hercules Pillars to New Carthage, from whence Hannibal set out on his Expedition to Italy, is computed about one hundred and twenty Leagues. This Town we call, according to some, New Car∣thage; it being, by others, call'd Cainopolis, or the New Town. From thence, to the

River Eber, it is at least one hundred Leagues; from the Eber to Emporium, about sixty Leagues; and thence to the Passage of the Rhosne, near the same distance: but these distances the Romans have set down in their Miles, each Mile containing eight Stades or Furlongs.

It is computed from the Passage of the Rhosne, up towards the head of the River, to the beginning of the Alpes, which lead into Italy, about seventy Leagues, without taking in the way in the Mountains, which is reckon'd fifty Leagues; from whence you descend into Italy, coming into a Campaigne Country, water'd by the River Po; so the March of Hannibal from New Carthage into Italy, will amount to about three hundred and forty Leagues. And now, if we take only the length of the way into our conside∣ration, Hannibal had already perform'd half his Journey; but when the difficulties yet be∣hind come to be weigh'd, the worst, by much, will be found yet remaining.

Hannibal therefore labour'd his utmost to get the Pyrenaeans at his back, being not without suspicion of the fidelity of the Gauls, doubting lest they should block up his pas∣sage which he found difficult enough with∣out encountring other Impediments. In the mean time, after the Romans were inform'd by their Ambassadors, whom they had sent to Carthage, of all that had pass'd, and had

been determin'd there; and receiving notice earlier than they expected, of Hannibal's pas∣sing the Eber, they decreed that Publius Cornelius Scipio should be dispatch'd into Spain, and Tiberius Sempronius into Africk. But while they were busied about their Le∣vies, and the necessary Preparations for the War, they le••t not, however, to prosecute another design they had before in hand; namely, to dispatch Colonies to the Coun∣try of the Cis-Alpine Gauls. They proceed∣ed likewise, with great diligence to begirt their Towns with Walls, ordering those who were ordain'd for the Colonies, which a∣mounted to about six thousand, who were to People the two Towns, that were to be built, to be at the Rendezvouse within the space of thirty days. One of which Towns they plac'd on this side the Po, and gave it the name of Placentia; the other beyond the River, which they call'd Cremona. These Colonies were hardly arriv'd; when the Boians (who endeavour'd nothing more ar∣dently than to break with the Romans; but for want of a proper conjuncture, had not yet attempted any thing) hearing of the approach of the Carthaginians, began to con∣ceive new hopes; and abandoning their Hostages, which had been given to the Ro∣mans at the end of the War (which was ob∣serv'd in our preceding Book) revolted, and took Arms against them. These drew like∣wise

to their side the Insubrians, who were easily lead to take part with them, out of an ancient hatred they bare to the Romans. So they march'd out, and fell to spoil the new planted Territories, and advancing after those, who had fled to Modena for Succour, pursu'd them thither, and there besieg'd them; where likewise were shut up the three Commissioners, who had been sent to con∣duct the Colonies, and set out the Lands, Men of great account; the one Caius Luta∣tius, who had been Consul, and the two o∣thers Praetors: These propos'd to come to some Treaty, which the Boians seem'd to ac∣cept; but when they adventur'd out to de∣bate about the Terms, they brake their word, and seiz'd their Persons, perswading them∣selves that with such a gauge, they should be able to preserve their Hostages. Upon notice of these Stirs, Lucius Manlius the Praetor, who then commanded an Army in those Parts, march'd to their Relief with all the speed he could. But the Enemy getting no∣tice of his approach, laid an Ambush in a certain Forest in his way, where the Romans had no sooner entred, when the Boians fell upon them, attacking them on all sides, and putting the greatest part to the Sword, the rest ••led, and having gain'd the Hills, there made a stand, and with difficulty enough de∣fended themselves, but at length made a good Retreat. Tho' the Boians left not the

pursuit till they had chas'd them into a Town call'd Tanetus, which some call Canetus, where they block'd them up. When the news came to Rome, that the fourth Legion was thus besieg'd by the Boians, they order'd the Ro∣man Legion that had been appointed to Pub∣lius to march to their Relief, giving the Com∣mand thereof to the Praetor Lucius Atilius, with orders to raise more Troops among their Allies. This is the account of what was transacted in Gaul, after the War broke out, to the arrival of Hannibal; the state of Mat∣ters in that Province being such as was before related, and as we but now deliver'd.

Early in the Spring the Roman Consuls, having made due provision of all things ne∣cessary to put their Purposes in execution, embark'd for their respective Governments, Publius steering towards Spain with sixty Ves∣sels, and Tiberius Sempronius with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty; whose Mind was so inflam'd with desire of Action, and exalted with the provision he had made at Lilybaeum, that he thought on nothing more than lay∣ing siege forthwith to Carthage it self. Pub∣lius kept along the Coast of Liguria, and in six Days arriv'd from Pisa at Marseilles; and coming to the hither mouth of the River Rhosne, which they call the Marseillian, he began to land his Troops; and notwithstand∣ing he had receiv'd notice of Hannibal's ha∣ving pass'd the Pyrenaeans, he concluded how∣ever

that he could not be so near as he was; the difficulties of the Way, and the many di∣vers Nations of the Gauls, by whom the Ene∣my was to make his Passage, made him of that Judgment. But Hannibal had surmount∣ed all these Difficulties, having bought his passage of some, and won it by force of Arms from others, and was now got with his Ar∣my to the Pass over the Rhosne, having the Sea of Sardinia on his right. When Publius receiv'd the news of the Enemy's approach, he did not at first believe it, as seeming to him incredible, that he should be able to perform so difficult a march in so short a space: Ne∣vertheless, he thought it advisable to endea∣vour after such intelligence as he might rely upon; accordingly, while his Army lay to refresh themselves, and recover from the Toils of their Voyage, consulting with his Officers what Posts would be most proper to possess, and what way to take that he might get be∣fore the Enemy, he commanded out three hundred choice Horse to discover; to whom, for their Guides, and farther to sustain them, he appointed the Gauls to be join'd, who were in pay to those of Marseilles.

Hannibal being now on the Banks of the Rhosne, within four Days march of the Sea, at a certain place where the Channel of that River was not very large, determin'd speedily to pass his Army, after he had bought the Good-will of the People of the Country, and

purchas'd all their Canoes and Boats, where∣of there were great numbers; forasmuch as those who live on that River Trassick on the Sea. Furthermore he amass'd great quanti∣ties of Materials proper for the making of Floats, whereof the Soldiers in the space of two Days had made abundant provision, eve∣ry one labouring his utmost to excuse the ne∣cessity of other Aid, being resolv'd to owe their passage over the River to their own sin∣gle Industry. In the mean time, the Barba∣rians, on the opposite side, assembled in great numbers to oppose their Landing; which Hannibal no sooner perceiv'd, but he con∣cluded it impossible to compass his Intent by force, having so numerous an Enemy to op∣pose him; and that he could no longer re∣main where he was, without danger of being encompass'd by the Enemy, unless he speedily attempted something. Whereupon, after three Days debate, about the first Watch of the Night, he detach'd a Party of his Army (with the Gauls of the Country for their Guides) under the leading of Hanno the Son of Bomilcar. After these had march'd about five and twenty Miles up the River, they came to a place where the Water makes a small Island, and there halted. In this place they fell'd great quantities of Timber in the neigh∣bouring Woods, and in a short time made a sufficient number of Floats to wast them; and so got a safe passage over the Rhosne, none ap∣pearing

to oppose them: And having gain'd a piece of Ground, whose situation fortify'd it self, they there repos'd that Day, not only to refresh themselves after so toilsome an Ex∣pedition, but likewise to prepare for the far∣ther prosecution of what had been given them in Orders. In the mean while, Hannibal es∣say'd by all means possible to pass over the River with that part of the Army that re∣main'd with him; and nothing now so much troubled him, as how to imbark his Ele∣phants, which were to the number of forty eight.

The fifth Night, after the Detachment had pass'd the River, they drew near the Barbari∣ans, who were assembled to oppose Hannibal's Landing; who, at the same time having his Troops in readiness, order'd his Horse to im∣bark in the great Vessels, and the best of his Foot in small Boat, prepar'd to pass over. But to the end his Floats and small Boats might go with more security, he order'd the greater Vessels to keep above the Stream, thereby to check the Current of the River. Another invention they had likewise to transport their Horses; they did not imbark them, but swam in a Tow after their small Boats, one Man holding three or four by the Bridle on each side the Boat: Thus many were carry'd over at the first essay.

The Barbarians beholding all this Prepara∣tion ran in haste and disorder out of their Camp, conceiving they should have no great difficulty to repulse the Carthaginians: But as soon as Hannibal perceiv'd the Party on the other side to approach, (for according to the Orders Hanno had receiv'd, they made the signs of their drawing near by Smoak in several places as they march'd) he order'd his People to move, the great Vessels to keep a∣bove, with Directions to those that govern'd them to stem the Current, keeping the Ves∣sels with their bow upon the Stream, the bet∣ter to cover the others from danger. So each one animating his Companion with auspici∣ous Words, Labour'd with incredible Industry to stem the violence of the Current. In the mean time, the Enemy, on the other side, gave them to understand by their Cries, not unlike to Howlings, that they expected them with resolution, insomuch that the prospect every where was terrible, and held the Spe∣ctators in great perplexity.

The Enemy having now wholly abandon'd their Tents, those with Hanno fell in pell-mell among them unperceiv'd: Some attack and set fire on their Camp, while the greatest part march to charge those that guarded the Passage. The Barbarians thus surpriz'd, some hasten'd to preserve their Tents, others re∣main'd to make head and sustain the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hannibal now perceiving the Success to ••••∣swer

his Design, rang'd and drew his People up in Battalia as they Landed, and incou∣raging them in few words, they soon came to Blows with the Enemy; who fighting in disorder, by reason of the surprize, were soon vanquish'd and dispers'd.

The Carthaginians having thus at once gain'd the Victory and their Passage, us'd all possible dispatch in the transporting what was yet remaining on the other side the River; and when that Work was over, they encamp'd that Night on the Bank. The next Morning, having receiv'd Intelligence that the Roman Army, with their Fleet, was arriv'd at the mouth of the Rhosne, Hannibal detach'd five hundred Numidian Horse, with order to dis∣cover and bring an account of the Enemy. And directed those who best understood that Affair, to take care for the transporting the Elephants, while he assembled the Army, where he produc'd Magilus, who was come to visit him from the Countries that lie about the Po, accompanied with other Princes of the Gauls, making known to them, by an In∣terpreter, the Resolution that People had ta∣ken; but what most animated the Soldiers, was the Presents which those Princes had brought with them, the tender of their Ser∣vice, and offers to ingage with them, as their Companions, in the War against the Ro∣mans.

In short, after Magilus had assur'd them he would be their Conductor through all those Passages by which they were to march, and that they should shortly arrive in safety in Italy, and want for nothing in their Journey, they thought it reasonable to yield entire be∣lief to what he said; they were likewise great∣ly encourag'd by what they heard of the a∣bundance and fertility of the Country they were to invade, and with the chearful and frank Behaviour of those who were to joyn with them in their Conflicts with the Romans. The Gauls being now retir'd out of the As∣sembly, Hannibal return'd, where he repre∣sented to his People, first, the important Acti∣ons they had already atchiev'd; how many notable Services by his Counsel and Leading they had already perform'd; how many ha∣zardous Adventures they had gone through, whereof not any Man there had cause to re∣pent: Then he exhorted them to continue firm in their Resolutions, inasmuch as they were of themselves convinc'd, that the most difficult part of the Work was now pass'd, their Passage over the River succeeding to their own Wishes; nor could there be any remaining doubt of the Fidelity and Good∣will of their Allies; he requir'd, in short, that they would entertain no anxious Thoughts a∣bout the future; but rely firmly on his Care and Circumspection; telling them, that by an entire resignation to his Conduct and Com∣mands,

they would give the best and surest Marks of their Resolution, and ascertain their Title to the Glory they had already won. And now, after the Soldiers, by their Words and Actions had unanimously signify'd their approbation and readiness to obey him, and their willingness to engage in all Dangers. Hannibal praising their forwardness, and im∣ploring the assistance of the Gods for their Preservation, commanded them to retire to their repose, and to be in a readiness to march, for that he determin'd to decamp the next Day; so they departed.

The Assembly was no sooner dismiss'd when the Numidians return'd, who had been sent abroad to discover; of whom a great part were cut off, and those who escap'd had sav'd themselves by slight. For having incountred it seems, not far from the Camp, with cer∣tain Horse-men of the Romans, whom Publi∣us had sent abroad on the same Errand, they had ingag'd so roughly, that on the part of the Romans and Gauls, an hundred and fifty were kill'd on the spot, and of the Numidi∣ans above two hundred, the Romans pursuing the rest to their Camp; by which means they got knowledge of what had pass'd with the Carthaginians, and so retir'd to their own Ar∣my with all the expedition they were able, to assure the Consul of the Enemies arrival. Whereupon the Romans decamp'd, imbarking all their Baggage on board the Fleet, and ea∣gerly

wishing to come to action with the Ene∣my, they took their march up the River.

The Day after Hannibal had made his O∣ration to the Army, he order'd all the Horse to move and march toward the Sea-Coast, to intercept any sudden Danger that might threa∣ten from that Quarter; then he commanded the Foot to follow, while himself attended the coming of the Elephants, and those whom he had left to conduct them. And here it will not be amiss that we give an account how they imbark'd those mighty Beasts. They made many Floats of Timber, whereof they joyn'd two and two together; these Floats were fifty Foot long each, and were plac'd pointing out into the River, their inmost ends resting on the Bank, and all well united to∣gether; then they fasten'd others to the ends of those, reaching yet farther out into the River; these Machines so fram'd (resembling in some sort a Bridge) were well sustain'd and fasten'd with Cordage on all parts, and de∣fended from the violence of the Stream. They moor'd or fasten'd this Platform to the Trees which grew on the Bank, whereof there were good store; after having inlarg'd and run out this Work to about two hundred Foot in length, they joyn'd to the end there∣of two other large substantial Floats well fasten'd together, which they so joyn'd to the six'd Platform with Ropes, as to be able easi∣ly to disjoyn them from the other; to these

moveable Floats they fasten'd Ropes whereby to tow and draw them, with Boats appoint∣ed for that purpose, to the other side the Ri∣ver, and to hold them up against the Current, that it might not drive down the Stream when the Machine should be loosen'd from the fix'd Stage; then they cover'd the surface of it with Earth, to make it appear firm Ground, like that on the Bank, for the Elephants were taught an exact Obedience to their Gover∣nors, and were so in all things, passing over the Water only excepted, whereof they stood in great fear: Wherefore, the better to pre∣vail on the rest, they led two gentle Female Elephants foremost, the others following. They being brought to the outermost move∣able Floats, they then unty'd the Ropes by which they were fasten'd, and tow'd the said Float with the Cargo of Elephants to the o∣ther side. The Beasts were terrify'd at first, and ran from one side to the other of the Float, but beholding nothing but Water on all sides, their sear then kept them in order. Thus by several Voyages they wafted over all their Elephants, some few excepted, which leap'd through fear into the Water, when they were in the middle of the Stream; but these were likewise preserv'd, tho' their Guides perish'd, for by the help of their great Trunks, which they held above Water, they thereby discharg'd their Stomachs of the Wa∣ter, they had taken in, and breath'd with

freedom. By this Artifice they transport∣ed their Elephants to the other side the River.

And now Hannibal posting his Horse and his Elephants in the Rear of the Army, con∣tinu'd his march down the Stream towards the East. The source or head of the Rhosne is situate far up in the Country, above the Gulf of the Adriatick-Sea towards the West; in those parts of the Alpes which regard the North, tending in its passage towards the Southwest, and discharging it self into the Sardinian-Sea. In short, this River for the most part makes its passage through a Champaign Coun∣try, environ'd on both sides with Mountains, whose North-side is inhabited by the Gauls-Ardienses, the other is bounded by the North-side of the Alpes. That part of the Alpes which runs from Marseilles to the bot∣tom of the Adriatick, separates the plain Country in the neighbourhood of the Po, whereof we have already spoken, from the Plain where the Rhosne hath its passage. Hannibal then took his march through that Country where the River hath its source, to come into Italy.

Some Authors, who have writ of Hanni∣bal's passage over the Alpes, entertain us with astonishing and incredible Tales of that Voy∣age, without heeding that they have thereby committed two Errors, which History of all

things will not permit, for they are constrain'd thereby to coin Falshoods of their own, and often become liable to contradict themselves. For as they give to Hannibal all the Encomi∣ums of a great and valiant Leader; so at the same time they make him act with the great∣est Imprudence imaginable. Then when they are taken in their own fabulous Snares, they are forc'd to bring down the Gods and Demi-Gods to their Aid, who should not be nam'd but in matters of Truth. Furthermore, they feign that the Alpes are so desart and inac∣cessible, that far from being passable by Ar∣mies, Horses, and Elephants, Men cannot, without unspeakable travel, pass them on foot. They tell us farther, that some parts thereof are so waste and destitute of all Succour, that without the Aid of some Divinity, who led Hannibal, as it were by the Hand, through those wild Labyrinths he and his Army had inevitably perish'd; these, I say, are two Faults in an Historian, which Men of common Sence easily discover and dislike.

For, in short, were there Truth in what they deliver, where could there be found in Story a more imprudent General, or Leader worse qualify'd than Hannibal, who being at the head of so numerous an Army, in the prosperity of which all his Hopes were plac'd, neither knowing any thing of the Country through which he was to march, nor the course he was to take, nor whither he went,

nor with whom he was to have to do; and what fourth he fell into much danger. Folly, had ingag'd in an Enterprize, which, by the common Rules of Reason, yielded no prospect of Suc∣cess; but on the contrary, to all appearance, pursu'd an Attempt totally unfeisible? For these Authors make Hannibal in the spring of his Hopes at the head of a flourishing victo∣rious Army, perform such things as are not likely would be acted by a People already vanquish'd and undone, and reduc'd to the last extremity; namely, to ingage their Troops in Countries and Places totally un∣known. For while they tell us all was waste and desart, and the Country no where passa∣ble, do they not plainly accuse their own For∣geries? But they knew not that the Gauls, who inhabit about the Rhosne, had often pass'd the Alpes with numerous Armies, long before Hannibal's time; and not only heretofore, but of late days, they had march'd to the re∣lief of those Gauls who dwell about the Po, during their Wars with the Romans. Further∣more, they were to learn that even the Alpes themselves are inhabited by numerous Nati∣ons; but it was their Ignorance indeed that brought the Demi-God down to show Hanni∣bal his way. Wherein they follow the Poets, who in their Tragedies, having for the most part nothing but Fiction and extravagant Ad∣ventures for the subject of their Plays, are a∣ble to bring nothing handsomely to pass with∣out

a God or a Machine. After this manner our Historians have proceeded, being forc'd to implore some Divinity or other to yield them assistance, and disintangle them from the Falshoods and Improbabilities they them∣selves have made. For how can a fabulous beginning have other than a fabulous Issue? Most certain it is that Hannibal did not con∣duct his Affairs at the rate these Authors would persuade, but like a wise and able Captain. And there is no doubt, but he well knew that the Country into which he was leading his Army, was fertile and abounding in all things, and the Inhabitants alien'd in their Inclinations to the Romans; that he had with him for Guides the very People of the Country, who had engag'd to partake with him in all his Fortunes. For my own parti∣cular, I speak of these things with so much the more assurance, by how much I have not only been instructed therein by those who liv'd in those Days; but that I might be less liable to Error, I made my self a Journey in∣to the Alpes for my better Information.

To proceed, Publius the Roman General arriv'd with his Army at the Passage of the Rhosne, three days after Hannibal's departure, who perceiving the Enemy gone, was much surpriz'd, and without doubt with good rea∣son, for he could scarce be perswaded, that the Carthaginian would ever have been drawn to attempt that way into Italy; especially

having to deal with so many barbarous Nati∣ons in his March, uncapable of Friendship or keeping their Faith. But after he had a while reflected on the boldness of the undertaking, he march'd back to the Fleet; where embark∣ing his Army with all expedition, and dis∣patching his Brother to carry on the War in Spain, he resolv'd himself to return by Sea into Italy, to make head against the Ene∣my.

In the mean space, after four days march Hannibal arrives at a place call'd the Isle, where the Country is rich and well Peopled. It is so call'd, because the Soane environs it on one side, and the Rhosne on the other, giving it the sigure of a Triangle. This I∣sland, both for form and magnitude, much resembles another in Egypt, which is call'd Delta; and if there be any difference in the comparison, it is that Delta is 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the one side encompassed by the Sea, and the Rivers that there discharge themselves, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the o∣ther with rough and almost inaccessible Moun∣tains. Here Hannibal found two Princes, that were Brethren, in Arms against each o∣ther, for the Dominion of the Country, their Armies being drawn up ready to ingage. The elder of these two made his addresses to Hannibal, praying his aid to re-establish him in his Inheritance, to which he lent a willing ear, foreseeing the Profit he might reap there∣by; wherefore, after he had entred into

Friendship with him, and compell'd the other to retire, he receiv'd many singular benefits of the said Prince, who did not only supply his Army with refreshments, and whatever they stood in need of; but exchanging Han∣nibal's old worn-out Arms for new ones, which he deliver'd him; he did in some sort recruit his Army. He further supply'd them with what Cloaths they wanted, and greatly assisted them in their Passage over the Moun∣tains. But the most remarkable service he did them, was, that forasmuch as they were in some jealousie in passing the Frontiers of the Gauls, call'd Allobroges, he conducted Hannibal by another way more safe, and brought him to the place where they begin to ascend the Alpes.

Hannibal having march'd near an hundred Miles in ten days along the River Rhosne, met with mighty difficulties after his Army had enter'd on the Mountains; and in truth the Allobroges had no purpose to attack them, while they held their March in the Plains, fearing both their Horse, and the Gauls that accompany'd the Army. But these were no sooner gone, and that Hannibal began to a∣scend the Mountains, when they drew toge∣ther in great numbers, and possess'd themselves of the Posts where Hannibal must unavoida∣bly March; and most assuredly, had they but kept themselves longer conceal'd, the Car∣thaginian Army had run a mighty hazard;

but being discover'd by Hannibal, tho' they did him some Mischief, they were requited with equal loss. For Hannibal was no sooner inform'd, that the Barbarians were Masters of the Passes, when he made his Army halt, and take their Quarters that Night among the Rocks and Fastnesses. In the mean while he dispatch'd a Party of Gauls, who serv'd him for Guides, to discover the Posture of the Enemy, and learn what they could of their purpose. And having understood that they kept Guard in those places only by Day, but that in the Night they retir'd to a Town not far off; he found this Expedient to obviate the present Inconvenience: He decamp'd in broad Day, and by slow Motions advanc'd with his Army; till arriving not far from the Streights, he then encamp'd not far from the Enemy; and causing Fires to be made in the Camp about the first Watch of the Night, where he left the greatest part of his Troops, himself, in the mean while, with a Detach∣ment of his best Men, pass'd the Streights in the Night; and while the Enemy was retir'd to the Town, according to their Custom, took possession of those Posts, where they were wont before to keep their Guard.

When Day discover'd to the Enemy what had pass'd, they did not presently determine what to do; but when they observ'd the great quantity of Baggage that appear'd, and per∣ceiv'd that the Horse could afford them no

succour, which by reason of the narrow, stony, and broken ways, could not march but in de∣files, they then resolv'd on the Attack. And now as the Barbarians thus fell on them from all Quarters at once, the Way it self being almost as terrible as the Enemy, the Cartha∣ginians receiv'd great loss, especially in their Horses and Beasts of Carriage; for the Way being streight, stony, and broken, the Beasts of Burden were easily thrown down, and dis∣order'd, falling into Precipices. But the Horses that were wounded gave them the greatest trouble; for falling by their Wounds among the other Beasts, and labouring to rise and recover their Feet in so narrow a Way, so crowded, they cast down others by their striving to save themselves; which was the occasion of great Labour and Tumult. This being observ'd and consider'd by Hannibal, who well knew the Army could not subsist without their Beasts of Burthen, which car∣ry'd their Necessaries, he immediately left the Posts he had taken, and came to the relief of those who were thus hard press'd in their pas∣sage; when falling on the Enemy from high∣er Ground, he did not fail of doing them great Damage: But the evil was, that his own People were thereby equal Sufferers; for the fear encreasing every-where by this new Tu∣mult, many miscarry'd and were lost in the Crowd; but, in the end, most of the Allo∣broges were slain on the place, and the rest

sav'd themselves by Flight. And now their Horses and other Beasts, after some time of rest, were led with great trouble and difficul∣ty through the Streight; but Hannibal, af∣ter he had escap'd this Danger, march'd him∣self with a good Detachment against the Town, that had harbour'd the Enemy, which he took without resistance, finding it almost quite deserted, the Inhabitants being all gone out in hopes of Booty. This adventure prov'd very useful to his Affairs, both with re∣spect to the present and the future: For he here recover'd many, both Men and Horses, and other Beasts, which had fallen into the Ene∣my's hands, and Cattel and Corn sufficient to sustain the Army for three Days. But, a∣bove all, the Terror he had given by this suc∣cess to the circumjacent places was such, that none of the Gauls inhabiting the Towns near which he was to pass, gave him the least mo∣lestation in his Passage. In this Town Han∣nibal took up his Quarters, where he remain'd a Day to rest and refresh his Army, and then prosecuted his Journey. For three Days to∣gether he march'd without Trouble or Alarm, but the fourth he fell into much danger. The People inhabiting in the Towns on the way he was to pass, having secretly conspir'd against him, met him however, with Olive-branches, and Garlands of Flowers, Signs a∣mong the Barbarians of Peace and Friend∣ship, as the Caduceus is among the Greeks,

Hannibal, who had now learn'd how far he was to trust these People, endeavour'd by Questions to inform himself of their Purposes. They told him, That they had receiv'd no∣tice of his Success against the Town, and of the loss and defeat of those who had attack'd him in his march; but as to themselves, they came to give him assurance, That they were resolv'd to do him no Injury, nor suffer any to be done to him by others: And that they were ready to give him Hostages for their Fi∣delity. Hannibal remain'd long undetermin'd what to do, having no great Opinion of their Sincerity; but, in the end, weighing that to make a show of believing them, might work on their Good-nature, and by degrees win them to his Friendship, if he seem'd to accept their Tenders; and that in case of re∣fusal, they might presently become his Ene∣mies he feign'd to consent to their Proposal; and seem'd, as they did, dispos'd to enter in∣to terms of Friendship with them. In short, after these Barbarians had given him security for their peaceable Behaviour, supply'd his Army with Provisions, and that they con∣vers'd among the Carthaginians with all man∣ner of freedom and confidence, Hannibal be∣gan to have a better Opinion of their Since∣rity, and accepted their Service for his Guides through the many remaining difficult Ways by which they were to pass. Howbeit, after they had thus conducted the Army for two

Days together, they assembled at length all into one Body, and attack'd the Rear at a Defile, or streight Passage, as they were marching in a Valley full of Rocks and bro∣ken Ground.

Great likelihood there was that the Cartha∣ginian Army had here run the hazard of be∣ing entirely destroy'd, had not their General, who reserv'd a secret doubt of the well-mean∣ing of this People, obviated the mischief of this treasonable Purpose of theirs, by ordering his Horse and Baggage to march in the Van of the Army, and his choicest Foot to sustain the Rear. But having dispos'd matters after this manner, his loss became less grievous; for his Foot in the Arrear-guard prov'd suffici∣ent to put a stop to the violence of the At∣tempt. Nevertheless, they were not with∣out great loss both of Men and Horses; and the Enemy, who was possess'd of the Ground above them, brought such terror into the Army, by rowling down mighty Stones and Rocks from the Precipices upon them, and showring Vollies of Stones on their Heads, that Hannibal was compell'd to take up his Quarters for that Night on the top of an E∣minence, expos'd to the open Sky, with that part of the Army that was with him, remote from the Horse and the rest of the Troops, and the Baggage, the better to cover and de∣fend, them from danger; who were hardly able, in all that Night, with great labour, to

compass their passage through the Valley. In the Morning, the Enemy being now re∣tir'd, Hannibal join'd his Army and Baggage, and advanc'd towards the top of the Alpes. After this the Gauls attempted no more to at∣tack them in Bodies, but in smaller Parties, and with less ardour than before; neverthe∣less falling sometimes on the Van, sometimes on the Rear of the Army, they seldom fail'd of making some spoil of the Baggage. The E∣lephants happen'd to be of great use to the Carthaginians in these Conflicts; for where∣soever they chanc'd to appear, they so terri∣fy'd the Enemy, that the Army march'd by that means with much less molestation. In nine Days after this, Hannibal gain'd the top of the Mountains, where he halted two Days, being willing to give some repose to such of his Army as were come thus far without Wound or Sickness, and to attend the coming of the rest of his Troops that were yet be∣hind. During this stay, many Horses and Beasts of Carriage, which had fallen and stray'd out of the way, came in of their own accord, following the Track of the Army to the great wonder of the Beholders.

But whereas the Snows were yet great in the Mountains, (Winter not being there quite over) Hannibal perceiving his Soldiers to be somewhat discourag'd by reason of the Suffer∣ings they had already felt, and out of appre∣hension of what yet threaten'd them, caus'd

the Army to be assembled, to the end he might speak to them, and inspire them with new Resolution; which he could no way bet∣ter effect, than by giving them a view and prospect of Italy; which, in a word, lies so fairly to the Eye, spreading and extending it self at the foot of those Mountains, that Na∣ture seems to have design'd them as a Ram∣part to cover and defend it. So he gave them a survey of the Champaign Country that spreads it self all about the River Po; and gave them to understand how welcome they should be to the People that Inhabited it. He pointed out likewise to them whereabout the City of Rome stood; and by this Arti∣fice animated his harass'd Army. The Day following he decamp'd, and began to descend the Mountains; and now saw no more of the Enemy to molest them in their march, saving some small scatter'd Parties, who rather a∣waited occasions how to steal than to fight. Howbeit, Hannibal's Losses were not lessen'd, by reason of the great Snows and the exceed∣ing bad march they had had, which much weaken'd the Army. Nor was their passage much better in the descent; for what with the streight, steep, and slippery ways, and the depth of the Snow, the Soldier knew not where to set his Foot with safety; for when-ever they slipp'd, they were in danger of being lost, and swallow'd up in the depths and precipices which lay hid and cover'd by

the Snow. Nevertheless, the long practice in those Hardships and Dangers, taught them to suffer all with Constancy: But at length coming to a place where neither their Ele∣phants nor Horses could pass, the Way, which was very steep before, being now, by the fal∣ling away of some of the Earth, become more difficult, renew'd their Fears; which was manifest over the whole Army. Upon this accident, Hannibal took a resolution to at∣tempt another way, by taking a compass a∣bout those Mountains, tho' there was no ap∣pearance of any passage; but forasmuch as the great Snows render'd that Resolution too hazardous, all places being cover'd and hid from the view, he therefore chang'd his pur∣pose.

In the interim, there having fallen much new Snow on that which remain'd of the Winter before; this last being loose, and not yet deep, yielded firm footing enough to the Soldiers; but this was no sooner trampled on, but it dissolv'd into Dirt and Mire; whereby the Snow of last Year being frozen under it, it became impossible to march thereon any more than on Ice it self, none being able to keep their Feet; and when they endea∣vour'd to sustain themselves on their Hands and Knees, they often slid and were lost in Pits and Precipices. When their Horses at any time slip'd, they by their weight and la∣bouring broke the Ice under them, and so

became buried and frozen to Death. Where∣upon Hannibal now desperate of obtaining his passage that way, encamp'd his Army at the entrance of this Pass, after he had first order'd the Snow to be remov'd which co∣ver'd all the Ground; and then by the labour of his Soldiers he wrought into the Hill it self, and by unspeakable Pains made his Pas∣sage at length through it: So in one Day he made way for his Horses and other Beasts to pass, which immediately march'd on. And now decamping the Army, he sent his Horse and other Beasts to forrage and recruit them∣selves, as they could come at Pasture, where the Ground was not cover'd with Snow. In the mean time he order'd the Numidians to make a passage for the Elephants, which cost them three Days labour with great difficulty to effect; but at length they made way for those Animals, which had suffer'd much, and were almost dead with Hunger. For there was neither Forage nor Tree to be found on that part of the Alpes, nor in the neighbour∣hood; the Ground lying ever cover'd with Snow Winter and Summer, but the lower Grounds on all sides produce Woods and Co∣vert, and there is no place thereabout that is not habitable.

After Hannibal had united his Troops, he prosecuted his march, and in the space of three Days got past these difficult and incom∣modious Places, whereof we have given an

account, and recover'd the Plains, howbeit with the loss of great numbers of his People; for many fell by the Enemy, many were drown'd in passing the Rivers, and many of Sickness, and the Hardships of their march to and over the Alpes. And as he lost many Men, so his loss of Horses and other Beasts of Burthen, was yet much greater. In a word, after a march of five Months, from his departure from New-Carthage, and fifteen Days passage over the Alpes, he boldly advanc'd into the Champaign Country, lying about the River Po, and the Frontiers of the Insubrians. Of the Troops that march'd out with him, there now remain'd, of Africans about twelve Thousand; eight Thousand Spaniards, and six Thousand Horse, according to his own Register, left by him, engrav'd on the Co∣lumn at Lacinium, which specify'd that num∣ber. About this time Publius Cornelius, who had left his Troops with Cneius his Brother, to prosecute the War against Asdrubal in Spain. embark'd for Pisa, and from thence passing through Tuscany, joyn'd the Armies of the Praetors, who were in service in that Coun∣try against the Boians; with these he took his march towards the Po, where he encamp'd with design to come speedily to a Battel with Hannibal. And now that we are arriv'd in Italy, and have translated the War, Armies and Leaders on both sides thither; it seems necessary that we preface something to the

Reader, as the order of our History requires, before we enter on the account of the Battels and Transactions that occurr'd in that Pro∣vince. For some may possibly be apt to re∣mark and inquire, why, having spoken so copiously of Spain, we should have yet said nothing touching other Points of Geography; namely, of the Streight that parts the two Continents of Europe and Africk, nor of the great neighbouring Sea and its qualities, nor of the Islands of Britany, nor of their Lead-Mines, their Gold and Silver in Spain, where∣of Historians have said so much that they contradict one another? But we have not spoken of these matters, not only because it serves to little purpose in the use of History; but first, because such digressions at every turn are apt to perplex the course of our Work, and to divert the Reader's attention from the genuine purpose and thread of our Story. Furthermore, our purpose being not to dis∣course superficially, and by the bye, of things, but to take them up when they fairly and regularly present themselves, and then seaso∣nably and duly to deliver the Truth copi∣ously and plainly as far as we shall be able. Let it not appear strange then, that neither in this place, nor heretofore, we have ••or∣born to touch on many Points as we have said. For if any one fansies it to be the Du∣ty of an Historian to be taken with every hint that falls in his way, and to touch pro∣miscuously

on all Subjects on the least mo∣tive; let such take care lest they be justly compar'd to the Glutton at a Feast, who, while his Appetite tempts him to taste of e∣very Dish, he receives neither present Plea∣sure nor future Profit; on the contrary, he contracts only ill Digestion and worse Nou∣rishment. People of that Humour, I say, in the study of History, have neither present Diversion in the Reading, nor Fruit in the Ap∣plication for the time to come.

There are many Vices in History, whereof we shall mention some that ought care∣fully to be reform'd, whereof this we have now nam'd is among the greatest. Do not all, or most part of Historians, affect to en∣tertain their Readers with Descriptions of the remotest parts of the known World, setting down the situation of Places and Countries, and describing their Nature and the like? Where it is odds, but the greatest part of them are deceiv'd in many particulars they deliver, it will be but just therefore to show them their Faults, and endeavour solidly, not superfici∣ally, to refute them, not taking up the Ar∣gument, as it were, by chance. The course we shall take to correct these Errors, shall not be to blame and inveigh against the Authors, but rather in a manner of compassion to show candidly wherein they have fail'd through Ig∣norance. For most certain it is, that had they arriv'd at our times, they themselves

would have seen things by a better Light, and reform'd much of their own Failures. For there were sew Greeks to be found heretofore, who had over-diligently visited remote Na∣tions, not having the means to gratifie their desires therein; it not being to be compass'd in those days, without running extreme dan∣gers both by Sea and Land. Furthermore, if any one by chance, at any time, happen'd of necessity to visit distant Countries, even the remotest Provinces of the known World, what would the Remarks of a single Traveller amount to? Since it could not be possible those Places should be known as they ought, for the greatest part of those People are Bar∣barous and Savage, and many parts Desart, and Inhospitable. In short, another difficulty would spring through the diversity of strange Languages, whereby it would hardly be pos∣sible to be rightly inform'd in any thing they saw. And albeit People should happen to see and learn the situation of those Regions, there would be few found whose Candor might be trusted, and Men wou'd doubt that much of what they deliver is fabulous, and of their own coining. So hard it is in such cases not to mingle with Truth, the Tales of their own Invention.

Since it seems then impossible, that our Fore-Fathers could be thorowly instructed in all the Subjects of History, Authors therefore who have been silent in matters, which it

may be conceiv'd they ought to have better open'd; and even those, who have said more than we find they ought, are however with∣out much blame, tho' they do not deserve our praise, since they were not without some tincture of Knowledge, and farther'd in some degree the Curiosity of others. But now, in our days, that Asia by the Victories of Alex∣ander hath been travell'd and discover'd, and the Armies of the Romans have open'd a pas∣sage both by Sea and Land, whereby to ar∣rive at the certain knowledge of the rest of the World; our Informations come with more certainty of those things, which here∣tofore we could not speak of with assurance. Especially in this Age, when many who have been employ'd in the administration of Pub∣lick Affairs, are now releas'd from the cares of both Military and Civil Applications, and have leisure and means to apply their studies in other curious Speculations. I shall strive to do my part at least, when occasion shall seasonably serve, to bring things to a better light; and mingle in these my Labours such proper Matter as may, to those who delight in this Subject, minister to their better Infor∣mation. And since I have been at the cost of so much time and peril in my Travels in∣to Gaul, Africk, Spain, and on the Ocean that borders on these Countries, spent in the ac∣quisition of Knowledge, I hold it not a vain design to detect and reform the Mistakes of

ancient Authors, by enlarging my Accounts and Descriptions of these Parts of the World. But it is now time we return to prosecute our Story, and prepare to relate the Battels and Transactions of the Romans and Cartha∣ginians in Italy.

We have already set down the number of Hannibal's Troops, when he made his entry into Italy. Who at the end of his march, first encamp'd at the foot of the Mountains, to recruit and refresh his Army, which was not only greatly harrass'd in their passage o∣ver the Alpes, but much spent through the great scarcity of Provisions in their way, and the Diseases they contracted thereby; many in despair neglected their own Preservation, through the continual Hardships and Calami∣ties to which they were expos'd: For it was an insuperable difficulty to find Victuals that might suffice for so numerous an Army, where many, who were commanded out to provide and bring what they wanted, miscarry'd, both Men and Beasts, in their Journey. So that Hannibal, who pass'd the Rhosne at the head of eight and thirty Thousand Foot, and a∣bove eight Thousand Horse, muster'd not half that number at his arrival in Italy, as hath been already noted. And those who remain'd so chang'd from what they were, that both in Cloths and Countenance they appear'd more like Savages than Soldiers. Wherefore his first and chief care was, to restore Health

and Strength to their Bodies, and Vigour to their Minds, and to recruit and strengthen his Horse. When his Army was refresh'd, his next business was to endeavour an Alli∣ance with the Taurinians, who inhabit at the foot of the Alpes, and who at that time had War with the Insubrians; but they would not be drawn to trust the Carthaginians. Where∣fore, after having long sollicited them to Friendship in vain, he sat down before their Capital Town, which in three Days he took, and all that made resistance he put to the Sword; which struck the neighbouring Bar∣barians with such terror, that they came all afterwards in to him as one Man, giving themselves up to his discretion. These in∣deed were constrain'd; but the other Gauls, who possess'd the Country about the Po, chearfully took part with Hannibal, as was lately observ'd. But in regard now that the Roman Army was advanc'd so near, they ad∣ventur'd not presently to show their Good∣will; but some of them were constrain'd to take part with them. Whereupon Hannibal thought it the wisest way not to deferr lon∣ger, but to take his March into their Coun∣try; to the end, that by some notable Acti∣on he might establish the Courage, and re∣new the Hopes of those who were dispos'd to engage with him.

During these Motions, he receives Intelli∣gence, That the Consul had pass'd the Po with all the Legions, and was not now far off. But this News he did not presently be∣lieve, inasmuch as he knew he had left Scipio about the Rhosne, and that the Passage by Sea from Marseilles to Tuscany was tedious and difficult. Furthermore, he was inform'd, that the March from Tuscany to the Alpes was not only long, but hardly to be surmounted by an Army. But, in the end, fresh Advices coming daily to him of the truth thereof, he became greatly surpriz'd at the Diligence of the Roman General, who was no less asto∣nish'd at the Expedition of the Carthaginian: For he was of Opinion, That Hannibal would not have attempted to adventure over the Alpes, at the head of an Army compos'd of so many divers Nations; or that if he was so hardy, he must have miserably perish'd by the way. But when he became assur'd, that they were got over those Difficulties, and were now in Italy; and farther, that they had already besieg'd and taken Towns; he admir'd the intrepid Boldness of their Lea∣der, whose Attempt had exceeded the Power of Imagination it self. This News was like∣wise heard at Rome with terror enough; where, after they had been inform'd of the taking of Saguntum by the Carthaginians; and while they were, as it were, deliberating to send one of their Consuls into Africk to

attack Carthage, and the other into Spain to make War on Hannibal, they receiv'd no∣tice that Hannibal himself was in Italy be∣sieging of Towns. This was so surprizing to the Romans, that the dread thereof made them send an express to Tiberius now at Lily∣baeum, to acquaint him with the arrival of the Enemy, and to enjoin him to postpone all other Affairs whatsoever, and repair with all the expedition he could to the rescue of his Country. Whereupon Tiberius assembles his Maritime Forces, and embarks forthwith for Rome, leaving his Orders with the re∣spective Tribunes, to draw together what Troops they could out of their several Gar∣risons, and set them a Day to rendezvous at Rimini, a Town standing on the Coast of the Adriatick, on the edge of the Plains that are water'd by the River Po towards the South. So that great trouble and tumult was spread all over the Country; which being alarm'd on all Quarters with evil Tidings, the Romans were in great suspence about the issue of the War.

And now Hannibal and Scipio drew near each other; and mutually animating their Soldiers, spake to them in such terms as the time and the occasion requir'd. Hannibal in∣cited his Troops after this, or the like man∣ner: He caus'd to be brought to the head of the Army, which he had assembled for that purpose, certain young Men who were Pri∣soners,

of the number of those that had been taken vexing and plundering the Army in their march over the Alpes, whom he had therefore kept in very hard durance. In short, they appear'd loaden with Irons, starv'd al∣most to death, bearing on their naked Bo∣dies the marks of the ill treatment they had suffer'd. In this state these Wretches were presented to the view of the Army; where Arms were brought and laid before them, such as were us'd among the Gauls, and not unlike those the Princes of that Nation make use of in their single Combats: Besides these, there were produc'd Horses, and rich Habits and Furniture. Then it was demanded, If any among them were willing to engage and fight one with the other to the death, on con∣dition the Vanquisher should have the Prize and the Reward there propos'd, while the Vanquish'd thereby put an end to his Misfor∣tunes, by laying down his Life on the place? Which Proposition they all unanimously cry'd out they were most willing to accept. Where∣upon Hannibal order'd a certain number to be chosen by lot to enter the Lists, two and two, each imploring Fortune's favour. Those to whom the Lots ••ell manifested great joy, while the others, on the contrary, exceeding Grief. So they fought it out, while the rest of the Prisoners look'd on the Vanquish'd, as hardly less fortunate than the Victors, having by their death put a period to the Miseries

they endur'd. Nor had the Carthaginians themselves other Sentiments; who comparing the Life of those that surviv'd, with the Cir∣cumstances of those they saw slain, their Pity seem'd to encline to the Survivers, conceiving the Dead to be of the two the least unfortu∣nate.

After Hannibal had entertain'd his Army with this Spectacle, he told them, That his purpose in so treating those Prisoners, was to instruct them, by an Example of the Calami∣ties of others, in the Contingences of Human Life, and to the end to mind them of the State and Circumstances wherein they now were; for that, in a word, Fortune had now put them under the very same choice, and held out the same Prize and Rewards: That they were ty'd up to the same necessity of vanquishing, dying, or being made Captives to their Enemies: That if they obtain'd Vi∣ctory, not fine Horses only magnificently furnish'd, wou'd be their Lot, but, by sub∣duing the Romans, they would be the richest and happiest of all that ever had born Arms: That if they chanc'd to die doing their Du∣ty bravely, such a Death was a Dignity full of Glory and Renown; a Death without pain or fear, and purchas'd in pursuit of the grea∣test Good that can happen to Mankind: But should they chance to be vanquish'd, and that the fear of Death or Danger should betray them to a base Flight; or if they had enter∣tain'd

any Thought otherwise to be safe, they must then determine to endure the last effects of Misery and Misfortune. He said, There could be none among them so weak or stupid, who, reflecting on the tedious and terrible March they had had from their Native Homes thither, the many Perils, Combats, and dan∣gerous Rencounters they had pass'd, the fear∣ful Rivers they had Forded, and the like Dan∣gers in their passage, can have the least sha∣dow of expectation by slight, ever to return back: And that since that Hope was totally extinguish'd, they would do well to have the same Motions of Compassion of their own Fortune, as they entertain'd but now for that of others. For as they esteem'd the Condition of the Victors and the Vanquish'd equal, or rather saw cause to pity the Survi∣vers, they could do no less for themselves than fight bravely; chiefly indeed to Con∣quer, but to die rather than not Overcome: For should it be their hap to be Vanquish'd, there would be no hopes of living; but if they could with determination imprint these Reslections in their Minds, there would be no doubt of Success, nor fear but they should live to enjoy the Fruits of it. That, in a word, none ever brought such Thoughts a∣bout them into the Field, whether out of their own Temper or Necessity, that were not crown'd with Victory. That the Romans hitherto had to deal with Enemies otherwise

than so inspir'd, who, for the most part, plac'd their Safety in flight, by reason they ••ought in the neighbourhood of their Coun∣try, which was their refuge; and by which means they wanted Resolution to sustain the shock of Danger like an Enemy strengthen'd by Despair. Hannibal's Army heard with chearfulness the discourse he made them, and manifested their Minds to be such as their Captain himself desir'd. He therefore high∣ly applauded their generous Behaviour, and after he had told them, they should be in a readiness to march early on the Morrow, he dismiss'd the Assembly.

Cornelius Scipio had now pass'd the Po, and because he design'd to advance further, he caus'd a Bridge to be made over the Tesin. And drawing the Army together, he told them many things touching the Dignity and Glory of the Roman-State, and of the memo∣rable Actions of their Ancestors. But take the relation (a little more or less) of what he deliver'd on that occasion. He told them, That tho' it might have so happen'd, that they had never yet try'd the Enemy they had now to deal with, they should neverthe∣less have reason to rely on Victory; but since they were to fight against Carthaginians, they ought to hold it an insupportable Indignity to the Name of a Roman, that People so often by them beaten, and who had been so long their Tributaries, and bred to Servitude,

should presume to look with an angry Eye on a Roman. But, saith he, since we have learn'd by many glorious Experiments, that this Enemy will never have assurance to en∣dure our approach; What ought we not to hope, if things are rightly weigh'd? How lately was it prov'd, that their Horse is inferiour to ours? which beat them at the Rhosne, and, after killing many, pursu'd the rest to their Camp. He told them, That the General, and the rest of the Army, having had News of the approach of the Roman Legions, had retreated as if they sled, and the Terror they were in had compell'd them sore against their Wills to attempt passing the Alpes back a∣gain. He farther told them, That Hannibal was come with but an handful of Men, ha∣ving lost the greatest part of his Army in his March; and that those he had with him were so harrass'd and weaken'd with Diseases, and the Hardships they had suffer'd, that they were totally disabled for Service. He farther told them, That the greatest part of their Horse were lost and made unserviceable by the broken and stony ways they had march'd through. He endeavour'd, by the like sug∣gestions to perswade the Army, that the showing themselves only would be enough to obtain the Victory; and that furthermore, barely to behold the Enemy they had to deal with, would inspire them with Contempt. He said, in short, That he would not have

quitted the Fleet, nor his Spanish Expedition, whither he had been commanded to go, nor would have taken his March so willingly, had he not been firmly convine'd, by many Ar∣guments and Reasons, that the Journey he had undertaken was greatly for the Good of his Country, and that the Victory was certain. And now, being a Man of great Account and Authority, and it seeming to them that what he said was true, the Army with great Ardour and Resolution, demanded to be led against the Enemy. So after having com∣mended their Chearfulness, and made them an Exhortation to be always in a Posture to receive his farther Commands, he dismiss'd them.

On the Morrow these two Captains began their March along the River, towards that part which regards the Mountains: The Ro∣mans on the Left, the others on the Right. The next Day, receiving News by their re∣spective Foragers, that the Armies drew near, they both thought good to encamp where they were, and intrench themselves. But the next Morning Hannibal, at the head of his whole Body of Horse, and Scipio with his, to whom they joyn'd their Archers, took the Field; both wishing to see each o∣ther. And they no sooner perceiv'd by the Dust that was rais'd, that the Gross on each side drew near, when they began to range themselves in order of Battel. Scipio put his

Darters in the Van, and mix'd the Gaulish Horse among them, and having ordered the rest Front-wise, mov'd slowly on. As for Hannibal, he plac'd his Horse that went with a single Bridle in the Van-guard, together with all the other chosen Horse he had, and so advanc'd against the Romans. He had like∣wise plac'd his Numidians on the Wings, to the end he might be able to come to attack the Romans Flank, and so surround them. And as the Leaders on both sides, and the Troops they commanded, were eager to en∣gage, they soon came to Blows. But scarce had the Roman Darters deliver'd their first Volley, when terrify'd with the Violence of the Enemies Charge, and fearing to be trod and run down by the Horse which advane'd, they retir'd in haste through the Intervals of their Battel, among their Horse. Those Bo∣dies that came to ingage hand to hand fought with Resolution on both sides, and equal Bra∣very a good space, and the dispute seem'd no other than between Horse and Foot mingled, for many in the heat of the Battel alighted and fought on Foot. But when the Numidians, by taking a compass had got on the Romans Flank, the Darters, who had retreated thi∣ther, as was observ'd, were sorely streighten'd and soon defeated, the Numidians having in' compass'd the greatest part of them. And now, at length, those in the Van, on the part of the Romans, who before stood so firm,

having lost many Men, who had sold them∣selves at a good Price, were likewise driven to give ground upon the Numidians, charg∣ing their Flank.

Many made their escape, some one way, some another; some rally'd about the Consul, who forthwith decamp'd from about the Tesin, and led his Troops towards the Bridge over the Po, with intention to pass there; for as the Champaign Country in those Parts is of great extent, and that Hannibal was stronger in Horse, Scipio for that reason labour'd to lead the Legions into some safer and more proper Country; and the rather, for that he was himself indispos'd of a Wound he receiv'd in the Battel. Hannibal staid some time in expectation the Legions would have appear'd; but after he understood that the Romans had abandon'd their Camp, he follow'd them in the Rear as far as the Bridge, which he found broken, where he took about six hundred Prisoners of those that were left there on the Guard. And being told that the rest of the Army were now march'd a good distance off, he led his Troops up along the River in search of a proper place where he might make a Bridge; and, after two Days march, having found means to make one of Boats, he order'd Asdrubal to lead over the Army, passing himself likewise; there he gave Audience to sundry Ambassadors, who came to him from several places. For the bruit of his Victory

was no sooner spread, when all the neigh∣bouring Gauls became dispos'd to declare for the Carthaginians; and, as it had been before suggested, they now courted their Friendship, supplying them with whatever they wanted, and offering frankly to joyn their Forces, and take part in their Adventures. Hannibal gave courteous Reception to those who were come with these Tenders, and after the Ar∣my had pass'd the River, he led them back down the Stream, and march'd with great Diligence to intercept the Enemy. But Pub∣lius Scipio, after he had pass'd the Po, march'd directly to Placentia, a Colony of the Ro∣mans, where he staid among the rest who were hurt in the Battel, to attend the cure of his Wounds, and believing the Army to be now in Safety, he there remain'd without fur∣ther attempting any thing. But Hannibal arriving in two Days after he had pass'd the River, drew out his Army the next Day in Battalia in view of the Enemy; but the Ro∣mans not offering to stir, he retir'd and en∣camp'd about ten Miles off.

In the mean time the Gauls, who bore Arms under the Romans, beholding Fortune now to declare in favour of the Carthaginians, deli∣berated by common Consent to desert their Service, but continu'd quiet in their Tents, waiting the time to put their purpose in exe∣cution. And now, when the Army was re∣posing in their Quarters, about the fourth

Watch they put themselves into Arms, and falling on the Romans that were nearest at hand, kill'd many, and wounded many more, and cutting off the Heads of those they had murder'd, march'd to the Carthaginians to the number of two Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse. Hannibal, by the kind re∣ception he gave them, manifested how wel∣come the Action was to him; and, after he had with great gentleness invited them into his Service, and with ample Promises to every one according to his degree, he gave them leave to retire for the present to their respe∣ctive Habitations, thereby to spread the Fame of his Actions, and to win over others to the Service and Friendship of the Carthaginians. And he had reason to conclude, they would now be constrain'd for the most part to come in to him, after so persidious an act done by their Country-men. At the same time Am∣bassadors came to him from the Boians, bring∣ing with them a Present of the three Roman Commissioners they had taken (as was ob∣serv'd) on the breaking out of the War, who had been deputed for the dividing and set∣ting out the Lands in their Colonies. Han∣nibal gratefully receiv'd their Message, and their Offer, and enter'd into Confederacy with them; but restor'd back the Prisoners to their keeping, advising them to secure them under a safe Guard, whereby to redeem their Hostages, as they had formerly propos'd.

Sciplo much lamented the loss of his Peo∣ple, who had been cut off by so vile an Act of Treachery; and rightly judging that the Gauls, who of a long time had nourish'd an inbred Aversion to the Romans, would (espe∣cially those of the neighbouring Countries, after having acted so criminal a Part) go over to the Carthaginians; he therefore thought it Wisdom, for the time to come, to be more on his guard touching that People. Where∣fore he decamp'd about the fourth Watch of the Night following, and march'd and en∣camp'd near the River Trebia, upon certain Eminences not far off, resting pretty well as∣sur'd of the strength of the situation, it be∣ing in the neighbourhood of many of their Allies. Hannibal getting intelligence of the motions of the Romans, sent his Numidians in pursuit of them; after these march'd the whole Horse of the Army, and himself with the Gross soon follow'd them. The Numidi∣ans coming to the Romans Camp, and finding it empty, stay'd to set it on fire, which great∣ly avail'd the Romans in their retreat: For the Horse, but for this delay caus'd by the Numi∣dians, had certainly overtaken the Romans before they had pass'd the Plains; in which case they undoubtedly had been very much expos'd. But forasmuch as the Roman Army had now time to pass over the Trebia, the Enemy coming short, had only the occasion left them of attacking their Rear-guard,

whereof some were slain, and others made Prisoners. Scipio then having thus compass'd his Passage over the River, encamp'd, I say, on high ground not far from it; and intrench∣ing himself there, attended the coming of Tiberius, and the Legions that were with him, using all possible care and skill to get well of his Wounds, that he might be in a state to give the Enemy speedy Battel. But Hannibal, arriving two Days after he had pass'd the River, drew up his Army in view of the Romans; who not being dispos'd to engage him, he march'd away, and encamp'd six Miles off; the Gauls (who had now re∣cover'd Courage by the hopes he had given them) supplying him with Provisions in a∣bundance, and all things else of which he stood in need, being determin'd to share with the Carthaginians in all that should befal them. When the News came to Rome of the Battel of the Horse, they were astonish'd at the ac∣count of the issue, as expecting quite other success; but they comforted themselves with many Reasons to conclude, that at least they were not quite vanquish'd in that occasion. Some took leave to blame the Temerity of their Leader; and others rag'd against the perfidious Gauls: But, in a word, while they were assur'd that their Legions were entire, and had suffer'd nothing, they were resolv'd to abate nothing of their Hopes. And when Tiberius Sempronius arriv'd, and they beheld

his Troops pass through the City, they were persuaded, That such an Army by barely showing themselves to the Enemy, would do enough to vanquish them. When the Troops were rendezvous'd at Rimini, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, and that they had taken the customary Oath, the Consul march'd forthwith in quest of Scipio; and as soon as he arriv'd, he encamp'd by him, ta∣king care to refresh his Soldiers, who had had a tedious Voyage of forty Days betwixt Lilybaeum and Rimini. In the mean space, Preparations were making to fight the Ene∣my; during which time, Tiberius never departed from Scipio, informing himself of every thing that had pass'd, and deliberating with him about what was best farther to be done.

About the same time Hannibal became possess'd of Clastidium, which he got by In∣telligence, the Town being deliver'd up to him by one Publius a Brundusian, who had receiv'd the Government from the Romans. Here Hannibal found store of Corn, which he now stood in great need of: The Pris'ners he took with him, whom he treated with lenity enough; endeavouring to make show by that Action, of the gentle usage those might hope from him; who tho' they had taken part with the Romans, should so deliver themselves up to his discretion, and to the end they might with less apprehension resign them∣selves

to his Clemency. He treated likewise the treacherous Governor with great respect, and rewarded him magnificently, the better to work upon others to do the like, who had any charge under the Romans. And now receiving Intelligence, That certain Gauls his Confederates, inhabiting between the Po and the Trebia, held secret Commerce with the Romans, (who, it seems, conceiv'd, that by covertly favouring both Parties, they should be able to insure their Safety either way) a∣gainst those he sent a Detachment of about two thousand Foot, and a thousand Numi∣dian and Gaulish Horse, who punctually per∣form'd their Orders, ravaging the Country, and taking much Booty. Whereupon the Gauls so treated, apply'd to the Romans to succour and secure them. Sempronius, who had long thirsted after an occasion to come to action; having now found it, forthwith orders the major part of his Horse, and about a thousand Darters to march, who fall on the Numidians and Gauls, that were still pil∣laging the Country on the other side the Trebia, taking them by surprize, and with∣out any order, and while they were in con∣test among themselves about sharing their Plunder; and being too hard for them, beat and pursu'd them to their Camp. But they were no sooner discover'd from the Rampart, when the Carthaginians taking the Alarm, sally'd to their relief, and made the Romans

in their turn to show their Backs, and hasten to their Camp. Which being observ'd by Sempronius, he commanded out all the Ca∣valry and Darters he had, who oblig'd the Carthaginians to return as hastily as they came, and cover themselves in their Re∣trenchments. Hannibal, who was not yet ready to come to a Battel, and believ'd that he ought not to hazard all at one hasty Cast, and without mature Deliberation, behav'd himself in this Rencounter in such manner, as that all the World must own, became a Great General: For contenting himself bare∣ly to make those who had sled into the Camp, to face about and make head against the Ene∣my, he then sounded a retreat, not permit∣ting them to pursue the Romans, or longer to engage. The Romans stood their ground for a space; and after they had sustain'd some loss themselves, but done greater execution on the Enemy, they retir'd.

Sempronius being inflam'd by this success, his Passion grew yet greater to come to a Battel, and decide at once the Fortune of the War. And albeit he was determin'd to at∣tempt his utmost, by his single Authority, during Scipio's Indisposition; yet because it would be a mighty pleasure to him to have his Colleague's Concurrence, he imparted his Design to him; but found him not of his Opinion. Scipio told him, That the new

untrain'd Soldiers would be better in the Spring, if care were taken to exercise them during the Winter, and accustom them to Military Duties: And if the Carthaginians at∣tempted nothing further, and were driven to be quiet for a while, the Gauls, who were na∣turally an inconstant People, it was likely would once again desert them. Furthermore he told him, That as soon as Strength would enable him, he had something to put in exe∣cution, which would much redound to the Service of his Country. With these and such∣like Reasons it was, that Publius sought to prevail on Sempronius not to engage in any hazardous Enterprize. And Sempronius him∣self could not but see, that the Counsel was wholesome which Scipio propounded; but, blinded with Ambition, and a good Opinion of his own Sufficiency, he resolv'd to do his utmost to be at the head of some Action, be∣fore his Colleague could be able to appear in the Field, and the new Election of Consuls should be made, which now drew near. For∣asmuch then as since he found he could not accommodate the Occasion to his purpose, and was yet resolv'd to bend it to his Will, he soon made it visible, that nothing was likely to be prudently done under his Dire∣ction, and that things would run a mighty hazard. On the other hand, Hannibal thought as Scipio did, touching the present posture of Affairs, and therefore sought all occasions to

come to a Battel. For as he was willing to make use of the forwardness the Gauls mani∣fested, while there Minds were yet unshaken; so he well knew, that the sooner he fought, the rawer his Enemy would be with whom he was to engage, the Army being, for the most part, compos'd of young new-rais'd Men. Furthermore, Scipio he knew conti∣nu'd indispos'd of his Wounds: And, in a word, what was yet of greater weight, he thought it not safe to remain long without Action. For who so enters with an Army into a Foreign Country, and hath great Designs to execute, hath but one way to succeed and be secure; namely, by incessantly engaging in new and signal Enterprizes, whereby to re∣new and support the Courage and Hopes of his Friends. Hannibal then observing Sem∣pronius's precipitate forwardness to come to a Battel, did all he could on his part to gratifie him.

When he had carefully survey'd the Plain that lay between the two Camps, tho' he found it for the most part very level, never∣theless he discover'd certain Places proper e∣nough for laying of Ambushes. In short, there was a Brook hard by, the Banks where∣of were somewhat rais'd above the level of the Plain, and over-grown with Bushes and Bram∣bles, which place he resolv'd to make use of to execute what he had in his Mind to do; and he concluded his Design was the more

promising by how much the Romans were only jealous of the Woods and Forest, and Places of Covert, which the Gauls for the most part made choice of for their Ambushes, but thought themselves safe from that danger in bare and open Countries; not considering that such situations often yield better and safer means to form such Designs than the thickest Woods. For, in short, those who are so lodg'd are better able to look about them, and discover from far all that passes, and there is often sound in such Plains rising Ground and Eminences sit to cover and con∣ceal Men; nor is there hardly any River or Brook so small that hath not some kind of selter on the Banks, that are for the most part cover'd too with Shrubs and Brambles, and the like Under-wood, where Foot may be very easily conceal'd, and even Horse also with a little care, by grounding their Arms, which are otherwise discover'd at a distance. After Hannibal then had held a Council of War, where his Brother Mago, and the rest of his Principal Officers were present, to de∣liberate about the Battel which they expected would be speedily sought, where they all ap∣prov'd of what he had therein propos'd; and, while the Army refresh'd themselves, he took his Brother to conferr with apart, (who was a gallant young Man, and train'd from his Childhood to Arms) to whom he first ap∣pointed an hundred chosen Horse, and the

like number of select Foot, for his Guard; then he order'd him, before it was dark, to pick out a certain number of the bravest Men he could find in the whole Army, whom he should direct to assemble, and attend at his Tent after Supper for further Orders. At the time appointed they appear, where, after he had exhorted them to the well-performance of their Duty, and observ'd their chearful Behaviour, he commanded them to sort themselves by two and two, each one to chuse for his Companion the Man he best lov'd, and most trusted: These he comman∣ded to draw together, and assemble in a cer∣tain place he appointed in the Camp. After these Orders were executed, Hannibal out of these drew out a thousand Horse, and the like number of Foot, with Instruction to Mago how to put his Orders in execution, and then privily dispatch'd them away during the Night, accompany'd with proper Guides to the Place of Ambush. Early in the Morning Hannibal assembled all his Numidians, a har∣dy and indesatigable People; these, after he had well encourag'd and fairly promis'd to each one Rewards in proportion to his Merit, he commanded to march out, and brave the Enemy in the Camp, with Directions, that as soon as they should draw out to engage them, and they had began to Pickeer, that they should then retire back over the River. His design being laid to surprize the Romans

into a Battel fasting, and not so well prepar'd for the business as they ought. Then he directed the rest of the Army (after his usual Exhortation) to take a good repast, and be ready under their Arms, and with their Hor∣ses ready to march.

Sempronius the next Morning no sooner saw the Numidians approach when he com∣manded out the Roman Horse, with Orders to attack them; to sustain these he order'd out six thousand Darters, and at length march'd the whole Army out of the Camp: For he had conceiv'd such an assurance in the Num∣bers he had, and was become so bold by his late Success, that he reckon'd, the show only of such a Body of Men would go far towards a Victory. And now it may be noted, that as the Winter was not yet quite past, so the Day was snowy and very cold. Further∣more, the Romans, both Horse and Foot, had been made to march out of their Camp most of them fasting; insomuch as the same Army that took the Field so forwardly began soon to shrink: For when they came to ford the Ri∣ver which was much swell'd with the Rain of the Night before, the Water was Breast-high, so that the Romans thus contending at once with Hunger and Cold, (for the Day was now well advanc'd) began to sink in their Courage, and abate in their Strength; while the Carthaginians on the contrary had taken a plentiful repast in their Tents, and were

well fortify'd with Meat and Drink, and had anointed their Bodies before they put on their Arms.

Hannibal, who had long waited the occa∣sion, seeing the Enemy now over the River, or∣der'd the Baleares to advance with the rest of the light-arm'd Troops, to the number of eight thousand Men, to sustain them. And having march'd about a Mile from his Camp, he drew up his Army in Battalia; his Line of Foot consisting of Spaniards, Gauls and Africans, amounted to about twenty thou∣sand; his Horse, which he plac'd on the Wings, to above ten thousand, comprehend∣ing those which had been sent by the Gauls, his Confederates; his Elephants he plac'd ad∣vanc'd before the two Points of the Battel. In the mean time Sempronius order'd a Retreat to be founded to draw off his Horse, who were totally to seek how to behave them∣selves against this new Enemy, with whom they had to do: For they engag'd against Numidians, whose way was to retreat in haste, and to break and disperse themselves, and to rally again with ease, and return bold∣ly to the Charge when they were least ex∣pected, which is the Numidian manner of sighting. As to the Foot, Tiberius had drawn them up after the Roman Order. There march'd in this Expedition sixteen thousand Roman Foot, and twenty thousand of the Al∣lies. For when ever their Armies represented

(as one may say) the Body of the Republick, and that both the Consuls joyn'd their Troops on any pressing occasion, the Roman Army consisted of that number. In short, Sempro∣mus posted his Horse on the Wings, amount∣ing to about four Thousand, and with a proud Port and slow motion advanc'd in good order against the Enemy.

The two Armies now drawing near, the light-arm'd Troops, who were advanc'd a good distance before the Lines of Battel, be∣gan the fight. It was visible from the begin∣ing, that the Romans fought with disadvan∣tage; and that on the other hand the Car∣thaginians had every thing conspiring in their Favour. For the Roma•• Darters who had been harrass'd all the Morning till then, had spent almost all their Ammunition against the Numidians, and what remain'd was now wet and spoil'd. Their Horse and the rest of their Army was not in a much better condition, while the Enemy was in every thing superior; for, coming into the Battel fresh and vigorous, they perform'd their Duty more chearfully, and with greater readiness obey'd the Orders of their Leaders. Wherefore, as soon as they had secur'd the retreat of their light-arm'd Troops, and the advanc'd Parties that began the Battel, and their gross and heavy-arm'd Troops came to ingage, the Romans, not able to sustain the first Charge of the Enemy's Horse, which not only outnumber'd theirs,

but were likewise in better plight (as was no∣ted) beat them from their Post; so that lea∣ving the Flanks of their Foot now uncover'd, the Carthaginian Pikes, and a Party of Numi∣dians, who were posted near their Compani∣ons, and had out-march'd the rest of the Bo∣dy, fell on the Points of the Romans Battel, whom they so hard press'd, that they disabled them from making head against those who charg'd them in Front: Nevertheless, their heavy-arm'd Troops every where, in the first and second Ranks, fought it at hand for a while with doubtful Bravery.

But the Ambush of Numidians now rising, and falling unlook'd for on the backs of the Romans who were got beyond them, put them into great disorder. And those on the two Points of the Roman Battel, finding themselves press'd in Front by the Elephants, and in Flank by the light-arm'd Troops, no longer able to sustain it, forsook their Ground, and flying were pursu'd by the Carthaginians to the River. In a word, the Numidian Am∣bush coming to Charge the Rear of the Ro∣man Battel, slew many of them: While those in the first Ranks, animated by necessity, charg'd the Gauls and some Africans, with whom they had to deal, with great Resolution, and killing many, broke the Carthaginian Battalion. Nevertheless, when they beheld the two Points naked, and defeated, being now without hope of succouring them, or of

being able to gain their Camp, by reason of the multitude of the Carthaginian Horse, which greatly terrify'd them, and the Rivers being also much risen by the Rains that had fallen; by which Impediments despairing to gain their Camp, they safely retreated to the number of ten Thousand to Placentia; the greatest part of the rest being slain on the Banks of the River Trebia, partly by the E∣lephants, and partly by the Enemies Horse; some few Foot only, and a good Party of Horse escaping; who following the rest, got likewise into Placentia. As to the Carthagi∣nians, after they had pursu'd the Enemy to the River, not being able for excessive cold to follow them further, they retir'd to their Camp. There was great joy in the Cartha∣ginian Army on the occasion of this Success; for their loss fell not heavy either on the Spaniards or Africans, but mostly on the Gauls: Howbeit, they had suffer'd so much by the Snow, and the extream rigour of the Weather, that many Men and Horses dy'd afterwards of Cold, and all their Elephants save one.

Sempronius was not ignorant of the great consequence of this Defeat, but was willing however to hide it all he could from the Se∣nate; accordingly, he sent his Dispatches to Rome, wherein he gave them to understand, that the severity of the Weather had snatch'd the Victory out of his hands. This the Ro∣mans

were at first willing to believe; but when they understood soon after, That the Carthaginians were possess'd of their Camp; That the Gauls from all Quarters had revolted to them; and, That the Roman Soldiers were scatter'd here and there after the Battel, secu∣ring themselves in the neighbouring Towns, and that they had no subsistence but what was convey'd to them by Water up the Po; they then became better instructed how to reckon of the issue of that Battel. Neverthe∣less, tho' their Affairs had so ill succeeded, contrary to the expectation of all the World, they proceeded to new Preparations for the War; they consulted how to secure such Places as were in the neighbourhood of the Enemy; they determin'd to dispatch Forces into Sardinia and Sicily, and supply'd Taren∣tum and other proper places with good Garri∣sons. Furthermore, they equipp'd and sent to Sea a Fleet of sixty Ships. Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius also, who were the new Consuls, rais'd Levies among their Allies, and made provision of Victual, which they sent to Ri∣mini and into Tuscany, with show of purpo∣sing to send Troops into those Parts. They likewise demanded Supplies of Hieron, who sent them five Hundred Candiots, and a Thousand Buckler-men. Thus with mighty providence they proceeded in all necessary Preparations; and it must be confess'd of the Romans, that they are every way a terrible

Enemy, even when they are most terrify'd and menac'd with Danger.

During these Transactions in Italy, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his Brother had given the Command of the Naval Army, (as we have elsewhere noted) landed on the Coast of Spain, somewhere not far from the Em∣pories; where showing his Army, he coasted along as far as the Eber, reducing such by force as made resistance, and receiving with singular Humanity into his protection, such as voluntarily came in; and took care, above all things, that the Army offer'd violence to none. And after he had secur'd, by good Garrisons, such Places as he had brought un∣der the Obedience of the Romans, he march'd further up into the Country with his whole Army, having been reinforc'd with new Au∣xiliaries, which he levy'd among the Spani∣ards, taking in all Places by force that lay in the way of his march. In the mean time, Hanno, who Commanded for the Carthagi∣nians in these Parts, observing the progress Scipio made, presently march'd his Army, and came and encamp'd close by him, not far from the City of Cissa. Whereupon they came to a Battel, and the Carthaginians were beaten, the Romans taking very much Plun∣der, those who had march'd with Hannibal having (as we noted) left the greatest part of their Substance in their keeping. He made Alliance also, Offensive and Defensive, with

all those on this side the River Eber. Hanno the Carthaginian General. was taken Prisoner, together with Indibilis the Spaniard, who had usurp'd Kingly Authority over those who inhabited the inland Country, and had pre∣serv'd a particular and fast Affection for the Carthaginians. As soon as Asdrubal had no∣tice of this Adventure, he pass'd the Eber to come to the succour of his Party; but in the interim receiving advice, That the Ro∣man Sea-men belonging to the Fleet behav'd themselves negligently, being grown careless and presumptuous on the success of their Land-Forces, he march'd first against them, taking with him eight Thousand of his best Foot, and a Thousand Horse; and finding the Romans dispers'd and scatter'd about the Coun∣try, he fell upon them, killing the greatest part, and pursuing the rest to their Fleet. But he attempted nothing further, but march'd back the way he came; and repassing the Eber, remain'd the Winter at New-Car∣thage, where he made all necessary provision to sustain the War, and for the defence of the Towns on that side the River. As to Cn. Scipio, as soon as he was come back to the Fleet, he there animadverted on those, ac∣cording to the Roman Law of Discipline, who he found had been guilty of the occasion of that Defeat: And after he had drawn toge∣ther and embody'd all his Forces by Sea and Land, he march'd, and kept his Winter-Quar∣ters

at Tarracona. He divided the Booty that had been taken among the Soldiers, by which he greatly gain'd their Good-will, and establish'd in them a more chearful Dispositi∣on of Obedience to such future Orders as the Service should make necessary. Thus we have set down the state of Affairs at that time in Spain.

Early the following Spring, Cn. Flaminius led the Legions through Tuscany, and came to Arezzo, where he encamp'd. But Cn. Ser∣vilius march'd to Rimini, to do his best to shut up the Enemy's passage that way. As to Hannibal, he held his Winter-Quarters in the Cisalpine Gaul, where he us'd his Roman Prisoners with great rigour; for over and a∣bove their being under severe restraint, their Sustenance was dispens'd to them very parci∣moniously; while, on the other hand, their Allies, who, tho' they were likewise Prisoners, were us'd however with all possible Humani∣ty: These he caus'd to be assembled, where he told them, That he had undertaken a Voy∣age into Italy, not to molest or make War on them, but to fight their Battels against the Romans; and remonstrated to them, That if they knew how to consult their own Good, they would do well to court his Friendship: That his chief end was to restore Liberty to the Italians, and to re-establish the Inhabi∣tants in the Towns and Villages, whom the Romans had injuriously dispossess'd. After

this, he dismiss'd them, and order'd them all to be enlarg'd Ransom-free, the better there∣by to engage the People of Italy to his Party, and to alienate them from the Romans, and to animate such against them to whom the Romans had done any late violence, by seizing any Town or Sea-Port.

He had likewise meditated during the Win∣ter, another piece of African-Craft; for be∣ing well instructed in the Gaulish Levity, and apprehensive lest they should form any secret Design on his Life, his Friendship with them being yet but new, he caus'd Peruques to be made of sundry sorts, and for divers Ages; than which nothing disguiseth more, even to a degree of rendring People totally Strangers to one another; of these, sometimes he us'd one sort, sometimes another, providing Ha∣bits likewise sorted to every kind of Disguise, insomuch as those who but now departed from his Presence, could not know him a moment after; nor could his most intimate Friends, without difficulty, distinguish him. And now Hannibal taking notice that the rest of the Gauls were not very well satisfy'd that their Country should continue to be the Seat of War, and that the Army was dispos'd to follow him every-where, and impatiently desir'd to march into the Enemy's Country, for the Hatred they pretended to the Romans (while in truth their thirst of Booty was at the bottom) thought it time to move out of

his Winter-Quarters, to gratifie the Desire of the Army. Accordingly, as soon as the Wea∣ther favour'd his Design, and he had been throughly instructed in the way he propos'd to march, resolving to shun the common Road, as being too long, and too well known to the Enemy; and concluding, that tho' the way through the low Fenny Country into Tuscany was the most difficult, yet being the shortest cut, and that Flaminius would be a∣stonish'd at so hardy an Attempt; he there∣fore (who was ever enclin'd to such-like En∣terprizes) determin'd to take his passage that way. But it was no sooner bruited in the Army, that the General had taken that Reso∣lution, when every one show'd his own share of fear for so hazardous a March, through a Country lying for the most part under-water. and full of conceal'd Pits and Precipices.

Nevertheless, Hannibal, after he had well inform'd himself of the Nature of the Soil through which he was to march, being now satisfy'd, that albeit the way was wet and mar∣shy, yet that it was hard at bottom, caus'd the Army to march. The Van he gave to the Spaniards and Africans, and appointed the care of the Baggage to the best and most use∣ful Men in the Army, to the end that if they should be oblig'd to encamp, they might have every thing at hand of which they cou'd stand in need: For in their other Marches, he took little or no care for the

transporting of Provisions along with him; taking for granted, That if they were van∣quish'd, they should need none; and, That if they overcame and made themselves Ma∣sters of the Country, where-ever they came all things would be provided for them. The Gauls march'd in the Rear of the Spaniards and Africans, and the Horse in the Rear of all. Hannibal order'd Mago to have a vigilant are to keep the Soldiers from stragling, and to march the Army in their order, apprehen∣sive least the Gauls especially, whose sloth and impatience of Labour he very well knew, should through the travail of so hard a march, be tempted to return back by the way they came; wherefore he Horse were so posted, that they might compel those to march, who otherwise might be dispos'd to desert the Ser∣vice. The Spaniards and Africans then ad∣vane'd into the Fens, where none before had ever adventur'd to go, and bore their part with chearfulness, they being a robust People, and harden'd to the like toilsome Exercises; but it far'd not so with the Gauls, who march'd not but with great difficulty, for the Ground having been potch'd and broken by those who march'd in the Van, they often sell, and were not able to keep their Legs. It be∣ing very difficult fort them to support that kind of Travel, to which they bad never been ac∣custom'd, nor had they any hopes of remedy by returning back, the Horse being posted to

hinder them. In a word; the whole Army suffer'd unspeakable Hardships in this march, and what was most troublesome, they were fore'd to pass four Days and Nights without sleep, marching constantly in Water; but to the Gauls it was most grievous, the greatest part of their Horse and other Beasts were lost by the way, falling and sticking, in the Mud and Mire, which yet prov'd in some sort a relief to the Soldiers; for lying with their Burthens in the way above Water, they pass'd over them dry-shod, and often made use of them to repose on for some short space. The Hooss of many of their Horses that escap'd drop'd off through so long a Journey in the Water and Fenny Ground. Hannibal himself, who was earry'd by the only Elephant that was left, shar'd a severe part of the Hardship of the Journey; for being before much af∣flicted with a defluxion in his Eyes, his Ma∣lady grew to that height that he lost one in∣tirely by the way, for want of time and con∣venient place to attend his Cure.

After the Army (to the wonder of all the World) had pass'd the Fens, Hannibal being inform'd that Flaminius was posted near Ar∣rezzo, he led his Army as soon as possibly he could into the Upland Country, as well to refresh and repose his Men, as to inform him∣self of the Enemies Purposes, and of the course and situation of the Country. And after he had been told, that the Territory was rich,

and that there was much Plunder to be got; that Flaminius was more an Orator than a Soldier; that tho' he had the Gift of Persua∣sion, he was totally to seek in Military Mat∣ters; and that furthermore, he was proud and grown confident of his numbers, and the strength of his Army; he therefore conclu∣ded, that if he could by any means march by him, and get into the Country beyond him, that this Consul not able to suffer the Clamours and Reproaches of the Country-People, would be drawn to do his utmost to hinder him from spoiling and ravaging the Country; and that, in short, he would be drawn into greater Assurance and Negligence, and endeavour to Attack the Carthaginians at any rate, and follow them whithersoever they should lead him; and that impatient to share the sole Honour of the Victory, he would not be persuaded to attend the coming of his Colleague. In short, he collected by all these Circumstances, that Flaminius was likely to afford him many occasions to sur-prize him, and lay Ambushes in his way to gall and molest him. And in truth he was not mistaken in the judgment he had made of this Consul. And most certain it is, that they think very wide of the Truth, who con∣ceive, that to acquire a right Knowledge, and take just Measures of the Humour and Cha∣racter of the Enemy he is to deal with, is not among the prime Qualities and Duties of a

General. For as not only when we fight Man to Man, but when one Rank chargeth another, he who thinks of Victory ought with exact care to observe, what naked or weak part the Enemy discovers, whereby to compass his End; in like manner, those who have the Leading of Armies in time of War, ought with skill and address to penetrate and discover the weak side of the Mind of that Captain with whom he hath to do. For there are those, who by an unaccountable kind of Imbecility and a Thoughtfulness which infects all the Actions of Life, are not only remiss in their Publick Administrations, but forget what belongs to the Duty of their Private Affairs.

Some are so abandon'd to the use of Wine, that neglecting Nature's invitations to repose, they become at length unable to sleep, other∣wise than by the Fumes of excessive Drink∣ing; others are captivated by Love, who have not only thereby sacrific'd the Safety of Cities and great States, but have themselves paid down their own Lives with Infamy. Cow∣ardice, and a base Mind are Faults throughout the World, but most capital in a General; they are Blemishes to every private Man, where-ever they are found, and mark him with Reproach; but in the Leader of an Ar∣my, they are a publick Curse and Calamity. For, in short, they are not only the cause of Armies languishing in Sloth and Idleness,

without ever entring on Action; but they themselves, who rely on such Leaders, are often led into Precipices and inextricable Dan∣gers. Rashness, Passion, Pride, and Vain-Glory, are all so many inlets to the Enemies Success, leading Men as it were, and subject∣ing them to the Triumph of their Foes, and hurrying their Friends, and those who trust them, to Perdition: For such Men are al∣ways expos'd to the Trains and Stratagems of their Enemies. Wherefore he who wise∣ly studies and attains a right Knowledge of the Frailties and Weak-side of an Enemy, and Attacks him there, by vanquishing the Lea∣der, will soon be Master both of the General and his Army. For as a Vessel that hath once lost her Pilot, is not long able to dispute it with an Enemy, and by taking him we soon become Masters of all that was under his Charge; so in War, where the one General is superior in Cunning or Military Abilities to the other, he shall also render his Army superior to his Enemies. Thus, in a word, our wise African, having taken a scantling of the Roman General's Capacity, came at length to gain his Point.

After Hannibal had decamp'd from about Fesulé, and had march'd by, and got some distance beyond the Roman Camp, he sell on their Frontiers; whereupon the Consul be∣came inrag'd to be thus contemn'd, as he conceiv'd. But Hannibal had no sooner began

to spoil and ravage the Country, and the Smoke which appear'd every where from far, made it manifest that he was burning and de∣stroying all before him: Flaminius could not then abstain from Tears. Nevertheless, when any undertook to advise, that it would be the safest course however not to follow and in∣gage temerariously with the Enemy, nor to come too hastily, and without mature delibe∣ration, ration, to a Battel with an Army so much superior to them in Horse; and above all, that he ought to attend the coming of the other Consul, and not adventure on Action till all their Troops were incorporated; he lent so deaf an Ear to these Counsels, that he had not Patience so much as to hear them; demanding of those who thus advis'd him, What they thought the People of Rome would say of him, should he permit the Carthagini∣ans to burn and destroy the Country with Fire and Sword up to the Walls of the City, while he remain'd in Tuscany an idle Spectator of the Desolation of his Country, and in the Rear of the Enemy, without attempting any thing? Wherefore he decamp'd, and caus'd the Army to march, and without regard to season or situation, thought on nothing but how he might come speedily to a Battel, as if Victory were the thing of all others he least doubted. And, in a word, he had pos∣sess'd the Army with so strong an expectation of Success, that there were see more Camp-Wenches,

and the rake holly Equipage of Boys an Vagabonds following the Army, than there were Soldiers who bare Arms; and all this Rabble bringing with them Chains and Shackles to secure the Prisoners. In the mean time Hannibal led his Army through Tuscany, on that Quarter that lies toward Rome, leaving the City of Corone and the neighbouring Mountains on his left-hand, and on his right the Lake Thrasimene; and, the more to provoke the Romans, he sack'd and destroy'd all the Towns that lay in his march, and did them all the other mischiefs that are the product of the cruellest War. But as soon as he had notice of the approach of Fla∣minius, and had made choice of Ground pro∣per to put his Designs in execution, he resolv'd to delay sighting no longer.

The Ground he had chosen lay thus: There was a tract of plain even Ground, stretching out in length a good distance. This Level or Vale lay between, and was in∣clos'd on both sides with high Mountains, the farther end thereof being bounded by an inaccessible Eminence, and the entrance bor∣der'd on a Lake, between which and the said Mountain there is a very narrow Way or De∣file which leads into the Plain. Hannibal then having pass'd into the Plain by that Streight, takes first possession of the high Ground, he had in Front, where he lodg'd his Spaniards and Africans; behind the

Mountains on the right, he posted the Ba∣leares, and the rest of his light-arm'd Troops, order'd in one deep File, and posted the Gaulish Horse in the like order behind the Mountains on his left, in such manner that they reach'd as far as the Defile we mention'd between the Lake and the Mountains, which is the Inlet to the Plain. These Orders being executed in the Night, and Hannibal having thus surrounded the Plain, he remain'd quiet, making show of a Desire to sit still and at∣tempt nothing. In the mean time, Flamini∣us follows close at his Rear, eagerly pursuing his Determination to attack him; and arri∣ving in the Evening near the Lake Thrasi∣mene, he there encamp'd, and early the next Morning march'd with his Van-guard along the Vale by the side of the Lake, with de∣termination to fall on the Enemy. The Day prov'd very dark and lowring, by reason of a great Fogg that was risen; nevertheless, Hannibal, upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now enter'd on the Plain, and that their Vanguard was hard at hand, gave the Signal of Battel, dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty; so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded, and at once attack'd on all sides.

Flaminius and the whole Army with him, were struck with astonishment at this surpri∣zing shock of the Enemy; for the Fogg was

so thick, that they were not able to see about them; and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once, the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men, nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 'twas wanted, and were, in a word, totally to seek how to behave themselves; for they were charg'd at one and the same time in Front, Flank, and Rear, by which means great num∣bers were slain, not as Men, sighting like Sol∣diers in Battel, but taken as it were by stealth in their march, e're they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence, being, as one may say, betray'd and ensnar'd by the Imprudence of their General. Flaminius himself, now destitute both of Hope and Re∣solution, falling among a Party of Gauls, was by them environ'd and slain. In this Battel there fell, on the part of the Romans, to the number of fifteen Thousand; who were so beset, that they could neither fight nor sly; for it is religiously observ'd in the Roman Di∣scipline, never to abandon their Ranks, or break their Order by flight. Those who were surpriz'd in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain dy'd miserably; for being push'd by the Enemy into the Lake, some be∣ing forc'd into the Water with their Arms, not having leisure to think what they did, were unfortunately drown'd; others, being the greater part, enter'd the Lake, as far as

they were able, leaving nothing above Water but their Heads, where they remain'd a while, till the Horse coming in, attack'd them there: Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy, they demanded quarter in vain, be∣ing all cut off, those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another. About six Thousand, who were well advanc'd in the Plain, chanc'd to have the better of the Ene∣my, whom they fought with in Front; but in regard they could not discover how the Battel went, they knew not whither to move, or whom to relieve, tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory. Wherefore, believing they might light on some further occasion of Action, they held on their march, advancing till they had gain'd the top of the Hills; where, after they had remain'd a while, and the Fogg be∣gan to clear up, beholding the lamentable state of their Army, and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to pur∣pose, (the Enemy being Masters of the Field) they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany. But the Battel was no sooner over, when Hannibal sent a Detach∣ment of Spaniards, and his light-arm'd Troops after them, under the Command of Maherbal, who besieg'd them in the Place; and after he had reduc'd them to extremity, they yielded to his discretion, who gave them their Lives. Thus have we given the Narrative of this Bat∣tel

that was sought in Tuscany, between the Romans and Carthaginians. Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners, to whom quarter had been given, to be brought before him, toge∣ther with the rest that had fallen into their hands, to the number of fifteen Thousand: After he had told them, That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives, he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army, to secure them under a good Guard; but he sent home all the Latins gra∣tis, telling them only, (what hath been else∣where noted) That he was not come to in∣vade or molest the Italians, but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans. After this, he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment, and solemnly bury'd thirty of his Officers, who had been slain in the Battel: His other Losses were inconsiderable, the Vi∣ctory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men, whereof the major part were Gauls.

And now his Hopes being thus justly rais'd, he deliberated with his Brother, and the rest of his Friends, about the future Methods they were to take, for improving the Victories they had gain'd. In the mean time, when the news came to Rome of this Defeat, the Magistrates, who could neither soften nor di∣minish it, the Stroke had fallen so heavy, as∣sembled the People, to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case. And when at the same time the Praetor, ascending the Tri∣bunal,

pronounc'd these words, We are Over∣come, they were struck with such terror, that those who were then present, and had been in the Battel, thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field. Nor indeed was this surprize without reason; for the Romans, who had held so long a possession of Victory, and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquish'd and Oppress'd, knew not how with Constan∣cy to support an Affliction so new and unex∣pected. The Senate only preserv'd their Tem∣per with decency, and omitted nothing that belong'd to their Function, holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick.

During these Transactions, the other Con∣sul, who was at Rimini near Adria, on the Skirts of the Gauls, and Confines of Italy, not far from the mouth of the Po, receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanc'd into Tuscany, and had besieg'd Flaminius in his Camp, had therefore resolv'd to march to his Relief, and joyn their Troops: But in re∣gard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body, he therefore pick'd out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry; and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius, order'd him to march before with expedition, in order to the relief of Flaminius, in case he should chance to be press'd before he could arrive. But when

Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battel was lost, he order'd out Maherbal, with the light∣arm'd Troops, and a Body of Horse, to en∣counter them. Accordingly they met with Centronius, fought with him, and beat him, killing almost half his Men on the place, and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neigh∣bouring Hill, and the next Day they fell a∣live into their hands. It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battel of Thrasimene came to Rome, and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment, when, to fill up the measure of their Affliction, the news of this their last Defeat arrives; when behold now not only the People in consternation, but the Senate it self became sensibly touch'd. Whereupon they thought it needful, without deliberating on the Election of their Annual Magistrates, to resolve on the choice of some one single Person, in whom the sole Autho∣rity should center. In the mean time, Han∣nibal, who by the success of his Arms, grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans, did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Rome. Where∣fore he continu'd to harrass and spoil the Country, destroying all by Fire and Sword where-ever he came, taking his march to∣ward Adria, where he arriv'd in ten Days, passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines. The Country in his march be∣ing

rich, the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersom, that they could nei∣ther carry nor otherwise transport it. The People where-ever he came, he us'd with great Cruelty, and, according to the common man∣ner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force, order'd all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms; such merci∣less impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him.

Incamping now not far from Adria, in a pleasant and fruitful Country, abounding in all things, he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses; for in his Winter-Incampments, in the hither Gaul, where he lay expos'd to all the rigours of the open Air, incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp, that what by their unwholsome Incampments, what by their march through the Fens, both Men and Horses (the whole Army over) were generally infected with a Disease call'd by the Greeks Lemopsoron; but with us, the Scurf or Scab, which comes by Unwholsome Diet and hard Usage: Wherefore happening into this place, so commodious for every thing, he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery, renew the Strength, and recruit the Spirits of the Sol∣diers. Hannibal being now possess'd of great quantities of Roman Arms, of those he had either slain or taken, he therefore arm'd his

Africans after the Roman manner: He also dispatch'd Letters by Sea to Carthage, giving an account of his Successes, having never since his coming into Italy till now approach'd the Sea-Coast. The Carthaginians receiv'd the News with great acclamations of Joy, and deliberated how best to re-inforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy, with all things of which they might stand in need.

The Romans, in the mean time, created Fabius Maximus Dictator, a Person of a no∣ble House, and of so exemplary Vertue, that his single Merit acquir'd to his Family the Title of Maximi, from the great Actions he so happily WP2787atchiev'd. There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Con∣sul; the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him, the Dictator twenty four: Fur∣thermore, the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate; but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent; and, during that Magistracy, the Authority of all others become superse∣ded, that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted. But we shall treat more particu∣larly hereof in its proper place. After Fabi∣us had been nam'd for Dictator, he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse, which is a Charge depending intirely on the Dicta∣tor, and supplies his place in the Army when absent.

Hannibal, after he had refresh'd his Army, mov'd by easie marches along the Coast of the Adriatick, thereby to gain time till he had fill'd his Troops; here, by washing his Horses with old Wine, whereof the Country abounded, he cur'd them of the Scratches and the Farcy. Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men, by which means the rest were hearten'd. and became the more chearfully dispos'd to go on such future hazardous Services, as he should have further occasion to use them in. Thus he continu'd his March, and after he had plun∣der'd and forag'd the Territory of Pretutium, Adria, and that of the Marrucians, and Fe∣rentines, he took his way towards Apulia, which is distinguish'd by three Divisions, each having its peculiar name. One part is inha∣bited by the Daunians, and another by the Messapians. Hannibal first attack'd the Daunians, and made spoil about Luceria, a Colony of the Romans, where he put all to Fire and Sword. Then he encamp'd near Ibona, from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians; and, in short, over-ran the whole Country of Apu∣lia.

About this time Fabius enter'd on his Charge, who, after he had sacrific'd to the Gods, march'd out of the City with his Ma∣ster of the Horse, at the head of four new∣rais'd Legions, which had been sevied accor∣ding

to Custom. And, after he had joyn'd his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians, with those that had been sent to Rimini, he sent the Consul back to Rome, with Orders to Command the Fleet, and have an Eye to the Enemies Motions by Sea; while himself and the General of the Horse, after he had taken possession of the Legions, march'd and en∣camp'd near Aegas, in view of the Enemy, and not above six Miles from their Camp.

The Carthaginian, as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius, led his Army out of the Camp, and marching, drew them up in Battalia near the Romans, to amuse and terrifie them: Where having remain'd some time, and none appearing to oppose him, he march'd back to his Quarters. For Fabius, who had determin'd to do nothing rashly, and not to come presently to a Battel, but to la∣bour by all Arts and Means to secure the In∣terest of his Country, held firm to his first Resolution. By which means he soon grew into Contempt, was reckon'd a Coward by his Country-men, and one who out of poor∣ness of Spirit shun'd all occasions of having to do with the Enemy. But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him; and to confess, That they could never have chosen a Leader, who better knew his Business, or could proceed with more Judg∣ment and good Conduct, which shortly after, the issue of his Administiation abundantly

manifested. Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood, and he himself brought up among them, and a perfect Master in Milita∣ry Knowledge, who had fought many Battels with Success in Spain, and gain'd two impor∣tant Victories already against the Romans and their Allies: And what out-weigh'd all we have said, and which to him was of greatest importance, was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety, but what they carry'd on the Points of their Swords; which was Fabius's Motive to work with so much Can∣tion and Circumspection, being well assur'd the Enemy would be superiour to him in Bat∣tel. Wherefore, by singular Prudence and Address, he had recourse only to those Ad∣vantages, wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger.

In a word, the Benefits the Romans enjoy'd, and of which the Enemy could not deprive them, were Provisions of Victuals, and Stores of War in great abundance, and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies. Fabius therefore held on his March in the Enemies Rear, and kept always near him, ever en∣camping on proper Ground for his purpose, which he very well knew how to chuse, ha∣ving a perfect knowledge of the Country: And being supply'd from the places behind him with what he stood in need of, he never adventur'd his Soldiers abroad to Forrage,

nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp. Wherefore being enclos'd continually within their Ramparts, and per∣petually on the watch to spy any advantage, by the means he surpriz'd and cut off great numbers of the Enemy, who chane'd to strag∣gle any distance from their Camp, or who, out of contempt of the Romans, forrag'd near them. By this means he diminish'd his Ene∣mies numbers, and bred Courage and Assu∣rance in his own Soldiers; and by these little Combats and Rencounters, taught them to recover their Spirits, which were much sunk by their late Calamities, whereby those who had been hitherto vanquish'd, might begin not to despair of Victory. But nothing could draw him to come to a pitch'd Field. While, on the other hand, Minutius, his Master of the Horse, was neither of his Judgment nor Humor. For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude, made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse, representing him as a flow and bashful Man, while he, for his part, was of another Temper, ready to en∣terprize any thing, and willing to come spee∣dily to a Battel. After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about, as we but now mention'd, they pass'd the Apennines, and enter'd into the Territory of the Sannites, a fertile Soil, and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War.

Here they met with such abundance of all things, that it was not possible for them to consume the store, either by their Expence or their Malice. They plunder'd likewise the Lands of the Beneventines, where there was a Colony of Romans, and took the City of Venosa, albeit a strong Town and furnish'd for defence. In the mean time the Romans follow'd their steps, keeping within a Days march or two at most of them, but approach'd not nearer, being in no wise dispos'd to come to a Battel. Whereupon, when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight, he resolv'd to take his march towards Falernum, a Town in the Territory of Capua; concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass; namely, that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battel; or, in case of refusal, it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior, and that the Romans want∣ed Resolution to come to a Decision. And by this means he reckon'd that the Towns and Cities would be terrify'd into submission, and to abandon the Romans. For, notwith∣standing Hannibal's two Victories, there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him, but preserv'd their Faith en∣tire to the Romans, tho' some were hard press'd and streighten'd by the Enemy; from whence may be gather'd what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Govern∣ment.

Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly, and without ripe Deliberation; for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World. Furthermore, it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries. Over and above these Incouragements, the noblest and most beau∣tiful Towns of all Italy are found here; name∣ly (on the Sea-Coast) Sinuessa, Cuma, Puz∣zola, Naples, and Nuceria: On the Frontiers, towards the West, Calenum and Theano; to∣wards the South-East, Apulia and Nola. Ca∣pua is situate in the heart of the Country, and surpass'd heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities; so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory, known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields, with those sam'd in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity. In short, it may be said, That it was principally for this happy Country, that the Gods once contended. Furthermore, this Country is fortify'd by Nature, and the Accesses to it difficult: For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea, and on the other by a Chain of continu'd Mountains. In a word, there are but three Avenues to it, and these very streight and difficult over the said Mountains. The first is that which leads to Samnium; the se∣cond to Eribanus; and the third from the Country of the Hirpins. Wherefore the Car∣thaginian

was not without hopes, that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy, he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside, and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy, who had not the Courage to forbid him; and that no body would then doubt, but he was in effect Ma∣ster of all without the Roman Retrench∣ments.

Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons, having left Samnium, and gain'd his passage by the way of the Mountain call'd Eribanus, he encamp'd on the Banks of the River A∣thurnus, which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy; and from hence forag'd and made Devastations in the Country round about, none appearing to im∣peach him, while Fabius, tho' wondring at the temerity of his Project, held the faster to his first Determination. But Minutius, on the contrary, and the rest of the prime Offi∣cers of the Army, persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy, became very instant that they might hasten their march into Cam∣pania; and that it was not to be supported, that Hannibal should, without controul, pil∣lage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy. Whereupon Fabius made show of being reason'd into their Opinion, and feign'd to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battel as they were, till he had got into the Country, whither he march'd

the Army with great expedition. But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians, he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Moun∣tains, and to keep pace with the Enemy, fear∣ing lest their Allies should think that the Ro∣mans, out of dread of the Carthaginian Ar∣my, confin'd themselves entirely to their Camp. Nevertheless, he adventur'd not into the plain Country, but continu'd to shun all occasions of coming to a Battel, for the Rea∣sons already render'd, and for that the Cartha∣ginians much out-number'd them in Horse. Wherefore, after Hannibal had challeng'd the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indig∣nities, plunder'd all Campania, and amass'd a mighty Booty, he began to consult about de∣camping, resolving by no means to part with his Spoil, but to convey it to some fase place, where he should keep his Winter-Quarters; to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Tra∣vail, but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come. Fabius then col∣lecting, that the Enemy had a mind to re∣turn by the way he came, concluded to way∣lay him by an Ambush in the Desile or Pass over the Mountains. He therefore order'd a Detachment of four Thousand Men, to ad∣vance and take possession of the said Pass, ex∣horting them to make good use of the occa∣slion, and the advantage of the Post, when

they came to the Engagement, which they so earnestly and so long desired to see. This done, he march'd himself with the Gross of the Army, and possess'd the Mountains that commanded the said Passage by which the E∣nemy was to march.

And now the Carthaginians advancing, en∣camp'd at the foot of the Mountains, while Fabius was not in hopes only of making them part with their Plunder; but that if Fortune prov'd never so little his Friend, to be able at one stroke to put a period to the War. Thus favour'd as he was by the advantage of the Ground, Fabius then had nothing so much in his Thoughts, as how best to post and destri∣bute his Troops; to lay his Ambush with most advantage; whom principally to make choice of for their several Parts they were to execute, and where first to begin the Attack. But while he thus stood deliberating, deser∣ring the execution to the next Morning, Han∣nibal, who had got intelligence of his Design, gave him not time to put it in effect. First then, he gave his Orders to Asdrubal (who had the general charge of the Pioneers and Workmen of the Army) to provide as many Faggots of dry combustible Matter as he pos∣sibly could procure; to make choice of two Thousand of the best and strongest Oxen, as could be pick'd out of the whole Herd of Plunder, and to bring them to a certain place near the Camp, there to attend his further

Commands. This done, he caus'd the Grooms and Rabble of the Army to be assem∣bled, and pointing to them a piece of Ground at a distance, that lay between the Camp and the Pass by which he was to march, order'd them, That as soon as they should receive the Signal that should be given, to drive and force the said Herd of Cattel by that way up to the top of the Mountains. This done, he bad the Army to take their Supper, and re∣tire to their repose; and about the third Watch of the Night, he commanded the said Rabble to bind and fasten the Faggots they had provided, to the Horns of the two Thou∣sand Oxen. This being soon done, by rea∣son of the great number of Hands that were employ'd, he then ordering the Faggots to be lighted, gave them the Signal to march, and drive them up as he had appointed. He order'd likewise his light-arm'd Troops to march in the Rear of these, and a while to encourage and sustain them; but that as soon as the Cattel began to run and disperse, they should with shoutings and great clamour take possession of all the advantageous Posts, and gain the top of the Mountains, to the end thereby to cover and defend the Army in their passage through the Defile, and amuse and divert the Enemy, in case they found them there. In the mean time Hannibal decamps, leading his Army towards the Streight by which they were to march. The Van-guard

consisted of his heavy-arm'd Troops; these were follow'd by the Horse; after them went the Baggage and Booty, and the Spaniards and Gauls in the Rear of all.

The Romans, who had been posted at the entry of the Pass, beholding so many Fires wandring about the Mountains, took it for granted, that Hannibal had taken his March that way: Whereupon quitting their Posts in the Streight, they march'd with expedition up the Mountains; but when they arriv'd, and saw nothing but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads, they grew greatly astonish'd, and were struck with greater apprehension of Danger than they needed. But now behold∣ing Hannibal on his March, who had already gain'd the Pass, they made some small attempt upon them; but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads, covering the Mountain, and mingling every-where among them, so di∣stracted them, that they concluded it to be their safest course to keep the tops of the Hills, and remain there on their guard till Morning, when they might be better able to discern what it was that had so perplex'd them.

In the mean time, Fabius was in trouble to understand the mystery of so many Fires, and began to suspect it to be no other than what it really was, namely, a Carthaginian Stratagem. Nevertheless, mindful of the Re∣solution he had taken to hazard nothing, he

kept his Army within their Works, and re∣solv'd not to stir till Morning; while Hanni∣bal, observing that his Project succeeded to his wish, and that the Defile remain'd totally unguarded, pass'd safely with his Army and his Plunder. But early in the Morning, ob∣serving that the Party which had advanc'd to the tops of the Mountains, were in danger, the Romans, who had march'd thither in the Night, out-numbring them; he therefore sent a Party of Spaniards to sustain and bring them off; who, falling on the Romans, slew about a Thousand of them, and with dif∣ficulty made good their Companions re∣treat.

Hannibal having now gain'd his passage out of the Territory of Falernum, and seeing himself in safety, began to consider upon Winter-Quarters, and deliberated thereof a∣mong his Friends: For he had now so terri∣fy'd Italy throughout all Quarters, that the whole Country stood astonish'd and undeter∣min'd what Counsels to take; insomuch, that Fabius was held in great Contempt, as ha∣ving, through want of Resolution, permitted the Enemy to make his escape, when he had enclos'd him in places of so great advantage; yet all could not move him a jot to depart from the Methods he had propos'd to pursue, contemning all those vain Reports, and the Opinion which the People had conceiv'd of him.

Sometime after Fabius being call'd to Rome, to officiate at their Sacrifices, he committed the Legions to the Conduct of Minutius, in∣joyning him above all things at his departure, to have a more vigilant Eye to the Preservati∣on of the Army, than how to Attack the Enemy. But Minutius was so deaf to his Ad∣vice, that even while Fabius was urging those safe Counsels, he was meditating how by all means possible he might bring it about to give the Enemy Battel. This was the posture of Affairs in Italy, while Asdrubal at the head of an Army in Spain, having equipp'd a Fleet of thirty Vessels (during the Winter) which had been left him by his Brother, and adding to them ten more, with all their Equipage that had been sent him from other parts, he departed in the beginning of Summer from New-Carthage; his Fleet, consisting of forty Ships, he committed to the care of Hamilcar, with Orders to coast it along the Shore, while he with his Land-Army march'd at the same time, keeping near the Sea, with intention to joyn both Armies near the mouth of the Ri∣ver Eber. Cn. Scipio coming to the know∣ledge of the Carthaginians purpose, determin'd forthwith to march out of his Winter-quarters, and endeavour to get before them. But, after he had been inform'd of their great Strength, both in numbers of Men, and all sorts of pro∣vision of War, he declin'd his Purpose of dealing with them by Land, and equipp'd a

Naval Army, consisting of five and thirty Ships, and putting on Board the best Men of the Land-Army, made Sail and got before the Enemy. Two Days after his departure from Tarragona he arriv'd near the mouth of the Eber, and about ten Miles from the Car∣thaginian Fleet; from whence he dispatch'd two Scout-Vessels of Marseilles, to discover the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy; these Vessels were the foremost in all Dangers, and kept always a head of the Fleet, with a forwardness that prov'd very useful to the Ro∣mans. For the Marseillians had always ta∣ken part with the Romans, and espous'd their Cause more conspicuously in this Adventure. The Scouts that had been sent out brought advice, that the Enemies Fleet was at an An∣chor in the mouth of the Eber: Whereupon Scipio forthwith got under Sail, resolving to make the best of his way to surprize them, as they lay.

But Asdrubal receiving timely notice of the Enemies approach by certain Beacons that he order'd to be provided on the Hills, put his Land-Forces in order of Battel on the Shore, and order'd the Marine Army forthwith to imbark. As the Romans drew near the Ene∣my, they caus'd their Trumpets to sound, and came to Blows with them out of hand. But the Carthaginians, after they had stub∣bornly disputed the Victory for a while, at length began to retire. But their 〈◊〉〈◊〉-Ar∣my

that was drawn up on the Shore, prov'd as it fortun'd rather a Mischief than a Benefit, by how much their presence so near at hand gave the Sea-men a more certain prospect of Safety by slight, than by fighting; where∣fore, perceiving the Romans likely to prove superior to them, they stood about and fled as fast as they could toward the Shore, after they had sustain'd the loss both of Men and Gallies. But the Romans vigorously pursuing the Advantage, forc'd them at last quite a∣shore, where deserting their Vessels, they sav'd themselves by escaping to their Land-Forces that were drawn up hard by; the Romans following them to the Shore, and taking as many of their Vessels as they could carry off, well-pleas'd to have beaten the Enemy at their first essay, taking thirty five of their Vessels, and making themselves Masters of those Seas. After this Victory the Affairs of the Ro∣mans began to have a better face in those Parts.

In the mean time the Carthaginians recei∣ving Intelligence of this loss, fitted out a Fleet with all Expedition, consisting of seventy Sail equipp'd for War, well knowing of what moment it was to them to preserve their Do∣minion of the Sea. This Fleet first touch'd in Sardinia, and then call'd at Pisa in Italy, hoping they might have found Hannibal, to have consulted and concerted Matters with him. But the Romans coming after them

with a Fleet of an hundred and twenty Sail of Gallies, the Carthaginians terrify'd with their numbers return'd directly back to Sar∣dinia, and from thence to Carthage. Cn. Ser∣vilius, General of the Roman Fleet, made chace after them for a while, in hopes of coming to an Ingagement, but finding they had got too much the start of him, he left off the pursuit. Then he made Sail for Lilybae∣um with the whole Fleet; from thence he steer'd his course to a certain Island in the African Sea call'd Cercina, where he levy'd Money on the Inhabitants, to purchase ex∣emption of their Country from Plunder. From thence he held on his way and came to an Island call'd Cossyrus, which he took, and af∣ter he had put a Garrison into the Town, he return'd back to Lilybaeum, where, leaving the Fleet in Harbour he went himself to find out their Land-Forces.

The Senate of Rome receiving Intelligence of Scipio's Sea-Victory, concluded that it was not only convenient, but necessary to the Common-wealth, that they should not neg∣lect their Assairs in Spain; wherefore to quick∣en the War on that side, and press the Car∣thaginians the more in these Parts, they sitted out a Squadron of twenty Gallies, and forth∣with gave them into the Charge of Pub. Scipio, dispatching him to his Brother, to the end they might jointly manage the War in Spain. For the Senate justly apprehended, that if

the Carthaginians should once be permitted to conquer and possess at their pleasure that. Province, they would soon recover their Do∣minion of the Sea, attack and make Descents in Italy with ease, and be enabled to re-inforce and supply Hannibal both with Men and Mo∣ney. Wherefore, I say, the Romans, con∣cluding that keeping the War on foot in Spain was of great utility to their Assairs, dispatch'd Pub. Scipio with a Naval Army to joyn his Brother; who, after his Arrival, when they came to unite their Strength, proceeded with great Success. For albeit the Romans had ne∣ver yet attempted to pass the Eber, but thought it a great deal for them, that the People on this side the River were dispos'd to enter into Friendship and Confederacy with them; yet now they adventur'd to pass those Bounds, making War on remoter Nations, and Fortune approv'd their Enterprize: For, after they had terrify'd the People that inhabit on the Banks of the Eber, they advanc'd toward Saguntum, and encamp'd within five Miles thereof, in the neighbourhood of the Temple of Venus, and so posted themselves, that they were every way cover'd from Attempts of an Enemy, and where whatever they wanted might with case be supply'd them, for their Fleet by Sea kept pace with them on Land, coasting it along the Shore at the same rate they march'd.

But in the mean time there happen'd an oc∣currence which avail'd further toward the Prosperity of the Roman Assairs. Upon Han∣nibal's departure on his Expedition to Italy, he took Hostages of all the Towns of whose Affection he was not well assur'd; making choice for that purpose of the Children of the principal Inhabitants, and sending them to be carefully kept under a good Guard at Sagun∣tum; that place being not only well fortify'd, but the Garrison he had left in it well dispos'd to his Service. Among those there was one Abilyx a Spaniard, a Man of the first Rank in his Country, both for his Authority and Manners; and, above all, reckon'd among the most faithful Friends of the Carthaginians. This Man, taking the present posture of Af∣fairs into Consideration, and observing the Romans likely to prosper, took a Resolution worthy of a Spaniard and a Barbarian, which was to bring it about that the said Hostages might be deliver'd up, believing that by com∣passing some remarkable Service to the Ro∣mans, he should become very Popular, and be well receiv'd among them.

Asdrubal had committed the Government of that Province to Bostar, a Man of Autho∣rity among the Carthaginians, with Orders to oppose the Romans, when at any time they should attempt passing the River Eber; but he, wanting Resolution to withstand them, had retir'd from his Post, and march'd and

encamp'd near Saguntum towards the Sea. Now Abilyx well knew, that Bostar was a plain well meaning Man, of easie Faith, un∣practis'd in subtile Arts, and had a good O∣pinion of him: He therefore imparts to him what he seign'd was the best Counsel he could take; namely, that since the Romans had now gain'd their passage over the River, the Car∣thaginians would be no longer able to hold the Spaniards in subjection by fear; but that it imported them, in the present evil Con∣juncture of their Assairs, to acquire by some extraordinary means the Affection and Good∣will of the Natives: That the Romans were already under the Walls of Saguntum, which was in a manner besieg'd, and would be soon streightned: That therefore if he would give a check to their Ambition and Success, he could not take a wifer or more safe course, than presently to resolve on the restoring all the Hostages to their Parents and Relations: For that the Enemy coveted nothing with more passion, than to be able to get them into their hands; to the end, that by deli∣vering them up, they might acquire and con∣ciliate thereby the good Opinion of the Spa∣niards: That, in a word, it would be an act of great Wisdom in him to obviate this Inconvenience, by restoring the Hostages himself, which would bind the Spaniards to him for ever; and that he, for his part, would labour his utmost, that the Carthaginians

might reap the best fruit of so fair a proceed∣ing, if they should think sit to commit the Conduct thereof to his management: For if it were transacted by him, he should be both able and willing to negotiate the Affair, with such regard to the Interest of the Carthagini∣ans, in the respective Towns concern'd, that their Relations should not only be made sen∣sible of the Benefit, but the People in general dispos'd to acknowledge their Good-will, when they beheld such remarkable Instances of the Carthaginians Friendship. He likewise gave Bostar himself hopes of a valuable Re∣ward, from those whose Children should be so deliver'd; and that, in short, by his resto∣ring in so generous a manner, and contrary to all expectation, what was so dear to them, every one would emulate the other in their Expressions of Gratitude to such a Benefactor. In a word, he dealt with Bostar by all the fair Arguments he was able to urge, to win him over to his purpose. After this Confe∣rence, matters being concluded between them, and a Day set when he should return with all necessary Preparations to receive and conduct the Hostages, Abilyx return'd home. The following Night he went to the Roman Camp, where after some Discourse with certain Spa∣niards that serv'd in the Army, he was by them conducted to the Scipio's; to whom he made it appear by many Reasons, That the whole Body of the Spaniards would come in

to them, were it but once known that their Hostages were in their Possession; and there∣upon gave them his Word to deliver them in∣to their hands. Publius list'ned with great pleasure to the Proposition; and after solemn promise of a noble Recompence, and the time when, and the place where they should attend to execute the Design, agreed on, he dismiss'd them, who return'd back to Sagun∣rum. And now Abilyx, having provided Per∣sons proper for his Enterprize, came to Bo∣star; and after the Hostages were put into his hands, he departed by Night from Sagun∣tum, as feigning thereby to be able to go more conceal'd from the Enemy's Sentinels. But having pass'd their Camp, he then took another way, and led them at the time agreed on, to the place appointed, where he deliver'd them to those who had been order'd to take charge of them. This was so great an In∣stance of Abilyx's Good-will to the Romans, that Scipio held him ever after in great e∣steem, making use of him in conjunction with People of his own, to see the Hostages re∣stor'd to their Parents and their Country: who went accordingly from Town to Town; where he negotiated so well for the Romans, giving the People such Impressions of their Generosity and Humanity, and declaiming so justly against the Carthaginians Cruelty and Insidelity, and producing himself as an Ex∣ample of deserting them, that he wrought

many Towns over to the Romans, who en∣ter'd into Confederacy with them. Bostar, who had committed these Children to the Faith of Abilyx, acted a very Child's Part himself, and not like an Officer of his Age and Experience, becoming afterwards there∣by liable to many and great Dangers. But forasmuch as the Season of the Year forbad any further present action, they withdrew on both sides into Winter-Quarters. Afterwards the Romans (Fortune changing in favour of their Affairs) receiv'd manifold Advantages by means of the Hostages they had so given up, being thereby greatly assisted in their fu∣ture Enterprizes. Thus have we deliver'd a state of the Occurrences in Spain.

But to return to our History of Hannibal: He receiving intelligence by his Spies, That there was much Corn at Luceria and Geruni∣um, and that Gerunium was a commodious place wherein to make his Magazines; there∣upon resolv'd to make that Country his Win∣ter-Quarters, and so lead his Army by the way of the Mountains of Liburnum, to the said Towns. When he arriv'd at Gerunium, which stands about twenty five Miles from Luceria, he sought by all fair Means and large Promises, to win them to take part with the Carthaginians, offering to bind himself by Oath to the punctual execution of the Con∣ditions that should be accorded to. But see∣ing he could not so prevail, he sat down be∣fore

the Town; and laying siege to it soon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it, putting all the Inhabitants to the ••••word, reserving the greatest part of the Buildings undemolish'd, whereof to make Granaries; and lodging his Troops under the Walls, fortify'd his Camp with a good Re∣trenchment. From thence he sent two third parts of his Army to gather in Corn, order∣ing them by turns to supply daily the other third part that remain'd with him, with a certain quantity for their Expence, he con∣tinuing with them constantly in Battalia, as well for the guard of the Camp, as to pre∣vent any sudden attempt on those who were employ'd in gathering in the Corn. In short, the Country being very fertile, and the time of Harvest at the heighth, they daily brought in very great quantities.

As soon as Minutius had receiv'd the Com∣mand of the Army from Fabius, as we no∣ted, he lost no time, but march'd by the tops of the Mountains to find out the Enemy, hoping for an occasion to deal with Hannibal there. But when he came to understand, That he was already Master of Gerunium; that the Carthaginians were spread all over the Country gathering in Corn, and that the Army was encamp'd under the Walls of the Town, he forthwith descended from the Hills into the Champaign Country, and encamp'd in the Territory of Larinam, on a high Ground call'd Calela, with a full determina∣tion

to do his utmost to come by any means speedily to a Battel. Hannibal having notice of the approach of the Romans, permitted on∣ly one part of his Army to pursue their Har∣vest-work, while he with the other two thirds advanc'd toward the Enemy, posting himself on an Eminence about two Miles distant from Gerunium, to try if he could from thence awe them, and also to be in a better Post to suc∣cour his Foragers, in case they should chance to be press'd. But there happening to be a piece of high Ground between the two Ar∣mies, which commanded near the Roman Camp, he sent thither in the Night two Thousand of his light-arm'd Troops to take possession thereof. This being observ'd in the Morning by Minutius, he immediately order'd out his light-arm'd Soldiers likewise against them, who attack'd them in their Post. The Dispute was very warm for a while; but in the end the Romans prevail'd; and dislodging the Enemy, came and posted themselves there.

Hannibal after this, remain'd quiet in his Camp for some Days with all his Troops, for that they had the Romans now so near Neigh∣bours; but after a while he was necessitated to send abroad for Forage for his Horse, and to fetch in Corn for the supply of his Camp; for that he was unwilling not only to spend out of the Store they had laid up, but solli∣citous to add to what they had already ga∣ther'd,

to the end they might live in plenty during Winter, both Horse and Man, placing his greatest hopes of success in the Service of his Horse.

In the mean time Minutius, being inform'd that the Enemy was abroad in great numbers, dispers'd here and there about the Country, for the Services above-mention'd, order'd his Troops to march at an Hour he thought most proper; and, being not far from the Enemies Camp, drew up his Army in Battalia, and ordering his Horse and light-arm'd Troops to be drawn up in Parties and small Divisions, commanded them to march and attack the Foragers, and to give no Quarter. This Action did not a little perplex Hannibal, who had not then Strength enough at hand to make head against the Enemy, nor to succour those who were scatter'd stragling about the Country.

Those of the Romans, who were comman∣ded out against the Foragers, kill'd many as they found them wand'ring to and again; and those, who stood drawn up in Battalia, began so to contemn the Carthaginians, that not satisfy'd to confine them to their Camp, they were hardly with-held from attempting their Works; insomuch that Hannibal seem'd to be greatly streight••ed: Yet albeit he was reduc'd to that extremity, that it was all he could do to keep his Ground and defend the Camp, yet he deserted not his Post. In short,

Asdrubal receiving those into the Camp un∣der the Walls of Gerunium, that had escap'd thither from the Enemy, march'd at the head of four Thousand Men to the relief of Hannibal, who, being now in some sort re∣insorc'd, advanc'd against the Romans, and stood some time in Battalia, not far distant from their Camp, so that in the end he came fairly off of the Danger that threaten'd him, tho' with difficulty enough; but, in a word, he came off. Minutius having slain many of the Enemy in this Rencounter, and more of the Foragers, retir'd to his Camp full of assurance of future Success; and on the Mor∣row, upon the Carthaginians marching out of their Works, he follow'd them and took possession of their Camp: For Hannibal fear∣ful lest the Romans should by surprize in the Night attempt and assault his Camp at Geru∣nium, which was not in a very good state of Defence, and might thereby become Masters of their Baggage, their Plunder, and all the Stores they had there laid up, was therefore determin'd to return and abide in those Quar∣ters. In the mean time the Carthaginians forag'd for the furture with more caution, and the Romans manifested less apprehension of the Enemy.

The news of this Action being brought to Rome, and publish'd with more Vanity than Truth, there was great Joy in the City. For, after the Consternation they had been in,

they reckon'd it a Change greatly for the better, and as an Omen of their future good Fortune; and, that if their Armies had not of a long time perform'd any thing to the purpose, it was not at least through the Cow∣ardice of the Soldiers, but the pusillanimity of the Dictator, who apprehended every thing. So that all the World began now to reproach Fabius, and blame his Conduct, for having lost so many fair occasions plainly through want of Resolution. But they heap'd so many Praises on Minutius, that in the end they decreed him an Honour that was with∣out any example in the Republick. For they invested him with absolute Authority; ima∣gining that by that act, they should put it in his Power to give a speedy Period to the War; and now by this Decree they came to have two Dictators at one and the same time to Conduct their Affairs, which never happen'd at any time before among the Ro∣mans. When Minutius came to understand how highly he was exalted in the Opinion of the People, and that they had given him full Power, he grew more determin'd and forward to attempt every thing how hazardous so∣ever.

In the mean time Fabius returns to the Army, without any change of Judgment through the Injuries which had been done him; but rather more confirm'd in the Rules he had laid down to himself; and observing

that Minutius was now become insolent, and uneasie to him, by his new Authority and Successes, and that he oppos'd him in every thing through a kind of Jealousie he had con∣ceiv'd, and that he was likely to push Mat∣ters to a decisive Battel, he therefore put it to his choice whether they should command the Army by Days alternately, or divide the Army and command the distinct Bodies apart, and have two separate Camps, and act as each of them saw good? Minutius thereupon inclin'd to divide the Army, whereupon the Legions were divided, and encamp'd a-part, about a Mile and an half asunder.

Hannibal, as well by the Prisoners he had taken, as by their Proceedings, had now learn'd there was an ill understanding between the two Generals, and well knew too the Mind of Minutius; wherefore rightly judg∣ing that this posture of their Affairs would in the end work more Mischief to them than to him, he began to contrive how to lay Baits for Minutius, that he might a little re∣strain his Insolence and confound his Designs. And observing a small rising Ground between his and Minutius's Camp, by which either might incommode the other, Hannibal there∣fore resolv'd to possess it; and for that he was well assur'd, the Roman embolden'd by his late Success would oppose him, he therefore devis'd this Stratagem. The Country round about, near this piece of Ground, was, in

truth, plain and Champaign, no part thereof seeming in any wise capable of Ambushes; but, forasmuch as in the plainest Countries there are little insensible Risings and Fallings, Turnings and Windings, Rocks and Caverns, where Men may be conceal'd, as here there was, wherefore in these places he hid five Hundred Horse, and five Thousand Foot, di∣vided into Parties of two and three Hundred in a Division, according to the capacity of the places where they were to lodge; and to be so dispos'd that the Enemies Foragers might not discover them: This done, he order'd his light-arm'd Troops to march, and take possession of the Ground we mention'd; whereupon Minutius, who concluded the E∣nemy had given him a new occasion of Vi∣ctory, orders out his light-arm'd Troops to attack them, and after these his Horse, while he himself follow'd with the gross of the Ar∣my in Battalia, keeping their Order.

The Sun was now risen, and while every Bodies Eyes were fix'd on the place of Action, Hannibal's Ambush riseth, and advanceth by degrees unobserv'd by the Romans. While Hannibal in the mean while was not slack to send Succours constantly to the Charge, and at length advancing himself at the head of his Horse, and the rest of the Army, the Horse on both sides came soon to ingage. Where∣upon the light-arm'd Romans, not being a match for the Carthaginian Horse, were bea∣ten,

and retreated to their Body, putting them in great disorder. Hitherto the Am∣bush remain'd expecting the Signal to fall on, which being now given, they come boldly to the Charge, and attack the Romans on all sides, as well on the gross as the light-arm'd Troops, so that the dispute was very warm and bloody. And now Fabius, who saw how things went, and fear'd lest Minutius and his Army should be lost, march'd out of his Works, and came in to his relief, who was at his last stake; whereupon the Romans, who before were broken and disorder'd, observing his approach, took Heart and rally'd about their Ensigns, and made a stand, after their having lost many of their light-arm'd Men, and more of the best and bravest of their Le∣gionary Soldiers. Upon the coming in of the fresh Legions that advanc'd to the Relief bold∣ly and in firm order, Hannibal began to be in doubt, and therefore founded a Retreat, and commanded his People from the Pursuit. And now all Men justly judg'd, who were ingag'd in the dangers of this Action, and in a word concluded, that the Romans had been beaten by the rashness of Minutius, and that the Common-wealth had been at this time, and always heretofore, preserv'd and rescu'd through the wise and slow Temper of Fabius. And they were soon satisfy'd in Rome of the wide disserence there was between the Pru∣dence of a good General of an Army, and a

rash hot-headed Soldier. Wherefore the Ro∣mans now taught by sharp Experience, thought it Wisdom for the time to come to abide in a Body, and in one Camp, and that none was sit to be obey'd but Fabius. As for the Car∣thaginians, after they had made a Retrench∣ment between their Camp and this piece of Ground, and had Garrison'd and well Forti∣fy'd the Post, and perform'd what was ne∣cessary to secure it from any further danger, they betook themselves to their Winter-Quar∣ters.

And now the time for election of their Consuls at Rome was come, where L. Aemi∣lius and C. Terentius were chosen, and the Dictator's Authority thereby superseded. As to the last Years Consuls, Cn. Servilius and M. Regulus, who had fill'd the place of Fla∣minius, they were invested by Aemilius with Pro-consular Power, and having the Camp committed to their Charge, had the entire present Conduct of the War. In the mean time Aemilius took care to make new Levies, after he had imparted his Counsels to the Senate, and sent Recruits likewise to fill up the Legions. Orders were also dispatch'd to Servilius to be careful not to ingage in a ge∣neral Battel, but to exercise the Troops as of∣ten as occasion serv'd in Skirmishes and Ren∣counters, to acquaint the young Soldiers with Danger and their Duty, and qualifie them for more important Occasions. For they were

persuaded that much of their misfortune in the War hitherto, was owing to the rawness and inexperience of their Troops, who had not for the most part seen any Action of weight. The Senate likewise dispatch'd the Praetor Posthumius into Gaul, to endeavour to bring over those who had taken Arms under Hannibal to another Mind; furthermore, it was committed to his Care to Conduct over the Army that had winter'd at Lilybae∣um.

They likewise supply'd the Scipio's, who conducted the War in Spain, with whatsoever they could be thought to need. In a word, both Consuls and Senate acted with great at∣tention in all things that might avail towards a vigorous prosecution of the War. As soon as Servilius had receiv'd the Consuls Orders, he carefully put them in execution, perform∣ing every other thing that related to his Charge; but for Occurrences, there happen'd nothing memorable enough to be related; whether it was that his Instructions were too much limitted, or that the Season of the Year permitted him not to enter on any considera∣ble Action, but little was done towards the advancement of their Affairs. What was per∣form'd was by Pickeering, and small and fre∣quent Skirmishes and Rencounters, wherein the Leaders were not without their share of some Praise, acting in their Posts always with singular Temper and Prudence.

Thus then the two Armies remain'd en∣camp'd in view of each other all the Winter, and a good part of the Spring. But as soon as Hannibal saw there was Forage to be had, he decamp'd from under Gerunium, conclu∣ding there was nothing so advantageous for his Affairs, as to labour by all ways possible to compel the Enemy to come to a Battel. In the mean time, he besieg'd and took the Citadel of Cannae, where the Romans had laid up their Corn and Provisions of War for the Service of the Army. The Town had been demolish'd the Year before; and having now lost the Fortress, with all their Provision and Stores within it, the Roman Army became greatly streighten'd; and were not only press'd through want of Provisions, which they could not now obtain but with great difficulty, the Enemy being possess'd of their Magazine; but also because the Fortress of Cannoe com∣manded the whole Country round about.

They therefore dispatch'd Messenger on Messenger to Rome, for Instructions how to comport themselves; letting them understand, That if the Enemy approach'd and press'd them, there would be no means left to avoid coming to a Battel; and that the Country being every-where wasted and destroy'd, their Allies began to grow jealous of their Safety, and seem'd only at present to stand in a sort of doubtful Neutrality, to take their measures as the success of a Battel should determine

them. Whereupon the Senate came to a Re∣solution that they should give the Enemy Battel: Howbeit, they admonish'd Cneius to deferr it, if possible, to the coming of the Consuls, whom they now dispatch'd away. All People's Eyes were now on Aemilius, their Hopes being in him, as well on account of his Vertue, as for that he had not long before conducted the War in Illyria, much to the Honour of the Republick. It was decreed, That the Roman Army should consist of eight Legions; which was what the People of Rome had never before done; and that each Legion should consist of five Thousand, over and a∣bove the Succours of the Confederates. For, as we have hitherto observ'd, the Roman Cu∣stom was to march out every Year with four Legions, each containing four Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse; but now that they were thus threaten'd, they thought sit to com∣pose their Legions of five Thousand Foot, and three Hundred Horse, to which was added an equal number of Latin Auxiliary Foot, and for the most part thrice the number of Horse. It was the custom to assign to each Consul the one half of these Auxiliary Troops, with two Legions, when they march'd on any Expedi∣tion; but they seldom employ'd more than one of their Consuls to manage any one War, with two Legions and the Auxiliaries, as we have observ'd; and but very rarely it hap∣pen'd, that the Romans were driven to em∣ploy

all their Forces to finish any one War. Nevertheless, they were now so terrify'd, that they conceiv'd eight Legions to be little e∣nough.

After the Senate then had exhorted Aemi∣lius to comport himself in that occasion as became the Majesty of the Common-wealth, and had remonstrated to him of what mighty importance a Battel at that conjuncture was, they dismiss'd him. As soon as the Consuls arriv'd at their Camp, they caus'd the Army to be drawn together, imparting to them the Pleasure of the Senate, and exhorting them to behave themselves as became them. It was Aemilius who spoke to them; whose Dis∣course principally tended to Apologize for past Failures; for the Soldiers had been so di∣spirited by so many calamitous Adventures, that they stood in need enough of good Ad∣monition. He therefore did his best to per∣suade them, That if they had been vanquish'd in former Occasions, it was not one or two, but manifold Reasons that might be render'd for their Misfortunes; but that now if they had the Hearts of Romans, there was not one which he could foresee, that might debarr them of Victory, and triumphing over their Enemy: That their two Consuls never were join'd before, to conduct their Affairs with their joint Legions, all assembled in one Bo∣dy: That the Soldiers till now were not fit for Service, the State being serv'd by an Army

of Novices, raw and untrain'd to their Busi∣ness, and unus'd to the Toils and Perils of War; and what was of greater moment, t••ey had to do with a strange Enemy, whom they had hardly ever seen, before they came to en∣gage with him: That, in short, those who had been defeated near the River Trebia, were hurry'd to a Battel, within two Days after their arrival from a wearisome Voyage from Sicily: That the others, who lost the Day in Tuscany, did not so much as see the Enemy that beat them; not only before the Battel, but during the Action it self, the Mist and Darkness so hid them; but that now at this time, there was not room to alledge one of these Reasons: For first, they had with them both the Consuls, who were not only them∣selves equally expos'd to the Dangers with them; but they had so prevail'd, that the last Year's Consuls themselves, whose Magistracy was now expir'd, did not refuse to stay and partake the Fortune of the Battel: That as to the Soldiers, they had now had time to acquaint themselves with the Enemy, their Arms, Order, Numbers, and manner of Fight∣ing, it having been near two Years that they had been in continual action against them; so that Circumstances being totally chang'd from what they were, they ought likewise to expect a change of Fortune. And further, That it was not to be doubted, nor scarce possible to come to pass, that having van∣quish'd

the Enemy in so many late Combats and Rencounters, without any odds in their numbers, they should fail of Victory in a Battel, while they were to fight with an Ar∣my surmounting the Carthaginians by at least one half. In a word (Fellow-Soldiers, says the Consul) since every thing seems to pro∣mise Victory, it only rests that you should car∣ry your Hearts with you into the Field, and a Determination to Vanquish; and yet when I have said all, it is not you that stand in need of Exhortation; such Methods are only proper for Mercenaries, who sight meerly for Pay, or Allies who are constrain'd by Stipulations to hazard themselves for their Confederates, and without any prospect of bettering their Fortune, let the Success happen which way it will: But you who come not into the Field to sight a fo∣reign Cause, but for your selves, your Country, your Wives and Children, who are at present in a doubtful case through the many Dangers that threaten them, and whose Condition the Success of a Battel will greatly change: You (I say) need but only to be minded, not admo∣nish'd of these things: For who is he among you, who had not rather vanquish by Fighting, or otherwise die in the Dispute, than lead a wretched Life, beholding these dearest Pledges I nam'd, a Prey to a merciless Enemy. In a word then, resolve without Incitements from any thing I can utter, and take Counsel from your own Reflections, of the difference between

the Vanquish'd and the Victor, what Recom∣pences you are to hope, and what Calamities to fear: And draw your Swords inspir'd with such Thoughts, and bear in mind that you sight not now only for the Honour and Preservation of an Army, but for your Country and the Roman Empire; and in such case, what use can there be of Persuasions? If you sight un∣successfully, and chance to be Vanquish'd, your Country will be left wholly without Succour; she hath deposited all her Strength in your hands, all her Power, all her Hopes of Safety; you will do well therefore, Fellow-Soldiers, to determine not to violate so great a Trust, in an Occasion of such mighty moment; act then correspondent to such an Obligation, and express your Gratitude as becomes you. In a word, be∣have your selves so, that it may appear to the whole World, that if heretofore the Common∣wealth hath sustain'd Damage and Reproach, it was not because the Roman Vertue gave place to the Carthaginian, but meerly to be attri∣buted to the Inexperience of our Armies in those times, unlucky Conjunctures, and ill choice of Ground to fight in. After this Discourse, and others of the like Contents, to animate the Soldiers, he dismiss'd the Assembly.

The next Day the Consuls march'd the Army toward the Enemy, and the Day after came within six Miles of their Camp. Aemi∣lius, who observ'd the Country to be all plain and champaign Ground, declar'd his Opinion

against coming there to a Battel, forasmuch as the Enemy much over-match'd them in Horse, and that it therefore concern'd them to draw the Carthaginians, if possible, into such Ground as gave the advantage to Foot; but, in regard Terentius, who knew no bet∣ter, would not be won to his Opinion, it came to pass, which seldom fails in Military Affairs, that the two Leaders sell at vari∣ance.

The next Day then, when Terentius had the Command, (for it is the Custom of the People of Rome, for the Consuls to Command in their turns) decamp'd the Army much a∣gainst Aemilius's liking, and advanc'd to∣ward the Enemy. Whereupon Hannibal, see∣ing them approach, mov'd toward them with his light-arm'd Troops, and his Horse, and boldly attack'd them: But the Romans su∣stain'd the first shock by mingling some of their heavy-arm'd Troops among their light-arm'd Soldiers, and re-inforc'd these with their Archers and their Horse, and in the end had the better of the Dispute. The reason where∣of was, that the Body of the Carthaginian Troops did little or nothing to sustain those that fought, while the Romans had mingled, I say, certain Cohorts with their light-arm'd Soldiers, who fought at the same time. In short, the Night parted them, but in truth with other Success than what the Carthagini∣an expected when he engag'd: And the next

Day Aemilius, who approv'd not the Resolu∣tion of coming then to a Battel, and saw he could not now retreat from the Ground where he was, without great Hazard, intrench'd himself near the River Aufidus, with about two third parts of the Army. This River only, of all the rest in Italy, takes its course through the Apennines, for all the other Ita∣lian Rivers are dispers'd, some emptying them∣selves into the Sea of Tuscany, others toward the Adriatick Sea; but the Aufidus, which crosseth the Apennines, hath its source in that part of Italy that borders on the Tuscan-Sea, and runs into the Adriatick. Aemilius then posted the rest of his Army on the other side the River, toward that part that is Fordable, somewhat more than a Miles distance from his other Camp, and a further space from the Enemies; in this place he order'd them to intrench, to the end he might be the better able to succour and sustain his Foragers that went from either Camp, and to attack with more ease the Enemies, whensoever they ven∣tur'd abroad on the same Errand.

And now Hannibal, perceiving the time of Battel to approach, and fearing lest his ill Suc∣cess in the last Ingagement, should have blun∣ted the Mettle of his Soldiers, thought it therefore advisable to speak to the Army, and thereupon Orders them to be drawn together to that purpose; and when they were assem∣bled, ••he bid them behold and survey the

Country round about, and then demanded, what they could wish more, if the Gods them∣selves had left them at liberty to chuse a place to fight in, than that wherein they now stood, surpassing (as they did) the Enemy so much in Horse? We ought first then (says he) to acknowledge it a Blessing from Heaven, that in order to Victory hath conducted the Enemy hither. In the next place, you are to allow me a share of your Thanks, by whose management they are at length driven to a necessity of gi∣ving us Battel; for they cannot chuse now but fight, in a place which of all others they would refuse, were it left to their choice. In short, I see no necessity to entertain you with many Words to animate you to go on chearfully. I might perhaps speak to you on that Subject, and labour to incite you to do Gallantly were you now to learn what the Romans can do, for then indeed it might concern us to endeavour, both by Words and Examples to inspire you with Thoughts worthy of you; but at this time of Day, after we have thrice vanquish'd them in three successive pitch'd Battels, what Speech, or what Eloquence can so well perswade you, as the Success of your own Actions? By the Battels you have already won, you have sub∣du'd the Country, and by that means reap'd the Harvest of plenty of every good and needful thing, and my Promise to you therein made good; and the Effects have prov'd, that I meant what I said. It now only remains, that

we make our selves Masters of their Cities and Towns, and the Riches and Treasure they con∣tain: If we compass that, Italy it self is ours. This single Battel will finish all our Labours; and by giving us the Empire, and all that the Romans call theirs, we become Masters and Lords of the Ʋniverse. There is no need then of Language but of Hearts and Hands, and I trust, by the Favour of the Gods, you will soon see the happy accomplishment of all I have pro∣mis'd you.

After Hannibal had thus spoken, and the Army had given evidence both by their Voice and their Actions, that they approv'd what he had said, he remanded them to their Posts; having first prais'd their. Forwardness, and the Resolution they had manifested, and presently march'd and encamp'd on the other side the River, where the gross of the Roman Army lay. The next Day, after having order'd the Army to take their repast, he bid them pre∣pare for Action; and, the Day following, drawing up his Troops along the River, he presented Battel to the Romans. But Aemili∣us not liking the Ground, and believing that want of Provision would soon constrain Han∣nibal to decamp, he therefore mov'd not, but took care only to have the two Camps well fortify'd; Whereupon Hannibal march'd back to his own, after having stood a while drawn up in Battalia in expectation of the Enemy.

After this he sent out his Numidians to mo∣lest those of the lesser Camp as they came to their watering place; but Terentius not in∣during they should thus dare him so near his Works, and hinder his Soldiers from supply∣ing their Necessities, became the more pro∣vok'd by such Bravado's to come to blows, nor were the Soldiers less impatient; so true it is, that no time seems so tedious, as the space between Resolving and Executing, when once we have determin'd to abide the Dangers and Difficulties that lie in the way to our Pur∣poses.

When the News came to Rome that the Armies drew near each other, and that they were daily Pickeering and Ingaging by Parties, the People were every where in great fear and suspence, and the memory of so many late Defeats terrify'd them with the apprehension of the issue of the approaching Battel; it be∣ing easie to foresee the deplorable state of the Republick in case of a Defeat. Nothing was talk'd of in Rome but menaces out of their Sibyl's Books, and scarce any thing was seen in Temples and Houses, but Spectres and ill-boding Prodigies, so that all their time was spent in Vows, Sacrifices and Supplications. For 'tis a Custom among the Romans, in any Extremities or Streights in their Affairs, to omit nothing that they conceive may be of use to avert the Anger or Danger that threa∣tens them either from the Gods or Men; and,

in a word, there is nothing on such occasions done or said among them, that is held either Superstitious or unbecoming the Dignity of the Government.

The Day being now come when Terentius had the Authority, he took the Fasces, and the Sun was hardly risen, when he order'd the Army to move out of their Camps, rang∣ing those in the greater Camp in order of Battel as they march'd out; those of the les∣ser Camp he drew up in a long Line, joining them at the extremity with the others, pos∣sessing all that side of the Ground that look'd toward the South. In the Right-Wing he posted the Roman Horse, filling with them the space between the rest and the River The Foot he dispos'd in the same manner, but in closer Order in the Rear than in the Front, in regard the number of the Cohorts was doubled. On the left Wing was plac'd the Horse of the Consederates, the light-arm'd Troops were advanc'd some distance before the Line of Battel; the whole Roman Army (taking in the Troops of the Allies) consist∣ing of fourscore Thousand Foot, and six Thou∣sand Horse.

In the mean time, Hannibal order'd the Baleares and light-arm'd Troops to pass the River, posting them advanc'd before the En∣signs. Then commanding the Gross of the Army to march, he pass'd the River likewise in two places, and rang'd them in order of

Battel fronting the Enemy. On the left point, being the part nearest the River, he posted his Spanish and Gaulish Horse, opposed to that of the Romans; next these he plac'd the one half of his African Foot, who bare weighty Armour, their Flank being likewise secur'd by the rest of the Africans. His Numidian Horse he posted on the Right Wing; and af∣ter having thus form'd his Line of Battel, drawn out in length, and of equal depth, he made the Centre, or middle Battalions, which was compos'd of Spanish and Gaulish Legiona∣ries, to move a little forward, in such man∣ner as that the Figure, when they had so done, with the two Wings, might be liken'd to a Yoak, Crescent-wise or convex'd in the mid'st; for having propos'd that the Gauls and Spaniards should first engage, the Afri∣cans were posted at hand so as to fortifie and sustain them.

His Africans were arm'd after the Roman manner, being well furnish'd for that Service out of the Spoils of the Enemy in former Bat∣tels. The Spanish and Gaulish Bucklers were of one sort, but their Swords were not alike. The Spaniards wear Swords short, stiff, and pointed, fit both for cutting and thrusting; but the Gauls were only for cutting-strokes. In a word, it was a surprising Sight to behold them; for the Gauls were stripp'd naked from the Waste upward; and the Spaniards clad in white Linen-Cassocks, border'd with Purple,

after the fashion of their Country. In Han∣nibal's Army there were ten Thousand Horse; but the Foot, taking in the Auxiliaries and all, did not exceed forty Thousand. In the Roman Battel, Aemilius was posted in the Right, Terentius in the Left, and the last Year's Consuls, Marcus Attilius and Cn. Ser∣vilius led the Body. On the part of the Carthaginians, Asdrubal was posted on the Right Wing, Hanno on the Left, and Hanni∣bal led the Body, accompany'd by his Bro∣ther Mago. The Roman Army fac'd toward the South, and the Carthaginians consequent∣ly towards the North; so that the rising Sun molested neither.

The Forlorn, or advanc'd Parties began the Day, and these light-arm'd Troops contended for a while with equal Courage and Success; but as soon as the Spanish and Gaulish Horse on the Left Wing advanc'd against the Ro∣mans, the Battel grew hot and bloody: For they fought not now, as had been the custom in other Battels, by charging and wheeling off, and then returning to the Charge: But here, when once they came to join, the Horse-men mingling, and often disengaging from their Horses, fought it out Man to Man on Foot. But the Carthaginian Horse in the end prevail'd, killing the greatest part of the Romans on the place, tho' their Behavi∣our was without blame. Those who endea∣vour'd to escape, took along the River, but

were most of them cut off, Asdrubal giving no Quarter. And now the Cohorts taking place of the light-arm'd Troops, it was there likewise hotly disputed for a space; but the Spaniards and Gauls, who did not presently lose their Order, were at length broken, and forc'd to give ground to the superior number of the Romans; and retreating back, the Cre∣scent, or convex Part of the Figure, which was form'd by this Body of Men, and who first engag'd, sunk back into the void space in the Rear. The Roman Cohorts eagerly pursuing the advantage, easily pierc'd the Body of the Enemy's Battel, which was but weak, and compos'd only of Gauls, to the place where the Battalions stood in close or∣der ••••at had been drawn thither for that pur∣pose, during the Fight from the Right and Left Wings, where all the Danger was. In short, the Romans thus pressing the Enemy, who open'd to the Right and Left to give them passage, advanc'd so far into the void space, that they had now the African Foot, who bare weighty Armour on their Flank both ways; who moving from the Right and Left Wings inwards, charg'd the Romans on both their Flanks at once, each acting as the pre∣sent occasion advis'd.

In short, every thing came to pass as Han∣nibal had skilfully devis'd; for the Romans pursuing the Gauls, whom he well knew were not their match, became at length encom∣pass'd

by the Africans: By which means they were so enclos'd, that they were not able to fight in a Body, but, as it were, Man to Man, or by small Parties against strong Bo∣dies that press'd them from all Parts. And now forasmuch as Aemilius, who was posted in the Right Wing, and had his share in the Conflict with Asdrubal and the Horse; yet being hitherto unhurt, and willing to equal his Actions with his Words, by which he had encourag'd the Army, seeing that all the Hopes they had left was in their Foot, he charg'd through the Enemy's Battel, killing and forcing all that stood in his way, where he did his utmost to encourage his People; Hannibal acting the same Part in the same Post, having from the beginning conducted that part of his Army in Person.

As to the Numidians, who fought in the Righ: Wing against Varro, and the Horse that were posted in the Left Wing of the Ro∣mans, neither they nor the others acted any thing memorable on that side, saving that the Numidians so amus'd the Romans, by beating about them, now offering to charge in one place, now in another, that they were thereby prevented from succouring those that were elsewhere distress'd. But now that Asdrubal had compleated his Victory, and destroy'd the greatest part of the Horse whom he had fol∣low'd along the River, and was return'd to re-enforce the Numidians; then the Horse of

the Roman Allies beholding their Danger, turn'd their backs. 'Tis said that Asdrubal in this occasion perform'd an artful and prudent part; who well knowing that the Numidians were singular at the pursuit of a slying Enemy, he therefore order'd them to follow hard after the running Romans, while he, heading a Body of Foot, advanc'd to re-enforce the Africans; and coming in, fell on the Rear of the Romans Battel, and charg'd them likewise elsewhere with certain Squadrons of Horse, which great∣ly hearten'd the Africans, and as much terri∣fy'd the Romans. L. Aemilius, having re∣ceiv'd many Wounds, dy'd in the Battel, af∣ter he had liv'd to act in every thing the part of an able and vertuous Citizen, and especial∣ly in this occasion. The Romans resisted yet: a while; but as their Men fell, their Ground by degrees became more and more streight∣ned, till at length they were so huddled up, that they had not space to move and weild their Arms; so they were all put to the Sword. The two Consuls of the preceding Year like∣wise fell in this occasion, Men of great Repu∣tation for their Wisdom and Probity, and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Vertue. While matters pass'd thus here, the Numidians, who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse, kill'd the great∣est part of them, and took some Prisoners. A few got into Venusia, and among these the Consul Terentius Varro, a Person every way

unworthy, and who was chosen into the Ma∣gistracy for a Curse to his Country.

This issue had the Field of Cannae, famous for the number of illustrious Men there pre∣sent on both sides, as well on the part of the Vanquish'd, as the Victors. And certainly the Action it self witnesseth its own Great∣ness; for of six Thousand Roman Horse, there escap'd no more than Seventy, who got with the Consul into Venusia; and about three Hundred of the Allies, some by one means, some by another. As to the Foot, ten Thou∣sand were made Prisoners, who were not in the Action: Of the rest, not above three Thousand escap'd, all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands, to the num∣ber of Seventy Thousand. In a word, the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse, mainly contributed to their Success; and pro∣sitable Instruction may be gather'd by remark∣ing from hence, That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less, while you exceed the Enercy in Horse, than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battel. But this Victory came not cheap to the Car∣thaginians; for there dy'd in Battel on their part, four Thousand Gauls, fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans, and about two Hun∣dred of their Horse.

The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battel, for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack

that of the Enemy after the Battel should be∣gin, thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition, in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard, and in case he did, he was sure to find his Army thereby diminish'd, and the Romans with less business on their hands. These then were taken much after this manner. Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard, nevertheless, as soon as the Battel be∣gan, the Romans, pursuant to their Orders, march'd to the Attack; the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them, but at length, when they were on the point of yielding to the superiour force of the Enemy, Hannibal, who was by that time Master of the Field, came in to their Relief, and routing the Ro∣mans, forc'd them to take Refuge in their own Camp; of these were kill'd about two Thou∣sand, the rest were taken alive. Such as were scatter'd and dispers'd about the Country, and had got into Fortify'd Places, shar'd no better Fortune, for the Numidians attack'd them where-ever they went, taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners, as we before noted. The issue of this Battel prov'd in effect what either Party foresaw; for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possess'd, in a manner at least, of all that part of Italy call'd the Ancient Province, and Mag∣na-Graecia. Those of Tarentum, the Arpinates, and some Capuans, putting themselves present∣ly

into their hands, and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations to∣ward them. Nor was Hannibal in doubt, but that Rome it self would be his on the first Attempt; while the Romans became now de∣sperate (after this Defeat) of preserving their Dominion of Italy. And under these Agita∣tions, terrify'd at once at their own and Coun∣tries Danger, expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates. And, as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the Dreggs of this bitter Cup, they receiv'd news shortly after (while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity) that their Praetor, whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls, was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off, by an Ambush they had laid in his way. Howbeit, the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent. They call'd on the In∣habitants to strengthen the Works of the City, and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit, as by the success soon appear'd. And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness, that the Romans at this time were vanquish'd, and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy; never∣theless, it will also be confess'd, That what by their Constancy of Mind, and the Wisdom of their Counsels, they overcame at length these their Conquerors, and not only rescu'd their Country, but added not long after to their recovery of Italy, the Conquest of the World.

Here then we have thought it proper to si∣nish this Book, which contains so many me∣morable Tranfactions, as well in Spain as Italy, during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad. And when we shall have spoken of the Occur∣rences of Greece, during the same Olympiad, we shall then return to Rome, and discourse at large on the subject of that Common-wealth; being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected, will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian, but of excellent use both to those, who would im∣prove their Minds in such Contemplations, as others who are actually in the Ministry of Publick Affairs; as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments, as the form∣ing and founding of new Common-wealths.

The End of the First Volume.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Father of our Au••••••••.