The natural history of Stafford-shire by Robert Plot ...

CHAP. X. Of Antiquities.

1. FOR Satisfaction of the Reader, upon what terms I add this Chapter of Antiquities to my Natural History, it seeming to some altogether forraigne to the purpose: I take leave to acquaint him, before I advance any further, that I in∣tend not to meddle with the pedigrees or descents either of fa∣milies or lands, knowing a much abler pen now imployed about it* 1.1; nor of the antiquities or foundations of Religious houses, or any other pious or Civil performances: it being indeed my designe in this Chapter, to omit, as much as may be, both per∣sons and actions, and cheifly apply my self to things; and a∣mongst these too, only of such as are very remote from the pre∣sent Age, whether found under ground, or whereof there yet remain any footsteps above it; such as ancient Medalls, Ways, Lows, Pavements, Ʋrns, Monuments of Stone, Fortifications, &c. whether of the ancient Britans, Romans, Saxons, Danes, or Nor∣mans. Which being all made and fashioned out of Natural things, may as well be brought under a Natural History as any thing of Art: so that this seems little else but a continuation of the former Chapter; the subject of that, being the Novel Arts exercised here in this present age; and of this, the ancient ones; whereof in the same order as in the History of Oxfordshirea 1.2.

2. And yet the first thing that offers it self to my conside∣ration, is the original people that inhabited this Country before the coming of the Romans: I know both Ptolomy and M^r Cam∣den joyntly agree, that they were the Cornavii that were spread over this, and Warwic, Worcester, Salop, and Cheshires: but Ta∣citus mentioning a British people hereabout that were call'd Iceni, who took distast at the Propraetor Ostorius Scapula's block∣ing up their Country-men between the Rivers Antona and Sabri∣nab 1.3, I cannot but suspect they belong'd in part to this place: for that the Simeni of Norfolk, &c. whom M^r Camden would have to be the only Iceni, they seem to be too remote to be concerned at such an action; and so does the River Nen to be the Antona of Tacitus, as both S^r Hen. Savilc 1.4, and M^r Camden

would have itd 1.5, which perhaps may be a corruption through frequent transcribing for one of the Avona's, betwixt which and Severn they might easily be coped up; but not so betwixt it and the River Nen, which is so far from joyning with it, that it holds a quite contrary course. Beside it seems pretty proba∣ble that these Iceni, were neighbours to the Congi or Cangi, a∣gainst whom the Roman Army was presently lead after the defeat of the Iceni, whose Territories reached, as Tacitus himself also confesses, almost to the Irish Seae 1.6, wherein in a manner he comes up to Ptolomy, who places the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Promon∣torium Ganganorum at Ormeshead-point or Lheyn Gogarth in Caer∣narvonshiref 1.7: the Cangi in all likelyhood also held all Denbigh∣shire, and a piece of Cheshire, where the old Condate now Con∣gleton, and Conghull, seem to preserve the Memory of them.

3. But that which moves me most to think there was such a people as the Iceni both in Worcestershire and Staffordshire, is the Roman Consular way which remains to this hour, and passes through both those Counties by the name of Ickenild-street, which how it should come by, but from the people whose Territories it was made through, I cannot imagine. If it be objected that the Iceni, which Tacitus there mentions, must needs be the same with those of Norfolk, &c. for that at the same place he speaks of a Colony of veteran Soldiers posted at Camalodunum, a City of the Trinobantes next neighbours to the Iceni of Norfolk, &c. to re∣press the rebell Britans upon all occasions, which were drawn out at that time against the Siluresg 1.8. I answer that if we may beleive Ptolomy there were two Camalodunums, one in the Coun∣try of the Trinobantes, and another in the Territories of the Cornavii or Cangi, about the South parts of Cheshire, whence he might much more probably draw out these Veteran Sol∣diers, being much nearer to the Silures, than from the Cama∣lodunum of the Trinobantes: not to mention that Ptolomy calls that of the Trinobantes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Camudolanum, and not Camu∣lodunum as he does that of the Cangi, which is more agreeable to Tacitush 1.9.

4. It being thus made at lest probable, that the original In∣habitants of this County might also be Iceni, as well as those of Norfolk, &c. who though they at first carryed temselves fair to the Romans, yet seeing them use their neighbours in that manner as they did, thus stoutly interposed: let us next take a view of what markes there yet remain, of their places of ha∣bitation,

defence, &c. to one or both of which I think I can∣not but referr that noble antiquity near Wrottesley in this Coun∣ty, where there yet remains, either the foundation of some an∣cient British City, or other fortification, of great extent; it including above a moyety of Wrottesley, and part of Pateshull, Pepperhill, and Bonningal parks; also some parcell of the two Commons of Kingswood and West-bach, the whole containing in circuit about 3 or 4 miles, lyeing part in Staffordshire and part in Shropshire, as mark't out by the shaded line in the Map. Within the limits whereof there are several partitions yet visi∣ble, running divers ways like the sides of streets, tho' hard to be fully traced, because interrupted both by the mattock and plow, the foundations being dayly dugg up by the former, to mend high-ways, make inclosures, and pavements; and then all levell'd by the latter: which together with the large hinges for doores, an antique dagger, that have been found here, and some of the stones squared; make me rather think it some rui∣nated City, than a fortification only: otherwise I could have been content to have thought it some such Brittish vallum, or en∣campment, as Tacitus acquaints us Caractacus made upon a hill in Shropshire, upon the banks of the River Clun, with great stones rudely heap't upon one another, to defend him from the impressions of the Roman Army,i 1.10, the remains whereof, saith Camden, are to be seen at this dayk 1.11.

5. Such a Rampire as this, I say, I could have easily believ∣ed it, there having been just such great stones found herea∣bout, as we read Caractacus, and other British Princes, were used to fortify withal: whereof I was told of one, that con∣tained 100 loads; another so great, that after 10 loads of stone were hewed off it, required 36 yoaks of Oxen to draw it, and made the great Cistern in the Mault-house at Wrottesley, which though left very thick both at bottom and sides, is yet so capacious, that it will wet 37 strike of barley at a time. Or at lest I could have thought it some Camp of the Danes, who as Simeon Dunelmensisl 1.12, John Bromptonm 1.13, and Florentius Wigor∣niensisn 1.14 all testify, were overthrown at Totenhale, Teotenhale, or Theotfanhele, now Tettenhall not farr off* 1.15; the whole, or greatest part of it, being I think in that parish at this very day: but that the parallel partitions within the out wall, whose foun∣dations are still visible, and represent streets running different

ways, put it I think out of doubt, that it must have been a City, and that of the Britans, for that I could hear of no name it ever had, nor have the Inhabitants hereabout any tradition concerning it, of any sort whatsoever, somewhat whereof would have certainly been preserved, had it either been Roman; or so late as either the Saxon, or Danish conquests of this na∣tion.

6. And this is the only Antiquity that seems to have any pretence of ever having been a British habitation, unless the tradition concerning Willbrighton in this County, viz. that the Romans, when they came against it, termed it Villam Britonum (which name it still keeps with little alteration) may pass for one: but there being no footsteps remaining of its ever being tenible, tho' it lyes high, I much question whether this tradition, have not been broached of late years, by some fond Etymologist. Tho' it cannot be deny'd that the Romans had indeed some action hereabout, there being a raised work here at Morton not farr off, which seems to be of their fashion; and no question the large Meere that lyes just below it, had its name of Aqualat [quasi aqua lata] from them; and the banks on the N. N. E. side of it, the name of Anc's-hills, from some Roman Captain that lay upon them, whose name or at lest praenomen perhaps might be Ancus. Not to mention that all these are in or near the parish of Forton, and that there is a village not farr off al∣so call'd Warton, which are both thought to derive their names from some such actions, as are presumed by the story, to have happen'd hereabout. But I doe by no means prescribe to my Reader in this matter, desiring him to beleive no more than he thinks these grounds will fairly admitt of; every body be∣ing left in this, and all other matters whatever in this History to his own creed.

7. But though I could certainly meet with no other places of habitation of the Britans, either fortify'd with great stones, or otherwise fenced; yet there are several fortifications made of earth, cast up into high banks, with entrenchments round them, in such manner and form as the places would best admit of, that may be presum'd to be theirs. For that the Britans did fortifie after this manner too, as well as with stones, we have also the testimony of Tacitus, who tells us that the Iceni above∣mention'd did chuse a place for fight, septum agresti aggere, a∣ditu angusto, ne pervius equiti foret, fenced with a bank of earth, having a narrow entrance, to keep off the horseo 1.16: such as that

about a quarter of a mile to the Westward of over Stonall, where there is an old fortification situate upon a hill, call'd in ancient writings, relating to the lands hereabout, as I was told by M^r Brown of Footerley hard by, Castle-old-ford, which perhaps should be rather written Castle-old-fort, like the Blaestium of Antonine, in British, Castle-hean, or Castrum vetusp 1.17, being encompassed with a double trench, in diameter between the entrances (that seem to have been on the SE and NW sides) 160 paces. Which I am willing to think to be a British Rampire because of the ancient name, and that I cannot account for any action hereabout of later date: tho' I must confess the spear-heads, and other warlike instruments plow'd up within it, all of Iron, seem to argue it of less standing.

8. For tho' Caesar acquaints us that the Britans had Iron, yet they finding it then by the Sea side only, and in such small quantities, that they made their Mony of itq 1.18; we have reason to beleive that for the most part at lest they sharpen'd their warlike instruments rather with stones than metall, especiall in the more Northerly and inland Countries, where they sometimes meet with flints in shape of arrow-heads, whereof I had one sent me by the learned and ingenious Charles Cotton Esq found not far from his pleasant Mansion at Beresford, exactly in the form of a bearded arrow, jagg'd at each side, with a larger stemm in the middle, whereby I suppose it was fix't to the wood, as in Tab. 33. Fig. 1. These they find in Scotland in much greater plenty, especially in the prefectury of Aberdeen, which as the learned S^r Robert Sibbald informs us, they there call Elf-Arrows, Lamiarum Sagittas, imagining they drop from the clouds, not being to be found upon a diligent search, but now and then by chance in the high beaten roadsr 1.19 (like the tran∣sparent Ombriae, or hexangular Chrystals of Italy above men∣tion'ds 1.20) upon which account it is too, that the noble Veronese Ludovicus Moscardus, calls them Pietre Ceraunie, whereof he has given us several Sculptures, not unlike to ours, as represent∣ed abovet 1.21.

9. Nor did the Britans only head their arrows with flint, but also their matarae or British darts, which were thrown by those that fought in Essedisu 1.22, whereof I guess this is one I had given me, found near Leek, by my worthy friend M^r Thomas Gent, curiously jagg'd at the edges with such like teeth as a Sickle,

and otherwise wrought upon the flat, as in Tab. 33. Fig. 2. by which we may conclude, not only that these arrow and Spear-heads, are all artificial, whatever is pretended; but also that they had anciently some way of working of flints by the toole, which may be seen by the marks, as well as they had of the Egyptian Porphyry: which as the aforesaid worthy Gent. S^r Robert Sibbald thinks they learned of the Romansw 1.23, who as Al∣drovandus assures us anciently used such weapons made of stonesx 1.24. However still it not being hence deducible, but they may be British, they are not ill placed here, whatever original they have had from either Nation. Either the Britans, Romans, or both, also made them Axes of Stone, whereof there was one found on the Wever-hills made of a speckled flint ground to an edg, in the form as described Tab. 33. Fig. 3. and I heard of such another that was met with on the Morridg; which how they might be fastned to a helve, may be seen in the Musaeum Ashmoleanum, where there are several Indian ones of the like kind, fitted up in the same order as when formerly used.

10. Near Seasdon in this County upon the edg of Shropshire, at a place now call'd Abbots or rather Ape-wood Castle, without all doubt there was a very ancient, and no less considerable fortification; it standing very lofty on a round Promontory, and having a vast prospect to the South-West into Shropshire, at which very place tho' the entrenchment be but small, yet the whole steep ridg of the bending bank all along 'twixt it and Chasphill, for a mile together, having hollows cut in the ground, over which 'tis thought anciently they set their Tents, the whole seems but one continued fortification, the two hills at each end being the principal bastions: which I am also inclin∣ed to beleive to have been a British work, for the reasons be∣fore alleged in the case of Castle-old-fort: and that the Lows on Womborn heath not farr distant, may have been raised over some eminent Roman Commanders, lost in the conflicts they might have with the Britans hereabout. And for other British antiquities that are any way probably such, I met with none, unless the great stone in a field South of Cannock Church; and that other of a square figure a little tapering towards the top, 2 yards and an inch high, and near 4 yards about, having two chops in the top of it, so that at a distance it appears a triceps, standing in a leasow near the two Comptons in the pa∣rish of Kinfare, by some called Baston, by others Bolt-stone,

there being a story that a Gyant threw it from Aston (a place under Kinfare edg) hither; may be accounted such.

11. Which perhaps they may, and not without reason; whether we esteem them as British Dieties, as the Devil's bolts in York-shire, and Devils coits in Oxford-shire, have been proved to be at largey 1.25; or some memorials of battles fought thereabout; that at Kinfare being also called by the more know∣ing sort of people, by the name of the battle-stone: the Bri∣tans usually erecting such monuments as these, upon a civil, as well as a religious account. Witness Kits-Coty-house in Kent; Roll-wright in Oxfordshire; and Stonebenge in Wiltshire; the two former I think being certainly set up in memory of battlesz 1.26: and the latter most probably as some British Forum or Temple, and not of any Roman pagan Diety, as Inego Jones would have ita 1.27: the Romans at that time being skillfull in Architecture, and most other Arts, and therefore no question had they built it, would have made a much more artificial structure, than this ap∣pears to have ever been; nor should it have wanted an inscrip∣tion; or being some way or other transmitted in their writings down to all posterity. Nor is it less unlikely, that it should ever be erected for a Danish forum for inauguration of their Kings as D^r Charleton would perswade usb 1.28; for then certainly all the Kings of the Danish race had been crowned either there, or else at Rollwright, or some other such like Cirque of stone elsewhere; whereas we find Canutus crowned at London, Harold Harefoot at Oxford, and Hardi-canute likewise at Lon∣donc 1.29. Not to mention that the Danish transactions here in England are of so late a date, that our Historians have given us a tolerable account of them from their very first entrance; and would not certainly have been silent of so considerable a stru∣cture, had they been the Authors of it, either as a Forum, or upon any other account.

12. Nor have I more to add of British antiquities but that a ground calld Christianfield near Stitchbrook in this County, is said to be the place where S^t Amphibalus taught the British Christans converted by the Martyrdom of S^t Alban, who fly∣ing from the bloody persecution of Maximian raised in Bri∣tan An. 286, followed him hither 84 miles, as Ross af∣firms it, from the place of their conversionsd 1.30; where the Ro∣mans

that were sent after them (some say from Verulam, others from Etocetum now Wall as the tradition goes here) finding them in the exercise of their Religion, tooke them and carryed them to the place where Lichfield now is, and martyred 1000 of them there, leaving their bodies unburyed to be devowered by birds and beastse 1.31, whence the place yet retains the name of Lichfield or Cadaverum campus, the field of dead bodies to this very day, the City bearing for their Device, rather than Armes, an Escocheon of Landskip with many Martyrs in it, in se∣verall manners massacred: amongst which yet we must not reckon S^t Amphibalus, whom they carryed away with them to Verulam, and martyr'd him at Redburn a place between that and Annable which took its name from himf 1.32, as Lichfield from his Disciples. And this I take to be the utmost antiquity of that City, which yet seems older than Stafford, tho' it give denomination to the whole County, whereof we hear nothing till about 200 years after in the time of Merlin the British Pro∣phet who flourish't about the year 480, and wrot that two Kings should dubium praelium committere propter Leenam in Vado Bacu∣lig 1.33, which I know not how to expound, unless he meant they should contend for a Mistriss there. Of the later Antiquities of which two places, the Reader may expect more hereafter.

13. Of the Roman Antiquities yet remaining in this County, the most considerable of any are their publick ways, there be∣ing two of the four eminent Basilical stratae, otherwise call'd Praetorian, and sometimes Consular or Military ways, viz. Wat∣lingstreet and Ickenildstreet, yet remaining high and lofty, being but little decay'd, or any way interrupted either by time or the plow: the privileges whereof, and manner of making them, be∣ing discoursed of in Oxfordshireh 1.34, I shall wave them here, on∣ly noting by the way, that they seem not here to have used the same Method prescribed by Statius, i. e. first digging a deep trench till they come to a good bottom, and then rais∣ing a high ridg upon a firm foundation of other materials than what they found upon the placei 1.35: these seeming only to be made of gravel dugg all along by the sides of each way, as may be seen upon the Watlingstreet, as you pass betwen Wall and Frog-Homer, Occamsley pitts near Knaves-Castle seeming to have been made upon this account only; and more plainly upon the Ickenildstreet near little-Aston: the former entering the County at Faseley bridge and running from ESE to WNW

as farr as 4 Crosses, where it turns a little, and bears some∣what nearer the West, about W and by N, and so goes into Shropshire at Crackley-bank; and the latter entring Staffordshire a little to the Westward of S^r Charles Holt's park, and run∣ning from S SW to N NE to a little beyond Shenston, where it crosses the Watlingstreet, and then bears away N E and by N, and so enters Darby-shire over the Dove at Monks-bridg: both lyeing within the County in manner and form, and bearing to the Villages placed on each hand, as described in the Mapp per∣fixt to this Essay by two shaded lines.

14. Now that the former of these is the true Watlingstreet, tho' Holinshead mentions another that passes through Yorkshire k, I think so very evident that there needs no debate: but whe∣ther the latter be the true Ickenildstreet, or that mention'd in Oxfordshirel 1.36 deserves consideration; both retaining the same name to this very day, and perhaps for the same reason, as either leading to, or passing through the Countrys of the Iceni, there seeming to have been two Colonies of British people that enjoy'd the same name: those mention'd by Tacitus, who took distast at Ostorius's blocking up the Britans between Antona and Sabrina, being more likely the inhabitants of this County and Worcestershire, than of Norfolk, &c. as was shewn above. So that the Ickenildstreet of Oxfordshire seems to have been so call'd, for that it tends toward the Iceni of Norfolk, Suffolk, Huntington, and Cambridgshires; and this, for that it was made through the Country of the other Iceni, both being rightly so call'd; only I look upon this of Staffordshire, as the more re∣markable of the two, and so to be that Ickenildstreet which is usually reckoned one of the four basilical or great ways of Eng∣land, and not that of Oxfordshire: this being raised all along, paved at some placesm 1.37, and very signal almost wherever it goes; whereas that of Oxfordshire is not so there, whatever it may be in other Counties; which also seems to hint that the Iceni of these Counties were a more considerable people too, than those of Norfolk, &c.

15. Upon these Consular, Praetorian, or military ways, the Romans established their Itineraries, Stations, or Mansions at certain distances, which seem to have been the extent of the daily marches of their Soldiers; the length whereof as they were seldom under ten, so they as rarely exceeded thirty Ita∣lian miles. Of which Stations or Mansions I find but two cer∣tain, within the limits of this County, and these both upon* 1.38

the Watlingstreet, viz. Etocetum and Pennocrucium, the former whereof M^r Camden computes, and that rightly, to be the village of Wall, about a mile and ½ to the SSW of Lichfieldn 1.39, where just at the same distance that Antonine setts betwixt it and Manuessedum or Mancester in Warwickshire, there remains in the Lane upon the north side of the street-way some small frag∣ments of a wall, which 'tis supposed gave the present name to the village, and in the corn-field now call'd the butts be∣tween the village and some small cottages on the brook below, I was shewn two pavements one above the another at lest 4 foot, the uppermost (which lay within 18 inches of the sur∣face) being made for the most part of Lime and rubble-stone; and the lowermost, of pebbles and gravel knit together with a very hard cement about 4 inches thick, laid upon a founda∣tion of Roman brick; and under them boulder-stone of a foot thick more. Above the uppermost of these they often meet with Roman mony, whereof I was shewn 3 pieces, one of Nero, another of Domitian, and a third so eaten with rust, that it could not be distinguisht. On the other side the way in a ground belonging to Chesterfield, there are also antiquities found in digging, amongst which they lately met with the pedestall of an antique broken pillar very well wrought, which lay pretty deep just on the brink of the way, and now re∣mains at the widdow Smiths in Chesterfield, where I took the draught of it, in order to be engraven, as in Tab. 33. Fig. 4.

16. But tho' M^r Camden be right in the situation of the old Etocetum, yet I think him not so, in his placing Pennocrucium at Penkridg in this County: for tho' the name be more agree∣able, than of any other place, yet it not lying upon the Wat∣lingstreet, but two miles off it, nor at the distance assigned in the Itinerary of Antonine, I cannot but rather think it to have been at Stretton, so call'd by the Saxons (quasi the Town up∣on the street) after it came into their possession, which lyes just upon the way, and answers the distance very exactly, for tho' it measure but eleven Staffordshire miles, yet they may very well be esteemed 12 Italian ones, which is the just distance assigned by Antonine 'twixt those two Stationso 1.40. Nor lyes there any objection against this conjecture, but that no Roman coynes or other antiquities are found thereabout; to which I have this to reply, that neither are there at Penkridg, either where it now stands, or where it stood anciently, on the other side the River, further off the street way. Upon the Ickenild

street there are none of these military stations mention'd by Anto∣nine, yet doubtless there were such, tho' not mentiond in the Tables, these ways being raised for avoiding the trouble and danger of marching in strange Countries, and the Mansions set∣led on them at convenient distances, for the safe repose of their Armies at night: whereof 'tis like Streethey near Lichfield was one: and Streeton near Burton another; these two being near as farr distant on the Ickenild, as Wall and Streeton on the Watlingstreet.

17. I know that the Reverend D^r. Fulk of Cambridg makes the tenth journey of Antonine, à Glamoventa Mediolano, to pass through this County, as may plainly be seen in the second Edi∣tion of the said Itinerary by William Harrison, which he makes run Northwestward from Coventry, which he says is the old Alo∣ne, to Galacum which he makes Lichfield, and thence to Bre∣metonacis which he says was Trentham, and so to Coccium or Congleton in Cheshirep 1.41: but there appearing no footsteps (that I can remember) of this, he must pardon me if I doe not sub∣scribe to his opinion, till better informed. Beside these Basili∣cal or Consular ways there were others of like erection, tho' less extent, call'd Vicinales, quod in vicos ducebant; whereof I scarce met with any in this County: unless I may take leave to account the high paved way at Wootton near Eccleshall a part of one of these, which seems not to have been made by rea∣son of any wet or dirty way, it being raised between two o∣ther deep ways, which lye dry enough too. Also at Edingal in this County, about a mile E N E of the Towne, there remains a part of such a rais'd way, pointing toward Lullington in Darbyshire, but whether it should tend after, I cannot imagin, unless to the old town of Repandune now Repton, so famous for the burial of the Mercian Kings.

18. Near this way at Edingal there also yet remains a barrow or Low, such as were usually cast up over the bodies of eminent Captains, or other Commanders in the warrs, and commonly plac∣ed by the Romans by their military ways, for the reasons al∣leged in the History of Oxfordshire, whither I referr the Reader for the general account of themq 1.42; in particular I take this to be a Roman barrow, because thus placed near a street way; and so perhaps the great tumulus on the Watlingstreet near Hynts, tho' now a Rock of stone, it being possible that a heap of earth as bigg as that, may in process of time be turned into stone, as

shall be shewen hereafter* 1.43 so the barrow call'd Catts-hill; also near the Watlingstreet, about mid-way betwixt the Shire-Oaks and Frog-hall; and so the two Lows on Calves-heath, near the road side that leads from Sommerford to 4 Crosses; to which add another in some inclosed grounds East of great Sar∣den. But the most eminent of any upon this way, is that near Swinfen call'd Offlow, which tho' placed very near it, yet for the name sake, I dare not reckon amongst the Roman lows, it be∣ing no question the burial place of some eminent Saxon, of whom more anon. Neither must the tumulus upon the Icke∣nildstreet near Queislet in this County, call'd Kingsstanding, be number'd amongst these, neither of them owning their rise to the Romans, as shall be shewn hereafter.

19. But their being placed on Streetways, is not the only signe of Roman tumuli: for where we find Roman mony, or any of their instruments of warr within or near them, we have also reason to judg them cast up by the Romans, tho' remote from any of their Consular ways: for which reason I shall reckon the Low near Bushbury of Roman erection, a brass head of the bolt of a Catapulta having been found in a wood of that parish call'd the burchen Lesow; another of this kind was also found near Fetherstone, but in the parish of Brewood by M^r John Huntbach in a ground call'd the Laches, and by him presented to S^r Wil∣liam Dugdale; a third in the biggest of the three Lows of Morridg; and a fourth at Handsworth, all of brass, and well enough represented by that one draught, Tab. 33. Fig. 5. Which having the shape of a small Axe, without any Eye for a helve to pass through it, made all people wonder what use it could be off: little imagining it could be any thing of the na∣ture of a bolt: the exact figure whereof I find engraven in the Musaeum Moscardi, the wooden steem being to be fitted into the hollows of each side it, the edg being placed formost for execution, and there declared to have been for that user 1.44. Up∣on which account I say I cannot but determin that at Bushbu∣ry, and those three upon the Morridg, to be Roman Lows; it being plain by these instruments that all those places, as well where Lows, as not, were sometime visited by the Roman mi∣litia, and places of some action.

20. And so for the same reason the parish of Ilam, where was found near the spring call'd S^t Bertram's well, an instru∣ment of brass, somewhat like (only larger than) a Lath-hammer at the edg end, but not so on the other, the forme whereof is

here expresst Tab. 33. Fig. 6. which I take to have been the head of a Roman Securis with which the Popae slew their Sa∣crifices, notwithstanding it have no Eye for the manubrium to pass through, the Securis it self being sometimes only stuck through it, as may be seen at many places amongst the Roman antiquities of Bartolus and Belloriuss 1.45. The small brass in∣strument sent me by the Worshipfull Charles Cotton Esq found somewhere near him, here represented Fig. 7. argues also that the Roman armes were advanced even into the Northern parts, it seeming to have been the head of a Roman rest, used to support the Lituus, not that crooked staff used by the Au∣gurs in their divinations, to point out the quarters of the heavens; but the Trombe-torte, crooked Trumpet or horne-pipe used in the Roman armies, as may be seen in Choul's discourse of the Castrametation of the Romanst 1.46 And from the brass head of the Roman Venabulum or hunting spear, found some∣where betwixt Yarlet and the foot of Pyrehill, which is here likewise engraven Fig. 8. one may probably conclude that the Romans had at last some residence here, with leasure to follow such sports, as the Country would afford.

21. Whence it may reasonably be concluded, as also from some Roman mony that has been sometimes found in Dale-close 'twixt Okeover and Mathfield, and a Roman Urn dugg about 10 years agoe out of a bank in Church-towne field in upper Math∣field, &c. that the Lows hereabout, may for the most part at lest be esteemed Roman: particularly Harlow-greave a little mile NW of Mathfield; and that other in a field near the left hand the way, as you pass between Mathfield and Ellaston near Colwich-common, without name; and another larger over against it, at the other end of the common, which they call Row∣low, perhaps the Sepulcher of some petty King, Rowlow import∣ing as much as Regale Sepulchrum. To these add the Low in Arbour-close, 2 or 3 bows shoot North-westerly from Okeover Chap∣pel; the 3 Lows upon the Weever-hills; and 3 others they call Queen-Low, Gallows knoll, and Castlow-cross; together with the Lows on Ribden, Reeden, and Cauldon hills; and so Cocklow and the rest near the town of Leek; those on the hills near Warslow; on Ecton hill; and another on a hill that is a Cow∣pasture betwixt that and Oncot: most of which upon examina∣tion, as well as those on the Morridg, have been found made of stones, and not gravel or earth, as usually elsewhere; which

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To the right Worsp. S. THOMAS WILBRAHAM of WESTON under SYZARD Baronet This 33^d. Table Representing some few of the ANTIOUITIES of STAFFORD SHIRE with the sincerest gratitude is humbly presented by RP. LL. D.

Mburgese de. et sc.

yet must not be wonder'd at, because we find they were made also in other Countries of such materials as the places best af∣forded, particularly ex lapidibus in saxosis locis* 1.47, such as these are.

22. The Lows near Elford and Wiginton in this County, must also be reckoned amongst the Roman tumuli: for the former of these being opened at my instance Octob. 7 and 8. An. Dom. 1680. at the charge of the generous Madam Bows of Elford, there was found in it level with the surface of the ground a∣bout it, a moist blackish sort of earth without any mixture of gravel or stones, about 2 yards diameter, and a foot and half deep in the middle, lyeing much in the same form with the tu∣mulus it self, on the edg whereof, were Ashes and Charcoal in their true colours, and several pieces of bones in the middle of it, so friable that they would crumble betwixt the fingers: the Low it self which coverd these Ashes and black earth, being made of gravel mixt with pebbles, as the soil it self there about is, and so it was also under the said black earth. Whence it could not but be concluded that this tumulus must needs be Ro∣man (tho' there were no coynes, pieces of Ʋrns, or Armour found in it) the bodies buryed under it having been certainly burnt, which I do not find either the Saxons or Danes ever did after their arrival here, whatever they might before. Otherwise I should have thought they might have been cast up, about the year 755, when Ethelbald King of Mercia being invaded by Cu∣thred King of the West Saxons; met and fought him at Segeswaldu 1.48, Sacchendaw 1.49, or Secandunex 1.50, now Sekindon in Warwicksh. yet hard by; where the proud King Ethelbald, in arto positus as Brompton tells usy 1.51 (which perhaps should be in arcto) dis∣daining to fly was slain by Beornred one of his own Comman∣ders (as we are inform'd by Malmesburyz 1.52) and his whole Army broken: for tho' the King did not (who was buryed at Repton) some of the Nobles notwithstanding might perhaps have sought to save themselves by a swift flight, yet have been slain in the pursuit, and buryed under these Lows here at Elford and Wig∣inton.

23. Now the reason why such Lows, and warlike instruments, certainly Roman, are so often found remote from their military ways, was I suppose that the Natives drew them frequently off, and skirmish'd with them any where, as occasion presented:

upon which account too we find the Romans, to have pitch't their tents in places farr distant from their ways, as one may plainly perceive by the Valla that went round them, which, as Polybius and Vegetius both teach us, being often made squarea 1.53, especially, says Stewechius, when they would have their armies appear greatb 1.54; I have reason to suspect that entrenchment near the bridg upon Ashwood heath, in the parish of Kings-Swinsord, commonly known by the name of Wolverhampton Church-yard, which measures about 140 paces over, has been one of these Roman Castrametations. And so I am willing to beleive those remains of a fortification at the East end of Longdon Church, which 'tis plain were also square, the East and South sides be∣ing still apparent; not being able after a long and diligent search, to give a better account of either of them. Tho' it must not be denyed that the Saxons also fortified in a square form, as may be seen at Tamworth and divers other places, of which in due time, so that I must desire the Reader to take special notice, that I am not so positive, but I can yeild it possible they may be Saxon notwithstanding, cast up upon the frequent incursions of Canutus, or the neighbouring Saxons into the Mercian Kingdom, of which more anon: only I think that had they been made so late, we should have had some account of them, whereof because none, I have chose rather to place them in remoter times. However they give me a fair tran∣sition.

24. To the Saxon antiquities, amongst which first of such as relate to the Heptarchy, in treating whereof I shall observe as near as may be the order of time, and therefore must begin with the History of Berry-bank (as they call it) near the village of Darlaston in the parish of Stone, where on the top of a hill there yet remain the ruins of a large Castle fortifyed with a double vallum and entrenchments about 250 yards diameter, the gate seeming to have been on the west part of it, where the side banks on each hand yet plainly appear: others fancy there was a second gate on the East side too, tho' I could not per∣ceive any probability for it: but on the South side there is a round conical hill, much like a tumulus, cast up higher than all the rest of the work. Which according to the tradition of the Country thereabout, was the Seat of Wlferus King of Mer∣cia, who murthered his two Sons for embracing Christianity, one at Stone hard by, and the other at Burston but a little fur∣ther

off: but I doe not so much depend upon that, as on what M^r Sampson Erdeswic asserts, viz. that he had seen an old writing relating to the foundation of the Priory of Stone that affirms as muchc 1.55: which perhaps may be that of R. de Suggenhill and Petronil his wife, whereby they gave to the Church of S^t Mary and S^t Wlfade of Stone, Messuagium juxta montem qui dicitur Wlferecester in territorio de Derlastond 1.56, which indeed proves fully that this was the royal mansion of the said Wlferus, who governd Mercia from the year of Christ 657 to 676, the Low adjoyning in all probability being the place of his sepulture.

25. Within the limits of whose raigne fall the dates of the foundations as well of Lichfield as Stone: for tho' the place where Lichfield now is, were enobled with the martyrdoms of a 1000 Christians, near 400 years before, yet we hear nothing more of it till Oswy King of Northumberland, having beaten and kill'd Penda King of the Mercians, converted the Country to Christianity, and after a while made this place (perhaps in me∣mory of these Martyrs) a Bishops seat, building a Church and nominating one Duina a Scotchman the first Bishop of ite 1.57: which yet 'tis like might be a place but of small account (many of the Bishops seats in ancient times being small villages) till after the time of S^t Ceadda, who as Rossus Warwicensis plainly tells us, came at first hither as into a private place, in secretum lo∣cum Staffordiensis provinciae (tho' now a Bishops seat) where he lived (as the Legend says) only upon the milk of a Doe, which being hunted by Wlfade son of Wlfere King of Mercia brought him to the Cell of S^t Ceadda, who first converted him to the Christian faith, and his brother Ruffine afterf 1.58, whilst he lived as it were a Hermitical life, by a Spring side yet remaining by the Church of Stow, near the City of Lichfied: which being too remote from Wlfercester the Seat of their Father, they in∣treated the holy man to remove a little nearer them, for the easier waiting on him to receive further instruction, and per∣forming their devotions together with himg 1.59.

26. To which request of the young Princes I find the holy S^r Ceadda readily complyed, and came to another Secret place not farr off them, whither under pretence of hunting, to avoid their fathers anger who was yet a Pagan, they constantly came to him and were instructed accordingly: but being observed by

one Werebod one of their fathers evill Councellors, they were quickly found out and accused of Christianity to him, who came from Wlfercester above mention'd, and finding them at their de∣votions in this new Oratory, in the midst of his wrath slew them bothh 1.60; one, at Stone, where a Church being erected o∣ver the place of his Martyrdom, gave both name and original to that town; and the other at Burston where there was erect∣ed a Chappel which as M^r Erdeswic asserts was but lately stand∣ingi 1.61. In this conjuncture S^t Ceadda fled away from the fury of the bloody minded King, and returned to his Cell near Lich∣field again, where he had not retired long, but King Wlfer was grievously struck with remorse, and being sore afflicted for the fact he had done, according to the councill of his Queen Er∣menilda, repaired to S^t Ceadda, by whom he was converted, and forthwith banished all idolatrous worship out of his dominionsk 1.62; and upon the death of Jarumannus which happened quickly after An. 667, made the holy S^t Ceadda Bishop of Lichfield, from whom it receiv'd so great honour, that it increased quick∣ly after to a considerable Town, and was not long, before ad∣vanced to a Metropolitical See, by the great King Offa, who out of spight to Lambert Arch Bishop of Canterbury, got it exempt from his jurisdiction, obtaining a pall for it of Pope Adrian the first: the Sees of Worcester, Chester, Sidnacester, Hereford, Helm∣ham and Dorchester, being made subject to it: in which state it continued from the year 766 to 797, in all 31 years, in which time there sate three Arch-Bishops of Lichfield, Ealdulfus, Hum∣bertus, and lastly Higbertus, in whose time the See of Canter∣bury was restored again to its pristin dignity by Kinulf or Kenwolf also King of the Merciansl 1.63.

27. The next Antiquities, that follow in order of time, of Sa∣xon original, are Dudley Castle built upon a lofty hill, and so nam∣ed by one Dudo an English Saxon about the year of our Salva∣tion 700* 1.64. the present prospect whereof was represented a∣bove Tab. 3. ad pag. 39. and an old fortification in the pa∣rish of Mear or Mere, that they call the Bruff (which perhaps may be only a corruption of Burgh) fenced at some places with a double trench and rampire, the agger above the trench seem∣ing at some places to have been made up with stone, the whole being of a very irregular form, according as the figure of the hill would admitt: over against this, on the heath, there is a place they call Camp-hills, where it is supposed there was an∣ciently

likewise a Camp, tho' no signes of it now; only there are two round hills which may pass for harrows, and many o∣ther longish hillocks like graves, in which form I find these Sepul∣chral monuments were also sometimes madem 1.65: betwixt which and the Bruff there is likewise a large round conical hill that they call Coplow, which no doubt was the Sepulchre of some consi∣derable Commander slain here about, when these rampires were made and used. Which tho' at first sight they appear'd diffi∣cult to account for, who? & when? being very hard questions at this distance of time: yet I think I may safely, and with some confi∣dence answer, that this fortification was here made in the days of the wicked Osrid King of Northumberland, about the year of Christ 705, who as Henry Huntingdon testifies was slain at Mere; Osrid vero Rex belli infortunio juxta Mere pugnans interfectus est, being his very wordsn 1.66: tho' he tells us not by what enemy, nor upon what occasion, yet I suppose it must be Kenred King of Mer∣cia, whom he seems to have invaded, and not his Cosin Kenred who succeeded him, as S. Cressy would have ito 1.67, there being no foundation that I can find in History, for such an imagination: Cop-low being the tumulus in all probability under which the un∣fortunate Osrid was buryed, and those other lows and hillocks upon Camp-hills of his inferiour officers: and the Bruff the Ca∣stle or strong hold, that Kenred had rais'd against him.

28. About this time the place of Island where the Town of Stafford now stands, anciently call'd Bethnei (what was said of it before being only prophesy) began first to be inhabited, by S^t Ber∣telline the son of a King of this Country, and Scholar to S^t Guth∣lac, with whom he tarryed till his death: after which, tho' now unknown to his Father, he begg'd this Island of him, where he led a Hermits life for divers years, till disturbed by some that en∣vyed his happiness, when he removed into some desert mounta∣nous places, where he ended his lifep 1.68; leaving Bethnei to others, who afterwards built it, and called it Stafford, there being a shallow place in the River hereabout, that could easily be pass't with the help of a Staff onlyq 1.69. Now whereabout this desart place should be, that S^t Bertelline went to, tho' Histories are silent, yet I have some grounds to think that it might be about Throwley, Ilam, and Dovedale: and that this was the S^t Bertram who has a well, an Ash, and a Tomb at Ilam: for if as Capgrave says, the Town of Bertamly in Cheshire took its name from a

miracle that S^t Bertelline did therer 1.70, I know not why the people about Ilam, Throwley, &c. might not corrupt his name as much as they in Cheshire, and call him S^t Bertram instead of S^t Ber∣telline. If it be objected that the Tomb here is of too late a date for his time, it seeming by no means above 300 years old; I must own the thing: but then it must be allowed that such great mens Tombs were often rebuilt, especially if any great occasion were administer'd, as there was by this Saint a∣bout that time viz. An. 1386. when there was a wonderfull mi∣racle wrought at his Altar in Stafford, if we may beleive Capgraves 1.71; which might possibly give occasion for the rebuilding of it by the people of Stafford in the form it now stands.

29. Near Alveton in this County upon a lofty situation, in the lands of the right Honorable Charles Earl of Shrewsbury, a most noble encourager of this work, there still remains, near the Lodg, just such another fortress, as that near Mear, only much larger, which they call Bunbury, of no regular figure, encompas∣sed with a double and sometimes treble trench, according as the natural situation of the place, seems to have required, on the North, NW, and NE sides, all the rest being naturally inac∣cessible, the whole including about an hundred acres: which I doubt not to have been made by Ceolred King of Mercia, the suc∣cessor of Kenred abovementioned, when he was invaded (in like∣manner as Kenred by Osrid) in the seventh year of his raigne, by the potent Ina King of the West-Saxons, in the year of Christ 716. Cujus anno septimo Ina Rex West-Saxiae, magno Exercitu congre∣gato contra Eum apud Bonebury strenue praeliavit. i. e. that in the seventh year of Ceolreds raigne, Ina King of the West-Saxons having rais'd a great Army fought him stoutly at Bonebury says the Abbot of Jourvallt 1.72: where yet Ceolred (by the advantage of this his strong fortification) so warmly received him, that he was glad to withdraw upon equal termes, neither having much rea∣son to bragg of a victory.

30. Of what antiquity the Town of Tamworth may be, does not plainly appear, but it must certainly have been a place of some repute of very ancient times, tho' we hear nothing of it till An. Dom. 781. when the great King Offa granting lands in Sapie to the Monks of Worcester concludes thus — Hanc autem praescriptam vicissitudinem terrarum & meae donationis pro domino libertatem, ego Offa Rex sedens in Regali palatio in Tamowor∣thige secundo die nativitatis Domini, concedens donavi An. 781. And after him Ceonulf whose Charter ends thus — Acta est haec∣donatio

An. 816. in vico celeberrimo qui vocatur Tomoworthig, &cu 1.73. Now if the Mercian Kings had their Palaces here so very early, it must needs have been a Town of some repute long before, and perhaps a fortify'd place; there still remaining a square trench call'd Kings-ditch of large extent, that in a man∣ner encompasses the whole town, beginning on the bank of the River Tame west of the Lady-bridg, and running up thence in a straight line till it comes NW of the Church, where there seems to have been a mount or a bastion somewhat higher than the rest of the work, in the angle where it joyns to the following line; which runns straight all along N of the Church till it comes NE of it, where another mount also in the angle; whence it runns again in a straight line to the banks of the Anker; inclos∣ing the town on the West, North, and East; the Rivers se∣curing it Southward: but whether these were made, before, af∣ter, or in the days of King Offa, is not easy to determine.

31. Next Tamworth the most ancient place of any in the County, whereof there are any footsteps yet remaining, perhaps may be a large old fortification near the village of Billington in the parish of Bradeley, 300 yards diameter doubly entrench∣ed, as may be seen at divers places, tho' the outmost indeed be fill'd up in some: which I could willingly beleive to have been the place of battle, between Duke Wada and the rest of the murtherers of King Ethelred, and King Eardulf his successor; which Matthew of Westministerw 1.74, Roger Hovedenx 1.75, and Simeon Dunelmensisy 1.76 all agree, was at a place call'd Billingabo or Bil∣lingagoth juxta Wallalega An. Dom. 798. the old Etocetum, by the Saxons call'd Wall, not being farr off: but that it is hard to think that a King of Northumberland or any Conspirators against him, should bring a warr so farr out of their own Country; or that the valiant Kenulf then King of the Mercians would admitt of it, unless it were done in his absence, when he went into Kent against Eadbert Pren, whom he overthrew, and brought a∣way captivez 1.77. Wherefore I shall take leave anon to make a∣nother conjecture, concerning the original of this fortification: and in the mean time proceed to the life, martyrdom, and bury∣al, of the young S^t Kenelm King of the Mercians, the Scene where∣of seems to have layn in this County, of which in their order. Yet I shall relate no more than what is absolutely necessary to understand the remains that I find of them here.

32. Let it therefore suffice that upon the death of King Kenulf An. Dom. 819. the Kingdom of the Mercians fell to his only Son Kenelm a child of 7 years old, whose elder Sister Quendred desirous of rule, practised with the young Kings guardian, one Aschebert, to make him away, as in the Histories of his life written by Matthew of Westminstera 1.78, John Bromptonb 1.79, and Cap∣gravec 1.80, where the Reader if he please may see the particulars: which that he might doe the more secretly, he had the young King into Clent wood in this Country, under the fair pretense of taking pleasure in hunting, and when he had gotten him into a suitable place, he cut off his head, and buryed him where no man knew but himself, till discovered by a certain Cow of a widdow woman, that would feed no where but beside S^t Kenelms grave; and a Scrole dropt by a white Dove upon the altar of S^t Pe∣ter at Rome, as Pope Leo minor or Leo the third was celebrating Mass, containing these words: In Clent kau bathe Kenelin Kine∣bearn lieth under thorn heaved by reaved: which none of the Romans understanding, it was shewed to the people of the several na∣tions, amongst which an English-man there present, rendered it into Latin, which the Poets of after ages put into this distick.

In Clenc sub spina, jacet in convalle bovina, Vertice privatus, Kenelmus rege creatusd 1.81

Englished thus

In Clent in Cow-bach under a Thorn Lyes King Kenelm his head off shornee 1.82

by which means it being understood at Rome (as some say be∣fore it was in Britan) how he was murthered and where bury∣ed, order was presently sent by the Pope to Wolfred then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the English Bishops to search and take up his body, which was accordingly done and carryed in great state to the Abby of Winchelcomb in Glocestershire of his Fathers foundation, and there honorably buryed.

33. Now the antiquities that I find yet remaining upon the place relating to this History, are first, Cowbach otherwise Cow∣dale as Brompton calls itf 1.83, so named from the Cow that at∣tended his grave, which remains a pasture-ground to this very day, being situate in a valley, under Warton hill, about half a mile N E of Clent Church, as most of the ancient men of the town agreed; there being now no thorn, nor had there been

any that I could learn, within memory; so that the exact place where he was buryed is now unknown: nor is there any Spring here, which as the Legend says immediatly gush't out where the body had layne, as soon a 'twas taken forthg 1.84; S^t Kenelm's well being ½ a mile off, near the Chapell yet standing dedicated to him, in the parish of Hales-Owen and County of Salop; and not in the parish of Clent or County of Stafford; so that whether this be the true Cow-bach or noe, the Legend must be false: un∣less we shall say that the precincts of Clent are contracted since, and that the true Cowbach was, where the spring now is, in the County of Salop: which if so, I have said to much of it already, it being without the pale of the History. However half a mile N N E of Clent Church or there about, there is a list of grass greener than ordinary, call'd S^t Kenelms-furrow running up to the Knoll-hill a great length, that still remains both in the parish and County, the grass whereof indeed is somewhat more verdant and luxuriant than at other places, which they intend for the fur∣row made by the Oxen, which run away with the womans plow, and were never again heard of, who in contempt of the feast of S^t Kenelm would make them work on that day, loosing her Eyes into the bargain, as the Legend saysh 1.85, but enough of this. I found also 3 Lows on Clent-heath, but these relate nothing to our former history, being raised as I guess on some conflict hereabout, when the fortifications were made on Whichbury-hill, not farr off them, but in the parish of Pedmoore and County of Worcester, which being extra oleas, I am not concern'd either when, or by whom they were made.

34. Beside these, there are other Antiquities here that may be presumed to be Saxon, tho' there can be no particular account given of them, as there has of the former. Such as the old fortification on Kinfare edge of an oblong square figure, about 300 yards long, and 200 over, having an artificial bank cast up round it, fenced with a deep ditch on the N N E and S S W sides; the edg or hill on the other two sides being naturally inaccessible. Concerning which the tradition of the town is, that it was a Danish fortification: but the name seeming rather to make it a Saxon one, where some King was kill'd from cyne Regium and papan nutare, vacillare or obirei 1.86, importing as much as a royal failure or place where a King had fail'd or dyed, I have rather chosen to place it among the Saxon antiquities. Upon this account too I am inclined to beleive, the Lows on the heath underneath betwixt it and the Comptons are also Sa∣xon;

and so that at the end of Kinfare heath, near the Lane lead∣ing to Enfield; there seems also to be another under Meg a fox∣hole; which tho' now all stone, may possibly have been for∣merly earth, now turn'd into stone by subterraneal heats; espe∣cially if that be true which is asserted from experiment by Ga∣briel Plat, viz. that if you half fill a Retort with brimstone, Sea∣coale, and other bituminous substances, and the remainder of the neck also half way with pure earth, and set it to distill with a temperate open fire, the earth will be petrifyed or turned to stonek 1.87; as it is also by nature, where bituminous substances kin∣dled in the bowells of the earth, send up such vapours, as per∣haps they may have done also at Barrow-hill in the parish of Kings-Swinford, where there are two uniforme barrows all rock; and so at the rocky round hill on the Watlingstreet near Hynts.

35. There are many other Lows too, not placed upon any of the military ways or old fortifications, whereof no such par∣ticular account can be given, as there was of the former, which yet seem to have been of Saxon erection, but these upon a ci∣vil, not military score: for they oft raised such Lows over con∣siderable men that dyed in peace, as well as in warr; but then they placed them in Campo plano juxta defuncti praedium sitol 1.88, somewhere in a plain beside the Mansion of the deceased. And of this kind I judg that at Stramshall in this County; and that other in a place call'd Low-field about a quarter of a mile West from Combridg; amongst these we may also reckon that at Ta∣tenhill wood-Lane, about half a mile westward of Callingswood hall, supposed to be Rudlow, of which more anon; and so Tot∣monslow tho' now not extant; as well as Offlow, which also gives name to the hundred in which it is situate; which tho' not the Sepulchre of King Offa, who as Florilegus tells us was buryed in Bedfordshire upon the bank of the river Ousem 1.89, yet it must certainly be the monument of some great person of the same name, either buryed here alone, or else in company with di∣vers others perhaps slain with him, this seeming indeed erected, not like the former upon a civil, but a military account; and yet of Saxon original, as the name testifies, tho' placed near the Watlingstreet: which sort of large tumuli cast up over many slain together, the Danes call'd Voloaster as Wormius informs usn 1.90. But herein I am not positive.

36. Having hitherto considered such antiquities only, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 think have been occasion'd by the conflicts of the Saxons amongst

themselves: I come next to treat of such as are the deplorable remains of the bloody warrs 'twixt the Saxons and Danes: a∣mongst which the first in order of time, are the ruins above∣mentioned in Wrottesley park § §. 4 and 5 of this Chapter, which upon second considerations I am inclined to beleive, if Theotenhall doe import the habitation of heathens as Camden in∣forms uso 1.91, are no Roman antiquity, but the true remains of the old Theotenhall of the Danes, who I suppose having resided there for some time, built them this City or place of habita∣tion, which in the year of our Lord 907 as Roger Hovedenp 1.92, but not till An. 911 as Simeon Dunelmensis, John Brompton, and Florentius Wigorn, in all probability was finally rased by Edward Senior in that signal victory he there obtained over them, whereof we have an account in all those Historiansq 1.93 but a more particular one in Hen. Huntindon, who makes this bat∣tle so terrible, that he spares not to cry out, Quis autem cuneo∣rum horrendos aggressus, ignitas collisiones, formidabiles tinnitus, feras irruptiones, miserabiles occasus, clamores horrisonos, scriptis exequeturr 1.94? i. e. so very terible, that he thought it could not be fully described by the most exquisite pen.

37. To revenge whose quarrel, another Army of them that possest Northumberland, breaking a league they had formerly made with King Edward, invaded Mercia in the very same year, pillageing the Country wherever they came: against whom king Edward bringing a powerfull Army both of West Saxons and Mercians, overtook them in their return at the village of Wednesfield, not farr from Theotenhall, and overthrew them a∣gain in another bloody battle, wherein he kill'd Eowills and Halfden or Hildein two of their Kings, and Ohter and Scurfa two of their Earles, and 9 other Noblemens 1.95. to whom Ethel∣verdus adds Juvar or Hinguar another of their Kingst 1.96. Of which great slaughter yet there are no more remains but a Low in a ground call'd South Low field, which has lately had a windmill set upon it, the Low being there before as within me∣mory. There is another ground here too call'd North-Low field, which no question heretofore has had also a Low in it, tho' now it be gone. Which doubtless were cast up over some of those kings, or Danish or Saxon nobles, then slain here; and so 'tis like was Stowman's hill on the road betwixt Wolverhampton and Walsall, half a mile S W of the village of Nechels.

38. In the year following 912 dyed the noble Duke Aethel∣red Vice-Roy of Mercia; after whom his most renowned Lady Aegelfleda alias Elfleda daughter of King Alfred, governed the king∣dom of Mercia with so great conduct, so much to the advan∣tage and increase of her own dominions, and terror of her ene∣mies: ut non solum Domina vel Regina, verum etiam Rex ad lau∣dem & excellentiam à pluribus vocaretur, i. e. that she was not only call'd Lady and Queen, but also King by way of praise and extreme excellence, as the Abbots Ethelred and Brompton af∣firmu 1.97. And indeed all things considered she deserved no less; for she not only subdued the Britans and Danes, and all that opposed her; but took Darby and Leicester and added them to her Kingdom: building and repairing so many Castles and Townes, that it would be endless to recount them. Wherefore I shall content my self only in relating what she did in this County, remitting the Reader for the rest to the ancient Historians: par∣ticularly about the year 916 she fortifyed Weadbirig now Wed∣nesbury in this Countyw 1.98; and rebuilt Tamworth destroyed by the Danes, where she after dyed in the year 919x 1.99; She also built a Castle at the Town of Stafford, on the North side of the River Sowy 1.100, whereof I could not hear of any footstepps remain∣ing; that upon the hill above the Town, at near a miles di∣stance, the Prospects whereof are both here annext Tab. 34. being built long after by Ranulf or Ralph the first Earl of Stafford: tho' M^r Erdeswick tells us he had a certain deed dated apud Castrum juxta Stafford long before the days of the said Earl Ralph, whence he concludes that he did but reedify the Castle, and not new build itz 1.101, which perhaps may be true: but for my part I conjecture that the first Stafford-Castle mention'd in that deed, might rather stand within the Entrenchment at Bil∣lington, which perhaps may be only the remains of this Castle, and not of the battle between King Eardulf and Duke Wada, as was thought above §. 31. in which opinion I am not a lit∣tle confirmed, the lands wherein these entrenchments are, being not far distant, and still remaining a part of the demesne land of the Barony of Stafford.

39. Of what antiquity the Town of Hampton may be is very uncertain, it not being mention'd in any record that I could either meet or hear of, till the pious Wulfruna the relict of Althelm Duke of Northampton, in the days of King Ethelred

(and not of King Edgar as M^r Erdeswick thoughta 1.102) in the year 996 built and endowed the Church or Monastery thereb 1.103, in reguard of which pious action of hers, it was ever after call'd Wulfrunes-Hampton, since by corruption of speech Wolverhamp∣ton. In which new foundation she placed a Dean and Prebends, or secular Canons, as M^r Erdeswick calls themc 1.104, with other sui∣table Officers, for the increase of Religion: wherein yet it seems she mist of her aime for some time at lest, for before it had stood near 200 years, these Prebends grew so enormous in their lives, as Petrus Blesensis (who was their Dean) testifies, ut can∣tabantur eorum turpitudines in triviis, that their wickedness was made known by Songs in the streets; which of what kind it was he afterwards tells us, ipsi vero publice & aperte fornicantes prae∣dicabant peccata sua, i. e. that they were not ashamed of pub∣lick fornication; of which when he admonish't them, tho' he did it he says toto charitatis affectu, with all imaginable mildness, yet being as deaf as adders they despised his reproofd 1.105.

40. Whereupon complaining to the King and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, he obtained terrible threatning Letters to them, im∣porting that they would endeavour to perswade the Pope utter∣ly to dissolve them, but still all to little purpose, for they grew hereupon but the more contumacious. Nay he further tells us that they were advanced at last to that height of wickedness, that having marryed interchangeably one anothers daughters and neeces, if upon the death of a Canon he put in an honest man (for the donation and institution of these Prebends then belong'd to the Dean) the Son or Nephew of the deceased would challenge notwith∣standing the Patrimony, as they call'd it, and flying into the woods would joyn with theeves and robbers, and invade the right of the new Canon. From which evill practises the good Dean being un∣able to reclaim them, he humbly besought the King and Arch-Bishop, to turn out these Prebends, and place Cistercians in their room; in order whereunto, being tired out with their incorri∣gibility, he resigned his Deanry into the hands of the Arch-Bishop, circa An. Dom. 1200; and wrot a Letter to Pope Innocent the third, beseeching him that he would further and confirm what∣ever the Arch-Bishop had done in this matter, who it seems in the mean time had admitted some of the said Ordere 1.106. But I suppose either the Pope interposed in this designe, or some other inconvenience not then foreseen, prevented its execution: for there yet remains some umbrage of a Dean and Prebends here to this very day.

41. About this time, the Danes under Swain and his Son Canutus, had got good footing in England, the latter of which, after divers vicissitudes, or fortune of the warrs in the raignes of King Ethelred and Edmund Ironside, obtained the whole King∣dom: during which altercations he made several inrodes into Mercia, especially in the years 1013 and 1016f 1.107. and amongst other places possest himself of that Forrest or Chase in this County called still by his name Canc or Cannock-wood, quasi Ca∣nuti Sylva: upon the edge whereof, in the Park at Beaudesart, W S W of the house, at about half a miles distance, there still remains a large fortification call'd the Castle-hill, encompass't with a double agger and trench, which are in a manner circular, except on the S E side. Which runs pretty straight, so that it seems to hold the figure of a Theater of about 270 paces diameter: and this for name sake only, because within the verge of Canutus's wood, I take leave to presume might be cast up by him, when he made his incursions into this Country, and those horrible divastions mention'd by the Historians in the years above mention'dg 1.108, unless one should rather think it might be cast up by the Mercians, in defence of their Country. The little hill upon Ickenildstreet way must likewise be cast up in all probability a∣bout this time, the Danish Kings usually speaking to their Ar∣mies from such elevated places, which they most times made of stone, but sometimes of earth, as appears by the little hill without the Forum of stone at Leir in Selandh 1.109, and another such like hillock call'd Trollebarolhoy near Lundie in Scaniai 1.110, it being indifferent whether the King ascended a stone, or mount of earth, so thence he might be seen and heard by the people, either of which they called the Kongstolen, i. e. the Kings-stool, or as here the Kings-standing.

42. Not long after this in the year 1017, King Edmund Iron∣side dying at London according to Florentius Wigorniensis, at Oxford according to Matthew of Westminsterk 1.111; Canutus took pos∣session of the whole kingdom, and raigned sole King of England for 20 years: during which time and the raignes of his two successors also Danish Kings of England, many of their Customs and Ʋtensills, no doubt on't, obtain'd here, amongst which I guess I may reckon an ancient sort of Almanacks they call Cloggs, made upon square sticks, still in use here amongst the meaner sort of people, which I cannot but think must be some remains of the Danish goverment, finding the same with little difference

to have been used also formerly, both in Sweden and Denmarke, as plainly appears from Olaus Magnusl 1.112 and Olaus Wormiusm 1.113: which being a sort of Antiquity so little known, that it hath scarce been yet heard of in the Southern parts of England, and understood now but by few of the Gentry in the Northern, I shall be the more particular in my account of them. And shall consider 1. the divers names of them; 2. the variety of mate∣rials out of which they have been made; 3. the kinds of them; 4. the figures that are inscribed in them; and 5. the divers uses of those inscriptions: of all which in their order.

43. And first as to the divers names of them, they are here call'd Cloggs, for what reason I could not learn, nor indeed imagin, unless from the English Logg (a term we usually give to any piece of wood) or from the likeness of some of the greater sorts of them to the Cloggs, wherewith we usually restrain the wild, extravagant, mischeivous motions of some of our doggs. Se∣condly from their use they are more properly call'd Almanacks, quasi Al-mon-aght, that is to say Al-mon-heed, viz. the reguar'd or observation of all the Moones: because by these squared sticks, says Verstegan, they could certainly tell, when the new-moons, full moons, and other changes should happen, and consequent∣ly Easter, and the other moveable feasts ^m: which doubtless is as significant an Etymology of the word, as any can be thought of, tho' perhaps not so true as those of Salmasiuso 1.114 and Skin∣nerp 1.115, deduced from the Persian and Arabick tongues. Thirdly by the Danes they are call'd Rimstocks, not only because the Dominical Letters were anciently express't on them in Runick Characters; but also for that the word Rimur anciently signi∣fy'd a Calendarq 1.116, whence the word Rimstock (denoting likewise the matter of which they were commonly made) importes no more than a wooden-Almanack, such as ours are.

44. Fourthly, by the Norwegians (with whom they are still in use) they are call'd Primstavesr 1.117, and that for good reason too, the principal and most usefull thing inscribed on them, be∣ing the Prime or golden number, whence the changes of the Moones are understood, which because usually done amongst them upon the staves they walk with (whereof there are good Patterns in the Musaeum at Oxon) they most properly, from both the uses they had of them, call'd them Primstaves. Andn 1.118

lastly by the Swedes, as Olaus Magnus delivers (who also made them of this form) they are as significantly termed Baculi an∣nales, with which the Laics being sustained in their long jour∣neys to Church, at their weekly congress did usually debate and conclude from them, the Lunar conjunctions and oppositions, and thence the moveable feastsf 1.119. Tho' they sometimes likewise made them ex asseribus oblongis, of little oblong boards, as Wor∣mius testifies (whereof we have also a Pattern in the Musaeum) upon which account he reprehends Olaus Magnus, for giving them the name abovemention'd, as too narrow an appella∣tiont 1.120: but I think with little reason, it being as proper a name for the kind he there speaks of, as the Primstaf of the Norwegi∣ans, which he does not find fault with. And so much for the names.

45. As to the matter of those of them I met with in this County, there are some few of brass, whereof I had one sent me by the most ingenious Charles Cotton of Beresford Esq but the most of them of wood, and these chiefly of box, others there are of Firr, and some of Oak, but these not so frequent. Wor∣mius tells us that in Denmark there are some of them made ex ossibus oblongis tessellatim sectis & colligatisu 1.121, and others inscrib∣ed in a hollow-bonew 1.122; He acquaints us also with some ancient ones, made of hornx 1.123; but I met with none of these in this County, tho' all people, no question, made them of such mate∣rials, as they thought fittest for their purpose. And thirdly as to the kinds of them; some are perfect, containing the Domi∣nical Letters, as well as the Prime and marks for the feasts, en∣graven upon them, and such are our Primestaves in the Mu∣saeum at Oxford. Others imperfect, having only the Prime and the immoveable feasts on them, and such are all those I met with in Staffordshire; which yet are of two kinds also, some publick, of a larger size, which hang commonly here at one end of the Mantletree of their Chimneys, for the use of the whole family, as Wormius likewise acquaints us they usually doe in Den∣marky 1.124; and others privat, of a smaller size, which they carry in their pockets; as we have them now since the invention of printing: some Almanacks being fitted to hang up in our houses, and others for privat use, which we carry about us.

46. Fourthly for the better understanding of the figures in∣scribed upon these Cloggs, I have caused one of them (which is a family Clogg) to be represented in plano Tab. 35. each

[illustration] almanac

To the Worsp^••: ELIAS ASHMOLE Esq. This Ancient ALMANACK. yet still in use in his native Country of Stafford shire, in memory of his favours is gratefully dedicated. by RP. LL••.

THE CLOG. or STAFFORD-SHIRE Perpetuall ALMANACK.

••. Browne sc••••.

angle of the square stick, with the moiety of each of the flat sides belonging to it, being express't apart; which I took to be the most usefull and most clear method, it could possibly be done in. But to descend to particulars, it being first premis∣ed that all these Almanacks follow the Iulian form, let it first be noted that there are 3 Months contained upon every of the 4 edges, and that the number of the days in them are represented by the notches, that which begins each month having a patu∣lous stroke turned up from it, every seventh notch being also of a larger Size, which stands for Sunday, or perhaps for A, or any other Letters, as they may come in their turn to be either Dominical or Cycle of the Sun, is not so much reguarded in this Almanack, but committed to memory, the Sundays and other Days here being fixt; whereas the Dominical and other Letters vary every year in a retrograd order, for one Letter at lest, and sometimes two, upon account that every common Iulian year contains 52 week and one day over, and every Bissextile the same number of weeks, and two days over: whence it comes to pass that every year ending upon the same day of the week it began, the next always begins on the fol∣lowing day, altering the Dominical one Letter backward (and consequently all the Letters of the working days too) in the common year, and two Letters on the Leap-year: the first Letter serving from the 1 of Jan. to the 24. of March, and the latter ever after to the end of the year.

47. Which Dominical and other Letters are all engraven in Ʋlfila's later Gothick Characters, upon all the Danish Rimstocks of Wormiusz 1.125, and the aforesaid Swedish or Norwegian Primstaves (which I therefore said were of the perfect kind) in Olaus Magnusa 1.126, and the Ashmolean Musaeum; their Dominicals and week-day Let∣ters being, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 frey, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thor, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 os, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 reid, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 kaun, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 haglb 1.127, the first seven of their alphabet, as ours are; but not answering the powers of our first seven, but of f, u, tzh, o, r, k, h. Which constantly altering, as I said before, upon account that the fol∣lowing year never began on the same day of the week with the for∣mer year, but with the following day, & so altering the Dominical and other Letters: Our ancestors I suppose did not think it worth while, to inscribe such moveable Characters at all, upon their Cloggs or Almanacks (the knowledg of the Cycle of the Sun too, being but of little use to them) but rather to commit such an

easy observation, as the removeal of Sunday or any other day one or two days backward, to the care of their memories: these larger notches being sufficient to intimate, that a seventh part of time must always be allotted (however it fall out) for divine services.

48. Over against many of the notches, whether great or small, that stand in the Clogg for the days of each Month, there are placed on the left hand several marks or Symbols denoting the golden number or cycle of the Moon, which number if under 5, is represented by so many points, and that perhaps as natural∣ly as by so many stroaks; but if 5, a line is drawn from the notch or day to which it belongs, with a hook return'd back a∣gainst the course of the line, that, if cut off at due distance, may be taken for a V, which being the fift vowel, antiquity per∣haps has been pleased to make use of, to represent the number 5, as X for ten, which is nothing else but a composition of two V's turned tail to tail, as the learned D^r Wallis has very well notedc 1.128: but to proceed, if the golden number be above 5, and under 10; it is then markt out to us by the hooked line, which is five, and with one point, which makes 6; or two, which makes 7; or 3, for 8; and 4, for 9; the said line being cross't with a stroak patulous at each end, which represents an X, when the golden number for the day, over against which it is put, is ten; points being added (as above over the hook for five) till the number arises to 15, when a hook is placed again at the end of the line above the X, to shew us that number.

49. Above these, the points are added again till the number amounts to 19, where the line issuing from the day is cross't with two patulous stroaks (as if it were 20) as may be seen on the Clogg Jan. 5. and so against every day of each month, whose golden number is 19: in which number of years, the Moone returning again to be in conjunction with the Sun, on the very same day (tho' not hour) it was before, as was first observed by Meton the Athenian 431 years before the birth of Christ* 1.129, there needs no more numbers than 19, to express the absolution of its whole Cycle, and therefore we find no more on the Clogg, which why it should be represented by the Symbol of twenty, when it might have been as easily done by its own, I cannot imagin, unless it may pass for a reason, that our ancestors thought, that an even round number did more gracefull set forth, or denote the completion of the Moones cycle, than an odd num∣ber could. However hence it appears, that these Symbols are

no such Hieroglyphical Characters confusedly placed, as they seem at first sight, but have a more rational orderly texture than the Runae upon the Danish Rimestocks, or the Swedish or Norwegian Primstaves, where the sixteen simple Runae, & the three compound ones in their alphabetical order, stand as well for the golden number of 19, as the seven first did, for so many Dominical Let∣ters: ש Frey being put for 1. Ʋr 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 2. Thor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 3. Os 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 4. Reid 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 5. Kaun 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 6. Hagl 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 7. Naud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 8. Is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 9. Ar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 10. Sun 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 11. Tyr 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 12. Biark 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 13. Laugur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 14. Madur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 15. Aur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 16. Aurlaugr 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 17. Twimadur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 18. Belgtzhor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 19. Which three last are compound Characters, and rather Syllables than lettersd 1.130: than which (I say) the Symbols set on our Cloggs have a more rati∣onal texture, these being put to signify numbers ad placitum, whereas ours are as orderly made off from one another, and with as much dependance, as any of our numbers, express't either by the Arabic or barbarous figures, or numeral Letters, now in use.

50. Nor are these numbers set so confusedly against the days of each Month, as they appear at first sight, for they are plac∣ed in method, whether we consider them, as they immediatly precede and follow one another, or the distances interceding each figure of the same value or denomination. For proof whereof, let it be observed first, that every following number is made by adding 8 to the preceding, and every preceding number by ad∣ding 11 to the following one, and casting away 19, when the addition shall exceed it: for Example, if to 3 set against the first of Jan. you add 8, it makes 11 set against the 3^d. of the same Month, to which add 8 again, and it makes 19, whence 8 it self comes to be the following figure, and 16 the next. On the contrary if to 16 you add 11, it makes 27, from which if you deduct 19 there remains 8 the number above it, and so onwardse 1.131; and this I find a rule without exception through the whole distribution of these golden numbers. And for the di∣stances of the numbers of the same denomination, it may also be noted that they stand either 30 or 29 days asunder, and this not at pleasure, but for the most part interchangeably: for Ex∣ample, after 3 which is set over against the first of Jan. at 30 days stance you will find 3 again on the last of the same Month; and at 29 days distance on the 1 of March 3 again; so on the last of March at 30 days distance 3 again, and so of all the rest interchangeably, except where an Embolismal Month is in∣serted,

whereof immediatly in the account I am about to give of the reason of these things.

51. Which that I may doe with all imaginable perspicuity, let it be noted first, that the Sun finishing its course, i. e. re∣turning to the same point in the Zodiac in 365 days, and 6 hours proxime; and the Moone in 29 days and 12 hours proxi∣me, the Moone must finish her course or pass through the Zodiac 12 several times in every common Iulian solar year; 29 days and ½, or 354 days, being so many times to be found in 365 days; and 11 days over. Now because it was not easy to de∣termine in the Calendar the half days of the Moons, there be∣ing as I said 29 days 1 from one New-Moone to another, it was thought convenient (to ballance the matter) to make the di∣stances betwixt the New-Moons to be interchangeably 29 and 30 days, and to place the golden numbers accordingly, the Months having 30 days being termed Menses pleni, and those but 29, Cavi; the Pleni, or Lunar Months of an even number of days, being ordinarily found in the Solar months that have odd days; and the Cavi or Lunar-months of odd days, in the Solar months of even days; according to the old verse.

Impar Luna pari, par fiet in impare Mense.

January, March, May, July, September, and November, being the menses pleni; February, April, June, August, October, and December, the Cavi; upon account of which alternate reckon∣ing of the Lunar months, it comes to pass that all the figures on the Clogg (as I noted above) doe for the most part inter∣changeably stand at the distance of 30, and 29 days a∣sunder.

52. It being thus fully agreed on, the Lunar months should consist of 29 and 30 days apiece, alternatim: that the times of the new-moones might be for ever stated, the Christians of Alexandria, as D^r Newton tells us, An. 323, two years before the Council of Nice, observing that the new-moon next the Vernal Equinox was upon the 27^th day of the Egyptian month Phama∣noth, answering to the 23^d of our March, placed against that day (it being the first year of their observation of this Cycle) the golden Number, 1, and so again at 29 days distance, the same number, agaist the 26 day of Pharmuthi, answering to our 21 of April, that being the mensis cavus; and at 30 days di∣stance, the same again opposit to the 26 of the month Pha∣con, answering to our 21 of May; and so onward through the whole yearf 1.132. Upon which ground by the like progression, are

all the golden numbers set also in the margins of the Roman Ca∣lendars: the golden number 1. being placed, as I said, against March the 23^d, April 21, May 21, June 19, July 19, Aug. 17, Sept. 16, Oct. 15, Nov. 14, Dec. 13, as they are found upon the Clogg. But then because in the following year the golden number was to be 2, reckoning 30 days from the 13 of Decemb. (that being ordinarily mensis cavus, and Jan. plenus) the golden number 2 was therefore set to Jan. 12, Febr. 10, March 12, Apr. 10, May 10, June 8, July 8, Aug. 6, Sept. 5. Octob. 4, Nov. 3, and Dec. 2. From whence reckoning 30 days as before, the golden number 3 comes in course in the third year to be placed against the first of January.

53. In which year the Fathers of the Nicene Council, being about to settle the time for the Christian observation of Easter, and that (as the learned D^r Wallis notes) as near as they could to the time of the Jewish Passover, which was always celebra∣ted on the 14 day of the first month at Even, i. e. according to their computation (who began their day at Sun set) at the begining of the 15 day, the day of full mooneg 1.133: they were ne∣cessitated for this purpose to settle the golden number or cycle of the Moone, which having been rightly used two years be∣fore by the Christians of Alexandria, they thought not fit to al∣ter it, but to goe on from the time of their first having used it, as the Church of England has ever since observed, whence it came to pass that the number 3 is placed against the 1 of Jan. and not the number 1, which, had the Fathers pleased then to have begun the Cycle, might have as well been done: but not thinking fit (as I said before) so to doe, they continu∣ed the number 3 in the margins of their Calendars (as we see it also in the Clogg) against the 1 of Jan. which number by reck∣oning 30 and 29 days to each Lunation interchangeably, falls also upon Jan. 31, Mar. 1, and 31, Apr. 29. May 29, June 27, July 27, Aug. 25, Sept. 24, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, Dec. 21. Whence going on as before, and counting 4 for the golden number of the next year, it will be likewise found on Jan. 20, Febr. 18, Mar. 20, Apr. 18, May 18, June 16, July 16, Aug. 14, Sept. 13, Octob. 12, Nov. 11, Dec. 10. And thus, had the Lunar and Solar years been equal, the Rule had held on through the whole Decennovennal Cycle, without excep∣tion.

54. But the Lunar falling short of the Solar year full 11

days, it must needs follow, that going on as above, and ta∣king 5 for the golden number in the third year from the set∣tlement by the Council of Nice, that the Moone must have fal∣len short thrice 11, or 33 days, so that the Lunar months being run so far backwards as to be almost out of the Solar months, to which they were reputed to belong; an Embolisme of 30 days or a full Month must needs be made somewhere this year, to bring matters in a tolerable posture again: and for this reason the number 5 is set before Jan. 9, Febr. 7, Mar. 9, Apr. 7, May 7, June 5, July 5, Aug. 3, Sept. 2, and also before the 2 of Octob. and not the first, that so there may be two Lunations together of 30 days, the same number 5 be∣ing set notwithstanding to the 31 of the same Octob. to make the Lunation to consist again of 29 days, and to the 30 of No∣vemb. instead of the 29, that so a Lunation of 30 may again succeed as it ought. In like manner in the 6 year (the golden number being 8) having gone through the 4^th and 5^st as com∣mon years, the golden number is set opposit to the 5 of Apr. which should have been upon the 4; and in the 9^th year, the golden number 11 is set to the 2 of Febr. which should have been upon the first; and so as often as 30 days will arise out of the 11 supernumerary days in the whole Cycle of the 19 years.

55. Now because these 11 days doe in 19 years amount to 209 days, there must needs be 7 Embolismal months, which by a kind of injection or interposition must be somewhere re∣ckon'd within the 19 years, whereof 6 may contain 30 days apiece (as will be found upon the division) and one 29 days; the years in which they are intercalated being stiled Embolis∣mal years, to distinguish them from the common years, which al∣ways contain 354 days, whereas 6 of these Embolismal years doe each of them take up 384 days; and the 7^th (in which the 29 days are reckon'd) 383 days. Which Embolismal years, had the Nicene Fathers began the Cycle at the time they settled it, and prefixt the golden number 1. to the first of Jan. had been properly these seven 3.6.9.11.14.17.19h 1.134. But because they thought convenient (as was shewn above) to continue what was before begun by the Christians of Ale∣xandria, and to commence their settlement on the 3^d. year of the Moones cycle, therefore the Embolismal years in this Cy∣cle are 5.8.11.13.16.19.2. which according to Robert Gro∣stest Bishop of Linc. Johannes de Sacro Bosco, and most of

the ancient Computists (as quoted by D^r Wallisi 1.135) were ex∣presly declared to be thus inserted.

Begining	Ending	Golden Numb.
I. Sept. 2.	Octob. 1.	5.
II. Mar. 6.	April. 4.	8.
III. Jan. 3.	Febr. 1.	11.
IV. Nov. 2.	Dec. 1.	13.
V. Aug. 2.	Aug. 31.	16.
VI. Mar. 5.	Apr. 3.	19.
VII. Dec. 2.	Dec. 31.	2.

Which yet in effect are the same (as the Reverend D^r New∣ton makes it plainly appeark 1.136) as if they had been inserted ac∣cording as they should, if the Nicene Fathers had begun the Moons Cycle in the year they settled it, and placed the golden number 1. before the first of January.

56. And this is all worthy notice relating to the distribution of the golden numbers, Embolismal months, &c. but that there is a peculiar reguard in ordering these matters to be had in plac∣ing the golden numbers from the 8 of March. to the 5 of Apr. within which compass none of the Lunations must exceed 29 days, because no Paschal Lunation may consist of more; whence it is that from the 8 of March to the 6 of Apr. (to both which days the golden number 16 is prefixt) there are but 29 days; and from the 9^th. of March to the 7. of April. (to both which days the golden number is 5) are also but 29 days; and so of the rest, till you come to the fift of April, all the Paschal Luna∣tions and golden numbers falling out, and being express't, be∣tween those two days. Nor must it be forgot that the 7^th and last Embolismal month, which never can consist of above 29 days (19 times 11 being but 209, whereas 210 are requisite for 7 times 30) is intercalated notwithstanding as a month of 30, from Mar. the 5 to Apr. 4. where are two months together of 30 days, in the year when the golden number is 19, as well as in any of the rest, which could not be unless the intercalation were there: in compensation whereof the Moone for July, which should have been of 30 days, they make this year but of 29, counting from July 1. to July 30; the golden number 19 being put to July the 30, which should have been set before the 31: so that here are 3 months together of 29 days, the tricesima Luna, that should have been in July, being skipt over, which they call Saltus Lunae; which twas absolutely necessary must be somewhere, by reason the intercalatory months were all of 30 days.

57. Thus having shewn the reason of the distribution of the golden number in general, it remains that I give a more parti∣cular account how it comes to pass, that the following golden number should be made by adding 8 to the preceding; and the preceding by adding, 11 to the following: for the first whereof, I take the reason to be, that in 8 Solar years, allowing to each 365 days and 6 h. which are 2922 days, there happen to be 99 Lunations wanting one day, 12 h. 41′. 15″ 9‴; upon which account after 8 years the Lunations doe not begin upon the same day they did 8 years before, but one day and ½ later, proxime; wherefore after every golden number through the whole Calendar, another is written next it which exceeds it by eight, to shew that after 8 years the New Moons will not fall upon those days, upon which the antecedent golden numbers are writ∣ten, but upon those to which the numbers are prefix't, that are made off them by eight. And because in twice 8 years, the twice 12 hours and odd minutes make another day and better, therefore the golden numbers are not always immediatly put after each other upon all days of the months, but every third day, for the most part, is left vacant for these twice 12 hours; so that every two golden numbers have ordinarily 3 days allowed them, otherwise the Lunations in each 16 years time, would be always anticipated one day at lest.

58. And the reason why every preceding golden number is formed of the subsequent by adding 11 is, because in 11 Solar years, in which are 417 days, there are 136 Lunations and one day, 14 h. 8′. 47″. 4‴. for that in 136 Lunations there are re∣quired only 4016 days 3 h. 51′. 12″. 56‴. and therefore the New Moones after 11 years, fall not on the same days they did the said 11 years before, but one day and almost half another soo∣ner: upon which account before every golden number, is set a∣nother golden number that exceeds it by 11, to shew that after 11 years, the New Moons will not fall upon those days they did 11 years before, but sooner, viz. upon those to which the num∣bers are prefixt, that are made off them by the addition of 11. Whence Clavius concludes that Campanus and many others of the ancient Computists, did not rightly set two golden numbers before Decemb 2l 1.137 for that after 11 years the New Moons that fell upon that day (the golden numbers being 13 or 2) will neces∣sarily happen one day and near ½ sooner, as was shewn above; for evidence whereof, if these were rightly set, there must also be two other golden numbers put the day preceding, viz. 5

and 13. and so two more again for them, and so quite through the Calendar: so that every day that has any, must have two golden numbers as well as this, and two New Moones falling on it within the cycle; whereas no other day but this even by these Computists is allowed above one, and these sufficient too, to take up all the New-Moons. Upon which account I rather close with Clavius, and place the number 13 upon the first of De∣cemb. and 2 alone upon the second, as I find them upon se∣veral of these Cloggs, tho' not in that represented above, 13 in that being put down to the second, and 2 to the third, in which point I therefore count it defective, nor can I see any inconvenience that will follow hence, but that the Embolismal month (the golden number being 13) must then be reckon'd from Dec. 1. to the 31. as Clavius doesm 1.138, which perhaps may be none: but I forbear to lanch further into this controversy, having already I fear tired the Readers patience.

59. And proceed next to the Inscriptions, issuing from the notches, to the right hand of them, some peculiar notches hav∣ing figures set against them on this hand too, but all of diffe∣rent kinds, and not repeated like the former: which though they are marks or symbols of the festival days, exprest after the Egyptian Hieroglyphical manner, non literis, aut syllabarum com∣positione as Diodorus tells usn 1.139 sed imaginum forma, not with Let∣ters or Syllables, yet they are not set at random, but all car∣ry with them a rational importance, some of them pointing out the offices or endowments of the Saints, before whose festivals they are put; others the manner of their Martyrdoms; and o∣thers only some eminent action or other matter some way relat∣ing to the Saint, or else the work, or Sport, in fashion about the time when the feast is kept. Thus from the Notch which re∣presents the 13 of Jan. or the feast of S^t Hilary, there issues a Cross or badg of a Bishop such as S^t Hilary was; from the first of March a harp, shewing the feast of S^t David, who used to praise God on that instrument; against June the 29 the Keys for S^t Peter, reputed the Ianitor of heaven; and a pair of shooes against the 25 of Octob. the feast of S^t Crispin the Patron of the Shoomakers. Of the second kind, are the Axe set against the 25 of January or feast of S^t Paul, who was beheaded with an Axe; and a Sword against the 24 of June for S^t John Baptist's day, who perhaps was beheaded in the prison with such a wea∣pon; So a Gridiron upon the 10 of August or feast of S^t Laurence, who suffer'd martyrdom upon one; and a wheel on the 25,

with a decussated cross on the last of Novemb. for S^t Catharine and S^t Andrew, who are said also to have suffered upon such instru∣ments of death.

60. And of the last kind, are the marks against the first of January, somewhat resembling the cutting off of the prepuce, for the Circumcision; the Starr on the 6 of the same Month to de∣note the Epiphany; a true Lovers knot against the 14 of Febr. for Valentines day, importing the time of marryage or coupling of birds; a bough against the 2 of March for S^t Ceadda, who lived a Hermits life in the woods near Lichfield; also a bough on the first of May, such as they usually set up about that time with great solemnity; and a rake on the 11 of June being S^t Barnabies day, importing that then it is hay-harvest. So a pot against the 23 of Novemb. for the feast of S^t Clement, from the ancient custom of going about that night, to begg drink to make merry with; and for the Purification, Annuntiation, and all other feasts of our Lady, always the figure of a heart, which what it should import relating to Mary, unless because upon the Shepherds relation of their Vision, Mary is said to have kept all these things, and ponder'd them in her hearto 1.140, I cannot imagin; lastly for Dec. 25. or Christmass day, a Horn; the ancient vessel in which the Danes use to Wassayle, or drink healths; signifying to us that this is the time we ought to rejoyce and make merry, cornua exhaurienda notans, as Wormius will have itp 1.141. Many such Sym∣bols there are too, for other festivals, which not being so con∣stantly the same as these are, but varying almost upon every Clogg, I forbear any further exposition of them; only adding that the marks for the greater feasts solemnly observed in the Church have a large point set in the middle of them, and another o∣ver against the preceding day, if vigills or fasts were observ∣ed before them.

61. Thus having done with the Inscriptions on both sides the notches, it remains only that I shew what were the uses of each: for the former whereof (I mean the prime or golden number) its only use anciently before the birth of Christ, was to shew the times the New-Moons would happen: but after his death it was applyed by the Church to an Ecclesiastical use, viz. to shew the true time of celebrating Easter, which it does to this day: that being to be esteemed the Paschal Moone, whose 14^th day doth fall upon or after the Vernal Equinox, which in the days of the Nicene Fathers (as they were informed by the Astronomers of those times) was upon the 21 of March; or which comes to

the same purpose: that was to be reputed the Paschal Moone, whose Full fell not on, but next after the Vernal Equinox or 21 of March, on which day if Sunday, or else the next Sunday fol∣lowing, Easter was always to be observed. So that the years of the Moons Cycle being settled as above, no body had then, nor has now more to doe, to find the time of Easter, but to consult in their Ca∣lendars the golden number for the year within that compass, which shews the time of the Paschal New-Moone, and to count 14 from it; or to find out the next Full-Moone after the Ec∣clesiastical Equinox; upon which day if Sunday (as I said be∣fore) or the next Sunday after, Easter is to be kept. Whence it is that these numbers are sometimes call'd the Prime, because they doe indicare primas Lunas, and not only near Easter, but through the whole year; which was esteemed by our ancestors a thing of so excellent use, that they scrupled not to set them in the margins of their Calendars in characters of gold, whence they are stiled to this day, also the golden number.

62. But you will obiect perhaps and say, that upon observ∣ing of the New Moones, you find them not now to fall on those days the Prime does direct, but ordinarily four, and sometimes five days before; which is so great a truth, that in the Brevia∣ries and Missals corrected by Pius quintus, the primes are remov∣ed 5 days upwardsq 1.142 and so we find them in the Scotch Com∣mon Prayer Book printed at Edinborough An. 1637, which I suppose was done, that the primes might agree with the New-Moons, as they fell at those times, which by reason the Cycle of the Moone is 1 h. 27′. 31″. 55‴. shorter then 19 Julian years, had then gone back since the Council of Nice, near 5 days, this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or anticipation, amounting to a day, in 312 years and ½, as Clavius computes it r. Which remedy of Pius quintus, and the Church of Scotland, had been agreeable enough, had the use of the prime been only to find the Astronomical New Moones. But our Church of England having not yet though fit, to alter the observation of Easter from the time appointed by the Nicene Councel, the primes cannot be so alter'd without great confusion, as the learned D^r Wallis has shewed at larges 1.143, but must be still continued where they were then, and still remain on the Clogg: which now rather serve indeed, only for the ready finding of the Ecclesiastical New-Moones, than the Astronomical; tho' they may be computed too, only by reckoning them to fall about 4 days before; the Cycle of the Moone having so much anticipated the course of the Sun since the time of that Council.s 1.144

Which I take to be all the use that the primes are put to; but that by the following numbers being made by adding 8 to the preceding, and the preceding by adding 11 to the following; they also understand that every following prime will be in use 8 years after the preceding; and every preceding 11 years after the following. And as for the Symbols on the right hand the notches, their only use is for finding the immoveable feasts (as the primes were cheifly for the moveable) as was hinted above.

63. Nor did the Danish goverment only bring in these Cloggs, but their manner of buryal, which was to erect over the graves of all persons of quality tall pyramidal stones, such as those in the Church yards of Leek, Draycot, and Chebsey, which I took indeed at first to be only the Epistylia of so many Crosses, till coming to Ilam and finding two in the same Church-yard, and three close together at Checkley, I then began to think they must have some other original, and that most probably they might be funeral monuments of the dead; with which agrees the tra∣dition of theirs at Checkley, the Inhabitants reporting them the me∣morials of 3 Bishops slain in a battle fought here about ¼ of a mile ENE from the Church, in a place still call'd Naked Fields, for that the bodies lay there naked and unburyed for some time after the fight: what they were funeral monuments, and of Da∣nish original, I am fully confirmed, not only from the like still remaining in Denmarkt 1.145 but here in England too; the Reverend and Learned William Nicolson Archdeacon of Carlisle, having lately given us an account of much such another as most of ours are, at Beaucastle in Cumberland, with Runic characters still remaining upon it, inclining in figure to a square pyramid or obelisk, with many pictures of Saints in Sacerdotal habits, and a great deal of Chequer-work engraven upon it, which he stiles a notable emblem of the tumuli of the Ancientsu 1.146.

64. All which (but the Runic characters) are also found up∣on some of ours, as may plainly be seen upon those of Checkley, if the Reader please to look back to Tab. 33. where they are purposely represented for his satisfaction Fig. 9, 10, 11. which are the three stones mention'd by M^r Camdenw 1.147, whereof the two that stand furthest from the Church, are finely carved into fret∣work and imagery, but the next it, plaine; the tallest (now not a∣bove 6 foot) is that in the middle, the biggest being that most remote from the Church, but they all seem to have been former∣ly higher; I am sure the biggest has, for I could perceive the

feet of an image on the top of it, whose head was higher on the stone when whole. That at Leek is much taller than these, and has also much fretwork and some imagery upon it, but I doe not remember any upon the rest. Which are all the An∣tiquities I found here remarkable that are certainly Danish, un∣less it be worthy notice, that it is very probable that Leofric Earl of Mercia, husband to the famous Godeva, who rodd through Coventry naked, and obtain'd thereby many large pri∣vileges of her husband for them, dyed at his village of Brom∣leygx 1.148, or Bromleage as Dunelmensis calls ity 1.149, in this County, though buryed at Coventry.

65. Yet there are many old Customs in use within memory, of whose originals I could find no tolerable account, that pos∣sibly might commence as high as these times; such as the ser∣vice due from the Lord of Essington in this County to the Lord of Hilton, about a mile distant, viz. that the Lord of the Manor of Essington (now one S^t Johns Esq late S^r Gilbert Wakering) shall bring a goose every New-years day, and drive it round the fire in the Hall at Hilton, at lest 3 times (which he is bound to doe as mean Lord) whil'st Jack of Hilton is blowing the fire. Now Jack of Hilton, is a little hollow Image of brass of about 12 In∣ches high, kneeling upon his left knee, and holding his right hand upon his head, and his left upon Pego or his veretrum erected, as in Tab. 33. Fig. 12. above mention'd; having a little hole in the place of the mouth, about the bigness of a great pins head, and another in the back about ⅔ of an inch diame∣ter, at which last hole it is fill'd with water, it holding about 4 pints and ¼, which, when set to a strong fire, evaporates after the same manner as in an Aeolipile, and vents it self at the smal∣ler hole at the mouth in a constant blast, blowing the fire so strongly that it is very audible, and makes a sensible impres∣sion in that part of the fire where the blast lights, as I found by experience May the 26. 1680. After the Lord of Essing∣ton, or his Deputy or Bayliff, has driven the goofe round the fire (at lest 3 times) whilst this Image blows it, he carrys it into the Kitchin of Hilton-Hall, and delivers it to the Cook, who having dressed it, the Lord of Essington or his Bayliff, by way of further service, brings it to the Table of the Lord pa∣ramount of Hilton and Essington, and receives a dish of meat, from the said Lord of Hiltons table, for his own Mess. Which ser∣vice was performed about 50 years since, by James Wilkinson then Bayliff of S^r Gilbert Wakering, the Lady Townsend being Lady

of the Manor of Hilton, Tho. a Stokes and John. a Stokes bro∣thers, both living An. 1680. then being present.

66. At Abbots, or now rather Pagets Bromley, they had al∣so within memory, a sort of sport, which they celebrated at Christmas (on New-year, and Twelft-day) call'd the Hobby-horse dance, from a person that carryed the image of a horse between his leggs, made of thin boards, and in his hand a bow and arrow, which passing through a hole in the bow, and stopping upon a sholder it had in it, he made a snapping noise as he drew it to and fro, keeping time with the Musick: with this Man danced 6 others, carrying on their shoulders as many Rain deers heads, 3 of them painted white, and 3 red, with the Armes of the cheif families (viz. of Paget, Bagot, and Wells) to whom the revenews of the Town cheifly belonged, depicted on the palms of them, with which they danced the Hays, and other Country dances. To this Hobby-horse dance there also belong'd a pot, which was kept by turnes, by 4 or 5 of the cheif of the Town, whom they call'd Reeves, who provided Cakes and Ale to put in this pot; all people who had any kindness for the good in∣tent of the Institution of the sport, giving pence a piece for themselves and families; and so forraigners too, that came to see it: with which Mony (the charge of the Cakes and Ale be∣ing defrayed) they not only repaired their Church but kept their poore too: which charges are not now perhaps so cheer∣fully boarn.

67. It seems too, to be pretty certain that the Town or Castle of Chesterton under Lyme, as M^r Camden calls it, given by King John to the last Randall E. of Chester, must be a place of note before the Conquest, it goeing to decay as long agoe as the Reigne of King Hen. 3. when the Earle of Lancaster built another near by, in the midst of a great poole, which he calld the New-Castle, that gave original (no doubt) to the Towne of that Name close by it: whereof yet there is now almost as little remaining as of the Walls of Chesterton, which were so firmly built, that as M^r Camdenz 1.150, and M^r Erdeswick both owne, there remain'd so much of the rubbish of them in their days, that it might be perceived thereby, that they were of a marvellous thicknessa 1.151: but all was gone before I came there, nothing now being to be seen but some faint footsteps of them, in the place where the mark is set in the Map. Nor is there much more of the New-Castle in the poole, tho' the Town near by be grown conside∣rably large, being govern'd by a Mayor and sending Burgesses to

Parliament, and flourishing reasonably well to this very day; yet had certainly its original from this decayed Castle, there being no account of any such Town, as M^r Erdeswick acquaints us, in Doomsday bookb 1.152, or any other writings relating to this County, before the building of that new-Castle.

68. Quickly after the Conquest, Henry de Ferrars a noble man of Normandy (as M^r Camden stiles himc 1.153) who came in with Duke William, and had large possessions allotted him in this County, built Tutbury Castle, upon that hill of Alabaster where it now stands, which continued in his family till Robert de Ferrars Earl of Darby (after pardon obtain'd for a former rebellion) revolted a second time and joyned with Simon Montford against King Henry the third, by whom being taken prisoner he was fined for his offence 50000 l Sterling (a vast Summ in those days) to be paid simul & semel in uno die, sc. in quindena Joh. Bap. which fine the King gave to his son Edmund Earl of Lanca∣ster; Earle Robert obliging himself upon non paiment, to forfeit all his lands except Chartley in Staffordshire, and Holbroc in Dar∣byshire, to the said Edmundd 1.154: which (because such a Summ could then by no means be raised) was accordingly done; and so Tut∣bury came to the family of Lancaster, and at length to be the head seat of the Dutchy, in which it flourish't till the rebellion of Thomas Earle of Lancaster, An. 1322. temp. Edw. 2. who fortifyed it against the King, but could not hold it; when, as M^r Erdeswick thinks, this first Castle was brought to decay, and not reedifyed till it came into the possession of John of Gaunt, who built the present Castle, walling it on all sides but one, where the hill is so steep that it needed no such fencee 1.155: from whose time it continued in some tolerable condition till the late civil warr, temp. Car. 1. when it was taken and for the most part demolish't by the Rebells, as may be seen by the ruins Tab. 36. it remaining much in the same condition they left it, to this very day.

69. During the time of which ancient Earls and Dukes of Lancaster, who were ever of the blood Royal, great men in their times, had their abode, and kept a liberal hospitality here, at their Honor of Tutbury, there could not but be a general con∣course of people from all parts hither; for whose diversion all sorts of Musicians were permitted likewise to come, to pay their services: amongst whom (being numerous) some quarrels and disorders now and then arising, it was found necessary after a while they should be brought under rules, divers Laws being made

for the better regulating of them, and a Governour appointed them by the name of a King, who had several Officers under him to see to the execution of those Laws, full power being grant∣ed them to apprehend and arrest any such Minstrells apper∣taining to the said Honor, as should refuse to doe their servi∣ces in due manner, and to constrain them to doe them: as ap∣pears by the Charter granted to the said King of the Minstrells, by John of Gaunt King of Castile and Leon, and Duke of Lan∣caster, bearing date the 22 of August in the 4 year of the raigne of King Richard the second, entituled, Carta le Roy de Ministralx, which being written in old Frenchf 1.156, I have here translated, and annext it to this discourse, for the more universal notoriety of the things, and for satisfaction how the power of the King of the Minstrells and his Officers is founded: which take as follows.

JOHN By the Grace of God King of Castile and Leon, Duke of Lancaster, to all them who shall see or hear these our Letters greeting. Know ye we have ordained constituted and assigned to our well beloved the King of the Minstrells in our Honor of Tutbury, who is, or for the time shall be, to apprehend and arrest all the Minstrells in our said Honor and Franchise, that refuse to doe the Services and Minstrelsy as appertain to them to doe from ancient times at Tutbury aforesaid, yearly on the days of the As∣sumption of our Lady: giving and granting to the said King of the Minstrells for the time being, full power and commandement to make them reasonably to justify, and to constrain them to doe their Services, and Minstrelsies, in manner as belongeth to them, and as it hath been there, and of ancient times accustomed. In witness of which thing, we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Given under our privy Seal at our Castle of Turbury the 22 day of Aug. in the 4^th. year of the raigne of the most sweet King Richard the second.

70. Upon this, in process of time the defaulters being many, and the amercements by the Officers perhaps not sometimes over reasonable; concerning which, and other matters, controversies frequently arising: it was at last found necessary, that a Court should be erected to hear plaints, and determine Controversies, between party and party, before the Steward of the Honor, which is held there to this day on the morrow after the Assumption being the 16^th. of Aug. on which day they now also doe all the services mentioned in the above said grant; and have the Bull due to them, anciently from the Prior of Tutbury, now from the Earle of Devon; whereas they had it formerly on the

assumption of our Lady, as appears by an Inspeximus of King Henry the sixt, relating to the Customs of Tutbury, where amongst others, this of the Bull is mention'd in these words. Item est ibidem quaedam consuetudo quod Histriones venientes ad matutinas in festo assumptionis beatae Mariae, habebunt unum Taurum de Priore de Tuttebury, si ipsum capere possunt citra aquam Dove pro∣pinquiorem Tuttebury; vel Prior dabit eis xl^d. pro qua quidem consuetudine dabuntur domino ad dictum festum annuatim xx^d. i. e. that there is a certain custom belonging to the Honor of Tut∣bury, that the Minstrells who come to Matins there on the feast of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin, shall have a Bull given them by the Prior of Tutbury, if they can take him on this side the River Dove which is next Tutbury; or else the Prior shall give them xl^d. for the enjoyment of which custom they shall give to the Lord at the said feast, yearly xx^dg 1.157.

71. Thus I say▪ the services of the Minstrells were performed, and Bull enjoyed, anciently on the feast of the Assumption; but now they are done, and had, in the manner following, on the Court day or morrow of the assumption being the 16 of August, what time all the Minstrels within the Honor come first to the Bayliffs house of the Manor of Tutbury (who is now the Earl of Devonshire) where the Steward for the Court to be holden for the King, as Duke of Lancastar (who is now the Duke of Ormond) or his deputy meeting them, they all goe from thence to the parish Church of Tutbury, two and two together, Musick play∣ing before them, the King of the Minstrells for the year past walk∣ing between the Steward and Bayliff, or their deputies; the four Stewards or under Officers of the said King of the Minstrells, each with a white wand in their hands, immediately following them; and then the rest of the company in order. Being come to the Church, the Vicar reads them divine service, chusing Psalms and Lessons suitable to the occasion: the Psalmes when I was there An. 1680. being the 98.149.150; the first Lesson 2. Chron. 5. and the second, the 5. chap. of the Epistle to the Ephesians, to the 22 verse. For which service every Minstrel offered one penny, as a due always a paid to the Vicar of the Church of Tut∣bury, upon this Solemnity.

72. Service being ended, they proceed in like manner as be∣fore, from the Church to the Castle-hall or Court, where the Steward or his deputy taketh his place, assisted by the Bayliff or his deputy, the King of the Minstrells sitting between them; who is to oversee that every Minstrell dwelling within the Ho∣nor

and making default, shall be presented and amerced: which that he may the better doe, an O yes is then made by one of the Officers being a Minstrel, 3 times, giving notice by direction from the Steward to all manner of Minstrells dwelling within the Ho∣nor of Tutbury, viz. within the Counties of Stafford, Darby, Not∣tingham, Leicester and Warwick, owing suit and service to his Majesties Court of Musick here holden as this day, that every man draw near and give his attendance upon pain and peril that may otherwise ensue, and that if any man will be assign∣ed of suit or plea, he or they should come in, and they should be heard. Then all the Musicians being call'd over by a Court∣roll, two Juries are impannell'd, out of 24 of the sufficientest of them, 12 for Staffordshire, and 12 for the other Counties; whose names being deliver'd in Court to the Steward and call'd over, and appearing to be full Juries, the Foreman of each is first sworn, and then the residue, as is usual in other Courts, upon the holy Evangelists.

73. Then to move them the better to mind their duties to the King, and their own good; the Steward proceeds to give them their charge: first commending to their consideration the ori∣ginal of all Musick, both Wind and string Musick, the antiquity and excellency of both, setting forth the force of it upon the affections, by divers examples; how the use of it has always been allowed (as is plain from holy writ) in praysing and glori∣fying God; and the skill in it always esteemed so considerable, that it is still accounted in the Schooles one of the liberal Arts, and allowed in all Godly Christian Common-wealths; where by the way he commonly takes notice of the Statute, which reckons some Musicians amongst Vagabonds and Roguesh 1.158, giving them to understand that such Societies as theirs, thus legally founded and govern'd by laws, are by no means intended by that Statute, for which reason the Minstrells belonging to the Manor of Dut∣ton in the County Palatine of Chester are expressly excepted in that Acti 1.159. Exhorting them upon this account (to preserve their reputation) to be very carefull to make choise of such men to be Officers amongst them, as fear God, are of good life and con∣versation, and have knowledg and skill in the practise of their Art. Which charge being ended, the Jurors proceed to the Election of the said Officers, the King being to be chosen out of the 4 Stewards of the preceding year, and one year out of Stafford∣shire, and the other out of Darbyshire interchangeably: and the 4 Stewards two of them out of Staffordshire, and two out of

Darbyshire; 3 being chosen by the Jurors, and the 4^th by him that keeps the Court, and the deputy Steward or Clerk

74. The Jurors departing the Court for this purpose, leave the Steward with his assistants still in their places, who in the mean time make themselves merry with a banquet, and a noise of Musicians playing to them, the old King still sitting between the Steward and Bayliff as before: but returning again after a competent time, they present first their cheifest Officer by the name of their King; then the old King arising from his place, delivereth him a little white wand in token of his Soveraignty, and then taking a cup fill'd with Wine drinketh to him, wishing him all joy and prosperity in his Office. In the like manner doe the old Stewards to the new, and then the old King riseth, and the new taketh his place, and so doe the new Stewards of the old, who have full power and authority by virtue of the Kings Stewards warrant, directed from the said Court, to levy and di∣strain in any City, Town Corporate, or in any place within the Kings dominions, all such fines and amercements as are inflicted by the said Juries that day upon any Minstrells, for his or their of∣fences, committed in the breach of any of their ancient orders, made for the good rule and goverment of the said Society. For which said fines and amercements so distrained, or otherwise peaceably collected, the said Stewards are accountable at every Audit: one moyety of them going to the Kings Majesty, and the other the said Stewards have, for their own use.

75. The Election, &c. being thus concluded, the Court riseth, and all persons then repair to another fair room within the Castle, where a plentifull dinner is prepared for them, which being ended; the Minstrells went anciently to the Abbey gate, now to a little barn by the Town side, in expectance of the Bull to be turned forth to them, which was formerly done (according to the Custom above mention'd) by the Prior of Tutbury, now by the Earle of Devonshire: which Bull, as soon as his horns are cut off, his Ears cropt, his taile cut by the stumple, all his body smeared over with Soap, and his nose blown full of beaten pep∣per; in short, being made as mad as 'tis possible for him to be; after Solemn Proclamation made by the Steward, that all manner of persons give way to the Bull, none being to come near him by 40 foot, any way to hinder the Minstrells, but to attend his or their own safeties, every one at his perill: He is then forth∣with turned out to them (anciently by the Prior) now by the Lord Devonshire or his deputy, to be taken by them and none other, within the County of Stafford between the time of his being turned out to them, and the setting of the Sun the same

day: which if they cannot doe, but the Bull escapes from them untaken, and gets over the River into Darbyshire, he remains still my Lord Devonshires bull: but if the said Minstrells can take him, and hold him so long, as to cutt off but some small matter of his hair, and bring the same to the Mercat cross in token they have taken him, the said bull is then brought to the Bay∣liffs house in Tutbury, and there coller'd and roap't, and so brought to the Bull-ring in the high-street, and there baited with doggs: the first course being allotted for the King; the second for the Honor of the Towne; and the third for the King of the Minstrells. Which after it is done, the said Minstrells are to have him for their owne, and may sell, or kill and divide him amongst them, according as they shall think good.

76. And thus this Rustick-sport which they call the Bull-run∣ning, should be annually performed by the Minstrells only, but now a days they are assisted by the promiscuous multitude, that flock hither in great numbers, and are much pleased with it, tho' sometimes through the emulation in point of manhood, that has been long cherish't between the Staffordshire and Darbyshire men, perhaps as much mischeif may have been done in the triall be∣tween them, as in the Jeu de Taureau or Bull-fighting practised at Valentia, Madrid, and many other places in Spaink 1.160, whence perhaps this our Custom of Bull-running might be derived, and set up here by John of Gaunt who was King of Castile and Leon, and Lord of the Honor of Tuthury; for why might not we re∣ceive this sport from the Spanyards, as well as they from the Romans, and the Romans from the Greeks? wherein I am the more confirm'd, for that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the Thes∣salians, who first instituted this game, and of whom Julius Cae∣sar learned it, and brought it to Rome, were celebrated much about the same time of the year, our Bull-running is, viz. pridie Idus Augusti on the 12 of Augustl 1.161; which perhaps John of Gaunt in honor of the Assumption of our Lady being but 3 days after, might remove to the 15; as after ages did (that all the So∣lemnity, and Court might be kept on the same day, to avoid fur∣ther trouble) to the 16 of August.

77. Nor is this the only remarkable Custom that anciently belong'd to this Honor of Tutbury, for I find that S^r Philip de Somervile 10 of Edw. 3. held the Manors of Whichnovre, Scire∣scot, Ridware, Netherton, and Cowlee, all in Com. Stafford of the Earles of Lancaster Lords of the Honor of Tutbury, by these me∣morable Services, viz. By two small fees† 1.162;

That is to say, when

other Tenants pay for Reliefe one whole Knight's fee, One hun∣dred Shillings, he the said Sir Philip shall pay but Fifty shillings: and when Escuage is assessed throghe owtt the land; or to Ayde for to make th' eldest sonne of the Lord, Knyght; or for to mar∣ry the eldest daughter of the Lord, the said Sir Philip shall pay bott the motye of it that other shall paye. Nevertheless, the said Sir Philip shall fynde, meyntienge, and susteingne one Bacon flyke, hanging in his Hall at Whichenovre, redy arrayede all times of the yere, bott in Lent; to be given to everyche mane, or woman married, after the day and the yere of their mariage be passed: and to be gyven to everyche mane of Re∣ligion, Archbishop, Bishop, Prior, or other Religious: and to everyche Preest, after the year and day of their profession finished, or of their dignity reseyved, in forme followyng; when∣soever that ony suche byforenamed, wylle come for to enquire for the Baconne, in there own persone; or by any other for them, they shall come to the Baillyfe, or to the Porter of the Lordship of Whichnovre, and shall say to them, in the manere as ensewethe;

Bayliffe, or Porter, I doo you to knowe; that I am come for my self [or, if he be come for any other, shewing. for whome] to demaunde one Bacon flyke, hanging in the Halle, of the Lord of Whichenovre, after the forme thereunto belongyng.

After which relacioun, the Baillyffe or Porter shall assign a day to him, upon promyse, by his feythe to retourne; and with him to bryng tweyne of his neighbours. And, in the meyn tyme, the said Bailliffe shall take with him tweyne of the Freeholders of the Lordship of Whichenovre; and they three, shall go to the Manoir of Rudlowe, belongynge to Robert Knyght∣leye, and there shall somon the forseid Knyghteley or his Baillyffe; commanding him, to be redy at Whichenovre, the day appoynted, at pryme of the day, withe his Caryage; that is to say, a Horse and a Sadylle, a Sakke, and a Pryke, for to convey and carye the said Baconne, and Corne, a journey owtt of the Countee of Stafford, at hys costages. And then the sayd Baillyffe, shall, with the sayd Freeholders, so∣mone all the Tenaunts of the said Manoir, to be ready at the day appoynted, at Whichnovre, for to doo and perform the ser∣vices which they owe to the Baconne. And, at the day assign'd, all such as owe services to the Baconne, shall be ready at the Gatte of the Manoir off Whichnovre, frome the Sonne-rysing to None, attendyng and awatyng for the comyng of hym, that fetcheth the Baconne. And, when he is comyn, there shall be delivered to hym and hys felowys, Chapeletts; and to all those whiche shall be there: to do their services deue to the Baconne:

And they shall lede the seid Demandant wythe Trompes and Tabours, and other maner of Mynstralseye, to the Halle-dore, where he shall fynde the Lord of Whichenovre, or his Steward, redy to deliver the Baconne, in this manere.

78. He shall enquere of hym, whiche demandeth the Baconne, yf he have brought tweyn of hys Neghbors with hym. Whiche must answere; They be here ready. And then the Steward shall cause thies two Neighbours to swere, yf the seyd Demandaunt be a weddyt man; or have be a man weddyt: and, yf sythe his Marriage, one yere and a day be passed: And yf he be a free∣man, or a villeyn. And yf hys seid neghbours make Othe, that he hath for hym all thies three poynts rehersed; then shall the Baconne be take downe, and broghte to the Hall-dore; and shall there be layd upon one halfe a Quarter of Wheatte; & upon one other of Rye. And he that demandeth the Baconne shall kneel upon his knee; and shall hold his right hand upon a booke; which booke shall be layde above the Baconne, and the Corne; and shall make Othe, in this manere.

Here ye, Sir Philippe de Somervile, Lord of Whichenovre, maynte∣ner and gyver of this Baconne; That I A. sithe I Wedded B. my wife, and sythe I hadd hyr in my kepyng, and at my wylle by a yere and a day, after our Mariage; I wold not have chaunged for none other; farer, ne fowler; rycher ne pourer; ne for none other descended of greater lynage; slepying, ne waking, at noo tyme. And yf the feyd B. were sole, and I sole, I would take her to be my Wyfe, before alle the wymen of the worlde; of what condiciones soever they be; good or evylle, as helpe me God ond hys Seyntys; and this fleshe, and all fleshes.

And hys neighbors shall make Othe, that they trust veraly he hath said truly. And, yff it be founde by his neighbours, before∣named, that he be a Free-man; there shall be delyvered to him half a Quarter of Wheate, and a Cheese. And, yf he be a villeyn, he shall have half a Quarter of Rye, wythoute Cheese. And then shall Knyghtleye, the Lord of Rudlowe* 1.163, be called for, to carrye all thies thynges, to fore rehersed: And the said Corne shall be layd upon one horse, and the Baconne above ytt: and he to whom the Baconne apperteigneth, shall ascend upon his Horse; and shall take the Cheese before hym, yf he have a Horse: And, yf he have none, the Lord of Whichenovre shall cause him have one Horse and Sadyll, to such time as he be pas∣sed hys Lordshippe: and so shalle they departe the Manoir of Whichenovre, with the Corne and the Baconne, tofore hym that

hath wonne itt, with Trompets, Tabouretts, and other manoir of Mynstralce. And, all the Free-Tenants of Whichenovre shall conduct hym, to be passed the Lordship of Whichenovre. And then shall all they retorne; except hym, to whom apperteign∣eth to make the carryage and journey, wythowtt the Countye of Stafford, at the Costys of hys Lord of Whichenover. And, yff the sayd Robert Knightley, do not cause the Baconn and Corne, to be conveyed, as is rehersed; the Lord of Whichenovre shall do it be carryed, and shall dystreigne the seyd Ro∣bert Knyghtley for his defaulte, for one hundred shyllings, in his Manoir of Rudlowe; and shalle kepe the distres, so takyn, irreplevisable.

79. Moreover, the said Sir Philippe holdeth of his Lorde, th' Erle, the Manoir of Briddeshalle, by thies services; that, art such tyme, that hys sayd Lorde holdeth hys Chrystemes at Tutbury, the seyd Sir Phelippe shall come to Tutbury, upon Chry∣stemasse Evyn; and shall be lodged yn the Town of Tutbury, by the Marshall of the Erlys house: and upon Chrystymesse-day, he himself, or some othyr Knyght (his Deputye) shall go to the Dressour; and shall sewe to his Lordys meese: and then shall he kerve the same mett to hys sayd Lord: And thys service shall he doo aswell at Souper, as at Dynner: and when hys Lord hath etyn; the said Sir Philippe shall fit downe, in the same place, wheir hys Lord satt: and shalle be served att hys Table, by the Steward of th' Erlys house. And, upon Seynt, Stevyn-day, when he haith dyned, he shall take leve of hys Lorde, and shall kysse hym: and, for hys service he shall nothing take, ne no∣thing shall gyve. And all thyes services, tofore-rehersed, the seyd Sir Philippe hath doo, by the space of xlviii. yeres; and hys ancestors byfore hym, to hys Lordys, Erlys of Lancastre. Item, the said Sir Philippe holdeth of his seid Lord, th' Erle, his Ma∣noirs of Tatenhull and Drycotte, en percenerye, by thies services; that the seid Sir Phelippe, or his Atturney for hym, shall come to the Castell of Tutburye, upon Seynt Petyr day, in August, which is called Lammesse; and shall shew the Steward, or Receiver, that he is come thither to hunt, and catch his Lord's Greese, at the costages of hys Lorde. Whereupon the Steward or the Receiver shall cause a Horse and Sadylle to be deliveryd to the sayd Sir Phelippe, the price Fifty shillings; or Fifty shillings in money, and one Hound; and shall pay to the said Sir Phelippe, everyche day, fro the said day of Seynt Peter, to Holy Roode-day, for hym∣self Two shillings six pence a day; and everyche day for his ser∣vant, and his Bercelett, during the sayd time twelve pence. And all the Wood-masters of the Forest of Nedewode and Duffelde,

withe alle the Parkers and Foresters, shall be commandyd to awatte, and attend upon the sayd Sir Phelippe, while theyre Lord's Greese be takyn, in all places of the seyde Forestys, as upon their Master, during the said tyme. And the said Sir Phe∣lippe, or his Attorny, shall deliver to the said Parkers, or Fore∣sters, that shall belonge to their Lordys Lardere; commandyng them to convey itt to the Erlys Lardyner, abyding at Tutbury: and with the remenant, the seyd Sir Phelippe shall do hys plesoure. And, upon Holy-Rood-day the sayd Sir Phelippe shall returne to the Castell of Tutbury, upon the said Horse, with his Bercelet; and shall dyne with the Steward or Receyver: and after Dyn∣ner he shall delyver the Horse, Sadylle, and Bercelett to the Ste∣ward or Receyvour; and shall kysse the Porter and departm 1.164.

80. There was much such another Custom as that of the Ba∣con, also instituted at the Priory of Dunmow in Essex, by Ro∣bert Fitzwalter a potent Baron of the Realm Temp. Hen. 3. the Summe whereof was contain'd in this old distic. viz,

That He that repents him not of his Mariage in a year and a day either sleeping or wakeing,

May lawfully goe to Dunmow and fetch a gammon of Baconn 1.165.

or else a flych, as appears by the Register of the said Abbey some enjoyed; but neither, unless they would swear kneeling upon two hard pointed stones set in the Priory Church-yard for that purpose, before the Prior and Covent, and the whole Towne, in this forme

You shall swear by Custom of Confession, If ever you made nuptial transgression: Be you either married man or wife, By houshold brawles or contentious strife, Or otherwise in bed, or at boord, Offend each other in deed, or word; Or since the parish Clerk said Amen, You wish't your selves unmarried agen: Or in a twelve moneths time and a day Repented not in thought any way: But continued true and just in desire As when you joyned hands in the holy quire. If to these conditions without all feare, Of your own accord you will freely sweare, A whole Gammon of Bacon you shall receive, And bear it hence with love and good leave. For this is our Custome at Dunmow well known, Though the pleasure be ours, the Bacon's your owno 1.166.

81. The next considerable antiquity after the Castle of Tutbury,

that I met with in this County, whereof there are yet some foot∣steps remaining, is Heyley Castle, built upon a lofty rock with the very stone that was dugg forth the ditches, which was given to Henry de Aldithleg, as M^r Camden says, by Harvey Lord Staf∣ford, temp. Regis Johan. when the whole Country seem'd in a manner to conspire to make a great man, as may be seen by the Copy of confirmation made by Hen. 3. of all the Lands con∣tributed by divers great men for the advancement of this fami∣ly. Which Henry indeed seems to have built this Castle: but upon perusal of the Record, I find they were the heirs of one William de Bettelegh or Betley, qui dederunt totam terram de Hey∣lea cum pertenentiis, i. e. that gave the whole land of Heyley to this Henry; and that Harvey Lord Stafford gave only the land quae jacet sub Castro de Heleghe, that lay somewhere near under the Castle; as Nicholas, and not (as he says) Theobald Verdun gave Aldithelege it self* 1.167, where also there seem to be the foot∣steps of a Castle. built by some of this family, or of the Verduns before them. About this time the advowson of the Church of Penckridg in this County, anciently Pencriz, setled before by King Stephen upon the Church of Lichfieldp 1.168, being endowed with lands, and made Collegiat, by one Hugo Huose, was given by King John in the last of his reigne, to the Arch-Bishops of Dublin, in whose Diocess it remains to this very day; which being a thing somewhat strange, and known but to few how it came to pass, for their better satisfaction I have here annext a Copy of King Johns Charter taken out of the black book of the said Arch-Bishops Registery at Dublin, and sent me by the Reverend and learned M^r William King Chancellor of S^t Patricks, which take as follows.

JOHANNES Dei gratia Rex Angl. Dominus Hibernie Dux Normanie & Aquitan. & Com. Andeg. Archiepiscopis, Epis∣copis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baron. Justic. Vicecom. Preposit. & om∣nibus Ballivis & fidelibus suis salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse & hac presenti carta confirmasse venerabili Patri nostro Henrico Dub∣lin. Archiepiscopo & successoribus suis, terr. & tenement. subscript. que habet ex dono Hugon. Huose; scil. Manerium de Penkeriz cum villa de Cungrave, & villa de Culega, & villa de Wuolgareston, & villa de Beffecot, & cum terra de Duun cum feria ejusdem ville de Penkeriz, & cum omnibus ad predic. terr. & tenement. per∣tinen. sicut carta ipsius Hugonis Huose (quam inde habet) rationa∣biliter testatur. Preterea concessimus de dono nostro, intuitu Dei, & prosalute animae nostrae, & antecessorum, & successorum nostro∣rum

regum Angl. dict. Archepiscopo Dublin. & successoribus suis advocationem Ecclesiae de Pencriz cum pertinen. in perpetuum. Ita quod cum dicta Ecclesia vacare contigerit, dictus Archepiscopus & successores sui eam cum pertinen. pro voluntate sua possint ordinare. Quare volumus & firmiter precipimus quod predic. Henric. Dub∣lin. Archiepiscopus, & successores sui habeant & teneant predic. terr. & tenement, & advocationem dicte Ecclesiae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis bene & in pace, libere & quiete, integre & plena∣rie cum omnibus libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, ad predic. terr. & tenement. & predic. advocationem pertinen. sicut pre∣dictum est. Testibus, Dominis P. Wynton. W. Coventry, Epis. Magistr. Pando. Norwic. Electo; & Abbate Cirencest. Huberto de Burgo Justic. nostro Angl; Wide Cireton; Ric. de Burgo; Jo∣hanne Russelle. Dat. per man. Magistri Richardi de Marisco Cancellar. nostr. apud Dowvre, tertio decimo die Septembris, Anno regni nostri septimo decimoq 1.169.

82. In short, the History of this Church stands thus, as well as I can discover it from the Records of Lichfield and Dublin, viz. it was first given, as I said above, to the Church of Lichfield, by King Stephen; not long after being endowed with the lands mention'd in King Johns Charter, it was made Collegiat, having 4 Chappells, one whereof was strangely lost (viz. Capella de Ca∣noto, sive Cannock) tempore Episcopi Hugonis de Novant in the reigne of Hen. 2r 1.170. and not recoverd till the 2 of Edw. 1s 1.171. In the mean time being a free Chappel of the Kings, the advowson of it was settled by King John upon the Arch-Bishops of Dublin, and confirm'd to them by Pope Alexander the 4. temp. Edw. 1. the Arch-Bishops of Dublin collating the Prebends as often as they fell, and holding the Deanry themselves, upon account there was then no revenew annext to the Deanry, for the support of any other, they should give it to; in which posture it stood for 30 years: wherefore the said Pope Alexander upon the petition of the Arch-Bishop then being, by his Bull bearing date at Anagni (the place of his birth) Nov. 11. Pontif. sui An. 5. annext this Deanry to the Arch-Bishoprick for evert 1.172. Yet I find afterwards by a taxation of the Prebendaries, and other Officers belonging to this Church, that the Dean did enjoy the benefit of a Prebend: which Taxation, that the number and places of the Prebends, and the names of the persons, that then held them, might be known, I have here annexed.

Taxatio Praebendarum & Officiorum apud Pyncriche exempt.

	Ib.	s.	d.	Ib.	s.	d.
Imprimis Prebenda Decani	1.	6.	8.	2.	0.	0.
Item Prebenda de Copnall— Trygram	7.	0.	0.	10.	13.	4
Item Prebenda de Sharisull-Fr. Symmons	5.	0.	0.	6.	0.	0.
Item Prebenda de Sutton-Richards	4.	0.	0.	6.	13.	4.
Item Prebenda de Dunstone-Tatton	5.	Marks	6.	6.	8.
Item Prebenda de Penkrich-Elice	2.	0.	0.	4.	0.	0.
Item Prebenda de Congreife-Willowe	5.	Nobles	2.	6.	8.
Item Prebenda de Longegrigge-Gardon	0.	8.	0.	0.	16.	0.
Item Canonicus residentiar. absque Prebenda-Webb				2.	13	4.
Item alter Canonicus silicet residentiarius sine Prebenda	Gytton.	2.	13.	4
Item Officium Sacriste, Canonicus perpetuum est & Vicarius Decani in mortuariis & aliis casualibus				3.	6.	8.
Item Officialis Jurisdictionis peculiaris, & ad visitandum Comissarius specialis	prout 1o. subscri∣bitur.
Item Vicarii residentes omnium dict. Prebend. quorum salaria sunt bene diminuatau 1.173.

By which Charter and taxation it is easy to conclude, not only how this Church came to be in the Diocess of Dublin, but of what value it was whilst in its flourishing condition. But how the lands came after to be alienated, whether by fee-farmes (as it seems most of the Irish Bishopricks were) or otherwise, and how the Iuris∣diction neglected; I list not to declare, it not becoming a Natu∣ral Historian either to enquire in titles, or make reflections on Church goverment, wherefore manum de Tabula.

83. Not long after this settlement of the Church of Penckridg, Randall the third, surnamed Blundevill, Earle of Chester, An. 1218.2. Hen. 3. built the Castle of Chartley* 1.174, where he lay, says Leland, during the time of his building the Abbey of Dieu la Cressw 1.175; but this sure could not be, unless it were long in build∣ing, that Abbey being founded, as appears in the History of it, An. 1214x 1.176. before the Castle. And in the reigne of his Son King Edw. 1. Walter de Longton Bishop of Lichfield, and Lord high Treasurer of England, some say built, others repaired, Eccleshall Castle; and the Manor of Shoubrough or Shuckborough, which before says Leland

belong'd to one Shuckborough with the long beard, by whom it was given to the Miter of Lichfieldy 1.177. Quickly after in the beginning of Edw. 2. Alveton Castle seems to have been built by Theobald de Ver∣dun, as may pretty plainly be collected from the Annales of Croxden. And not long after, in the latter end of the same Kings reigne, the goodly Castle of Caverswall (as M^r Erdeswick calles it) by S^r William de Caverswall, it being all built of Masonry, and so the damms of the pooles near by it, as was anciently express't upon his monu∣ment in the Church, his Epitaph being this.

Castri structor eram, domibus fossisque Cemento Vivus dans operam, nunc claudor in hoc monumentoz 1.178.

which some body rendering in English

S^r William of Caverswall here lye I, Who built the Castle, and made the pooles by.

as the report goes, was thus burlesqu'd by another hand,

S^r William of Caverswall here you lye, Your Castle is down, and your pooles are dry.

as indeed they are, all but the deep moat about the Castle, in place whereof a fair house has been since built of squared stone, not al∣together unlike a Castellated mansion, the walls about it being flank't with hexangular Towers, as in its prospect here annext Tab. 37. it being at present the seat of that generous Gent. William Jullife Esq a cordial encourager of this work.

84. The original of Terley, and Stourton Castles, I could no where meet with, but beleive them both of good Antiquity; nor of that treble entrenchment on the South side of the Watlingstreet, near Frogg-Homer, call'd Knaves-Castle, which yet is not all above 40 yards diameter, or 50 at most: in the middle whereof there is a round hill, now excavated, which for what use it has been (being so very small) I cannot imagin. The tradition is, that this heath being formerly all wood, and much infested with rob∣beries, here was a watch set to guard strangers over it, for which the passengers allowed some small gratuity. Others say that the Robbers themselves harbour'd here, and that therefore it was call'd Knaves-Castle. Some other such Entrenchments are also here and there still in being, in several parts of the Country, without any

building now remaining within them, which I suppose were only the Castellated mansions of some principal families (which were ab∣solutely necessary during the Barons warrs) now decayed and gone: such as that call'd the moats near Kinnerston in this County, but anciently Rodbaston, inclosed with a double trench, the in∣ner banks yet remaining very high, of a square figure, each side about 50 paces long, the corners being much higher than the rest, as if there had been round Towers or bastions there: which was only the seat of John de Sandersted, as appears by the entail of the Lordship of Chesterton in the County of Warwick 9. Edw. 3. by the Kings special command, upon him and his heirs, in case John de Warrewyk the possessor of it dyed without issueb 1.179.

85. About a quarter of a mile South of Okeover near the park∣pale, I was also shewn a deep entrenchment of a square figure, now call'd the Hallsteds, which I suppose might be likewise some castellated mansion in the Barons warrs, the tradition being, that it was anciently the seat of the family of Cockain; and there are others of the like kind at many other places: but these being but of a late date, in comparison of the former, and scarce deserving the name of Antiquities, I leave them to the consideration of a more modern Historian, and shall content my self with the men∣tion but of one Antiquity more, which is the stone set up upon Blore heath in memory of the fall of James Lord Audley, slain just in that place, in the quarrel of Hen. 6. valiantly fighting for his So∣veraigne against the Earle of Salesbury, which fight was long and bloody, no less then 2400 being slain upon the spott, Queen Mar∣garet looking on all the while (as the tradition goes) from the tower of Muckleston hard by: whence she fled, says Leland, (the Victory falling upon the death of the Lord Audley, to the Earle of Salesbury) to Eccleshall Church, by direction of John Halse, alias Hales Bishop of Lichfield, who caused her to lye therec 1.180.

86. And this is all I have to offer the Reader, but that it should have been remember'd Chap. 8. §. 54. that Ralph Basset of Chedle was cheif Justice of England An. 2. Hen. 1. his Son Richard An. 4. of the same King Hen. and that his grandchild William was also Justice in Itinere, 22 of Hen. 2. Bertram de Verdun, eodem tempore; and perhaps Simon de Pateshull 70. Rich. 1. & 10. Johannisd 1.181. Nor must it be forgot, that one Thomas Dalton (as Norton tells us) had store of the Medicina rubra Philosophorum, or the Elixir of life, which he owned was left him for his service by his Master, who was one of the Canons of Lichfield, that dyed An.

1477. temp. Edw. 4e 1.182. Which at last (after many long and tedious journeys; a large expence of time, and mony; and many other difficulties undergon in the mean time) concludes this History of Staffordshire: in the writing whereof, tho' I dare not think, much less can by any means assure the Reader, that I have made no mi∣stakes in any of my Relations; yet I am inclined to beleive there are none very material, I am sure none willfull: wherefore I hope all Readers will deale so candidly with me, as only to reprove me calmly, for what is done amiss, which sort of Chastisement I shall cheerfully receive; sincerely promising never to offend in the like manner again, being pretty fully resolved, never to pub∣lish any more of these Histories (tho' I think I was never so fit as now) unless commanded by a power that I must no resist.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Walter Chetwynd of Ingestre Esq
• a 1.2

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. §. 1.
• b 1.3

  Corn. Taciti Annalium Lib. ••2. cap. 31.
• c 1.4

  Sr Hen. Savil's Translat. of the 12. Book of Ta••itus's. Annals. §. 8.
• d 1.5

  Camden in Northamptonshire.
• e 1.6

  Corn. Taciti Annalium. Lib. 12. cap. 32.
• f 1.7

  Claud. Ptolomaei Geograph. Lib. 2. cap. 3. Edit. Bertii.
• g 1.8

  Corn. Taciti Annalium. Lib. 12. cap. 32, 33.
• h 1.9

  Claud. Ptolomaei Geog. loco supra citato.
• i 1.10

  Corn. Taciti Annalium Lib. 12, cap. 33, 34, 35,
• k 1.11

  Camden's Britannia in Shrop∣shire.
• l 1.12

  Sim. Dunelmensis Hist. de gestis Reg. Angl. in An. 911.
• m 1.13

  Chron. Johan. Brompton Abb. Jornal. in vita Edwardi Sen.
• n 1.14

  Florent. Wigorn Chron. ex. Chron. in An. 911.
• * 1.15

  Vid. §. 36. infra.
• o 1.16

  Corn. Taciti Annalium Lib. 12. cap. 31.
• p 1.17

  Camden's Britannia in Herefordshire.
• q 1.18

  C. Jul. Caesaris Commentarior. de bello Gallico Lib. 5.
• r 1.19

  D. Roberti Sibbaldi Prodrom. Nat. Hist. Scotiae. part. 2. Lib. 4. cap. 7.
• s 1.20

  Chap. 5. § §. 5, 6.
• t 1.21

  Musai Ludovici Moscardi Lib 2. cap. 50.
• u 1.22

  C. Jul. Caesa∣ris Commentarior. de bello Gallico Lib. 4.
• w 1.23

  Cl. D. Rob. Sibbaldi Prodromi loco supra citato.
• x 1.24

  Ʋlyss. Aldrovandi Musaei Mo∣tall Lib. 4. cap. 17.
• y 1.25

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. from. §. 101. to §. 106.
• z 1.26

  Will. Lambard's perambulation of Kent in Aylesford. and Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. § §. 95.96.
• a 1.27

  Inigo Jones's Stonebenge restored. and Joh. Webb's vindication of Stonhenge restor∣ed.
• b 1.28

  Walt. Charleton's Chorea Gigantum, or Stonhenge restored to the Danes.
• c 1.29

  Sr Ri∣chard Baker's Chronicle of the Kings of England in their respective reignes.
• d 1.30

  Ex libro Jo∣hannis Rufi MS. de Episcopis Wigorn.
• e 1.31

  Ibidem.
• f 1.32

  Vid. Jacob. Ʋsserium de Britanicar. Ecclesiarum. primordiis.
• g 1.33

  Inter collect. Joh. Lelandi MS. in Bib. Bod. NE. F. 11:18.
• h 1.34

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. § §. 19, 20, 21.
• i 1.35

  Papin. Statii Silvar Lib. 4. in viâ. Domition.
• l 1.36

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. § §. 22.23.
• m 1.37

  Ʋpon Burton Moore.
• * 1.38

  Raphael Holinshead's Hist. descript. of Britan. Vol. 1. Chap. 19.
• n 1.39

  Camdens Britannia in Staffordsh.
• o 1.40

  Antonini Itinerar. Britan. Sec••ndum Ald. Man∣utium. Jos. Simlerum. Jerom. Suritam.
• p 1.41

  See Bartons Commentary on Antonines Itinerary, in the 2 Edition of that Itinerary by Will. Harrison.
• q 1.42

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. Chap. 10. from §. 40. to §. 48.
• * 1.43

  Vid. §. 34. infra.
• r 1.44

  Musai Lud. Moscardi. Lib. 3. cap. 174.
• s 1.45

  Vid. admiranda Romanar. Antiquitatum vestigia, per Joh. Petr. Bellorium & Petr. Sanct. Bartolum.
• t 1.46

  Discorso sopra la Castra metatione di Romani per il. S. Guglielmo Choul.
• * 1.47

  Ol. Wormii Monument. Danicorum. Lib. 1. cap. 7.
• u 1.48

  Florent. Wigorn. Chron. ex Chron. in An. 755.
• w 1.49

  Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Historiar. in eodem An.
• x 1.50

  Joh. Bromp∣ton Abb. Jornal. in vita Ethelbaldi.
• y 1.51

  Ibidem.
• z 1.52

  Will. Malmesburienfis de gestis Regum Angl. Lib. 1. cap. 4.
• a 1.53

  Polybii Historiarum Lib. 6. de Castrametatione. & Flav. Vegetii de re militari Lib. 1. cap. 23.
• b 1.54

  Godesc. Stewechii Cornment. in Lib. 1. cap. 23. Flav. Vegetii de re militar.
• c 1.55

  Erdeswick's view of Staffordsh. in Darlaston.
• d 1.56

  D. Gul. Dugdali Monast. Anglican. vol. 2. p. 129.
• e 1.57

  Matth. Westmonasteriens. Flor. Historiarum in An. 655, 656, 657.
• f 1.58

  Ex Libro Johannis Rufi. M. S. de Epise. Wigorn.
• g 1.59

  D. Gul. Dugdals Manast. Augl. Vol. 2. p. 122.
• h 1.60

  Ibidem. pag. 122, 123.
• i 1.61

  Erdeswick's view of Staffordsh. in Burweston.
• k 1.62

  D. Gul. Dugdali Monast. Angl. locis supra citat.
• l 1.63

  Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Historiar. in An. 766.794.795.797.
• * 1.64

  Camden's Britannia in Staffordsh.
• m 1.65

  Ol. Wormii Monument. Danicor. Lib. 1. cap. 7.
• n 1.66

  Hen. Huntindoniensis Historiar. Lib. 4. cap. 4.
• o 1.67

  S. Cressy's Church. Hist. of Britan. Book. 21. chap. 26.
• p 1.68

  Jo. Capgravii nova Legend. Angl. in vita S. Bertellin:
• q 1.69

  Gul. Somneri Dictionar Sax. Lat. Angl. in verbo,
• r 1.70

  Nova legenda Anglias loco supra citat.
• s 1.71

  Ibidem in fine.
• t 1.72

  Joh. Brompton Abb. Jor∣nallens. in Regno Merciorum.
• u 1.73

  Sr William Dugdale's antiquities of Warwicksh. illustrated. p. 816, 817.
• w 1.74

  Matth. Westmonasteriens. Flor. Historiar. in An. 798.
• x 1.75

  Rog. de Hoveden Annalium parte priori. p. 233.
• y 1.76

  Sim. Dunelmens. Hist. de gestis Reg. Ang. in An. 798.
• z 1.77

  Mat. Westmonast. loco supra citat.
• a 1.78

  Idem in An. 821.
• b 1.79

  Joh. Brompton Abb. Jorn. in Regno Merciorum.
• c 1.80

  Joh. Cap∣gravii nova Legenda Angl. in vita S^•i. Kenelmi.
• d 1.81

  Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Historiar. loco supra citat.
• e 1.82

  Erdeswicks view of Staffordsh. in Clent.
• f 1.83

  Loco supra citato.
• g 1.84

  Locis supra citatis.
• h 1.85

  Job. Capgravii nova Legenda Angl. in vita S^ti. Kenelmi.
• i 1.86

  Vid. Gul Somneri Dictionar. Saxonico-Lat. Angl. in verbis.
• k 1.87

  Gabr. Plat's discovery of subterraneal treasure Chap. 1.
• l 1.88

  Olai Wormii Monument. Da∣nicor. Lib. 1. cap. 7.
• m 1.89

  Matth. Westmonasterien. Flor. Histor. in An. 797.
• n 1.90

  Olai. Wormii Loco supra citat.
• o 1.91

  Camden's Britannia in Staffordsh. sub. initium.
• p 1.92

  Rogeri de Hoveden Annalium parte priori.
• q 1.93

  In An. 911.
• r 1.94

  Hen. Huntindoniens. Historiar. Lib. 5. cap. 5.
• s 1.95

  Florent. Wigorn. Chron. ex Chron. in An. 911. & Matth. West. in eodem Anno.
• t 1.96

  Chronicor. Ethelwerdi Lib. 4. cap. 4.
• u 1.97

  Ethelredi Abbatis Rieval. Genealog. Regum Angl. & Joh. Brompton Abbat. Jornal. in vita regis Edvard. Sen.
• w 1.98

  Florent. Wigorn Chron. ex Chron in An 916.
• x 1.99

  Matth. West∣monast. Flor. Historiar in An. 919.
• y 1.100

  Florent. Wigorn in An. 914.
• z 1.101

  Samps. Erdes. wick's view of Staffordsh. in Stafford.
• a 1.102

  Idem in Wolverhampton.
• b 1.103

  D. Gul. Dugdal. Monast. Angl. Vol. 1. p. 988.
• c 1.104

  Loco∣supra citat.
• d 1.105

  Pet. Blesensis Epistolar. Lib. Ep. 152. ad Innocent 3.
• e 1.106

  Ibidem.
• f 1.107

  Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Historiar. in dictis Annis. & Florent. Wigorn. Chron. ex Chron. in iisdem.
• g 1.108

  Ibidem.
• h 1.109

  Olai. Wormii Monum. Dan. Lib. 1. cap. 5.
• i 1.110

  Idem. Lib. 1. cap. 12.
• k 1.111

  Mat. West. & Florent. Wigorniens. in dicto An.
• l 1.112

  Olai Magni. de ritu Gent: Sept. Lib. 1. cap. 34. & Lib. 16. cap. 20.
• m 1.113

  Olai. Wormii Fast. Danic. Lib. 2. cap. 2, 3, 4, 5.
• o 1.114

  Claud. Salmasii de An. Climactericis & antiq. Astrolog. p. 605, 606. Edit. Lugd. Bat. 1648.
• p 1.115

  Steph. Skinneri Etymolog. in verbo.
• q 1.116

  Olai. Wormii Fast. Danic. Lib. 1. cap. 2.
• r 1.117

  Ibidem.
• n 1.118

  Rich. Verstegan's restitution of decay'd Antiq. chap. 3.
• f 1.119

  Olai Magni de. ritu Gent. Sept. Lib. 16. cap. 20. & 24.
• t 1.120

  Olai Wormii Fast. Da∣nic. Lib. 1. cap. 3.
• u 1.121

  Idem Lib. 1. cap. 4. & Lib. 3. in proaem.
• w 1.122

  Idem Lib. 2. cap. 3.
• x 1.123

  Idem Lib. 1. cap. 17.
• y 1.124

  Olai Wormii Fast. Danic. Lib. 1. cap. 4.
• z 1.125

  Idem. Lib. 2. cap. 2.
• a 1.126

  Olai Magni de ritu Gent. Sept. Lib. 1. cap. 34.
• b 1.127

  Olai Verelii Runographiae Scandicae Cap. 7.
• c 1.128

  Joh. Wallisii Arithmeticae cap. 8.
• * 1.129

  Christoph. Clavii Calendar. Gregor. cap. 8. § 3.
• d 1.130

  Christoph. Clavii Calendar. Gregor cap. 9.
• e 1.131

  Christoph. Clavii Calendar. Gregor cap. 9.
• f 1.132

  Newton's Cosmograph. Part. 2. Chap. 2.
• g 1.133

  Dr Wallis's Treatise concerning the Paschal Tables in the book of Common Prayer. MS. presented to the R. Society.
• h 1.134

  Dr Newton's Cosmograph. Part. 2. Chap. 2.
• i 1.135

  Dr Wallis's treatise concerning the Paschal Tables in the Book of Common Prayer. M S.
• k 1.136

  Joh. Newton's Cosmog. Part. 2. chap. 2.
• l 1.137

  Christoph. Claevii Calendar. Gregor. cap. 9. §. 8.
• m 1.138

  Idem Calendar. Gregor cap. 17.
• n 1.139

  Diodori Siculi de Aegyptiacis Lib. 4.
• o 1.140

  Luke 2. v. 19.
• p 1.141

  Olai Wormii Fastor. Danicor. Lib. 1. cap. 18.
• q 1.142

  Christoph. Clavii Calendar. Gregorian. cap. 9. §. 12.
• s 1.143

  Ibidem. cap. 8. §. 4.
• s 1.144

  Dr. Wallis's Treatise concerning the Paschal Tables in the Books of Common Prayer M S.
• t 1.145

  Olai Wormii Monument. Danicor. Lib. 5. & 6. inter Ripensia & Norvagica.
• u 1.146

  Phi∣losoph. Transact. Numb. 178.
• w 1.147

  Camden in Stafford.
• x 1.148

  Henr. de Knyghton Canon of Leycester. de Eventibas Angl. Lib. 1. cap. 12.
• y 1.149

  Simeon. Dunelmensis Hist. de gestis Regum Angl. in An. 1057.
• z 1.150

  Camdens Britannia in Staffordsh.
• a 1.151

  Mr Sampson Erdeswick's view of Staffordshire, in Chesterton.
• b 1.152

  Ibidem in Newcastle.
• c 1.153

  Camden's Britannia in Staffordsh.
• d 1.154

  Erdeswick's view of Staf∣fordsh. in Tutbury.
• e 1.155

  Ibidem.
• f 1.156

  D. Gulielmi Dugdale Monast. Angl. vol. 2. p. 355.
• g 1.157

  Ibidem.
• h 1.158

  Joseph Kebles Statutes at large. 39. of Eliz. chap. 4. §. 2.
• i 1.159

  Ibidem. §. 10.
• k 1.160

  Fran. Willughby's voyage through Spain. p. 499.
• l 1.161

  Humph. Prideaux in notis ad Mar∣mor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. inter Marmora Oxoniens.
• † 1.162

  E. Rot. Membr. penes Joh. Turton de Al∣rewas in Com. Staff.
• * 1.163

  Rudlow seems to be that at Taten-hill Wood-Lane near the house of Joseph Sutton as Tenant. A••. 1680.
• m 1.164

  Sr. Will, Dugdales Baronage of England, Tom. 2. p. 106, 107, 108.
• n 1.165

  History of Robert Fitzwalter. Lond. 1616.
• o 1.166

  Ibidem in fine
• * 1.167

  Samps. Erdeswick's view of Staffordsh. in Audley.
• p 1.168

  D. Guliel. Dugdale Monast. Augl. vol. 3. p. 235.
• q 1.169

  E Libro nigro in Registrar. Reverendis. in Christo Patris D. Franc. Archiep. Dublin. part 1. fol. 116.
• r 1.170

  Ibidem. part. 1. fol. 114.
• s 1.171

  Ibid. part. 1. fol. 31. latere. 2.
• t 1.172

  Ibidem. part. 2. fol. 10.
• u 1.173

  In eodem Lib. nigro. in Registrar, D. Archiep. Dublin.
• * 1.174

  Tho. Mills Catalogue of Honor. p. 570.
• w 1.175

  Joh. Lelandi Itinerar. vol. 7.
• x 1.176

  D. Gul. Dugdali Monast. Angl. vol. 1. p. 890.
• y 1.177

  Joh. Lelandi. Itinerar. vol. 7.
• z 1.178

  D. Gul. Dugdali Monast. Angl. vol. 1. p. 913.
• b 1.179

  Sr William Dugdales Antiquities of Warwicksh. illustrated. p. 375.
• c 1.180

  Joh. Lelandi Itine∣••ar. vol. 7.
• d 1.181

  Mr Samps. Erdeswick's view of Staffordsh. in Blore. vid. etiam D. Gul. Dug∣dali Orig. Juridic. in Chronica serie Cancellarior. in dictis An.
• e 1.182

  Vid. Ordinale Secretorum Tho. Norton. MS. Laud. in Bib. Bod. K. 61. p. 14.